Medieval Magic Summary Request

{"result":["[Summary from page 1 to page 26 out of a total of 569:\nPages 1:\n\nPages 2:\nT h e Ro u t l e d g e H i s to ry o f\nM e d i e va l M ag i c\nThe Routledge History of Medieval Magic brings together the work of scholars from across\n\u00adEurope and North America to provide extensive insights into recent developments in the\nstudy of medieval magic between c.1100 and c.1500.\nThis book covers a wide range of topics, including the magical texts which circulated in\nmedieval Europe, the attitudes of intellectuals and churchmen to magic, the ways in which\nmagic intersected with other aspects of medieval culture, and the early witch trials of the\nfifteenth century. In doing so, it offers the reader a detailed look at the impact that magic\nhad within medieval society, such as its relationship to gender roles, natural philosophy,\nand courtly culture. This is furthered by the book\u2019s interdisciplinary approach, containing\nchapters dedicated to archaeology, literature, music, and visual culture, as well as texts and\nmanuscripts.\nThe Routledge History of Medieval Magic also outlines how research on this subject could\ndevelop in the future, highlighting under-explored subjects, unpublished sources, and new\napproaches to the topic. It is the ideal book for both established scholars and students of\nmedieval magic.\nSophie Page is an Associate Professor in Late Medieval History at UCL. She is working\non medieval magic and astrology, especially in relation to religion, natural philosophy,\nmedicine, and cosmology.\nCatherine Rider is an Associate Professor in Medieval History at the University of\n\u00adExeter, UK. Her research focuses on the history of magic in the later Middle Ages, looking\nespecially at the relationship between magic and the medieval church.\n\nPages 3:\nT h e Ro u t l e d g e H i s to r i e s\nThe Routledge Histories is a series of landmark books surveying some of the most important\ntopics and themes in history today. Edited and written by an international team of world-\u00ad\nrenowned experts, they are the works against which all future books on their subjects will be\njudged.\nThe Routledge History of the Renaissance\nEdited by William Caferro\nThe Routledge History of Madness and Mental Health\nEdited by Greg Eghigian\nThe Routledge History of Disability\nEdited by Roy Hanes, Ivan Brown and Nancy E. Hansen\nThe Routledge History of Nineteenth-Century America\nEdited by Jonathan Daniel Wells\nThe Routledge History of Gender, War, and the U.S. Military\nEdited by Kara Dixon Vuic\nThe Routledge History of the American South\nEdited by Maggi M. 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Knoblauch and Michael Loadenthal\nThe Routledge History of Medieval Magic\nEdited by Sophie Page and Catherine Rider\n\nPages 4:\nThe Routledge\nHistory of Medieval\nMagic\nEdited by\nSophie Page\nand Catherine Rider\n\nPages 5:\nFirst published 2019\nby Routledge\n2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN\nand by Routledge\n52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017\nRoutledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business\n\u00a9 2019 selection and editorial matter, Sophie Page and Catherine Rider; individual\nchapters, the contributors\nThe right of Sophie Page and Catherine Rider to be identified as the authors of the\neditorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in\naccordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.\nAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any\nform or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,\nincluding photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,\nwithout permission in writing from the publishers.\nTrademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,\nand are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.\nBritish Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data\nA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library\nLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data\nA catalog record has been requested for this book\nISBN: 978-1-4724-4730-2 (hbk)\nISBN: 978-1-315-61319-2 (ebk)\nTypeset in Baskerville\nby codeMantra\n\nPages 6:\nC o nt e nt s\nList of figures\nAcknowledgements\nList of contributors\nix\nxi\nxii\nIntroduction\n1\nSophie Page and Catherine Rider\nPa rt I\nConceptualizing magic\n13\n1\n15\nRethinking how to define magic\nRichard Kieckhefer\n2\nFor magic: Against method\n26\nClaire Fanger\n3\nA discourse historical approach towards medieval\nlearned magic\n37\nBernd-Christian Otto\n4\nThe concept of magic\n48\nDavid. L. d\u2019Avray\n5\nResponses\n57\nRichard Kieckhefer, David. L. d\u2019Avray, Bernd-Christian Otto, and Claire Fanger\nPa rt I I\nLanguages and dissemination\n6\n69\nArabic magic: The impetus for translating texts and their\nreception\nCharles Burnett\nv\n71\n\nPages 7:\nC o nt e nt s\n7\nThe Latin encounter with Hebrew magic: Problems\nand approaches\n85\nKatelyn Mesler\n8\nMagic in Romance languages\n99\nSebasti\u00e0 Giralt\n9\nCentral and Eastern Europe\n112\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\n10\nMagic in Celtic lands\n123\nMark Williams\n11\nScandinavia\n136\nStephen A. Mitchell\nPa rt I I I\nKey genres and figures\n151\n12\n153\nFrom Hermetic magic to the magic of marvels\nAntonella Sannino\n13\nThe notion of properties: Tensions between\nScientia and Ars in medieval natural philosophy\nand magic\n169\nIsabelle Draelants\n14\nSolomonic magic\n187\nJulien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se\n15\nNecromancy\n201\nFrank Klaassen\n16\nJohn of Morigny\n212\nClaire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\n17\nCecco d\u2019Ascoli and Antonio da Montolmo: The building\nof a \u201cnigromantical\u201d cosmology and the birth of the\nauthor-magician\nNicolas Weill-Parot\nvi\n225\n\nPages 8:\nC o nt e nt s\n18\nBeringarius Ganellus and the Summa sacre magice: Magic\nas the promotion of God\u2019s Kingship\n237\nDamaris Aschera Gehr\n19\nJerome Torrella and \u201cAstrological Images\u201d\n254\nNicolas Weill-Parot\n20\nPeter of Zealand\n268\nJean-Marc Mandosio\nPa rt I V\nThemes (magic and\u2026)\n285\n21\n287\nMagic and natural philosophy\nSteven P. Marrone\n22\nMedicine and magic\n299\nPeter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan\n23\nIllusion\n312\nRobert Goulding\n24\nMagic at court\n331\nJean-Patrice Boudet\n25\nMagic and gender\n343\nCatherine Rider\n26\nMagic in literature: Romance transformations\n355\nCorinne Saunders\n27\nMusic\n371\nJohn Haines\n28\nMagic and archaeology: Ritual residues and\n\u201codd\u201d deposits\n383\nRoberta Gilchrist\n29\nThe visual culture of magic in the Middle Ages\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nvii\n402\n\nPages 9:\nC o nt e nt s\n30\nMedieval magical figures: Between image and text\n432\nSophie Page\nPa rt V\nAnti-magical discourse in the later Middle Ages\n459\n31\n461\nScholasticism and high medieval opposition to magic\nDavid J. Collins\n32\nPastoral literature and preaching\n475\nKathleen Kamerick\n33\nSuperstition and sorcery\n487\nMichael D. Bailey\n34\nWitchcraft\n502\nMartine Ostorero\n35\nEpilogue: Cosmology and magic \u2013 The angel of Mars\nin the Libro de astromagia\n523\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nFurther reading\nIndex\n533\n538\nviii\n\nPages 10:\nList of figures\n2.1\n6.1\n6.2\n7.1\n18.1\n18.2\n27.1\n27.2\n28.1\n28.2\n28.3\n28.4\n28.5\n29.1\n29.2\n29.3\n29.4\n29.5\n29.6\n29.7\n29.8\n29.9\n29.10\nForms of superstition in the Summa Theologiae\nThe figura Almandal or Table of Solomon in Florence, Biblioteca\nnazionale, II. iii. 214 fol. 74v\nThe rings and sigils of the planets to be inscribed on talismans,\nin Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. iii. 214 fol 49v\nTraditions of magic in medieval Europe\nThe Sigillum Salomonis, a sigil to be inscribed on parchment\nThe first and second Hebrew tables\n\u201cAsperges me\u201d from the thirteenth century\nCryptography using neumes: \u201cDidacus notuit\u201d\nSilver brooch inscribed with the Holy Name from West Hartburn\nSword with possible magical inscription of unknown meaning\nin Roman and Lombardic lettering from the River Witham\nDeliberately damaged ampullae\nLocation of stone axes from the workshops at San Vincenzo Maggiore\nLead spindle-whorl cast with reversed \u201cRho\u201d\nHostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum\nEgyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian\nBible moralis\u00e9e. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v\nCyprian as a magician from Gregory Nazianzen, Homilies,\nParis, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS Gr. 510, fol. 332v\n\u201cPhilosophus\u201d and \u201cMagus\u201d. Sculptures on Chartres Cathedral\n\u201cMagus\u201d. Chartres Cathedral (detail of Fig. 29.4)\nNigromance from Brunetto Latini, Tr\u00e9sor, London, British Library,\nAdditional MS 30024, fol. 1v\nMonk inside a magic circle, El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio\nde San Lorenzo, MS T.I.1, fol. 177v\nSorcerers with a clay magic figurine and the shepherd Menalcas, Dijon,\nBiblioth\u00e8que municipale, MS 493 fol. 15v\nHermes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle. Engraving attributed\nto Baccio Baldini or Maso Finiguerra. British Museum\nTree with male sexual organs being harvested by women (Wunderbaum).\nMural painting set in the wall of the Fountain of Abundance, Massa\nMarittima (Italy)\nix\n30\n80\n81\n86\n242\n246\n373\n379\n386\n387\n391\n393\n394\n403\n405\n407\n409\n410\n411\n413\n415\n417\n420\n\nPages 11:\nList of figures\n30.1\n30.2\n30.3\n30.4\n30.5\n30.6\n30.7\n30.8\n30.9\n30.10\n30.11\n35.1\n35.2\n35.3\nA lamina for a difficult birth and an Abraham\u2019s Eye experiment,\nLondon, Wellcome MS 517, fol. 67r\nA silver pendant with an image of Venus and the Venus magic\nsquare. British Museum\nA silver pendant with an image of Venus and the Venus magic\nsquare (reverse)\nA lamina for identifying a thief. Oxford, Bodleian Library,\nMS Rawlinson D 252, fol. 104v\nSeven circular magical figures, Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale\nde France, MS lat. 3269, fol. 85r\nThe figure of St Michael. Cambridge, University Library, Additional\nMS 3544, p. 93v\nMatrix of a magic seal found in Devil\u2019s Dyke, Cambridgeshire.\nOxford, Museum of the History of Science\nComposite magic circle with the names and characters of\neach planet, London, Wellcome, MS 517, fol. 234v\nThe pilgrim and the student of necromancy from John Lydgate\u2019s\nPilgrimage of Man. London, British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius AVII, fol. 44r\nA magic circle from an experiment for love, Florence, Biblioteca\nMedicea Laurenziana, MS Plut. 18 sup. 38, fol. 286r\nA magic circle from an experiment for love. Munich, Bayerische\nStaatsbibliothek, MS Clm 849, fol. 10r\nAngels rotating the universe from a French translation of\nBartholomeus Anglicus, Biblioth\u00e8que Sainte-Genevi\u00e8ve,\nParis, MS 1029, fol. 108\nThe creation of the universe, dome of the Chigi Chapel,\nSanta Maria del Popolo (Rome)\nPietro Facchetti (after Raphael\u2019s drawings for the Chigi Capel),\nthe angel of Mars guiding his planet. Museo Nacional del Prado\nx\n434\n437\n437\n438\n439\n441\n445\n447\n448\n450\n451\n526\n527\n527\n\nPages 12:\nAckn owledgem e nts\nThis book has taken several years to put together, and we would first like to thank the \u00adchapter\nauthors for their hard work and patience. Tom Gray at Ashgate and then Morwenna Scott\nat Routledge offered a great deal of advice and support as the volume took shape and moved\nthrough the publication process. The anonymous reviewers gave invaluable feedback on\nour original proposal. We are grateful to UCL for paying for the translation of chapters by\n\u00adJulien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se and Martine Ostorero, and we would also like to thank the translators, Alex\nLee and Victoria Blud, for their hard work. Another thank you goes to Jeremy Yapp, who\ncopy-edited several chapters. Finally, we would like to thank our families \u2013 Jeremy, Clancy\nand Wolfie, and Laurence and Stephanie \u2013 for their interest and encouragement.\nSophie Page and Catherine Rider\nLondon and Exeter, July 2018\nxi\n\nPages 13:\nL ist of co ntr ibu tor s\nMichael D. Bailey is a Professor of History at Iowa State University. He has published\nwidely on magic and superstition, both within the medieval period and beyond. Among his\nbooks are Battling Demons: Witchcraft, Heresy, and Reform in the Late Middle Ages and Magic and Superstition in Europe: A Concise History from Antiquity to the Present. More recently, he has published\nFearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe (2013) and\nMagic: The Basics (2018).\nJean-Patrice Boudet is a Professor of Medieval History at the University of Orl\u00e9ans\n(France) and an honorary member of the Institut Universitaire de France. His book, Entre\nscience et nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (xiie-xve si\u00e8cle), 2006, received the first Gobert Prize of the Acad\u00e9mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in 2007.\nCharles Burnett, MA, PhD, FBA, LGSM, is a Professor of the History of Arabic/\u00adIslamic\nInfluences in Europe at the Warburg Institute, University of London. His research centres\non the transmission of texts, techniques, and artefacts from the Arab world to the West, especially in the Middle Ages. He has documented this transmission by editing and translating\nseveral texts that were first translated from Arabic into Latin, and also by describing the historical and cultural context of these translations. Throughout his research and publications,\nhe has aimed to document the extent to which Arabic authorities and texts translated from\nArabic have shaped European learning, in the universities, in medical schools and in esoteric\ncircles. Among his books in this subject area are The Introduction of Arabic Learning into England\n(1997), Arabic into Latin in the Middle Ages: The Translators and Their Intellectual and Social Context\n(2009) and Numerals and Arithmetic in the Middle Ages (2010).\nDavid J. Collins, S.J., is an Associate Professor of History at Georgetown University in\nWashington, DC. He has written extensively on the medieval cult of the saints, Renaissance\nhumanism and early modern history writing, especially in Germany. His current research focuses on scholastic attitudes towards magic, especially those inspired by the work of \u00adAlbertus\nMagnus. He recently served as the editor of and a contributor to the Cambridge History of\nMagic and Witchcraft in the West: From Antiquity to the Present (2015).\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray has been at University College London since 1977 as a Lecturer, Reader\nand then Professor of Medieval History. He is a Fellow of the British Academy and Corresponding Fellow of the Medieval Academy of America.\nxii\n\nPages 14:\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\nIsabelle Draelants is the Director of Research at the Centre national de la recherche scientifique, in the Institut de recherche et d\u2019histoire des textes in Paris. She is interested in the textual sources\nof medieval natural philosophy. She completed her Ph.D. in 2001 at the Universit\u00e9 catholique\nde Louvain-la-Neuve and defended her habilitation thesis at Paris-Sorbonne University (Paris\nIV) in 2008. From 2009 to 2013, she ran a research laboratory, the Centre de m\u00e9di\u00e9vistique Jean-\u00ad\nSchneider in Nancy, France. Since 2003, she has been responsible for the Atelier Vincent de Beauvais,\nwhich specializes in the study of medieval encyclopaedism; she has also led a project called\nSourcEncyMe (Sources of medieval encyclopedias), aimed at developing an annotated online\ncorpus of medieval encyclopaedic texts. She has published several works on the transmission\nof knowledge, natura rerum and experimental science, including Le Liber de virtutibus herbarum,\nlapidum et animalium (Liber aggregationis), Un texte \u00e0 succ\u00e8s attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Albert le Grand (2007) and with\nTh. \u00adB\u00e9natou\u00efl, Expertus sum. L\u2019exp\u00e9rience par les sens dans la philosophie naturelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale (2011).\nClaire Fanger teaches in the Religion Department at Rice University in Houston, Texas.\nHer research focuses on Christian Latin writing in late medieval Europe, with special attention to magic texts, especially angel magic in a Christian context. She has edited two essay\ncollections on this topic (Conjuring Spirits [1998] and Invoking Angels [2012]) and has a body\nof work on the writings of the magically literate fourteenth-century Benedictine John of\nMorigny, whose magnum opus, The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, she edited with Nicholas\nWatson. She discusses the implication of John\u2019s Flowers in another book, Rewriting Magic\n(both published in 2015).\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s is a Professor of Medieval Art and Director of the Center of\nVisual Studies (VISUM), University of Murcia. Formerly, he was a Frances Yates Fellow\n(Warburg Institute), Postdoctoral Research Fellow (Getty Grant Program) and Ma\u00eetre de\nconferences associ\u00e9 (\u00c9cole des Hautes \u00c9tudes en Sciences Sociales). He is serving as an associate to the Board of Directors of the International Center of Medieval Art (New York).\nHis publications in the field of the iconography of magic and astrology include articles in\nthe Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Kritische Berichte, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, etc.,\nand books like El tiempo y los astros (2001). His forthcoming books are Images magiques: la culture\nvisuel de la magie au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Arkh\u00e8), The Iconography of Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic\n(Turnhout: Brepols) and El arte de fabricar dioses (Madrid: Akal).\nDamaris Aschera Gehr studied Philosophy and Latin at the University Ca\u02bc Foscari in\nVenice, where she completed a dissertation on late medieval learned magic. Since 2007, she\nhas been a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Warburg Institute and the British Library; the Swiss\nInstitute in Rome and the Vatican Library; the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin; the B\n\u00ad ernoulli-Euler\nZentrum at Basel University and the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenb\u00fcttel. Since 2017,\nshe has been an editor at the Rudolf Steiner Archiv in Dornach, Switzerland. Her main\nfields of study include medieval learned magic literature, especially as transmitted in unpublished Latin and vernacular manuscripts from the thirteenth to the eighteenth centuries, and\nits reception in modern and contemporary esotericism, literature and art.\nRoberta Gilchrist is a Professor of Archaeology and Research Dean at the University of\nReading. Her research focuses on the archaeology of later medieval religion and belief and\ntheir intersection with gender, magic, and the life course. She has published pioneering works\nxiii\n\nPages 15:\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\non medieval nunneries (1994), hospitals (1995), burial practices (2005), magic (2008) and\nthe life course (2012), as well as major studies on Glastonbury Abbey (2015) and Norwich\n\u00adCathedral Close (2005). She is an elected Fellow of the British Academy, a trustee of Antiquity\nand former president of the Society for Medieval Archaeology.\nSebasti\u00e0 Giralt is a Senior Lecturer in Classics (Latin) at the Universitat Aut\u00f2noma de\nBarcelona. His research primarily focuses on medieval medicine, magic and astrology. He\nhas studied and edited a number of Latin works on practical medicine and the occult arts attributed to Arnau de Vilanova. He has also studied the survival of Arnau\u2019s corpus and figure\nin the early Modern Age. His research has approached the scholastic reception of magic and\ndivination, as well as some magical and astrological texts in Romance languages. In addition,\nhe has extensive experience in digital humanities for teaching and research purposes.\nRobert Goulding is an Associate Professor in the Program of Liberal Arts and the Program in History and Philosophy of Science at the University of Notre Dame. He specializes\nin the history of Renaissance science and the history of magic. His publications include\nDefending Hypatia: Ramus, Savile, and the Renaissance Rediscovery of Mathematical History (2010).\nJohn Haines is a Professor of Music and Medieval Studies at the University of Toronto.\nHe has published on medieval and Renaissance music and its modern reception in a variety of journals, both musicological, from Early Music History to Popular Music, and non-\u00ad\nmusicological, from Romania to Scriptorium. His recent books are Music in Films on the Middle\nAges: Authenticity vs. Fantasy (2014), The Notory Art of Shorthand: A Curious Chapter in the History of\nWriting in the West (2014).\nPeter Murray Jones is Fellow Librarian of King\u2019s College, Cambridge. He has published\nstudies of medieval medicine and surgery, and also written on medieval amulets and charms\n(with Lea T. Olsan).\nKathleen Kamerick is a retired Lecturer in History at the Center for the Book, University\nof Iowa. Her research interests include late medieval piety and material culture, literacy and\nthe history of the book and magic. She has written articles on prayer books, superstition and\nmagic, and is the author of Popular Piety and Art in the Late Middle Ages. Her current research\non magic and sexuality in late medieval England focuses on the life and trial of Eleanor\nCobham.\nRichard Kieckhefer teaches at Northwestern University (Evanston, Illinois) in the departments of Religious Studies and History. He has worked mainly on late medieval religious\nculture, including the history of witchcraft and magic. His books include Magic in the Middle\nAges (1989), Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (1998), and Hazards of\nthe Dark Arts: Advice for Medieval Princes on Witchcraft and Magic (2017).\nFrank Klaassen is an Associate Professor of History in the Department of History at\nthe University of Saskatchewan. His publications include The Transformations of Magic: Illicit\nLearned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance (2013) and Making Magic in Elizabethan\nEngland (forthcoming).\nxiv\n\nPages 16:\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\nBenedek L\u00e1ng is a Professor and Head of the Philosophy and History of Science Department at the Budapest University of Technology and Economics. He has published Unlocked\nBooks, Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (2008) and articles\non the history of cryptography in Cryptologia (2010 and 2015) and The Sixteenth Century Journal (2014). Currently, he is working on the English edition of two of his formerly published\nHungarian books: Ciphers in Early Modern Hungary: Secrecy and the Social History of Cryptography\nand The Rohonc Code.\nJean-Marc Mandosio is ma\u00eetre de conf\u00e9rences at the \u00c9cole Pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes in\nParis. He specializes in the late medieval and early modern history of science and philosophy.\nSteven P. Marrone is a Professor of History at Tufts University. His latest book is A History\nof Science, Magic and Belief from Medieval to Early Modern Europe.\nKatelyn Mesler is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Westf\u00e4lische Wilhelms-Universit\u00e4t in\nM\u00fcnster, where she is engaged in the project \u201cThe Visual in the Medieval Jewish World.\u201d\nShe is an editor, along with Elisheva Baumgarten and Ruth Mazo Karras, of the volume\nEntangled Histories: Knowledge, Authority, and Jewish Culture in the Thirteenth Century (2017).\nStephen A. Mitchell is a Professor of Scandinavian and Folklore at Harvard University.\nFor his research on Scandinavian traditions of magic and witchcraft, he was awarded the\nDag Str\u00f6mb\u00e4ck Prize from The Royal Gustav Adolf Academy (2007) and was named a\nWalter Channing Cabot Fellow for his monograph, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle\nAges (2011). He is a former fellow of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study, the Swedish\nCollegium for Advanced Study and the Centre for Viking and Mediaeval Studies at Aarhus\nUniversity.\nLea T. Olsan is a Professor Emerita of English and Foreign Languages at the University\nof Louisiana at Monroe. She now resides in Cambridge, UK. She has published articles on\ncharms, amulets and rituals. Recently, she has published on the circulation of performative\nrituals in medieval medicine (with Peter Murray Jones), on images and texts found on medieval prayer rolls and on correspondences between artisanal and medicinal recipes.\nMartine Ostorero is an Associate Professor of Medieval History at the University of\nLausanne (Switzerland). Her research focuses on the history of the repression of witchcraft\n(Western Switzerland and the Alpine region) and demonological literature at the end of the\nMiddle Ages. She has published in particular Le diable au sabbat. Litt\u00e9rature d\u00e9monologique et sorcellerie (Florence, Micrologus \u2019Library, 38, 2011) and L\u2019\u00e9nigme de la Vauderie de Lyon. Enqu\u00eate sur\nl\u2019essor de la chasse aux sorci\u00e8res entre France et Empire (1430\u20131480), with Franck Mercier (Florence,\nMicrologus\u2019 Library, 72, 2015).\nBernd-Christian Otto is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Max Weber Centre for Advanced Cultural and Social Studies at the University of Erfurt, Germany. His research focuses on the conceptual and ritual history of \u201cmagic\u201d and on new ways to deal with the\nproblems of that category. His book publications include Magie. Rezeptions- und diskursgeschichtliche Analysen von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit (Berlin 2011), and, as co-editor, Defining Magic: A Reader\nxv\n\nPages 17:\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\n(London 2013), and History and Religion: Narrating a Religious Past (Berlin 2015); his most recent\nbook is a monograph co-authored with Daniel Bellingradt entitled Magical Manuscripts in\nEarly Modern Europe: The Clandestine Trade with Illegal Book Collections (Basingstoke 2017).\nSophie Page is an Associate Professor in Medieval History at University College London,\nUK. Her research focuses on medieval magic and astrology, especially in relation to religion, medicine, cosmology, and the history of animals. Her publications include Magic in the\n\u00adCloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (2013) and an\nedited collection, The Unorthodox Imagination in Late Medieval Britain (2010).\nCatherine Rider is an Associate Professor in Medieval History at the University of Exeter,\nUK. Her research focuses on the history of magic, and the church\u2019s attitude to magic, in the\nMiddle Ages, and on the history of popular religion, pastoral care, as well as sex and reproduction. Her publications include Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London, 2012) and\nMagic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 2006) and she is co-editor, with Siam Bhayro, of\nDemons and Illness from Antiquity to the Early Modern Period (Leiden, 2017).\nAntonella Sannino is a Professor of History of Medieval Philosophy (M-Fil/08) at the\nUniversit\u00e0 degli Studi di Napoli \u201cL\u2019Orientale\u201d (UNO). She has been a Visiting Professor\nat Hill Museum Monastic Library Collegeville, Minnesota (2015) and the Frances A. Yates\n\u00adFellow at the Warburg Institute, University of London. She received a postdoctoral grant\nfrom Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenb\u00fcttel. At present, she is a board member of\n\u00adSociet\u00e0 italiana per lo Studio del pensiero medieval (SISPM) and the Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Internationale\npour l\u2019\u00c9tude de la philosophie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale (SIEPM). She is a Chief Editor of review \u201cStudi\nFilosofici\u201d and Director of \u201cBibliotheca Philosophica Virtualis\u201d (www.bph.eu). Her research\nfocuses on the appeal of the Hermetic and Neoplatonic tradition in the Latin Middle Ages.\nShe has also produced critical editions of some important hermetic texts and the famous\nmagic text De mirabilibus mundi.\nCorinne Saunders is a Professor of English and Co-Director of the Centre for Medical\nHumanities at Durham University, UK. She specializes in medieval literature and the history\nof ideas, and is Co-Investigator on the Hearing the Voice project and Collaborator on the Life\nof Breath project, both funded by the Wellcome Trust. Her third monograph, Magic and the\nSupernatural in Medieval English Romance, was published in 2010. Her co-edited books include\n(with Jane Macnaughton and David Fuller) The Recovery of Beauty: Arts, Culture, Medicine (2015)\nand (with Carolyne Larrington and Frank Brandsma) Emotions in Medieval Arthurian Literature:\nBody, Mind, Voice (2015).\nJulien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se is a Senior Lecturer in Medieval History at the University of Orl\u00e9ans\n(France) and a specialist in medieval ritual magic. Within the framework of the project \u00adSalomon\nLatinus (Florence), he published various studies (with editions) on traditions of learned magic\nsuch as the Ars notoria (2007), the Almandal (2012), and the Vinculum Salomonis (2015). He is also\ninterested in divinatory arts and in theological and legal discourses against magic and divination, for instance studying some important unpublished treatises by the famous Dominican\ninquisitor of Aragon, Nicholas Eymerich.\nxvi\n\nPages 18:\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\nNicholas Watson teaches in the Department of English and the program in Medieval\nStudies at Harvard University. His main areas of interest include visionary and mystical\nwriting of the later Middle Ages and the history of medieval vernacular religious writing, especially in England and France. He is a co-editor, with Claire Fanger, of an edition and commentary of John of Morigny\u2019s Flowers of Heavenly Teaching (2015); co-editor with Jacqueline\nJenkins of the writings of Julian of Norwich (2006); and has written or edited several other\nbooks and more than fifty articles. At present, he is finishing a monograph entitled Balaam\u2019s\nAss: Vernacular Theology Before the English Reformation.\nNicolas Weill-Parot is a Professor at the \u00c9cole Pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes (Section des\nsciences historiques et philologiques) and Chair of \u201cHistory of Science in Medieval Latin\nWest\u201d. His research deals with scientific rationality confronted with external challenges\n(magic, especially astral magic) and internal challenges (occult properties, magnetic attraction, abhorrence of a vacuum). He has published notably Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen\n\u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance. Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques (xiie-xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris, 2002); an\nedition of J\u00e9r\u00f4me Torrella (Hieronymus Torrella), Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis, (Florence,\n2008); and Points aveugles de la nature: la rationalit\u00e9 scientifique m\u00e9di\u00e9vale face \u00e0 l\u2019occulte, l\u2019attraction\nmagn\u00e9tique et l\u2019horreur du vide (xiiie-milieu du xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris, 2013).\nMark Williams studied Classics and English before undertaking graduate work in Celtic\nStudies at Jesus College, Oxford. He is a Darby Fellow and Tutor in English at Lincoln\n\u00adCollege, Oxford, and currently works in the Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse, and Celtic\nat Cambridge, where he teaches medieval Irish. He is the author of Fiery Shapes: Celestial\nPortents and Astrology in Ireland and Wales, 700\u20131700 (2010), and Ireland\u2019s Immortals: A History of\nthe Gods of Irish Myth (2016). He is currently working on a monograph on magic in medieval\nIrish and Welsh literature.\nxvii\n\nPages 19:\n\nPages 20:\nIntroduct ion\nSophie Page and Catherine Rider\nThe study of medieval magic has seen a great deal of important work in recent decades.\nSince the 1990s, scholars have demonstrated that a wide range of people were engaged in\nmagical activities from all groups in society, and that a great variety of magical texts were\nin circulation. In addition to this, they have continued to explore topics that have long attracted attention, such as the relationship between medieval magic and the witch trials of\nthe early modern period. It has become clear from this recent scholarship that magic was\nnot a marginal area of medieval culture but intersected with many larger and more conventional historical topics. Taking a lead from Richard Kieckhefer, who in an influential 1989\nbook described magic as a \u201ckind of crossroads where different pathways in medieval culture\nconverge\u201d,1 historians have explored the ways in which magic interacted with mainstream\nreligion, medicine and science, law, and the culture and politics of royal and aristocratic\ncourts, to name but a few areas. The resulting publications are spread widely across academic\npublishers and journals \u2013 another sign that medieval magic is no longer regarded as a marginal topic \u2013 but the subject has found a place particularly in Pennsylvania State University\nPress\u2019s Magic in History series and SISMEL\u2019s Micrologus Library series.\nThis Routledge History therefore has two aims. First, it offers an overview of the work\nthat has been done since the 1990s, exploring historiographical trends and the lively debates that now exist in many areas of medieval magic studies. Second, it aims to act as a\nguide for future research, setting out what still needs to be done, highlighting manuscripts\nand texts that would benefit from further study, and discussing topics that remain under-\u00ad\nresearched. It is not primarily intended to act as an overview of the history of medieval\nmagic as there are other publications that offer this, some focusing purely on the Middle\nAges and others covering a longer chronological span.2 Rather, it aims to move beyond\nthese surveys to set a research agenda.\nThe book looks primarily at the period from the twelfth to fifteenth centuries, which\nhave been the focus of most of the recent work on magic by medievalists.3 In several respects, these centuries can be seen as a distinct period in the history of magic.4 This is not\nto say that the twelfth century marked a complete break from what had gone before, and\nimportant points of continuity with magic in the earlier Middle Ages are discussed in this\nvolume. One of these was the influence of Augustine (d. 430), who laid the foundation for\nmuch of the medieval theorization and critique of magic. Another was the nature and use\nof texts and objects that were accessible to the illiterate. 5 These practices, which Richard\nKieckhefer termed the \u201ccommon tradition\u201d of magic, saw a high degree of continuity from\nthe early Middle Ages into the early modern period and beyond.6\n1\n\nPages 21:\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\nNevertheless, the twelfth century saw the beginning of two developments that had profound implications for the ways in which magic was understood and practised in later\n\u00adcenturies, as well as how it was viewed by the secular and ecclesiastical authorities. The first\nof these was the appearance in Latin of magical texts translated mostly from Arabic but\nalso, to a lesser extent, from Greek and Hebrew.7 This was part of a much broader translation movement that took place in the Latin West in the central Middle Ages. Beginning in\nthe late eleventh century and continuing into the thirteenth, numerous philosophical, scientific and medical works were translated into Latin from these languages. The translations\nfrom Arabic were made in the areas of Europe that had Muslim and Jewish populations\nmost notably Spain, southern Italy and Sicily. Their impact has been well documented by\nhistorians of medicine, science and philosophy but they had an equally profound effect on\nmagic, because a significant number of magical texts were translated alongside other works.\nIndeed, magical works were often closely related to scientific and philosophical knowledge.\nScholars such as David Pingree and Charles Burnett have outlined some of the routes\nby which Arabic, Greek and Hebrew magical texts entered the Latin West and were disseminated but much remains to be discovered.8 Although these magical texts were at first\nonly accessible to the small minority of the medieval population that was literate in Latin\nand able to gain access to sometimes rare manuscripts, they offered to intellectuals new\ntechniques for doing magic such as the creation of images or talismans linked to celestial\ninfluences. They also sometimes sought to justify the place of magic in wider schemes of\nlearning, for example by presenting it as one of the seven liberal arts.9 By the mid-thirteenth\ncentury, however, learned magic texts were beginning to circulate in court circles and in the\nvernacular, reaching new audiences such as the nobility and the urban elites.10\nThe second development that shaped the history of magic after 1100 was the establishment of universities and the emergence of a class of educated clerics who studied there.\nAgain, the development of universities, from the informal schools of early twelfth-century\nFrance to the carefully organized and powerful corporations of the thirteenth century and\nlater, has been well studied. So too has their impact on later medieval society. However,\nthe rise of universities had several implications for the history of magic in particular. They\nprovided one setting in which magical texts circulated: for example William of Auvergne,\nBishop of Paris (d. 1249), claimed to have read magical texts as a student. Perhaps more\nimportantly, the university disciplines of canon law and theology shaped later medieval\nthought about magic by offering systematic, detailed discussions of what magic was, how\nit worked, and which aspects of it were, or were not, legitimate. Canonists sought to clarify\nwhich ritual practices should be categorized as magic and prohibited by the Church.11 Theologians and natural philosophers explored the place of magic in the universe, including\nsuch issues as the role of demons in magic and their relationship with human magicians,\nas well as the question of why magic was wrong.12 And sometimes why it was right. Some\nthinkers approved of the use of the term \u201cnatural magic\u201d to refer to the production of marvellous but natural effects, argued that the science of images was based on natural forces\nand used the vocabulary of experiment or empirical knowledge to explain the effects of\noccult properties in the natural world that magic texts utilized.13\nWhen they considered these issues, medieval canonists and theologians drew on earlier\nChristian writers (particularly Augustine) but from the twelfth century onwards their discussions were far more detailed and covered a wider range of practices. They also engaged\nwith texts, such as works of astrological image magic or the Ars Notoria, which had not\nexisted in Augustine\u2019s time but were circulating in later medieval universities. The legal\n2\n\nPages 22:\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\nand theological frameworks that resulted shaped educated churchmen\u2019s attitudes to magic\nthroughout the late Middle Ages and also informed the laws that were made against it and\nthe activities of secular and ecclesiastical courts and inquisitors.\nThis volume ends in the fifteenth century, which again marks a transitional period in the\nhistory of magic. It saw the beginning of two developments in particular which continued to\nthe early modern period. The first was a growing fear of magic, and with this a growing emphasis on the relationship between demons and magical practitioners. Superstitions were\nbeing demonized more strongly than before, and clearly defined and gendered mythologies\nof witchcraft were emerging. This was also the period which saw the increasing numbers of\ntrials for witchcraft.14 This increased readiness to demonize magic and put practitioners on\ntrial was far from universal in fifteenth-century Europe but nonetheless it marked a change\nfrom earlier centuries. For much of the Middle Ages, although churchmen had repeatedly\ncondemned magic as demonic, trials of magic workers (or alleged magic workers) seem\nto have been comparatively rare.15 During the fifteenth century, this began to change.\nThe 1430s\u20131440s saw the emergence of a new mythology of diabolical witchcraft in the\nAlpine areas of modern Switzerland, Austria and Italy. This new mythology encompassed\na cluster of characteristics. Besides being a practitioner of harmful magic, the witch came\nto be seen as a member of a devil-worshipping sect that engaged in a variety of antisocial\nactivities. The nature of the witch and her (or, less often, his) practice varied according to\ndifferent trials and areas, but key to the stereotype of diabolical witchcraft (at least in the\nLausanne region) was that witches attended secret meetings known as \u201csabbaths\u201d, at which\nthey worshipped the devil and engaged in orgies, cannibalism and child murder as well as\nharmful magic. According to some sources, they also flew to these sabbaths. At the same\ntime, some regional authorities, clerics and secular elites became convinced of the existence\nof sects of devil worshipers and initiated trials. The number of witch trials and witchcraft\ntreatises really only intensified after 1560 (although scholars of early modern witchcraft\nnow emphasize that even then many suspected witches were never prosecuted and peaks in\nwitch-hunting were often short-lived and localized)16; nevertheless the fifteenth century laid\nthe conceptual and legal foundations for these later prosecutions.\nHowever, the fifteenth century also saw a second important development: the emergence\nof less fearful and more confident attitudes to learned magic which continued into later\ncenturies. Magic texts were reaching ever wider audiences through vernacular translations,\nwith learned magic appealing to readers from the court to the cloister.17 In fifteenth-century\nItaly, a new intellectual climate allowed authors of learned magic texts to underpin their\nwritings with Neoplatonic, Hermetic and humanist currents of thought. The translation of\nNeoplatonic texts from Greek gave educated writers such as Marsilio Ficino (1433\u20131499)\nnew ways to conceptualize magic and develop philosophical justifications for the human\ncapacity to manipulate the forces of the universe.\nScope of this book\nThis companion to medieval magic\u2019s history begins by discussing the conceptual issues involved in studying medieval magic, focusing on the difficult question of definition. Scholars\nworking on many different societies \u2013 historical and modern \u2013 have long debated how to\ndefine magic and how magic relates to religion on the one hand, and science on the other.\nThis issue is intimately bound up with practical questions about how medievalists should\napproach magic: Which practices and ideas fit into a history of \u201cmagic\u201d? What questions\n3\n\nPages 23:\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\nshould scholars ask? And what methodologies should they use? The four short pieces in\nthe first section of the book offer different approaches to this problem. Richard Kieckhefer\nargues that \u201cmagic\u201d is too general and ambiguous a term to allow for rigorous analysis, and\ninstead suggests that scholars focus on \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d, that is, subcategories such as\n\u201cconjuration\u201d. These constitutive terms refer to individual elements of the broader phenomenon of magic that may, or may not, be combined and are, he argues, precise enough to allow for meaningful analysis. Claire Fanger, from a different perspective, argues that scholars\nshould not be afraid to use the term \u201cmagic\u201d (or other large, ambiguous terms) as the focus\nfor analysis. Instead, she suggests that we acknowledge the term\u2019s ambiguity and view it not\nas a single entity but as denoting \u201ca particular kind of problem\u201d in medieval thought: the\nproblem of how to deal with phenomena (positive or negative) whose causes were mysterious\nor opaque. Viewed in this way, medieval anti-magical and pro-magical arguments are part of\nthe same conversation rather than simply opposing views of particular practices.\nBernd-Christian Otto agrees with Kieckhefer that a generalized or universal definition\nof magic is not precise enough for scholarly analysis. Focusing on learned magic in particular, he argues for the importance of understanding the \u201cinsider discourse\u201d of magic, as\narticulated by its medieval practitioners. Finally, in contrast to Otto, David L. d\u2019Avray argues that we cannot just focus on the categories used by medieval writers themselves, either\nthe \u201cinsider\u201d categories used by those who practised magic, or the categories of churchmen\nwho condemned magic. He suggests that scholars need to find their own modern, scholarly\nterms for the phenomena they study. These will allow analyses of medieval magic which\ndistinguish between different phenomena that medieval writers may group together, or\nconversely highlight the similarities between phenomena which medieval writers regarded\nas distinct. He goes on to suggest some possible categories that can be used to analyse different aspects of the relationship between magic and religion.\nThese four pieces highlight different, often contrasting, approaches to how scholars can or\nshould define magic; whether the term \u201cmagic\u201d is useful for scholarly analysis at all; whose\ndefinitions scholars should use (medieval or modern, insider or outsider); and the ways in\nwhich different definitions allow us to ask different questions about medieval magic or focus\non different aspects of the topic. The responses \u2013 in which Kieckhefer, Fanger, Otto and\nd\u2019Avray discuss aspects of each other\u2019s chapters \u2013 show just how much scope for debate there\nis. Taken together, this section demonstrates that there is no single \u201cright\u201d way to define or\napproach magic, in the Middle Ages or in any other period. However, it also underlines the\nimportance of thinking carefully about the concepts and definitions one plans to use, however one plans to approach the history of a particular aspect of medieval magic. Definitions\nare tools that can be used to serve a variety of purposes, and the ones that scholars choose\nwill direct them towards particular questions and problems in the history of magic.\nThe other sections of the book cover the major areas where research into medieval\nmagic has occurred in the last twenty years. \u201cLanguages and Dissemination\u201d examines\nthe dissemination and impact of magic as it acquired distinctive identities in different parts\nof \u00adEurope. It focuses first on the reception into Europe and later influence of the magic\ntexts from the Arabic and Jewish traditions, which transformed the status of late medieval\nlearned magic from an illicit activity into a branch of knowledge. Later chapters examine\nthe geographical spread of these works into central and Eastern Europe; their dissemination in the vernacular; and the ways in which Western European magic interacted with\nexisting magical traditions in two areas of Europe where these are especially well documented: Scandinavia and the Celtic lands.\n4\n\nPages 24:\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\n\u201cKey Genres and Figures\u201d examines one of the most significant research areas in the\nrecent historiography of late medieval magic: learned magic texts. These texts circulated in\nmanuscripts, described complex rituals and often drew on the same cosmological concepts\nas more scientific works such as ideas about the influence of the stars on earth, or the nature and powers of spirits. More than one hundred distinct texts and several hundred surviving manuscripts with magical contents have now been identified by scholars, although\nmany remain hardly studied and new copies of magic texts are frequently being identified.\nIn the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, some authors of magical texts also, for the first\ntime, allowed their works to circulate under their own name rather than ascribing them\nto \u00adlegendary figures such as Hermes or Solomon. Since theological condemnation made\nit dangerous to claim authorship of a magical text, the fact that authors were becoming\nconfident enough to put their real names to works of magic is a striking development, and\nis evidence of a gradual shift towards more positive attitudes towards certain magical texts\nand ideas in Western Europe. The second half of this section examines the work that has\nbeen done on these important \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d.\nThe fourth section, \u201cThemes\u201d, looks beyond the traditions, genres and authors of medieval magic to explore the ways in which magic interacted with other aspects of medieval\nculture. Several of the chapters in this section highlight areas that have seen exciting scholarship in recent years such as Jean-Patrice Boudet\u2019s chapter on magic at court, or Peter\nMurray Jones and Lea T. Olsan\u2019s chapter on magic and medicine. Others discuss important issues that would benefit from more research, for example Robert Goulding\u2019s chapter\non conjuring and illusion, and Catherine Rider\u2019s chapter on magic and gender (a topic that\nhas received more systematic attention from early modernists than from medievalists). The\nfinal chapters in this section explore the relationship between magic and other media and\ndisciplines: visual and material sources for magic; magic in medieval literature; and the role\nof music in magic rituals. These chapters are intended on the one hand to highlight sources\nthat have been underexploited by scholars and on the other to bring expertise from other\ndisciplines to bear on the history of magic.\nThe final section of the book surveys the key ways in which medieval writers \u2013 often,\nbut not always, clergy \u2013 tried to categorize magic and discourage people from practising it.\nThe sources left by condemnations and trials provide much of the surviving evidence for\nmedieval magic and for ecclesiastical concerns about illicit rituals. They range from the sophisticated critiques of magic made by highly trained theologians in medieval universities,\ndiscussed by David J. Collins, to simpler works aimed at a wider audience of clergy and\nlaity, as discussed by Kathleen Kamerick. Michael D. Bailey\u2019s chapter examines negative\nmedieval attitudes towards popular \u201csuperstitions\u201d, exploring how by the fifteenth century\nchurchmen were increasingly concerned with \u201celite\u201d as well as common superstitions, and\nhow they were diabolizing common practices and associating superstitious error increasingly with women. The chapter on Witchcraft by Martine Ostorero brings this section together and concludes the volume by examining the early witch trials, drawing on the large\namount of important work done by Swiss scholars in recent decades which is discussed in\nmore detail below. Finally, a short piece by Alejandro Garc\u00eda-Aviles concludes the book\nby analysing the cover image in detail and the cosmological ideas that lie behind it. It is a\nhelpful illustration of the ways in which visual and textual sources can be brought together\nto shed light on medieval ideas about magic and is an example of the kind of work this book\nhopes to stimulate, which combines the approaches of different disciplines to shed new light\non medieval magic.\n5\n\nPages 25:\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\nRecent developments in the history of medieval magic\nThe individual chapters in this volume discuss, and draw on, several major developments\nin the historiography of medieval magic that have taken place since the 1990s. The most\nimportant of these is the discovery and detailed study of surviving magical texts, which\nhas revealed the extraordinary cosmologies of learned magic texts originating in diverse\n\u00adArabic, Jewish, Greco-Roman traditions, their successive Christianization through processes\nof translation, adaptation and dissemination, and the richness of the imaginative worlds that\ntheir readers subsequently had access to.18 In the exotic rituals of occult texts translated and\ndisseminated in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Christian authors found Arabic and\nJewish spirit hierarchies, images and characters, lists of occult properties in natural objects\nand correspondences between heaven and earth. Perhaps surprisingly, they interpreted these\nas viable instruments for achieving goals that ranged from the pious seeking of the vision of\nGod to the transgressive pursuit of knowledge from demons.19 Significant work in this field\nhas investigated the hermetic roots of ritual magic, and more recent scholarship has focused\non unpacking the \u201cSolomonic\u201d tradition and its influence.20\nIn addition to discovering and editing learned magic texts, historians in this field have\nbegun exploring their readership and circulation among physicians and in the clerical\nunderworld, competitive court circles and the monastic cloister.21 Our knowledge of the\nroutes of transmission of magic texts is still patchy, and it is hard to bring individual practitioners to rounded life based on the surviving sources, but it has become increasingly\nclear that manuals of ritual magic were tailored to the individual interests of their owners,\nwhether this was talking to spirits or having success in love.22 The circulation of ritual\nmagic texts among physicians and in universities is less well studied, and research into the\nvernacularization of magic texts from the mid-thirteenth century onwards is at a very early\nstage.23 In addition, few links have yet been made between this process of vernacularization and the \u201ccommon tradition\u201d of magic, although historians have long acknowledged\nthat many collectors of learned magic texts were also interested in charms, recipes and\ntextual amulets and that non-literate practitioners were influenced by the ritual magic\ntradition.24 Whether this frequent (if not typical) combination of interests influenced the\nincreasing condemnation of popular practices as superstitious in the fifteenth century has\nnot yet been explored. But historians have recently revealed vibrant and inflammatory\nlinks between ritual magic and other parts of mainstream religious practice such as mystical texts and exorcism.25\nAs noted above, historians generally agree that there was a shift towards positive attitudes\nto learned magic in the late Middle Ages, despite increasing concerns about witchcraft.26\nThis means that the strategies with which the authors of learned magic texts appealed to\nthe intellectual curiosity and the spiritual thirst of medieval men and women were to a\nlarge extent successful and flourished even in the difficult conditions of the late Middle\nAges. Historians have begun to explore one of the reasons for this success: the fact that the\ntheology of witchcraft shifted the authorities\u2019 gaze onto female popular practitioners and\naway from the male practitioners of learned magic.27 Another contributing factor to the\nlate medieval success of ritual magic was the ways in which texts were stored, annotated\nand rewritten to avoid censorship and reflect the creative choices of scribes. Some strategies are well known such as the concealment of occult texts owned by the cleric, surgeon\nand writer Richard de Fournival (c.1201\u2013c.1260) in a secret room to which only he had\naccess, and the compilation of magic texts with more acceptable genres such as astronomy,\n6\n\nPages 26:\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\nmedicine, devotional literature and natural philosophy. Some readers took the view that\na pious vocation enabled them to safely handle suspicious texts and even draw out useful\nthings from them, while powerful secular rulers did not necessarily need to conceal their\noccult interests.28 Finally, in manuscripts themselves, tactics to evade suspicion took the\nform of cautionary marginalia or even notices condemning magic, which allowed the piety\nof the owner to be expressed while the usability of a ritual was unaffected. The general\nhistory of the censorship (and self-censorship) of magical texts, of rituals being cut out of\nmanuscripts, names erased, magical characters being altered to turn them into crosses and\nbooks being revised and burnt has yet to be written. When it is explored more fully, it is\nlikely that further lines of comparison and influence will be opened up with contemporary\nattitudes to heresy and witchcraft.\nImportant work has also been done on other kinds of source material. Some of this has\nsought to shed new light on genres of source which scholars have known about for a long\ntime. For example, texts produced as part of the activities of the medieval church have long\nplayed a central role in the history of medieval magic. Ecclesiastical sources have been\nespecially crucial to studies that focus on tracing the earlier medieval origins of fifteenth-\u00ad\ncentury ideas about diabolical witchcraft. Since, as Norman Cohn argued in the 1970s,\nthese ideas seem largely to have originated among the educated, 29 the writings produced\nby educated clergy are one obvious place to look for evidence. Cohn himself used inquisitorial manuals and theological treatises, alongside other kinds\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 1 to page 26 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 27 to page 42 out of a total of 569:\nPages 27:\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\npublished by G. R. Owst in 1957 considered magic in medieval English sermons)37 but\nrecent scholarship has investigated this material in far greater depth.\nLooking across these different forms of ecclesiastical text, we now have a much more\ndiverse view of medieval churchmen and their attitude to magic. Authors of canon law\ntexts, pastoral care literature and treatises on superstition were always influenced by a core\nof authoritative texts and ideas but within these general parameters there was a considerable amount of variation. Authors differed as to which practices they discussed, with some\ndescribing activities they claimed happened in their own regions. We can also see varying\nlevels of concern. Much of the confession and preaching literature of medieval England, for\nexample, devoted a relatively small amount of space to magic and superstition.38 By contrast, authors of fifteenth-century superstition treatises were clearly more concerned about\nthese issues, but even then there were differences. Some worried about any unofficial ritual\npractice that might be defined as superstition or magic, while others identified genuine (if\nsometimes muddled) expressions of lay piety or legitimate protective practices that could be\nemployed against maleficent witchcraft.39\nA further important development links to the work on fifteenth-century superstition\ntreatises. This is a renewed interest in the fifteenth-century sources that describe the new\ncrime of diabolical witchcraft. At the heart of this is a large project centred on the University of Lausanne, which since 1989 has published and analysed many of the earliest\nwitch trials and witchcraft treatises.40 The many scholars involved in this project have\nmade these previously understudied sources available in modern editions and translations (usually into French, sometimes German) as well as studying the trial procedures,\ndefendants and evidence for witchcraft. One focus of their research has been a register\nof twenty-seven fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century trial records which was probably\nput together in the early twentieth century, but the team has also published an important\nanthology of the earliest treatises which described devil-worshipping witches.41 More recently, some of the scholars involved in this project have published detailed studies that\ndiscuss demonology (Martine Ostorero) and the relationship between fifteenth-century\nwitchcraft and heresy (Kathrin Utz Tremp).42 Taken together, these studies have emphasized the importance of understanding the local factors and local judicial systems\nthat lay behind individual trials. They have also underlined the continuity between earlier persecutions of heretics and fifteenth-century witchcraft trials, at least in Western\n\u00adSwitzerland.43 In addition, this work has given us a far more nuanced understanding of\nthe intellectual debates surrounding the new stereotype of the witch, and has led several\nscholars to suggest that ideas about witchcraft were less homogeneous than earlier studies\noften suggested.44\nFinally, scholars have turned to sources that did not set out to discuss magic but often\nmentioned it within their scope. Medical and scientific texts often include information that\ncould be categorized as magical. Their authors discussed (sometimes in great detail) how\nastrological forces or powerful words could affect the human body; treatises on the properties of stones, plants and animals list the marvellous effects these objects could have; and\nmedical texts included remedies for illness which involved the speaking of charms or the\nwearing of amulets.45 The power of words \u2013 both written and spoken \u2013 has received particular attention.46 Meanwhile, Michael McVaugh, and Lea T. Olsan and Peter Murray\nJones have focused on incantations and charms, examining their relationship with other\naspects of medieval medicine and the ways in which medical writers presented them, as\nwell as how these rituals might have been performed.47 Don C. Skemer has investigated the\n8\n\nPages 28:\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\nrelated area of textual amulets \u2013 powerful words and symbols that were written down and\nworn on the body, focusing in particular on their relationship to mainstream religion.48\nMuch of this research has emphasized that many so-called \u201cmagical\u201d cures in fact held an\naccepted, if marginal place in medieval culture.\nOther significant sources for understanding late medieval magic are the visual and material culture of magic and literary instances of spells and enchantment. The former is very\nunderresearched, a situation that three chapters in this book, respectively on the iconography of magic and magicians, magical diagrams and the material culture of magic, address.\nVisual sources in particular allow us to track transformations in the perceptions of magic\nand its relationship with mainstream religion and science (as Garc\u00eda-Aviles does in his\ndiscussion of the cover image), and to note the appearance of late medieval Christian innovations such as the magic circle. The rich evidence of literary magic is explored in chapters\nby Mark Williams and Corinne Saunders, who ask questions that reveal fruitful contrasts\nto current understandings of medieval magic and complicate our view of it: \u201cWhere does\nmagical power come from? What are the imaginative conventions which govern its representation? What are the range of attitudes to its use, and how do they differ by genre?\u201d49\nOne of the aims of this volume is to set these analyses of diverse genres side by side so that\nnew connections can be revealed. The richly imagined vision of a pre-Christian world in\nmedieval Irish literature, with magical immortals and fantastic sequences of enchantment,\ncomplicates the Christian understanding of the cosmos in an appealing and provocative\nway that is comparable to the syncretic cosmological frameworks of learned magic texts.\nAnother example of similar connections being made in different genres is the close relationship between necromancy and natural magic, and of both to the theory and practice\nof medicine. This is discussed by Corinne Saunders in the context of medieval romance\nand by Isabelle Draelants in her chapter on natural philosophical texts. We hope that our\nreaders will notice further connections.\nConclusion\nThe study of medieval magic is developing in many exciting ways. As the footnotes to this\nIntroduction make clear, a great deal of work has been published in recent decades by\nscholars from many countries including the USA, Canada, France, Spain, Italy, Germany,\n\u00adSwitzerland, Hungary and Britain. Although much remains to be done, our understanding\nof certain areas \u2013 in particular the contents and readers of magical texts \u2013 is now much\nclearer than it was three decades ago. One result of this is that the field is now so large and\nlively that even scholars who research medieval magic struggle to keep up with all the new\nwork being published, in several languages. It is therefore a good moment to take stock, to\nsummarize new developments for the benefit of scholars in the field as well as other medievalists and to consider where to go next. This Routledge History is designed to showcase the\nnew research that has been carried out in recent years and is still ongoing, with contributions\nfrom both established scholars in the field and recent Ph.Ds. However, many sources, in a\nrange of genres, are still unpublished and little studied. For this reason, the book sets out\nsome of the directions that the field could take in the future. It discusses areas that would\nbenefit from more research; questions that remain unanswered or only partially answered;\nand authors and texts that need more in-depth study.\nThe chapters in the book were chosen to reflect the vitality of medieval magic studies at\nthis point in time. They also reflect its diversity. As editors, we gave all the authors featured\n9\n\nPages 29:\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\nhere a similar remit: to outline the most important developments in their field and discuss\nfuture directions for research. They have responded admirably. Within this general framework, however, we have tried to preserve the different approaches and styles employed\nby scholars who work in different places, different languages and different scholarly disciplines. We hope that the results will inspire scholars in the field and in related areas, as well\nas students who are embarking on their studies of medieval magic.\nNotes\n1 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 1.\n2 For surveys of medieval magic, see Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre Science et Nigromance: Astrologie, d\u00ad ivination\net magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006); Karen Jolly, Catharina\nRaudvere and Edward Peters, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages (London: Athlone,\n2002); Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages is still a useful and accessible overview. Recent works with\na longer span which cover the Middle Ages include The Cambridge History of Magic and Witchcraft in\nthe West, ed. David J. Collins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015) and The Oxford Illustrated History of Witchcraft and Magic, ed. Owen Davies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).\n3 The most recent book to survey magic across the early medieval period remains Valerie Flint,\nThe Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), although many aspects\nof Flint\u2019s interpretation have been debated. For a recent discussion, see Yitzak Hen, \u201cThe Early\n\u00adMedieval West,\u201d in The Cambridge History of Magic, ed. Collins, 183\u2013206.\n4 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Age of Magicians: Periodization in the History of European Magic,\u201d\nMagic, Ritual and Witchcraft 3 (2008): 9\u201317 also views the twelfth to fifteenth centuries as distinct,\nalthough he emphasizes (p. 17) that the fifteenth century should be seen as a period of transition\nrather than an end point.\n5 On Augustine, see especially the chapters in this volume by Claire Fanger, Robert Goulding and\nDavid J. Collins. On continuities in the use of magical and ritual elements in medicine and apotropaic objects, see the chapters by Lea Olsan and Peter Jones, and Roberta Gilchrist.\n6 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 56\u201394.\n7 For an overview of this, see Sophie Page, \u201cMedieval Magic,\u201d in Oxford Illustrated History, ed. Davies,\n32\u201344. At least two Greek works were translated in the early Middle Ages; see Charles Burnett,\n\u201cLate Antique and Medieval Latin Translations of Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic,\u201d in The\nOccult Sciences in Byzantium, ed. Maria Mavroudi and Paul Magdalino (Paris: La Pomme D\u2019Or,\n2007), 325\u201359. Although several magic texts claimed to have Hebrew origins, the Book of Raziel\nrepresents the only confirmed translation of learned magic from Hebrew into Latin during the\nMiddle Ages; see Katelyn Mesler\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n8 See Charles Burnett\u2019s chapter in this volume. See also David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic\nMagical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel Medio Evo Europeo (Roma,\n2\u20134 ottobre 1984) (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987), 57\u2013102; \u201cLearned Magic in the Time\nof Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance; Charles Burnett,\nMagic and Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian Worlds (Aldershot:\n\u00adAshgate, 1996).\n9 Charles Burnett, \u201cTalismans: Magic as Science? Necromancy among the Seven Liberal Arts,\u201d in\nBurnett, Magic and Divination, 1\u201315.\n10 On magic at court, see the chapter by Jean-Patrice Boudet. On vernacularization, see the chapter\nby Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt.\n11 See Edward Peters\u2019s pioneering, The Magician, the Witch and the Law (Philadelphia: University of\nPennsylvania Press, 1978), 63\u2013108. For more recent studies of magic and canon law, see \u00adPatrick\nHersperger, Kirche, Magie und \u201cAberglaube\u201d. Superstitio in der Kanonistik des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts\n(\u00adCologne: B\u00f6hlau, 2010); Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford\nUniversity Press, 2006), 113\u201334.\n12 See David J. Collins\u2019 chapter in this volume; Alain Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers: une consultation de\nJean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Rome: Ecole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2003); Alain Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique:\nNaissance de la d\u00e9monologie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (1280\u20131330) (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004), chs. 1 and 2.\n10\n\nPages 30:\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\n13 On the relationship between natural philosophy and magic, see the chapters in this volume by\n\u00adStephen Marrone and Isabelle Draelants; see also Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrology, Astral Influences,\nand Occult Properties in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,\u201d Traditio 65 (2010): 201\u201330.\n14 See Michael D. Bailey and Martine Ostorero\u2019s chapters in this volume. For an overview of\n\u00adfifteenth-century witchcraft, see also Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, 3rd\nedn (Harlow: Pearson Longman, 2006), 32\u201367; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cMythologies of Witchcraft\nin the Fifteenth Century,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1 (2006): 79\u2013107; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe\nFirst Wave of Trials for Diabolical Witchcraft,\u201d in The Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern\nEurope and Colonical America, ed. Brian P. Levack (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2013), 159\u201378.\n15 On perhaps the most significant trial and execution of a learned magician in the Middle Ages,\nCecco d\u2019Ascoli, see Nicolas Weill-Parot\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n16 See for example Robin Briggs, The Witches of Lorraine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 6.\n17 See the chapters by Jean-Patrice Boudet and Nicolas Weill-Parot in this volume and Sophie Page,\nMagic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University\nPark: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n18 On magic and cosmology, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019 chapter in this volume on the iconography\nof the Astromagia. On the Christianization of learned magic see, for example, Vittoria Perrone\nCompagni, \u201cStudiosus incantationibus: Adelardo di Bath, Ermete e Thabit,\u201d Giornale critico della\nfilosofia italiana 80, no. 1 (2001): 36\u201361 for different treatments by translators of Thabit\u2019s De imaginibus; Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance (Paris: Honor\u00e9\nChampion); Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9ditions critiques (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012).\n19 See, for example, the chapters of Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson and Frank Klaassen in this\nvolume.\n20 On \u201chermetic\u201d magic, see especially Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism: La tradizione ermetica\ndal mondo tardo-antico all\u2019umanesimo, ed. Paolo Lucentini, Ilaria Parri and Vittoria Perrone Compagni\n(Turnhout: Brepols, 2003); Paolo Lucentini and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, I testi e i codici di ermete nel Medioevo (Florence: Polistampa, 2001) and Antonella Sannino\u2019s chapter in this volume. On\nSolomonic magic, see Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se. \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle\nm\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d Micrologus 14 (2006): 101\u201350 and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n21 On the reception of Arabic image magic by learned physicians, see Weill-Parot, Les images astrologiques, part 3 and his chapter on J\u00e9r\u00f4me Torrella in this volume. Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s theory of\nthe clerical underworld is first explored in Magic in the Middle Ages, ch. 7. See also Boudet, Entre science\net nigromance and Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle\nAges and Renaissance (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013). For magic at court,\nsee Jan R. Veenstra, Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France (Leiden: Brill, 1997),\nBenedek Lang, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008), 209\u201340 and Jean-Patrice \u00adBoudet\u2019s\nchapter in this volume. Monastic collectors of magic texts are discussed in Page, Magic in the Cloister,\nClaire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French\nMonk (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015) and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria\nau Moyen Age. Introduction et edition critique (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007).\n22 For the former, see Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Rawlinson D 252 and for the latter, see\n\u00adBiblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS italiano 1524, recently edited by Florence Gal, Jean-\u00adPatrice\nBoudet and Laurence Moulinier-Brogi: Vedrai mirabilia. Un libro di magia del Quattrocento (Rome:\nViella, 2017).\n23 For individual physicians\u2019 interest in ritual magic, however, see M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie entre Moyen\n\u00c2ge et Renaissance: autour de Pietro d\u2019Abano, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Franck Collard and Nicolas WeillParot (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012); Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cThe Melancholy of the\nNecromancer in Arnau de Vilanova\u2019s Epistle against Demonic Magic,\u201d in Demons and Illness from\nAntiquity to the Early-Modern Period, ed. Siam Bhayro and Catherine Rider (Leiden: Brill, 2017),\n271\u201390 and the chapters by Jean-Marc Mandosio on Peter of Zealand and Nicolas Weill-Parot on\nJ\u00e9r\u00f4me Torrella in this volume.\n24 On the latter, see Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 431\u201346.\n25 On mystical texts, see especially Nicolas Watson and Claire Fanger\u2019s chapter on John of Morigny.\nOn the relationship between necromancy and exorcism, see especially Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se and\n11\n\nPages 31:\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\nFlorence Chave-Mahir, Rituel d\u2019exorcisme ou manuel de magie? Le manuscrit Clm 10085 de la Bayerische\nStaatsbibliothek de Munich d\u00e9but du XVe si\u00e8cle (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015).\n26 Many recent studies on learned magic take this position, but see, for example, Claire Fanger and\nFrank Klaassen, \u201cMagic III: Middle Ages,\u201d in Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Esotericism, ed. Wouter\nJ. Hanegraaff in collaboration with Antoine Faivre, Roelof van den Broek and Jean-Pierre Brach\n(Leiden: Brill, 2005), 724\u201331; Page, Magic in the Cloister, epilogue and chapters on author-magicians\nin this volume.\n27 See Martine Ostorero\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n28 See Page, Magic in the Cloister and Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 357.\n29 Norman Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons: The Demonization of Christians in Medieval Christendom, 3rd edn\n(London: Pimlico, 1993) (first published 1975), xi.\n30 Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons.\n31 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cFrom Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions of Magic in the Later\n\u00adMiddle Ages,\u201d Speculum 76 (2001): 960\u201390; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance.\n32 Hersperger, Kirche, Magie und \u201cAberglaube\u201d.\n33 Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers; Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique, chs. 1 and 2.\n34 Catherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012); Kathleen\nKamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition in Late Medieval England,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 3 (2008):\n29\u201353.\n35 Karin Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien: zur Programmatik und \u00dcberlieferung mittelalterlicher Superstitionenkritik, 2 vols (W\u00fcrzburg: K\u00f6nigshausen und Neumann, 1989); Michael D. Bailey, Fearful Spirits,\nReasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University\nPress, 2013); Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition.\u201d\n36 For example, two articles on medieval superstition appear in The Religion of Fools? Superstition Past and\nPresent, ed. S. A. Smith, Past and Present supplement 3 (2008); Michael D. Bailey, \u201cConcern over Superstition in Late Medieval Europe,\u201d 115\u201333 and Stephen Bowd, \u201c\u2018Honeyed Flies\u2019 and \u2018Sugared\nRats\u2019: Witchcraft and Superstition in the Bresciano, 1454\u20131535,\u201d 134\u201356.\n37 Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons, 25\u201327; G.R. Owst, \u201cSortilegium in English Homiletic Literature of\nthe Fourteenth Century,\u201d in Studies Presented to Sir Hilary Jenkinson, ed. J. Conway Davies (London:\n\u00adOxford University Press, 1957), 272\u2013303.\n38 Rider, Magic and Religion, 177.\n39 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies.\n40 For an overview of the many publications from this project, see Kathrin Utz Tremp, \u201cWitches\u2019\nBrooms and Magic Ointments: Twenty Years of Witchcraft Research at the University of \u00adLausanne\n(1989\u20132009),\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 5 (2010): 173\u201387.\n41 Martine Ostorero, Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Kathrin Utz Tremp, L\u2019imaginaire du Sabbat:\n\u00e9dition critique des textes les plus anciens (1430c.\u20131440c.) (Lausanne: Universit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1999).\n42 Martine Ostorero, Le diable au Sabbat: Litt\u00e9rature d\u00e9monologique et sorcellerie (1440\u20131460) (Florence:\n\u00adSismel, 2011); Kathrin Utz Tremp, Von der H\u00e4eresie zur Hexerei: \u201cWirkliche\u201d und imagin\u00e4re Sekten im\nSp\u00e4tmittelalter (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchh., 2008).\n43 Utz Tremp, \u201cWitches\u2019 Brooms and Magic Ointments,\u201d 186\u201387.\n44 Kieckhefer, \u201cThe First Wave of Trials for Diabolical Witchcraft\u201d 159\u201378; see also Levack, \u201cIntroduction,\u201d Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft, 3.\n45 See the chapters by Draelants, Sannino and Jones and Olsan in this volume.\n46 B\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, La puissance des mots: virtus verborum. D\u00e9bats doctrinaux sur les incantations au Moyen\n\u00c2ge (Paris: \u00e9ditions du Cerf, 2007); Claire Fanger, \u201cThings Done Wisely by a Wise Enchanter:\n\u00adNegotiating the Power of Words in the Thirteenth Century,\u201d Esoterica 1 (1999): 97\u2013132.\n47 Michael R. McVaugh, \u201cIncantationes in Late Medieval Surgery,\u201d in Ratio et Superstitio: Essays in Honor of\nGraziella Frederici Vescovini, ed. Giancarlo Marchetti, Orsola Rignani and Valeria Sorge (Leuvene-laNeuve, Belgium: F\u00e9d\u00e9ration Internationale des Instituts d\u2019Etudes M\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 2003), 319\u201346. Lea\nT. Olsan, \u201cCharms and Prayers in Medieval Medical Theory and Practice,\u201d Social History of Medicine 16 (2003): 343\u201366; Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for Conception and Childbirth in England, 900\u20131600,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89 (2015): 406\u201333.\n48 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006).\n49 See Mark Williams\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n12\n\nPages 32:\nPart I\nConce pt ua l i zi ng m agic\n\nPages 33:\n\nPages 34:\n1\nR et h i nk i ng how to de f i n e m agic\nRichard Kieckhefer\nWhat is magic? We know perfectly well what it is if no one asks us, but when someone asks\nand we try to define it, we are confused. Or perhaps we give definitions adequate to some\nforms of magic but not others. Or we have definitions that make sense to us but not to others\naround us, who, when pressed, come to the table with rather different notions. We tell people,\n\u201cWhen I speak of magic, what I mean by it is \u2026\u201d, but then we should not be surprised if they\ntune out our abstractions and understand us in terms of their own vague preconceptions.\nDefining magic is notoriously tricky business. And one reason for that is, I wish to argue, that\nwe try to make the word \u201cmagic\u201d accomplish what it is ill equipped to do. It is the wrong kind\nof term for what we want to do with it.1\nA comparison may help. It has long seemed to me useful to think of mysticism \u2013 another\ndifficult concept \u2013 not as a single phenomenon but rather as a cluster of phenomena that\nmay at times be distinct but tend to become intertwined.2 There is mystical prayer, mystical\nrelationship and mystical consciousness. The Cloud of Unknowing is a guide to contemplative\nprayer: fervent and intense, highly concentrated, focused prayer, cultivated within the setting of the contemplative or monastic life.3 One might call it apophatic prayer, because it\nrequires the simplest forms of praying and the simplest perception of the God to whom one\nprays. It entails disciplined attention to that God, and the realization that one\u2019s own effort\nof attention is ultimately not one\u2019s own effort at all, but the fruit of grace. The contemplative\nprayer of The Cloud is one classic manifestation of mysticism. Quite different is the mysticism of, say, Bernard of Clairvaux or the German sister books that are deeply steeped in\n\u201ctheoerotic\u201d relationship, intensely amorous relationship with Christ.4 They borrow the\nlanguage and the narrative of the Song of Songs to tell what it is like to burn with love for\nthe God-man. Different again are the vernacular sermons of Meister Eckhart, who wants\nhis hearers or readers to gain a lively awareness of God\u2019s presence within herself \u2013 within\nher every cell, in the depths of her soul, within that mysterious inner chamber to which he\ngives many different names \u2013 and of her own true and eternal presence within God.5 If\nThe Cloud teaches mystical prayer, and Bernard advocates mystical relationship, Eckhart\nseeks to heighten mystical consciousness. Yet, we cannot really speak here of different forms\nor types of mysticism, because there is no reason in principle why they cannot be combined,\nand in writers such as Teresa of \u00c1vila they very much are intertwined.6 They represent\ndistinguishable elements of Christian mysticism, not three different types.\nThe situation with magic is, I propose, similar. There are distinguishable practices that\nhave long been called magical. If they have anything to do with each other \u2013 and they\noften do \u2013 it is not because they are different forms of one clearly definable thing, but for\nother reasons that we need to explore. Like \u201cmysticism\u201d, so too \u201cmagic\u201d is what I will call\n15\n\nPages 35:\nRichard Kieckhefer\nan aggregating term. The same can probably also be said for \u201csainthood\u201d, \u201cauthority\u201d and\nnumerous other terms, surely including \u201creligion\u201d, all of which I would class as aggregating.\nThey are difficult to define, because they encompass diverse elements that may or may not\nbe combined with each other. The different elements may not share any common defining\nfeature that brings them under the umbrella of the aggregating term; they are not linked\nby a shared essence. They may not even have shifting combinations of shared features; they\nare not necessarily bound by family resemblance. Mystical prayer, mystical relationship\nand mystical consciousness may or may not involve ecstatic experiences, and in any case it is\nnot such experiences that qualify them as mystical. Even if they share no common features,\nthey may be mutually supportive, and for that reason they may be cultivated jointly, which\nis sufficient reason to think of them as elements of something which is perhaps loosely called\nmysticism. But it is the type of intense prayer, or the type of fervently erotic relationship,\nor the depth of awareness that constitutes each of these phenomena as mystical. Mystical\nprayer may begin with intense focus on a single word and lead towards an experience of\ndivinely infused prayer based on neither words nor concepts. Mystical relationship may\ninvolve a cycle of courtship, teasing withdrawal and erotic union with one\u2019s divine lover.\nMystical consciousness typically involves a keen awareness of God always present within\noneself, and of one\u2019s own true self as eternally present within God. It is not the aggregating\ncategory but the more specific one that constitutes them as elements of mysticism, and thus\nI will call these more specific forms of reference constitutive terms.7\nWe devote most of our energy to refining our aggregating terms, supposing that this is\nwhere our efforts are repaid by clarity and constructive value, and we often think of subcategories as afterthoughts \u2013 but this is precisely the opposite of what we should be doing.\nIt is the constitutive terms that are more likely to serve as useful tools for analysis and finely\ntuned comparison; aggregating terms are terms of convenience. While constitutive terms\ntend to be taken from and largely at home in specialized analytic discourse, aggregating\nterms tend to be widely used in general and popular discourse. Constitutive terms are relatively intolerant of ambiguity and imprecision; aggregating terms are by comparison open\nto ambiguous and imprecise usage. Constitutive terms are less connotative, aggregating\nterms more so. Constitutive terms tend to be univocal; aggregating terms are more often, in\nscholastic language, analogous or even equivocal.\nLet me pursue a bit further my discussion of the term \u201cmysticism\u201d. Those who rely on\nit as a tool for comparative study are often drawn towards something like William James\u2019s\nmarks of mystical experience as ineffable, noetic, transient and passive.8 On the surface,\nthese may seem useful as common denominators of mysticism across cultures. But to take\nthese as defining features of mysticism risks giving emphasis and importance to discrete\nmystical experiences even when the mystics we are reading spoke slightingly of them\n\u00ad(Eckhart) or thought of them as belonging to earlier and lower levels of attainment (Teresa of\n\u00c1vila). In any case, centring attention on such alleged common features risks turning away\nfrom what was of central importance to the mystics themselves. Bernard of Clairvaux no\ndoubt did have experiences that were ineffable, noetic, transient and passive, but what was\nimportant to him was not these qualities of experience but rather the living and lively presence of Christ. If we want to do comparative study of mysticism that will combine rigour\nwith sensitivity to the values of our subjects, the term \u201cmysticism\u201d may not be the most\nhelpful tool to use. It means too many different things and is too connotative. Much more\ncan be accomplished by more focused comparison of constitutive terms. There is theoerotic\nliterature in many religious traditions, and comparison of the late medieval German mystic\n16\n\nPages 36:\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\nDorothea von Montau (who was overwhelmed with love for Christ), the Islamic mystic\nR \u0101bi\u2019a (similarly on fire with love of Allah) and the Hindu mystic and poet M \u012br\u0101 B\u0101\u012b (who\nsought only the love of Krishna) can elucidate patterns of similarity and difference that will\nlead to insightful understanding.9 Most religious traditions provide disciplines of contemplation or meditation, and these too are fruitful subject matter for comparison.\nWhat, then, are the constitutive terms that might be used to elucidate the aggregating\nterm \u201cmagic\u201d? This is a question that clearly calls for discussion, but provisionally I would\nsuggest at least these three constitutive terms: conjuration, symbolic manipulation and directly efficacious volition.\nBy \u201cconjuration\u201d, I mean here the ritual summoning and command of spirits. A long\ntradition of \u201cskrying\u201d claims that by gazing intently into a reflective surface and uttering\nincantations one can conjure angels or demons who will reveal secret and future things,\nperhaps telling who has stolen one\u2019s property. In the Yiddish play and film The Dybbuk,\na young Kabbalist named Khonnon goes into the ritual bath and conjures Satan.10 The\nspirits conjured may be thought of as good, evil, neutral or ambiguous; different observers\nmay conceive them differently. In any case, the conjuration involves ritual that is in some\nmeasure complex and requires specialized skills, which helps to explain why the practitioner often belongs to some professional elite such as a priest or monk. The techniques, the\nassumptions and the status of the operator all show that conjuration is closely linked with\nreligion, and may indeed be seen as part of a religious system, even if most people view it as\na perversion of proper ritual. Summoning assumes that the spirits have local presence and\nlocomotion: they are there, until they are called here. Command implies not manipulation\nbut an exercise of authority in the face of potential resistance. Conjuring a spirit is decidedly\nnot like activating an impersonal machine. A spirit has a will, and to be commanded must\nbe brought into submission. The point of the ritual is precisely to effect that submission.\nNecromancy clearly falls under this category, but so does angel magic, and techniques of\nspirit magic in other cultures that in various ways resemble or relate to necromancy and\nangel magic. The very category \u201cspirit\u201d will surely require nuancing in comparative study,\nbut taking into account different conceptions of what a spirit could be, and how a spirit\nrelates to a ghost or an embodied being, is part of the task of comparison.\nWhen I speak of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d, I mean to include both of James G. Frazer\u2019s\nclassic categories, sympathy and contagion, both of which involve exploitation of natural\nforces identified and explained in symbolic terms.11 Assumed here is an order of nature\nrife with symbolic links on which magical efficacy depends. Plants, gems and artefacts are\nsymbolically linked with the stars and planets, and can channel their power. Plants may\nresemble human organs and prove to benefit or harm those organs. Breaking and burying a\ncandle symbolizes breaking and burying the power of a phallus and may cause impotence.\nPutting human excretions, bones from beneath a gallows, and other noxious substances\nin a bundle and placing it near an intended victim is no less a way of manipulating symbolic links: other objects may contaminate in more ordinary ways, but these substances\nare harmful because their natural decay symbolizes a deeper contamination, moral and\nspiritual as well as physical. Figures and images taken to resemble and channel powers from\nor towards what they represent are among the symbols manipulated by such magic. Names\nand recital of events can also hold symbolic power: the magician can invoke the force contained in the name \u201cJesus\u201d or some form of \u201cJahweh\u201d, or in an event of sacred history. In\nall these cases, the symbol can be viewed as a sign in either of two ways: if it is a sign to be\ninterpreted by a demon or other spirit, who serves as the agent effecting the magician\u2019s will,\n17\n\nPages 37:\nRichard Kieckhefer\nthen symbolic manipulation turns into a form of conjuration; however, even within proper\nsymbolic manipulation, the links between symbols (objects, words, ritual actions) and what\nthey symbolized are conceived as intelligible and in that sense signifying. If a plant shaped\nlike a liver is useful for healing the liver, it is in that sense a sign of what it is thought to affect,\nand the intelligible resemblance is what effects the healing. The magical power of symbolic\nmanipulation may still not be automatic, but it is more nearly so than the power of conjuration. If conjuration is a reprobate branch of religion, symbolic manipulation claims an\nefficacy like that of science and will be seen by its practitioners as a type of science. The magician who manipulates symbolic links in the natural order might be thought of as tugging\non invisible cords that link one level of that order with another. The symbolic links may be\narticulated in terms of cosmic correspondences or sympathies, at least in sources that provide theoretical grounding for magical practice. If the invisible cords are not thought of as\nefficacious symbolically, then the process is not magical; the user may not be told explicitly\nthat symbolic links are entailed, and may simply be assured that the results are tried and\nproven, but in magical operations, the symbolic causality is at least implied by the types of\nword, ritual and object used.\nAs for \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d, the clearest example is cursing.12 Threatening and\ncursing a neighbour may cause ill will, anxiety, high blood pressure, ill health and in the\nextreme case or the long run death. It counts as magical, however, only if someone \u2013 the\nmagician, the victim, a neighbour, an inquisitor \u2013 thinks of the effect as more direct, as\nflowing directly from the will and its expression, without being mediated through external agencies and mechanisms.13 This was the crux of Freud\u2019s understanding of magic as\ngrounded in an infantile confusion of will with reality: the magician, like a child, supposes\nthat willing something to happen can in itself make it happen, and such \u201cmagical thinking\u201d in an adult is for a Freudian a form of neurosis.14 Usually, the will seen as having this\nefficacy is one supported by vehement and even violent psychological energy. Typically, it is\nfocused by becoming explicit, not only in the magician\u2019s mind but also in speech. Language\nis a vehicle of energies, positive and negative, and aggressive energy can be thought of as directly harming or coercing a victim. It may be difficult to distinguish between a curse that\nhas inherent power and a threat that is followed by an act of magic. In principle, however,\nmalediction is not just an expression but a tool of a malevolent will; whereas in conjuration\nthe magician engages in a contest of wills with the spirit conjured, malediction is a weapon\nwielded by a malevolent will against an enemy.\nNote, however, the asymmetry here: conjuration can be seen as either benevolent or malevolent (those who profess to conjure angels typically insist they are engaged in positive and\neven pious activity), and symbolic manipulation likewise can be used for health and healing\nas well as for affliction and coercion, but while there is no reason in principle why directly\nefficacious volition could be positive and still count as magical, it is malediction that is more\noften seen as magic. We would not usually speak of blessings or benedictions as magic, at\nleast in traditional Western settings, perhaps mostly because Judaism and Christianity have\nconditioned us to think of them as mainstream ritual acts, but more deeply because wishing\nsomeone well is more of a social process typically integrated into all the expressions of sympathy and support that characterize a harmonious network of relationships.\nWhat is it, then, that links these three phenomena? Usually, one would seek some shared\nfeature or set of distributed characteristics as the defining factor or factors, either an essence\nor a family resemblance. It certainly would be possible to find characteristics typical of\nthese three elements of magic: they are usually clandestine, worked for personal rather than\n18\n\nPages 38:\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\npublic interest, and thus subject to distrust, condemnation and opposition. But much the\nsame could be said of many other activities that would not be called magic, including political conspiracy and crime of various sorts. Nor do these characterizations point to what is\nmost important in any of these elements of magic: the power of spirits brought into submission, the efficacy of symbolic networks within the order of nature and the role of language\nas a vehicle for negative energy. If conjuration, symbolic manipulation and malediction\nare all recognized as \u201cmagic\u201d, it is not because of shared features but for two other reasons.\nFirst, they have been thought of as activities to which the same sorts of individuals are\ninclined: \u201cmagic\u201d is, in its original usage, the set of activities characteristic of \u201cmagoi\u201d or\nmages, and that way of conceiving it persisted in medieval and post-medieval usage.15 Second, they are mutually supportive and often found in combination. Symbolic associations\nare occult, and hidden within the order of nature, and they can be known (the argument\ngoes) only because they have been taught by demons, with whom the magicians have at least\nan implicit agreement or pact. Conjuring and symbolic manipulation are connected not by\nshared characteristics but by the reliance of the latter on the former and vice versa. Spirits\nare conjured not only by verbal commands but also by symbolically effective rituals such\nas suffumigation with specific aromatic substances, or the sacrifice of particular animals.\nSymbolic actions such as breaking a candle or piercing an image can have efficacy in part\nbecause the action is accompanied by an incantation. Symbol is reinforced by malediction.\nAnd curses often draw upon symbolic associations as in the case of the blasphemous curse\nthat invokes the pain of the Virgin in bearing Christ and projects that pain onto a victim.\nConjuration, symbolic manipulation and malediction are in principle distinguishable, and\nnone of them necessarily entails the others, but in fact they tend to be linked.\nOne difference between the terms \u201cmagic\u201d and \u201cmysticism\u201d is that \u201cmagic\u201d is a word\nused in the historic sources from antiquity onwards, used by opponents and sometimes also\nby practitioners, whereas \u201cmysticism\u201d is a seventeenth-century coinage, adapted from the\nadjective \u201cmystical\u201d, and would not have been used by most of the figures recognized as\nmystics. The author of The Cloud of Unknowing would have known himself as a contemplative, not a mystic, but a thirteenth-century European could well have recognized himself\nas a magician practicing magic. A word invented by outsiders to the culture is not tied to\nthe semantics of that culture, but when a word is taken from the culture being studied there\nis good reason to respect common usage within its original context. The anthropologist\ncannot tell the Polynesian how to use the term mana, and the historian of medieval Europe\nneeds to know precisely how \u201cmagic\u201d was used by medieval Europeans. Importing alien\nmeanings alongside indigenous ones can only confuse.\nBut from antiquity onwards \u201cmagic\u201d has in fact always been an aggregating term. It\ncould refer to the various activities of the magoi, which might include star-gazing, fortune\ntelling, healing and other activities viewed by outsiders as charlatanry. When Isidore of\nSeville gave his influential account of magic, he listed a long string of magical activities\nwithout ever indicating what essential feature constituted them all as magical.16 In later\nmedieval usage, \u201cmagic\u201d could refer to the conjuring of demons or to the exploitation of\noccult powers within nature \u2013 but a third activity, the conjuring of angels, coexisted with\nthe others, resembled demonic magic, and was conflated with the summoning of demons,\nbut did not actually coincide with that form of magic.17 And while \u201cnatural magic\u201d could\nbe defined as the exploitation of \u201coccult\u201d powers within nature, there was no single conception of what qualified these powers as occult: the term could mean simply little known, or\nknown only through demonic instruction, or unknowable in terms of Aristotelian physics\n19\n\nPages 39:\nRichard Kieckhefer\nor unknowable from the study of the sublunary world alone. Precisely if we wish to be\nrespectful of historical usage, it is important to recognize that \u201cmagic\u201d has always been\nan aggregating rather than constitutive term, and \u201cnatural magic\u201d has also been more an\naggregating than a constitutive concept.18\nMy purpose, then, is not simply to rethink the definition of magic but to rethink how\nto define magic. We are best served, not by insisting on precise and carefully conceived\ndefinitions of magic, but by focusing our attention more on the specific definitions of those\nconstitutive terms for which \u201cmagic\u201d serves as an umbrella. This is not to dismiss the word\n\u201cmagic\u201d as unimportant. Aggregating terms are vitally important, but as terms of convenience. They are best recognized as such, without the artificiality of precise definition\nthat will always prove inadequate. From one culture to another and even within a culture,\nthere will always be different constitutive terms brought together explicitly or (perhaps\nmore often) by assumption under an aggregating term, adding to the imprecision of the\nterm. An argument can be made for or against including astrology as a form of magic, although \u00adelements of astrology are clearly entailed in various forms of magic, most obviously\nthe magical use of inscribed astrological images. It is harder to justify viewing alchemy as\nmagic, but a history of magic must take it into account among the \u201coccult sciences\u201d imported from Arabic culture in the high medieval West.19 As for the term \u201cmysticism\u201d, I have\ngiven what some might see as an overly restrictive set of constitutive terms: some might\nwish to include certain forms of visions, even if they are not theoerotic, and some would\nemphasize links between paramystical phenomena such as the stigmata and what I take as\nthe defining elements of mysticism. For comparative study as well, constitutive terms are\nmore useful than the aggregating term \u201cmagic\u201d, even though different constitutive terms\nmay be needed for the study of different periods and cultures. Whatever the terms required,\na particular comparison will in any case be more finely tuned and useful for analysis than\nan inevitably commodious and imprecise catch-all category. The constitutive terms will\nalways need to be reviewed and perhaps redefined in the light of particular circumstances,\nbut that is a task more likely to be productive than refining the term \u201cmagic\u201d itself.\nI want here to steer between the Scylla of essential definition and the Charybdis of repudiating and avoiding broad terms. It is easy enough to show the perils of finding or\ninventing an \u201cessence\u201d of magic, religion or anything else. Persuaded by the arguments\nagainst essentialism, one may fall into the opposite trap of dismissing such terms altogether.\nBoth extremes fail to recognize the utility of aggregating terms that do not pretend to the\nspecificity and precision that we might more realistically expect in other forms of language.\nIt might seem as though I am giving up on precision in defining magic, and embracing a\ncounsel of despair. I would say that I am, rather, giving counsel of realism \u2013 that I am not\ngiving up on the pursuit of clarity and precision, but suggesting they can be expected on the\nlevel of constitutive rather than aggregating terms.\nMy argument has perhaps obvious implications not only for defining but also for theorizing magic. Definitions of magic nearly always entail theories of magic: of how it works\nand how it relates to religion and to science.20 Such theories, meant to apply to \u201cmagic\u201d\ngenerally and across cultures, almost always apply better to some cultures and to some\nmanifestations of magic than to others. A substantial part of the problem is that \u201cmagic\u201d\nis too amorphous a concept to admit of rigorous theorizing. It is the constitutive terms that\nlend themselves to theoretical and comparative analysis. I am by no means anti-\u00adtheoretical,\nbut I maintain that theoretical work is more promising on a level that lends itself more\ntowards specificity and rigour than on one where the fundamental terms are vague and\n20\n\nPages 40:\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\nhighly connotative. Symbolic manipulation, directly efficacious volition, and perhaps also\nconjuration remain fruitful subjects for theoretical investigation, but attempting a theory\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is a futile exercise, because the aggregating term means too much and thus too\nlittle.\nOne clarifying distinction must again be emphasized: the constitutive terms I am proposing refer not to distinct types of magic, but to individually sufficient elements that tend\nto combine. To say they are individually sufficient means that any of them by itself might\nbe taken to qualify a practice as magical: conjuring a spirit is usually thought of as magic,\neven without symbolic manipulation or directly efficacious volition is involved, and so too\nany of the elements is recognizably magical even if it is not linked with the others. In practice, however, different elements of magic (like different elements of mysticism) do tend to\nbecome linked and mutually supportive. If it is pointless to make general statements about\nmagic, as if they could apply to all magic, it is equally pointless to try to sort out distinct\ntypes or forms of magic, as if there were enforceable boundaries. Typologies are no more\nhelpful than essences.\nA second clarification is important. One might expect that if the constitutive terms can\nbe given clear, precise and stable meaning, this precision would then transfer to aggregating term \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 that the clarity of the parts would be communicated to the whole\nthat they constitute. The problem is that even if the constitutive terms can be given stable\nmeaning in themselves, they are unstable in relationship to each other and to the aggregating term that encompasses them. In actual usage, historical and modern, different\nspeakers and hearers, writers and readers, will have different sets of particulars in mind.\nI am proposing three constitutive terms under the category of magic, but others might offer\nor assume other constitutive terms alongside mine, or in place of them. Even if there were\nagreement about the constitutive terms, different contexts would make one or another of\nthem salient, and they would become unpredictably conflated and confused. Furthermore,\nthe strongly connotative character of the aggregating term, again both in historical and\nin modern usage, means it will tend to resist precise usage. Thus, even if precision can be\nsought, expected and developed on the level of constitutive terms, it cannot be expected for\nthe aggregating term.\nThe resulting ambiguity is well illustrated by the complexities of astrological magic. The\nstars and planets could be seen as natural forces whose power is exploited in symbolic\nmanipulation, but often they were associated or identified with spiritual beings that might\nbe addressed in a way that shaded into conjuration. Even the planets themselves, identified with the deities for which they were named, were intelligences subject to what Nicolas\nWeill-Parot calls \u201caddressative\u201d magic.21 Thus, the Arabic compilation taken over into\nLatin and known as Picatrix is a classic of symbolic manipulation, largely concerned with\nthe exploitation of astral forces accessible in the sublunary realm, but in some passages\nthese very forces are subject to conjuration. This is especially the case in Book 3, Chapter 7\nof Picatrix, which describes the properties of the planetary deities, tells what requests can be\nmade from each of them, then goes on to explain how each of them can be addressed, with\nritual accompaniments that include animal sacrifice, personal adornment and enthronement, and especially suffumigation. The practitioner both beseeches and commands these\nplanetary deities: the verbs are sometimes rogo, invoco, peto or queso, but most often coniuro. The\nconjuration is done by the power of the deities\u2019 names in various languages, by the names\nof God or of angels, by God himself or by angels assigned by God to aid these planetary\nbeings. The requests are stated in generic form: \u201cthat you may at this very time and hour\n21\n\nPages 41:\nRichard Kieckhefer\nfulfill my petition,\u201d or some variant. The planetary spirits are not themselves asked to come\ndown and make themselves present; they act at a distance, through unspecified means. In\none case, however, the operator asks Mars to send a spirit to an enemy, to enter into his\nbody and undermine all his members and powers. This chapter of Picatrix does not fuse\nsymbolic manipulation with conjuration so much as it passes over from the one to the other,\nexcept that the symbolic properties of the planets are still presupposed, so that Mars and\nVenus, for example, serve the purposes they would tend to serve in any magic.22\nA different form of ambiguity arises with angel magic, in which any boundaries between\nconjuration and prayer may become obscured. In the Liber iuratus, probably written in the\nearly fourteenth century, not only evil but also good angels are straightforwardly conjured.\nPrayers are offered to God in a tone of humble and pious submission (as they may be even\nin explicitly demonic conjuration or necromancy), but the intent of those prayers is to gain\npower that can be used to command the spirits to come and do one\u2019s will. Certain formulas\nare addressed to angels of the planets, who are not equated with the planets or the deities\nfor whom they are named, nor clearly identified as movers of celestial spheres, 23 but are\nassociated with the planets in a manner that allows movement into the sublunary realm.\nThey are at first humbly invoked and besought to descend and appear in benign form\nwithin the magic circles, but then immediately the magician says, \u201cI therefore seal (sigillo),\ndemand, invoke, and even conjure you, most holy angels, by the seal sof God\u2019s most holy\nnames, to obey my petitions,\u201d commanding them by the power of God. In the next formula,\nhe says, \u201cI humbly beseech and obediently command (obedienter precipio)\u201d that they descend\nfrom their planetary spheres. Before long, he addresses these spirits and all those spirits and\ndemons who serve them, with a string of verbs (\u201cinvoke,\u201d \u201ccall to witness,\u201d \u201ccommand,\u201d\n\u201cexorcize,\u201d \u201cconjure,\u201d \u201cconstrain\u201d), to come next to the circle, appear, respond, obey and\nfulfill his commands.24 It is not only the tone of command that marks these formulas as\nconjurations, but also the conception of the spirits as capable of locomotion and thus subject\nto summons. Still, what is true of the Liber iuratus is not necessarily true of all angel magic,\nwhich may use some of the trappings of conjuration but still address the angels in terms\nof petition rather than command. One particularly fascinating example is the Liber florum\nby John of Morigny, which involves a kind of symbolic manipulation focused on a series\nof meditative figures, and also entails the ministration of angels \u2013 but one might say that\nthis is a form of magic involving angels that is not in any ordinary sense angel magic.25\nThe concept of conjuration remains clear, but its application to this particular practice is\nsometimes ambiguous \u2013 and the clarity of the concept actually highlights the ambiguity of\nthe practice by holding up a mirror to its complexities. The situation is yet more complex\nin Cairo Genizah texts that identify the \u201choly angels\u201d with the Hebrew letters and treat\nthem as symbols to be used in magical operation, in which case conjuration and symbolic\nmanipulation are so closely linked as to be virtually fused.26\nAgain a different sort of ambiguity is illustrated in fictional terms by Hans Wiers-\u00adJenssen\u2019s\nplay Anne Pedersdotter, on which Carl Dreyer\u2019s film Day of Wrath was based.27 While the play\nand the film are loosely inspired by particular witch trials at Bergen, the psychological\nmechanism it depicts gives a plausible interpretation of how witch-hunting might work in\nany of the various cases. The title character wishes her much older husband dead, leaving\nher free to pursue romance with a younger man. When she gives expression to her desire,\nthe shock in fact kills the husband. But social pressure compels her to see the efficacy of\nher will not in natural terms, nor even as a simple case of magical thinking, but rather as\na sign that she is in league with the Devil. In the end, she confesses being a witch, but she\n22\n\nPages 42:\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\nis not shown forming a pact with the Devil, attending Sabbaths or engaging in any other\nactivities one would expect of a witch. We are left with two possibilities: she could be invested by the Devil with the power of directly efficacious volition (presumably Anne\u2019s own\ninterpretation), or her will could be a subtle and implicit means of conjuring a spirit who is\nthe actual agent in the killing (the more likely view of those who see her exposed as a witch).\nIn either case, the concepts of directly efficacious volition and conjuration remain in themselves clear, but the way they relate to each other is less so.\nWe have seen, then, natural magic that veers into conjuration, angel magic that takes on\nfeatures sometimes of conjuration and sometimes of natural magic (if not simply of prayer)\nand directly efficacious volition linked with a variety of conjuration. In all these cases, it is\npossible to form definitions that are clear and adequate to the phenomena, but their application i\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 27 to page 42 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=6\nPages: 6,7\nC o nt e nt s\nList of figures\nAcknowledgements\nList of contributors\nix\nxi\nxii\nIntroduction\n1\nSophie Page and Catherine Rider\nPa rt I\nConceptualizing magic\n13\n1\n15\nRethinking how to define magic\nRichard Kieckhefer\n2\nFor magic: Against method\n26\nClaire Fanger\n3\nA discourse historical approach towards medieval\nlearned magic\n37\nBernd-Christian Otto\n4\nThe concept of magic\n48\nDavid. L. d\u2019Avray\n5\nResponses\n57\nRichard Kieckhefer, David. L. d\u2019Avray, Bernd-Christian Otto, and Claire Fanger\nPa rt I I\nLanguages and dissemination\n6\n69\nArabic magic: The impetus for translating texts and their\nreception\nCharles Burnett\nv\n71\nC o nt e nt s\n7\nThe Latin encounter with Hebrew magic: Problems\nand approaches\n85\nKatelyn Mesler\n8\nMagic in Romance languages\n99\nSebasti\u00e0 Giralt\n9\nCentral and Eastern Europe\n112\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\n10\nMagic in Celtic lands\n123\nMark Williams\n11\nScandinavia\n136\nStephen A. Mitchell\nPa rt I I I\nKey genres and figures\n151\n12\n153\nFrom Hermetic magic to the magic of marvels\nAntonella Sannino]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nIn his chapter \u201cThe concept of magic\u201d, David L. d\u2019Avray challenges the idea that it could\nbe sufficient or satisfactory to engage in \u201cemic\u201d analyses of medieval notions of \u201cmagic\u201d,\nand makes a strong case for developing and applying a set of \u201cetic\u201d terms as these may provide greater analytical precision in medieval studies (note that what d\u2019Avray calls \u201cemic\u201d\nconcepts of \u201cmagic\u201d are, in my terminology, \u201cfirst-order\u201d concepts; the same goes for his\nformulation \u201cordinary language\u201d; what d\u2019Avray calls \u201cideal types\u201d correspond to my idea\nof \u201csecond-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d).\nFrom the viewpoint of my own methodological approach, there are two basic problems\nwith d\u2019Avray\u2019s \u201cideal types\u201d. The first problem relates to the plausibility and consistent\napplicability of the \u201cideal types\u201d themselves. Is it possible to find counterexamples that\ncontradict or undermine these notions? As with all \u201csecond-order\u201d categories \u2013 \u00adcategories]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=59\nPages: 59\nthe conceptual history of magic was \u2013 particularly in premodern times \u2013 extremely\ncontroversial, morally and religiously value-laden, full of social stereotypes and often a\nmatter of legislation, the insider/outsider poles are fairly clearly marked, so that most\nmedieval actors and sources will be assignable to one of either of these two poles (this\ndoes not preclude that some authors may have partaken in or adopted arguments from\nboth discourses).\nFrom a discourse analytical perspective, this differentiation is crucial because the\nfirst-order concept of magic is employed not only in very different ways (for example\nwith a valorizing or polemical function) but also while referring to very different things\nin medieval insider and outsider sources32 (according to Foucault, discourses are \u201cpractices that systematically form the objects of which they speak\u201d).33 These differences call\nfor analysing medieval insider sources as independently as possible from the misleading\n40]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114,115\nand I followed in his footsteps by drawing attention to the portrayal of angels.43 Similar\n\u00adconceptual comparisons could be carried out for numerous aspects of magic such as the\nrole of divine names, purity and impurity, rituals and invocations, relationships to source\nmaterial, underlying cosmological assumptions, the development of magical diagrams,\nthe power of the written word, the use of magical \u201ccharacters\u201d and more. Writing about\n\u00adJewish magic, Elliot Wolfson has drawn attention to the central concept of images, whether\n\u00admaterial, textual and onomastic or psychic.44 To my knowledge, no one has yet searched for\n95\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\ntraces of parallel concepts in Christian texts. In addition to conceptual approaches, there\nmay still be great value in simple textual and philological approaches. While I suggested\nabove that the appearance of a Hebrew divine or angelic name may not be an indication of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=194\nPages: 194\nIn the history of scholarship on magic, Lynn Thorndike was the first, in 1923, to find\nan adequate way of conceptualizing the domain of natural medieval magic as Experimental\nScience, that is to say a branch of knowledge that concerned the testing of certain effects by\nthe senses,27 whose repercussions would eventually develop into modern experimentation. A\ndiscipline that focused on effective, natural magic was an objective magic, that is to say that it\nwas intended to have an effect on objects or people other than the operator. It is also worth\nhighlighting that the works that transmit natural magic or claim to belong to it are testimonies to a learned discipline, not a popular practice, and argued from the basis of rationality,\nan important justification for medieval scholars. Two central medieval criteria that define\nnatural magic are, on the one hand, natural causality, and on the other hand, the exclusion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nis the attitude to the practitioner\u2019s power and I suspect we could reach agreement on that\npoint.\nIn an ideal world, this conversation would continue. This contributor would certainly\nhave much to say about the responses of the other two.\nBernd-Christian Otto\nIn his chapter \u201cRethinking How to Define Magic\u201d, Richard Kieckhefer calls into question\nthe possibility of properly defining and theorizing \u201cmagic\u201d as it is an \u201caggregating term\u201d\nand therefore \u2013 just like many other broad, overarching concepts (e.g. \u201cmysticism\u201d, \u201creligion\u201d) \u2013 only a \u201cterm of convenience\u201d which is \u201copen to ambiguous and imprecise usage\u201d\nand \u201cencompass[es] diverse elements that may or may not be combined with each other\u201d.\nAs definitions of \u201caggregating terms\u201d such as \u201cmagic\u201d necessarily remain arbitrary and inadequate, Kieckhefer suggests that we should stop \u201cexpecting more of it than it can deliver\u201d,\nand instead focus on identifying and refining three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d that denote elements]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=66\nPages: 66,67\n(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2012); A Companion to World History, ed. Douglas\nNorthrop (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012); Diego Olstein, Thinking History Globally (Basingstoke:\nPalgrave Macmillan, 2015).\n47\n4\nT h e conce pt of m agic\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray\nThis paper focuses on \u201cemic\u201d and \u201cetic\u201d concepts of magic: the \u201cemic\u201d concepts of the\n\u00admedieval people we are studying, and the \u201cetic\u201d concepts we, the students of medieval\nmagic, create to help us get a grip on medieval concepts and practices. The paper attempts\nto add something to understanding of the medieval, \u201cemic\u201d concepts, but I argue that \u201cetic\u201d\nconcepts too are needed to clear our heads about medieval magic.\nPerhaps it is good to start by studying medieval magic from the inside and in terms\nof the concepts of medieval people. Catherine Rider does this in her excellent Magic and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40,39\nand how it relates to religion and to science.20 Such theories, meant to apply to \u201cmagic\u201d\ngenerally and across cultures, almost always apply better to some cultures and to some\nmanifestations of magic than to others. A substantial part of the problem is that \u201cmagic\u201d\nis too amorphous a concept to admit of rigorous theorizing. It is the constitutive terms that\nlend themselves to theoretical and comparative analysis. I am by no means anti-\u00adtheoretical,\nbut I maintain that theoretical work is more promising on a level that lends itself more\ntowards specificity and rigour than on one where the fundamental terms are vague and\n20\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\nhighly connotative. Symbolic manipulation, directly efficacious volition, and perhaps also\nconjuration remain fruitful subjects for theoretical investigation, but attempting a theory\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is a futile exercise, because the aggregating term means too much and thus too\nlittle.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=58\nPages: 58,59\nas a floating signifier: its semantics are obviously not empty but rather floating, in the\nsense of being dependent on the context of its use.20 In contrast, second- or third-order\n(scholarly) concepts of magic are usually essentialist in the sense that they refer to an\n\u201cessence\u201d of magic that may be derived from substantial definitions, disciplinary habits or simply everyday language. In my view, such essentialist second-order notions of\n39\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\nmagic are neither necessary nor helpful for understanding the insider perspective(s) of\nmedieval authors and practitioners of learned magic.21\n2. As already mentioned, the approach proposed here is oriented towards sources that\ninclude an etymological derivate, linguistic equivalent or culturally established synonym\nof magic as an identificatory first-order term of self-reference; this is in fact its main\ncriterion for setting up a corpus of medieval learned magic.22 I would like to stress]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nto measure the messiness and note phenomena that only partly embody the concept or\nwhere it is mixed up with other elements. That his three constitutive concepts correspond\nto three types of thought and practice that tend to be associated \u201con the ground\u201d is a further stage of analysis. The association between these three practices is itself an illuminating ideal type. They do not have to go together, but in the Middle Ages they tended to go\ntogether. All this advances our understanding of the field by providing better conceptual\ntools.\n\u201cMagic\u201d is relegated by Kieckhefer to the category of \u201caggregative concepts\u201d that maps\nfairly well on to what I would call the concepts of ordinary language as opposed to precise\nidealtypes. He makes clear his view that \u201cmagic\u201d is a lost cause if one wants precise conceptual language. So far as that is concerned, his colours are nailed so firmly to the mast\nthat I entertain no hope of shaking his views. I would only comment that abandonment]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=43\nPages: 43\npresupposing an intense conflict of wills between the practitioner and the spirit, and symbolic\nmanipulation too may entail complex mediation between the wish and its fulfilment. Note also\nthat Mauss uses the term \u201celement\u201d in a sense different from mine, for aspects of magic that enter\ninto his \u201cgeneral theory\u201d.\n14 Ariel Glucklich, The End of Magic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 32\u201333; George\n\u00adSerban, The Tyranny of Magical Thinking (New York: Dutton, 1982); Ellen Peel, \u201cPsychoanalysis and\nthe Uncanny,\u201d Comparative Literature Studies, 17 (1980): 410\u201317.\n15 See the conception of mages discussed in Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cJacques Lef\u00e8vre d\u2019\u00c9taples and the\nConception of Natural Magic,\u201d in La magia nell\u2019Europa moderna: tra antica sapienza e filosofia natural, ed.\nFabrizio Meroi and Elisabetta Scapparone (Florence: Olschki, 2007), 63\u201377.\n16 For a survey of definitions, see Lynn Thorndike, \u201cSome Medieval Conceptions of Magic,\u201d The\nMonist, 25 (1915): 107\u201339.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=60\nPages: 60\n4. The approach proposed here also adopts an anti-essentialist stance towards medieval\ninsider sources. In fact, a comparative reading of these sources quickly reveals that medieval learned magic is not a homogenous category: there is no conceptual \u201ccore\u201d or ritual\n\u201cessence\u201d that can be deduced from the sources apart from the fact that the first-order\nconcept of magic usually refers to a \u201critual art\u201d (as most insider texts are ritual texts or\ntheoretical reflections on such texts; the corresponding first-order formulation is thus\n\u201cars magica\u201d).37 Even though medieval insider narratives tend to suggest otherwise, this\nart is strikingly heterogeneous, hybrid and ever-changing from an analytical perspective.\nIt is heterogeneous, as the ritual procedures described in most medieval insider sources\nconsist of a vast variety of different ritual (micro-) techniques and varying concepts of\nritual efficacy. It is hybrid, as these techniques are usually combined in the manner of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=72\nPages: 72\nbound to give up sex and meat, because they had technically joined the ranks of the perfect.\nIt must be emphasized again that these are ideal types: conceptual distinctions drawn by the\nhistorian to identify forms of life and thought that are inextricably mixed up together in the\nactual life of the past. One can think of them as a kind of colour coding to help us identify\ndifferent elements in the complex mixture that we are working on. Note too that \u201creligion\u201d\nand \u201cmagic\u201d are not treated even conceptually as mutually exclusive categories. This enables\nthe conceptual scheme to cope comfortably with the distinctively religious forms of magic\nstudied, notably, by Sophie Page.\nThis conceptual scheme has another advantage: It avoids collapsing the categories of\nmagic and heresy into one another, as the idea of magic as \u201cwhat lacked official approval\u201d\nwould logically tend to do. Yet, another advantage is that these concepts are relatively free]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=268\nPages: 268\na cosmological, theological and philosophical framework. To this framework belong for\nexample the above-mentioned concept of the magic of the four alphabets, the astral genealogy of the alphabets or the doctrine of the tables, as well as the cosmic hierarchy and the\nposition occupied in it by the magician.\nThanks to the style tailored on the scholastic model, the contents of the Summa appear in\ngreat clarity and detail. Particularly useful for the medieval but also for the contemporary\nreader are the many definitions of seminal terms of the science of magic that are scattered\nthroughout the work. In this chapter, I have looked amongst others at the definition of\nmagic in terms of the practical part of theology. That definition, which underlines the affinity between magic and religion rather than generically identifying the two terms, enriches\nsignificantly the debate on the definition of magic, a debate which still stands at the centre\nof scholarly research.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=70\nPages: 70,71\nmagicians lay less in the effects they claimed to achieve than in their social position, and in\nthe authority on which their respective claims rested\u201d (56).\nThe idea that magic was what Church authorities happened not to legitimate, but which\nis otherwise much the same as what the Church did legitimate, runs into an immediate\nproblem: there is no clear difference in this conceptual scheme between magic and heresy.\nWould one want to call the Cathar consolamentum a magical ritual? If so, the category of\nmagic has become unduly indiscriminate, a baggy holdall without separate compartments\nfor forms of thought and ritual quite distinct in many medieval minds.\n51\nDav i d L . d \u2019 Av r ay\nSo the middle way is careful conceptual technique. Where \u201cmagic\u201d and \u201creligion\u201d are concerned, the historian\u2019s ideal types are concepts for understanding the concepts of those they\nstudy. Ideal types should not cut against the grain of medieval categories, but they can have a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80,79\nand instead focus on identifying and refining three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d that denote elements\nor subcategories of the undefinable meta-category \u201cmagic\u201d: \u201cconjuration\u201d, \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d.\nI am very sympathetic to Kieckhefer\u2019s approach as it resembles my own suggestion to develop \u201copen and flexible taxonomies\u201d of narrative or ritual patterns that appear in sources\nof medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d. Alluding to a formulation recently used by Egil Asprem, both\n60\nResponses\nKieckhefer and I seem to believe that a substantial \u201creverse-engineering\u201d1 of the concept\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is necessary, as it allows for breaking down this \u201ccomplex cultural construct\u201d (to\nuse Asprem\u2019s terminology) into smaller, more specific and thus easier to handle \u201cbuilding\nblocks\u201d. The same idea underlies the concept of \u201cpatterns of magicity\u201d which I have elsewhere proposed with Michael Stausberg,2 but which has not (yet) been adapted to medieval\nsources.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=71\nPages: 71\nmagic and religion? One should say: how can I put together a set of concepts that together make\nup a slightly less crude model of the infinite complexity of thought and practice in this area.\nConceptual engineering is part of our job. From time to time we cannot get by as historians with our day-to-day concepts or with the concepts of the people we study. Then,\nwe need to refine our analytical concepts. Twenty-first century concepts (as one might find\nthem defined in the Oxford English Dictionary or Webster) are no more up to the job of\nunderstanding medieval life and thought than are medieval concepts on their own. The\nhistorian\u2019s \u201cconceptual technique\u201d has to supply the deficiencies of both.\nTo avoid confusion, medievalists could do worse than use Latin or medieval vernacular\nwords for medieval concepts: ars magicia, divinatio, sortilegium, etc. It would be a clear way of\nmarking out these \u201cemic\u201d concepts from the \u201cetic\u201d concepts that the historian constructs.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=85\nPages: 85\nthe media and in scholarship whether we like it or not. The fact that no single definition of\n\u201cmagic\u201d describes all its potential sites may not be a good reason to hold back from venturing definitions that attempt to be scholarly; it may only mean that our definitions need to be\nmore site-specific (more \u201cemic\u201d?) than we are making them.\nLooking at this another way, the functionality of concepts may depend on how many\nsites of operation we ourselves keep active as much as (or more than) how many sites we\nlimit our definitions to. Indeed, the attempt to control a concept by limitation of the sites it\nis allowed to interact with may itself be a form of dysfunction. An ability to recognize the\nconcept of \u201cmagic\u201d in play across a broad range of sites is arguably useful to the historian \u2013\nmore useful, surely, than discounting large ranges of instances as \u201coutsider\u201d polemics, or\nalternatively as \u201cemic\u201d definitions rendered unclear by their multiplicity.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=39\nPages: 39\ninventing an \u201cessence\u201d of magic, religion or anything else. Persuaded by the arguments\nagainst essentialism, one may fall into the opposite trap of dismissing such terms altogether.\nBoth extremes fail to recognize the utility of aggregating terms that do not pretend to the\nspecificity and precision that we might more realistically expect in other forms of language.\nIt might seem as though I am giving up on precision in defining magic, and embracing a\ncounsel of despair. I would say that I am, rather, giving counsel of realism \u2013 that I am not\ngiving up on the pursuit of clarity and precision, but suggesting they can be expected on the\nlevel of constitutive rather than aggregating terms.\nMy argument has perhaps obvious implications not only for defining but also for theorizing magic. Definitions of magic nearly always entail theories of magic: of how it works\nand how it relates to religion and to science.20 Such theories, meant to apply to \u201cmagic\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259\nfactual application of those laws by the use of magical science. As the \u201cpractical part of all\ndivine laws\u201d, magic stands as the \u201csecond and noblest part of spiritual wisdom\u201d, that is, of\ntheology.32 By formulating the connection between magic and theology in these terms, our\nauthor possibly follows the Aristotelian doctrine, where practical philosophy is presented in\nits dependence from metaphysics.\nGanellus holds that since magic is a science, it must be treated through the method fit\nfor a science. In particular, he opts for instruments, approaches and structures recurrent in\nthe scholastic tradition. In a methodological chapter, he explains that magic is best treated\nthrough the definition of its concepts and components (definitio), its division into parts\n\u00ad(divisio), its theoretical justification ( probatio) and the indication of the reasons why its components and principles are so and not otherwise ( positio).33 As one can already see in the brief]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28\naccepted, if marginal place in medieval culture.\nOther significant sources for understanding late medieval magic are the visual and material culture of magic and literary instances of spells and enchantment. The former is very\nunderresearched, a situation that three chapters in this book, respectively on the iconography of magic and magicians, magical diagrams and the material culture of magic, address.\nVisual sources in particular allow us to track transformations in the perceptions of magic\nand its relationship with mainstream religion and science (as Garc\u00eda-Aviles does in his\ndiscussion of the cover image), and to note the appearance of late medieval Christian innovations such as the magic circle. The rich evidence of literary magic is explored in chapters\nby Mark Williams and Corinne Saunders, who ask questions that reveal fruitful contrasts\nto current understandings of medieval magic and complicate our view of it: \u201cWhere does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\n(both published in 2015).\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s is a Professor of Medieval Art and Director of the Center of\nVisual Studies (VISUM), University of Murcia. Formerly, he was a Frances Yates Fellow\n(Warburg Institute), Postdoctoral Research Fellow (Getty Grant Program) and Ma\u00eetre de\nconferences associ\u00e9 (\u00c9cole des Hautes \u00c9tudes en Sciences Sociales). He is serving as an associate to the Board of Directors of the International Center of Medieval Art (New York).\nHis publications in the field of the iconography of magic and astrology include articles in\nthe Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Kritische Berichte, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, etc.,\nand books like El tiempo y los astros (2001). His forthcoming books are Images magiques: la culture\nvisuel de la magie au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Arkh\u00e8), The Iconography of Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic\n(Turnhout: Brepols) and El arte de fabricar dioses (Madrid: Akal).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=443\nPages: 443\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000). I am grateful to Antonia Mart\u00ednez\nRuip\u00e9rez for pointing this image out to me.\n28 Robin M. Jensen, \u201cMoses Imagery in Jewish and Christian Art: Problems of Continuity and\nParticularity\u201d in Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1992),\n389\u2013418; Manuel Sotomayor Muro, San Pedro en la iconograf\u00eda paleocristiana. Testimonios de la tradici\u00f3n\ncristiana en los monumentos iconogr\u00e1ficos anteriores al siglo VI (Granada: Facultad de Teolog\u00eda, 1962);\nPaul van Moorsel, \u201cIl miracolo della roccia nella letteratura e nell\u2019arte paleocristiana,\u201d Rivista di\narcheologia cristiana 40 (1964): 221\u201351.\n29 Kimberly B. Stratton, \u201cMale Magicians and Female Victims: Understanding a Pattern of Magic\nRepresentation in Early Christian Literature,\u201d Lectio difficilior 2 (2004) www.lectio.unibe.ch/04_2/\nHTML/stratton.htm#_edn7. Accessed 21 August 2016; Kimberly B. Stratton, Naming the Witch.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=443\nPages: 443\n510. A Study of the Connections between Text and Images,\u201d Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 16 (1962):\n195\u2013228. George Galavaris, The Illustrations of the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus, (Princeton: Princeton University, 1969), 103 and ill. 459; Leslie Brubaker, \u201cPolitics, Patronage, and Art\nin Ninth-Century Byzantium: The Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus in Paris (B.N. GR. 510),\u201d\nDumbarton Oaks Papers, 39 (1985): 1\u201313; Leslie Brubaker, Vision and Meaning in Ninth-Century Byzantium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress 1999), 141\u201344. On the iconography of the magician in this image, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda\nAvil\u00e9s, \u201cThe Philosopher and the Magician: On Some Medieval Allegories of Magic,\u201d in L\u2019allegorie dans l\u2019art du moyen age, ed. Christian Heck, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 241\u201352; St\u00e9phanie\nVlavianos, La figure du mage \u00e0 Byzance de Jean Damascene \u00e0 Michel Psellos (VIIIe-fin XIe si\u00e8cle) (Paris:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468,470\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs\nof astral magic in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a later trend towards complex multipurpose objects and images, and sometimes, the replacement of obscure names with more\n449\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nacceptable crosses.92 In the fifteenth century and into the early modern period, Solomonic\ninfluences, especially the use of pentacles, triangles and other bisecting lines, and the inscription of divine names, and Hebrew and pseudo-Hebrew lettering, began to dominate\nthe iconography of figures in ritual magic texts.93 This influence, an acknowledgement of\nSolomon\u2019s perceived power over demons in both magical and mainstream religious contexts, is also reflected in theoretical discussions of the use of figures.94\nFigure 30.10 \u0007A magic circle from an experiment for love, Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana,\nMS Plut. 18 sup. 38, fol. 286r.\n450\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=450\nPages: 450\nImhof, 2016).\n107 Georg Troescher, \u201cKeltisch-germanische G\u00f6tterbilder an romanischen Kirchen?\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Kunstgeschichte, 16 (1953): 1\u201342. On a well-known mid-fifteenth-century image of witches as female\nwaldensians riding bloomsticks (Bnf, fr. 12476, f. 105r), see Venjakob, Der Hexenflug, 50ff., and\n\u00adPascale Charron, L\u2019iconographie du Champion des dames de Martin Le Franc (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016).\n108 Richard Haman, \u201cThe Girl and the Ram,\u201d Burlington Magazine 60 (1932): 91\u201397; Ruth Mellinkoff,\n\u201cRiding Backwards: Theme of Humiliation and Symbol of Evil,\u201d Viator 4 (1973): 153\u201376.\n109 On the medieval iconography of witchcraft, see Jacqueline Kadaner-Leclercq, \u201cTypologie des\nsc\u00e8nes de sorcellerie au Moyen Age et \u00e0 la Renaissance,\u201d in Magie, sorcellerie, parapsychologie, ed.\nHerv\u00e9 Hasquin (Brussels: Universit\u00e9 de Bruxelles, 1984), 39\u201359; Fabio Troncarelli, \u201cImmagini di\nstreghe nei manoscritti medievali,\u201d in Imaging humanity/Immagini dell\u2019umanit\u00e1, ed. John Casey et al.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=448\nPages: 448,447\ndes \u00e9glises romanes,\u201d Cahiers d\u2019Art sacr\u00e9, 27 (2010): 18\u201331; Nathalie Le Luel, \u201cImages profanes et\nculture folklorique,\u201d in Les images dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val, ed. J\u00e9r\u00f4me Baschet and Pierre-Olivier\nDittmar (Turnhout, Brepols, 2015), 433\u201344; Nathalie Le Luel, \u201cLa voz de las ima\u0301genes roma\u0301nicas: iconograf\u00eda profana y recepcio\u0301n,\u201d Rom\u00e1nico 20 (2015): 186\u201393.\n81 For example, Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus de diversis materiis predicabilibus, ed. Jacques Berlioz et JeanLuc Eichenlaub (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 280; Pierre-Olivier Dittmar and Jean-Pierre Ravaux,\n\u201cSignification et valeur d\u2019usage des gargouilles: le cas de Notre-Dame de l\u2019Epine,\u201d in Notre-dame\nde l\u2019Epine, 1406\u20132006, ed. Jean-Batiste Renault (Ch\u00e2lons-en-Champagne: S.A.C.S.A.M., 2008),\n428\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\n38\u201380, here at 42. See also Fulvio Cervini, \u201cTalismani di pietra: sculture apotropaiche nelle fonti]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421,422\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.\nMy focus will be here on the iconography of magic and magicians in the Middle Ages, privileging learned magic over the many visual forms of \u201csuperstition\u201d and \u201cpopular magic\u201d.\nA full chapter on the visual culture of magic in the Middle Ages should also consider issues\nsuch as the material culture of magic and the use of diagrams in medieval magic, but these\n402\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.1 \u0007Hostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum.\nare the subjects of other chapters in this book. Last, not only images of magic but also the\nmagic of images in the Middle Ages should be dealt with, and at the end of this chapter I\nwill briefly comment on them as an additional direction for future research.\nThe discovery of natural magic in the thirteenth century and the gradual process of its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=442\nPages: 442\nand New York: Routledge, 2000), 120ff.; Lee M. Jefferson, \u201cThe Staff of Jesus in Early Christian\nArt,\u201d Religion and the Arts 14 (2010): 221\u201351; Lee M. Jefferson, \u201cSuperstition and the Significance\nof the Image of Christ Performing Miracles in Early Christian Art\u201d Studia Patristica 27 (2010):\n15\u201320; Lee M. Jefferson, Christ the Miracle Worker in Early Christian Art (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress\nPress, 2014). For different interpretations, see Gy\u00f6rgy Heidl, \u201cEarly Christian Imagery of the\n\u201cvirga virtutis\u201d and Ambrose\u2019s Theology of Sacraments,\u201d in Early Christian Iconographies, ed. A. Brent\nand M. Vinzent, Studia Patristica, LIX, vol. 7 (Louvain: Peeters, 2013), 69\u201375; Jean-Michel Spieser,\nImages du Christ: des catacombes aux lendemans de l\u2019iconoclasme (Geneva: Droz, 2015) 165\u201331.\n20 Among the huge bibliography about the topic, I should point out Howard Clark Kee, Miracle in the\nEarly Christian World: A Study in Sociohistorical Method (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1983);]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437\nFuture directions: the agency of images and\nthe efficacy of objects\nIf we take into consideration the persistence of the medieval imagery of magic in contemporary culture (Disney\u2019s Fantasia or the Harry Potter films are two outstanding examples), it is\nastonishing to realize the scarce attention paid to the medieval iconography of magic itself.\nApart from the representations of magic and magician in medieval visual cultures, future\ndirections of research should engage the magical powers of images, considering the relationships between magic and religion as well as the efficacy of objects imbued with talismanic\npower and their representations in works of art. Among other possible topics, the medieval\norigins of the iconography of the witch also need further research. Diagrams and the material culture of magic are also outstanding aspects of our subject, but other chapters in this\nbook deal with them.\nAny work on the problem of the magic of images in the Middle Ages should point out]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=440\nPages: 440,439\nthe beginning of the sixteenth century, and the story of the formation of the iconography of\nthe witch before the fifteenth century still has some chapters to be written.109\n420\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nNotes\n1 Charles Zika, \u201cMedieval Magicians as People of the Book,\u201d in Imagination, Books and Community in\nMedieval Europe, ed. G. Kratzman, (Melbourne: State Library of Victoria, 2009), 246\u201354. About\nthe iconography of the magicians in the Florentine Picture Chronicle, see I. Olah, \u201cDemons and\nMages in Renaissance Florence: Ficinian Neoplatonic Magic and Lorenzo de\u2019 Medici,\u201d Studies in\nMedieval and Renaissance History, Ser. 3, vol. 10 (2013): 149\u201381.\n2 Giampiero Bozzolato et al., Il Palazzo della Ragione a Padova (2 vols), I: Dalle pitture di Giotto agli affreschi del \u2018400; II: Gli afreschi, vol. II (Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1992), pl. 127; see\nalso Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa cultura visual de la magia en la \u00e9poca de Alfonso X,\u201d Alcanate:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=444\nPages: 444\n\u00adMedia,\u201d Anales de Historia del Arte, n\u00famero extraordinario (2010): 11\u201329.\n37 Paul C. Finney, The Invisible God. The Earliest Christians on Art, (Oxford: Oxford University Press,\n1994), 54\u201356.\n38 Beate Fricke, \u201cFallen Idols and Risen Saints: Western Attitudes towards the Worship of Images\nand the \u201ccultura veterum deorum\u201d,\u201d in Negating the Image: Case Studies in Iconoclasm, ed. A. McClanan\nand J. Johnson (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 67\u201389; see now Beate Fricke, Fallen Idols, Risen Saints.\nSainte Foy of Conques and the Revival of Monumental Sculpture in Medieval Art (Turnhout: Brepols, 2015).\n39 On images possessed by devils, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cEstatuas pose\u00eddas: \u00eddolos demoniacos en el arte de la Edad Media,\u201d Codex Aquilarensis: Revista de arte medieval 28 (2012): 231\u201354.\n40 Michael Evans, \u201cPhilosophy, the Liberal Arts and the Poets,\u201d in The Hortus Deliciarum of Herrad of\nHohenbourg, 2 vol., vol. 1, ed. Rosalie Green et al. (London: Warburg Institute, 1979), 104\u20136.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=471\nPages: 471\nthe page to engage their audience. These strategies provided information to the viewer and\ncreated perceptual points of attention like normative diagrams, but magical figures also\nsignalled their occult power through the use of undecodable iconography, signs and patterns. Encountering and meditating on these, the viewer was not supposed to work towards\nan essential meaning but to be reassured by the power of a figure that evoked eternity, the\ncosmos, spirits and God.\nNotes\n1 This chapter is intended to be complementary to Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this volume.\nDiagrams in the Medieval Kabbalah have received more attention than those in the Latin magical\ntraditions. See Marla Segol\u2019s excellent book, Word and Image in Medieval Kabbalah: The Texts, Commentaries, and Diagrams of the Sefer Yetsirah (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).\n2 Lee E. Brasseur, Visualizing Technical Information: A Cultural Critique (Amityville, NY: Baywood Publishing, 2003), 71.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468\neternity. The scribes of the two copies of this experiment chose to record different figures.\nIn the Florence manuscript, a circular magic figure with the names of the six \u201chot\u201d spirits is drawn quite informally at the bottom of a folio and has additional magical characters not mentioned in the text and (perhaps) the practitioner\u2019s own initials in the centre\n(\u00adFigure 30.10). By contrast, the scribe of the Munich copy recorded only the second magic\ncircle as a large formal diagram, with the place of the operator (magister) marked clearly in\nthe centre (Figure 30.11).\nIn general, there was a broad and diverse range of graphic symbols available to the authors and scribes of magic texts who could and did express their own interests, anxieties and\nproclivities in the choice of astral signs, Christian crosses or Solomonic pentacles. There\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=450\nPages: 450,451\n(West Lafayette, IN: Bordighera, 2000), 79\u201392.\n431\n30\nM e di eva l m agic a l f igu r e s\nBetween image and text\nSophie Page\nMedieval magical figures are a type of diagram: a simplified figure, mainly consisting of\nlines, that conveys the meaning of the appearance, structure or workings of something and\nthe relationship between its parts. Magical figures acted as instruments to activate celestial\nand spiritual powers, and as visual devices to organize ritual elements considered powerful\nin their own right. They were part of the ritual toolkit with which practitioners attempted to\nmanipulate the cosmos and very common in texts and manuscripts of learned magic. In the\nlate Middle Ages, they were circulated both as integral parts of magic experiments and texts\nand independently, and they could involve an array of different shapes, images, words, letters, symbols, modes of construction and ritual uses. Although they have been little studied,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=457\nPages: 457,458\nMedieval belief in the power of the word was reflected in the widespread use of textual\namulets or breve, apotropaic texts copied onto flexible writing supports that were worn on\n438\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nthe body for protection. Complex textual amulets sometimes included magic figures, seals,\nsymbols and characters, copied alongside prayers, charms and devotional iconography. The\nmost common graphic motifs were small, circular apotropaic figures copied in groups of\nbetween four and thirty figures (Figure 30.5). Since abstract diagrams are hard to interpret\nand their uses hard to remember, each figure had an outer band describing its properties,\nwhich also allowed the sets to be broken up and shared independently in the later Middle\nAges. The large graphic element (signum) in the inner circle was usually inspired by the form\nof the Greek, Latin or Tau cross or had a resemblance to Solomonic seals, but could also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=438\nPages: 438\ntext, the Old Woman wishes she could have had as many lovers as possible. In the fifteenth\ncentury, similar trees with penises as fruits or birds, alluding to fertility in an obscene way,\nwould become popular.101 To finish this chapter, I will deal with a related tree containing\npenises as birds in a thirteenth-century mural in Massa Marittima (Italy), which reveals that\nthe story of the origins of the iconography of witchcraft has some lacunae still to be filled.\nDecorating the town fountain in Massa Marittima, as can be seen in Figure 29.10, this\nmural represents eight women underneath a tree with phalli hanging from its branches\ninstead of fruits, probably the first example of this kind of Wunderbaum, which we find in\nseveral paintings and objects after 1400. The common names for the penis in several languages refer to birds or cocks, and the phallus bird is an apotropaic symbol known from\nGreek art.102 But here the phalluses in their nests acquire new connotations, opposing the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437,438\n418\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nwas lost, they were considered protective devices, so that they can be found displaying their\nbeauty and prestige decorating even sacred objects and reliquaries,89 as in the cases of the\nearly medieval Asturian \u201ccross of the angels\u201d in Oviedo90 or the thirteenth-century Box of\nthe Three Wise Kings in Cologne,91 among many others. Of course, there are also relics92\nas well as other religious objects such as pilgrim badges \u2013 all of them imbued with the sacrality of the saints\u2019 burials \u2013that are used as common prophylactic devices: a lot of them\nhave reached to us,93 and also they often appear in late medieval iconography.94 At present,\nmedieval art historians are less concerned about formal classification or the differentiation\nbetween sacred or profane than about the agency of these objects in their cultural context.\nNew historiographical streams are now focusing on the power of images and the efficacy of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=438\nPages: 438\nNew historiographical streams are now focusing on the power of images and the efficacy of\napotropaic objects,95 agency being the fashionable term after the late anthropologist Alfred\nGell.96 Also, sophisticated uses of art as an apotropaic device and the notion of art itself as\nprophylaxis have recently been the subject of scholarly attention.97\nAmulets and talismans were not only hung or worn on hats and dresses to invoke power\nfor healing from sickness, protection against harm, malediction of adversaries and success\nin a variety of affairs, but were also placed on walls and close to doors to keep demons\naway.98 With a similar prophylactic intention, the liminal spaces of Romanesque churches\nare decorated with a myriad of apotropaic figures, where Christian images coexist with\nothers of presumably pagan origin, as it is the case of sculptures of women exposing her]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=470\nPages: 470,471\ndivine names.\n451\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFuture directions\nFuture work in this field will be able to add many more magical figures to those discussed,\nsince every collection of ritual magic texts brings a subtly different set of visual elements into\nplay with its cosmological ideas and ritual goals. In this context, it would be useful to develop\na database of medieval magical figures and seals in order to track their use, selection and\ndissemination more precisely. A database of figures would allow further investigation into\nhow these magical instruments draw together different iconographies \u2013 the sacred, the magical and the cosmological \u2013 and how their graphic elements relate to the text incorporated\nwithin or accompanying the figures. It would also be useful for identifying marks on objects\nand buildings that are likely to have had a ritual purpose rather than representing doodling,]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\ndinner arguments by slightly inebriated undergraduates, each enjoyably pursuing their\nown train of thought, feeling that they are communicating but often at cross purposes, relishing the exchange while if anything enhancing their initial collective confusion. Richard\nKieckhefer\u2019s contribution is a model of ideal-type methodology, whether or not he would\nput it that way. Some good scholars use it without even thinking about it. Many others\nthink that they know what it is without really understanding it. For anyone in that case, a\nlook at what Kieckhefer does is a good introduction to the method. A starting point is that\neveryday language is good for navigating the contemporary world but not designed for\nanalysing complex problems in the past. Kieckhefer rightly says that the word \u201cmagic\u201d as\ngenerally used is all over the place and of limited value for research, compared with what\nhe calls \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. These are a particular form of ideal type: concepts carefully]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nthe history of the book and magic. She has written articles on prayer books, superstition and\nmagic, and is the author of Popular Piety and Art in the Late Middle Ages. Her current research\non magic and sexuality in late medieval England focuses on the life and trial of Eleanor\nCobham.\nRichard Kieckhefer teaches at Northwestern University (Evanston, Illinois) in the departments of Religious Studies and History. He has worked mainly on late medieval religious\nculture, including the history of witchcraft and magic. His books include Magic in the Middle\nAges (1989), Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (1998), and Hazards of\nthe Dark Arts: Advice for Medieval Princes on Witchcraft and Magic (2017).\nFrank Klaassen is an Associate Professor of History in the Department of History at\nthe University of Saskatchewan. His publications include The Transformations of Magic: Illicit]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=75\nPages: 75\nin fossa, et super ipsum, licet fortiter clamaret, terram illam proiecerunt, atque tantum piaculum\n[praculum ms.?] pro divinatione unius vetule pessime conmiserunt\u201d. MS Birmingham University\n6.iii.19, fol. Xivb-xiira.\n11 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971).\n12 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 170.\n13 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 13.\n14 Title of chapter 2 of his Religion and the Decline of Magic, 27\u201357, esp. 53.\n15 They are logically compatible with Kieckhefer\u2019s, Magic in the Middle Ages, 14, but more helpful\nbecause Kieckhefer\u2019s lump natural and demonic magic, which is justified by the common name\n\u201cmagic\u201d but otherwise a distraction from more important distinctions.\n16 See Max Weber, Gesammelte Aufs\u00e4tze zur Religionssoziologie ii Hinduismus und Buddhismus (T\u00fcbingen: J.\nC. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1988), 193\u20134.\n17 This perceptive definition comes from my colleague John North.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=563\nPages: 563\nKieckhefer, Richard 1, 4, 48, 50, 51, 54, 57\u201360,\n64, 86, 108, 124, 192, 201, 205, 206, 208,\n302, 336, 347, 348, 350, 355, 375, 385, 464,\n509, 516\nKilwardby, Robert 523, 524\nal-Kind\u00ee 65, 75, 77, 79, 154, 159, 175, 245, 246,\n248, 269\u201373, 277, 278, 289, 303, 410, 432\nKit\u00e2b al-Naw\u00e2m\u00ees (Book of Laws) 75, 153, 271\nKittredge, G. L. 206, 477\nKlaassen, Frank 109, 276, 348, 366\u20137, 378\nKonung Alexander 141\nKramer, Heinrich 324, 344, 470, 513\nKristeller, Paul Oskar 237\nKuzari (Halevi) 90\nKyeser, Conrad 113\u201315, 336, 339\nKyranides 117, 154, 157, 161\u20133, 171, 173, 340\nLacnunga 390\nLadurie, Emmanuel Le Roy 350\nlaminas 432, 433, 435\u20138\nLa musique et la magie 371\nL\u00e1ng, Benedek 112, 339, 464\nLapidario (Alfonso X) 100, 101, 334\nlapis philosophorum 116\nLasson, Emilie 488\nLatini, Brunetto 410\u201312, 411\n\u201cLausanne paradigm\u201d 509\nThe Laws of Plato 158\nLazzarelli, Ludovico 525\nLebor Gab\u00e1la \u00c9renn (The Book of the Taking of\nIreland) 130\nLe Champion des Dames (The Champion of Women) 507\nLeechbook III 300]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not\nhave agreed with Kieckhefer that their practices are essentially \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d\nand, thus, \u201cmagical\u201d; in other words, their \u201cfirst-order\u201d terminology and interpretation\ncontradict Kieckhefer\u2019s \u201csecond-order\u201d categorization, which is, at least in the light of my\nown \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, unsatisfactory).\nThe second, historical problem can be divided into three sub-problems: (1) The three\n\u201cconstitutive terms\u201d discussed by Kieckhefer may denote ritual means typically associated with \u201cmagic\u201d in the European Middle Ages (note, however, that one rarely encounters \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d in medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d), but they lack relevance\nwith regard to \u201cinsider\u201d sources from other epochs; this is problematic for two reasons:\nfirst, it undermines Kieckhefer\u2019s claim that these three terms are actually sufficient to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=75\nPages: 75,76\n17 This perceptive definition comes from my colleague John North.\n18 Statutes of Worcester III, 1240, in Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English\nChurch, II: A.D. 1205\u20131313, ed. F.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University\nPress, 1964), I, 305.\n19 E.E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976).\n20 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 16.\n21 For similar lines of thought, see M. Baxandall, Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of\nPictures (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Quentin Skinner, \u201cMotives, Intentions\nand Interpretation,\u201d in Visions of Politics, I: Regarding Method. (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2002), 90\u2013102.\n22 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 14.\n56\n5\nR e sp onse s\nRichard Kieckhefer, David L. d\u2019Avray,\nBernd-Christian Otto, and Claire Fanger\nRichard Kieckhefer]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=229\nPages: 229\n(1994); Kieckhefer, \u201cDevil\u2019s Contemplatives\u201d; Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites.\n29 Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale\u201d; Julien\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa notion d\u2019 \u2018auteur-magicien\u2019 \u00e0 la fin du moyen \u00e2ge: le cas de l\u2019ermite Pelagius de\nMajorque,\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 51 (2006). On the construction of the magician as a divinely guided editor\nand the intellectual culture that encouraged creative reinvention, see Frank Klaassen, \u201cReligion,\nScience, and the Transformations of Magic: Manuscripts of Magic 1300\u20131600\u201d (Ph.D. Thesis,\nUnivesity of Toronto, 1999); Klaassen, Transformations of Magic, 119\u201322.\n30 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review 99\n(1994); Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio Da Montolmo\u2019s De Occultis Et Manifestis or Liber Intelligentiarum.\u201d For\nthe relationship to engineering and technology, see William Eamon, \u201cTechnology as Magic in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=387\nPages: 387\nKieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, Canto ed.,\n2000); and Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch and the Law, The Middle Ages Series (\u00adPhiladelphia:\nUniversity of Pennsylvania Press, 1978).\n3 The series Witchcraft and Magic in Europe includes many other important works. See especially\nKaren Jolly, Catharina Raudvere and Edward Peters, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages\n(2001; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). On Anglo-Saxon England, see Karen\nJolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of North\nCarolina Press, 1996) and Alaric Hall, Elves in Anglo-Saxon England: Matters of Belief, Health, Gender and\nIdentity (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997); on the twelfth century, see C.S. Watkins, History and the\nSupernatural in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); on later medieval]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80,81\nand flexible taxonomies of (i) ritual (micro-) techniques, (ii) ritual goals, and (iii) concepts\nof ritual efficacy\u201d, I believe that Kieckhefer\u2019s \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d are simply not finegrained enough. (3) Finally, all three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d may be found in other medieval contexts and milieus, too, and these other contexts and milieus may be completely\ndetached from medieval discourses of \u201cmagic\u201d (consider Kieckhefer\u2019s telling reference to\n\u201cblessings or benedictions\u201d while discussing \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d, or the importance of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d in medieval medicine, which I have already hinted at\nabove). In other words, \u201cconjuration\u201d, \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cdirectly efficacious\nvolition\u201d do not even denote specific elements of medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d (in contrast to\ncharakt\u00eares or ring letters, for example) and, as a consequence, cannot actually constitute any\nmeaningful, overarching category.\n61\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=217\nPages: 217,218\n39 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, for example, 243, 246, 250, 333.\n40 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 203.\n41 MS Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252 (15th century), for example, fol. 5v, 9r, 11v\u201312r,\n23v, 27v, 28v\u201329r, 48v, 55r, 59r, 100v, 102v, 111v\u201312v, 119v, 146v.\n42 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa magie divinatoire \u00e0 la fin du Moyen \u00c2ge: autour de quelques experimenta in\u00e9dits,\u201d\nCahiers de Recherches M\u00e9di\u00e9vales et Humanistes, 21 (2011): 311\u201341, notably texts 2B and 3 edited in the\nappendix.\n43 Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d, 59.\n198\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\n44 P.A. Torijano, Solomon, The Esoteric King: From King to Magus, Development of a Tradition (Leiden: Brill,\n2002); J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa transmission group\u00e9e des textes de magie \u2018salomonienne\u2019 de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 au\nMoyen \u00c2ge. Bilan historiographique, inconnues et pistes de recherche,\u201d in L\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive dans les\ncollections m\u00e9di\u00e9vales: textes et repr\u00e9sentations, VIe-XIV e si\u00e8cle, ed. S. Gioanni et B. Gr\u00e9vin (Rome: \u00c9cole]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83,84\nAnd if the clerical world is the point of entry into learned magic, how can we think of the\ntwo as mutually exclusive? Discourse analysis must surely stay open to the ways magic remained permeable to thought, embedded in the learned disciplines that birthed it.\nWhat I most appreciate in Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s approach is his recognition of the openness of conceptual systems and his willingness to live with definitions that are not too strictly\n64\nResponses\nreined in. He, too, rejects the opportunity to define magic, while offering useful ways of\nlooking at the taxonomic project. I agree on the independent utility of aggregative terms\n(large, loose \u201cumbrella\u201d terms) and constitutive terms (specific forms of reference within the\nbroad category of the aggregative term). I remain on the same page when he suggests that\nthe smaller \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d are better for comparative purposes.\nNevertheless, I am uneasy around the specific \u201cconstitutive\u201d terms he uses to refine the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=519\nPages: 519\n\u00adAugustine, De civitate dei 10.32.\n57 Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 88.\n58 Gerson, De erroribus circa artem magicam, passim.\n59 Gerson, Contra superstitionum sculpturae leonis, OC 10:131. On Arnau and Boniface, see Nicolas\n\u00adWeill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen Age et \u00e0 la Renaissance: Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques\nmagiques (XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002), 477\u201379; Heinrich Finke, Aus den Tagen\nBonifaz VIII: Funde und Forschungen (M\u00fcnster: Aschendorffschen Buchhandlung, 1902), 200\u20139.\n60 Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 38.\n61 Nicolau Eymerich, Directorium inquisitorum 2.43.1, ed. F. Pe\u00f1a (Rome, 1587), 338; Hartlieb, Buch aller\nverbotenen K\u00fcnste, 34, 48. For an example of such a text, see Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).\n62 Eymerich, Directorium inquisitorum 2.43.2, p. 338:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nthat I entertain no hope of shaking his views. I would only comment that abandonment\nof any hope of using \u201cmagic\u201d in a precisely defined way has some consequences. It rules\nout a comparative sociology of magic, though not of \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d, etc. It\nleaves an unanswered question about the medieval concept of \u201cnatural magic\u201d. Kieckhefer\nkeeps this within his composite ideal type by saying that occult properties were taught\nby demons. But was that the only way to know about them? I think some medieval intellectuals thought of them as we think of gravity: forces that are natural and that we know\nabout, though we do not understand how they work. So understood, natural magic fits less\nwell into his interpretative scheme. Finally, his three constitutive concepts come close to\nincluding a lot of sacramental religion. Kieckhefer gives strong hints that the difference\nis the attitude to the practitioner\u2019s power and I suspect we could reach agreement on that\npoint.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=224\nPages: 224\nof magic. Vittoria Perone Comangni has worked to catalogue medieval astrological magic\nand Paola Zambelli\u2019s attention has focused principally on questions surrounding natural\nmagic.21\nAlthough explored briefly in his Magic in the Middle Ages and a number of articles, it was\nnot until Richard Kieckhefer published Forbidden Rites that any scholar gave close attention\nto a manuscript collection of medieval necromantic texts for its own sake.22 This was a\ncrucial step since so little was known about such works, much less at the level of detail a\ntextual edition can facilitate. Previously, even occultists had preferred to examine single\nworks of explicitly Solomonic magic rather than the disordered collections of anonymous\nand ragged material that are typical of surviving medieval handbooks. Kieckhefer\u2019s work\nbroke new ground by attempting to understand necromantic texts not as isolated travellers\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73\nenjoy seeming important. Third, public intentions embodied in rituals actually manifest\nthe type of power being invoked, so we are not so far from Kieckhefer after all: as he wrote,\n\u201cThat which makes an action magical is the type of power it invokes\u201d.22 The ritual of consecration at the mass invokes divine power channelled through the priest.\nThe external character of a ritual often makes it clear how far it is an instrument of power\nat the disposal of the one who conducts the ritual. Keith Thomas and Valerie Flint were\nright to think that much medieval religious practice was also magical. Richard Kieckhefer\nwas right to argue that the medieval clergy\u2019s categories must be taken seriously. The conceptual scheme proposed here is meant to be complex enough to do justice to the insights\nof both sides of the argument.\nNotes\n1 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review 99\n(1994): 813\u201336.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=520\nPages: 520,519\n80 Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien, 1:274; Harmening, Superstitio, 72.\n500\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\n81 Nicholas of Dinkelsb\u00fchl, De preceptis decalogi (Strasbourg, 1516), fol. 29v: \u201cBis got, wilkum newer\nmon, holder her, mach mir myns geltes mer\u201d (see also Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien, 2:544); anonymous, De superstitionibus, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4727, fol. 49r: \u201cPis got, wilkom\nain newer man, holder herr, mach mir meins guets mer\u201d.\n82 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 28\u201333.\n83 See Bailey, Fearful Spirits; and more programmatically Rider, Magic and Religion.\n84 Collected in Hemmerli, Varie oblectationis opuscula et tractatus (Strasbourg, 1497 or later).\n85 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, chap. 5.\n86 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites; Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008); Frank]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nsources.\nEven though I share Kieckhefer\u2019s desire to neglect the \u201caggregating term\u201d and to focus\non a more nuanced and differentiated analytical language, I believe that there are, at least\nfrom the perspective of my own \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, two basic problems with\nKieckhefer\u2019s selection of these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. One problem is rather theoretical,\nthe other historical. The theoretical problem is that Kieckhefer does not seem to restrict\nhis \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d to medieval material, but seems to perceive them as systematic\n(i.e. ahistorical) and comparative (i.e. universal) categories. This evokes an arsenal of classical problems: I shall only point to the inevitable \u201cmagic-science-religion\u201d triangle (for\nexample, Kieckhefer\u2019s notion of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d could be ascribed to large parts\nof medieval medicine \u2013 which, I believe, is rather confusing) and the \u201cinsider-outsider\u201d\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nfirst, it undermines Kieckhefer\u2019s claim that these three terms are actually sufficient to\ngrasp the whole of \u201cmagic\u201d; second, Kieckhefer\u2019s selection is apparently too constrained\nto acknowledge one of the most striking characteristics of \u201clearned magic\u201d: its ongoing\n\u201cchangeability\u201d (in contrast, Kieckhefer seems to suggest that \u201cmagic\u201d was and is always constituted by these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d \u2013 and thus more or less unalterable).\n(2) Even with regard to medieval \u201cinsider\u201d sources (now using my own terminology),\nKieckhefer\u2019s \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d may not be exhaustive; in other words, we may encounter textual or ritual elements in these sources that are not covered or addressed by these\nterms (consider the ritual goal of visio beatifica in the Liber iuratus, or the ritual technique of\ncontemplating upon notae in the Ars notoria). Alluding to my own suggestion to develop \u201copen\nand flexible taxonomies of (i) ritual (micro-) techniques, (ii) ritual goals, and (iii) concepts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=372\nPages: 372,373\n24 Kieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic,\u201d 30\u201331; Rider, \u201cWomen\u201d, 210.\n25 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006), ch. 5; Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for\nConception and Childbirth in England, 900\u20131500,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89, no. 3:\n(2015), 423.\n26 Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006),\n144\u201345.\n27 Kieckhefer, Magic, 151\u201356.\n28 Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013), 47\u201356, 94\u2013102; Sophie Page, Magic\nin the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park:\n353\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2013); Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=519\nPages: 519\n62 Eymerich, Directorium inquisitorum 2.43.2, p. 338:\nIn praedictis et aliis nonnullis libris, et inquisitionibus apparet, quod quidam daemones inuocantes manifeste exhibent honorem latriae demonibus inuocatis, utpote eis sacrificando,\nadorando, orationes execrabiles effundendo, \u2026 genuaflectendo, prostrationes faciendo, castitatem pro daemonis reuerentia, vel monito obseruando, iciunando, vel carnem suam alias\nmacerando, \u2026 luminaria accendendo, thurificando de ambra, ligno aloes, et similibu aromaticis subfumigando, aues, vel animalia alia immolando.\n63 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 82.\n64 Johannes of Frankfurt, Quaestio utrum potestas cohercendi demones fieri possit per caracteres, figuras atque\nverborum prolationes, in Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im\nMittelalter. ed. Joseph Hansen (1901; reprint Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963), 72; Jakob of Paradise, De potestate demonum, fol. 270r; Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fol. 42v.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nof knowledge, natura rerum and experimental science, including Le Liber de virtutibus herbarum,\nlapidum et animalium (Liber aggregationis), Un texte \u00e0 succ\u00e8s attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Albert le Grand (2007) and with\nTh. \u00adB\u00e9natou\u00efl, Expertus sum. L\u2019exp\u00e9rience par les sens dans la philosophie naturelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale (2011).\nClaire Fanger teaches in the Religion Department at Rice University in Houston, Texas.\nHer research focuses on Christian Latin writing in late medieval Europe, with special attention to magic texts, especially angel magic in a Christian context. She has edited two essay\ncollections on this topic (Conjuring Spirits [1998] and Invoking Angels [2012]) and has a body\nof work on the writings of the magically literate fourteenth-century Benedictine John of\nMorigny, whose magnum opus, The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, she edited with Nicholas\nWatson. She discusses the implication of John\u2019s Flowers in another book, Rewriting Magic\n(both published in 2015).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80,81\nmeaningful, overarching category.\n61\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.\nIn her chapter \u201cFor magic: against method\u201d, Claire Fanger makes a strong argument\nfor continuing the use of \u201cmagic\u201d in modern scholarship and claims that medievalists may\neven be in a \u201cprivileged position to understand things about magic that modernists do not\u201d,\nnamely, \u201cto understand the potentialities inherent in the term \u2018magic\u2019\u201d. Fanger rejects the\nposition of critical scholars \u2013 such as Jonathan Z. Smith \u2013 who have advocated the abandonment of \u201cmagic\u201d from scholarly language. At the end of her chapter, Fanger goes as far\nas to suggest \u201cabandoning methodological reflection, defining the word as it suits us \u2013 or\nnot \u2013 and moving on\u201d.\nI agree with many of Fanger\u2019s historical observations and believe that our chapters complement each other very well. Even though Fanger does not use the technical terminology\nwhich I propose in my chapter, I consider her interpretations of Augustine, the Picatrix,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=116\nPages: 116\ned. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 250\u201363.\n19 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Liber iuratus Honorii and the Christian Reception of Angel Magic,\u201d in Invoking\nAngels, ed. Fanger, 113\u201350.\n20 See esp. Claire Fanger, \u201cCovenant and the Divine Name: Revisiting the Liber iuratus and John of\nMorigny\u2019s Liber florum,\u201d in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger, 192\u2013216.\n21 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cLegends of Jewish Sorcery: Reputations and Representations in Late Antiquity\nand Medieval Europe\u201d (Ph.D. diss, Northwestern University, 2012); Eadem, \u201cAccusations of Jewish\nMagic and Sorcery in Premodern Latin and Greek Sources,\u201d in A Handbook of Ancient and Medieval\nJewish Magic, ed. Ortal-Paz Saar and Siam Bhayro (Leiden: Brill, forthcoming).\n22 Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, lat. 16558, fols. 33v\u201337r.\n23 Joseph Shatzmiller, La deuxi\u00e8me controverse de Paris: Un chapitre dans la pol\u00e9mique entre chr\u00e9tiens et juifs au]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=554\nPages: 554,555\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\nFanger, Claire (ed.), Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries (University\nPark: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\nFanger, Claire (ed.), Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic (University Park,\n\u00adPennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).\nFlint, Valerie I.J. The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, Alejandro, \u201cThe Philosopher and the Magician: On Some Medieval Allegories of\nMagic,\u201d in L\u2019allegorie dans l\u2019art du moyen age, ed. Christian Heck (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 241\u201352.\n535\nF u rt h e r r e a d i n g\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, Alejandro, \u201cLa cultura visual de la magia en la \u00e9poca de Alfonso X,\u201d Alcanate: revista de\nestudios alfons\u00edes 5, (2006\u20132007), 49\u201388.\nGilchrist, Roberta, \u201cMagic for the Dead? The Archaeology of Magic in Later Medieval Burials,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 52 (2008): 119\u201359.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\ntypes to respond to human summons. Magicians were generally more optimistic about\nthe possibility of conjuring unfallen or neutral spirits, but some of them did also explicitly and deliberately conjure fallen ones. Magicians and their critics both lived within a\nculture that saw conjuration as playing with fire. What separated them was not a clear\ndistinction in what they believed so much as a difference in what they saw as a risk worth\ntaking. Discerning both the agreement in belief and the difference in risk engagement is\na crucial challenge for discourse analysis.\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray\nBoth Claire Fanger and Bernd-Christian Otto offer \u201cemic\u201d accounts of medieval magic:\ntheir interest is mainly in \u201cfirst order\u201d concepts. Both make references to Foucault, it is true,\nbut their pieces would work just as well without him. As analyses of medieval concepts, their\npapers are nuanced and valuable. Fanger\u2019s idea of a \u201cconversation\u201d, between sympathizers]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44,45\nPortions of the Old Compilation: An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\n(Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015).\n26 See Elliot R. Wolfson, \u201cPhantasmagoria: The Image of the Image in Jewish Magic from Late\nAntiquity to the Early Middle Ages,\u201d Review of Rabbinic Judaism, 4 (2001): 78\u2013120 (here 111\u201312), an\narticle rich in material that is useful for analysis in the terms I am proposing.\n27 Hans Wiers-Jenssen, Anne Pedersdotter: A Drama in Four Acts, trans. John Masefield (Boston, MA: L\n\u00ad ittle,\nBrown, 1917), later published as The Witch: A Drama in Four Acts; Carl Th. Dreyer, Day of Wrath (1943).\n25\n2\nF or m agic\nAgainst method\nClaire Fanger\nIn religious studies, it has become increasingly common to shy away from the use of\n\u201cmagic\u201d as an analytical term in scholarly discourse. In his landmark essay, \u201cTrading\nPlaces,\u201d Jonathan Z. Smith suggests that magic is a word without content, defined only]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34,31\n\u00c2ge (Paris: \u00e9ditions du Cerf, 2007); Claire Fanger, \u201cThings Done Wisely by a Wise Enchanter:\n\u00adNegotiating the Power of Words in the Thirteenth Century,\u201d Esoterica 1 (1999): 97\u2013132.\n47 Michael R. McVaugh, \u201cIncantationes in Late Medieval Surgery,\u201d in Ratio et Superstitio: Essays in Honor of\nGraziella Frederici Vescovini, ed. Giancarlo Marchetti, Orsola Rignani and Valeria Sorge (Leuvene-laNeuve, Belgium: F\u00e9d\u00e9ration Internationale des Instituts d\u2019Etudes M\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 2003), 319\u201346. Lea\nT. Olsan, \u201cCharms and Prayers in Medieval Medical Theory and Practice,\u201d Social History of Medicine 16 (2003): 343\u201366; Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for Conception and Childbirth in England, 900\u20131600,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89 (2015): 406\u201333.\n48 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006).\n49 See Mark Williams\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n12\nPart I\nConce pt ua l i zi ng m agic\n1]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474,475\n56 Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 95\u201398.\n57 The circular figures in Bodleian MS Liturg. 160, fol. 1r and 66r do give the cross a central position and the representations of the Virgin in Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg, Cod. M I 24,\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019Archiginnasio, MS A. 165 and MS Clm 28864 are surrounded\nby four crosses.\n58 Book of Figures, III. 11, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 372\u201373.\n59 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 124\u201330 on John\u2019s knowledge of image magic texts and likely adaptation of their visual lexicons, notably in relation to the anthropoid planetary figures of the Picatrix.\n455\nS o p h i e Pa g e\n60 Book of Figures, III. 12. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 373.\n61 Picatrix, III. V.\n62 New Compilation Book of Figures III.i.1.c. See Claire Fanger, \u201cLibri Nigromantici: The Good, the\nBad, and the Ambiguous in John of Morigny\u2019s Flowers of Heavenly Teaching,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 173.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\nwhich I propose in my chapter, I consider her interpretations of Augustine, the Picatrix,\nThomas Aquinas and John of Morigny to be in line with my understanding of a \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d. However, I believe that she overshoots the argument in the\nlast part of her chapter. Particularly, her final suggestion to \u201cabandon methodological reflection\u201d is hard to digest, given that her analysis is nothing but the result of a very sophisticated methodological reflection. Fanger produces \u2013 in my terminology \u2013 an \u201cemic\u201d analysis\nof the \u201cfirst-order\u201d use of the concept of \u201cmagic\u201d within selected medieval sources, and\nthereby outlines various distinct semantic and evaluative patterns as well as different discursive functions and motifs. Her approach is therefore \u2013 inevitably \u2013 \u201canti-essentialist\u201d\nand it is important to note that Fanger nowhere applies or advocates a meaningful \u201csecond-\u00ad\norder\u201d notion of \u201cmagic\u201d. This absence of \u201csecond-order\u201d notions is crucial as it stands in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=54\nPages: 54,55\nPontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015). I.i.3.\n15 John of Morigny, Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, I.i.3.\n16 For a fuller account of John\u2019s magical journey, see Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the\nVisionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (Pennsylvania, PA: State University Press,\n2015).\n35\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\n17 Cf Asprem\u2019s use of the term \u201ccapricious agency,\u201d Problem of Disenchantment, 551.\n18 Smith, \u201cTrading Places,\u201d 218.\n19 For example, Wouter Hanegraaff writes, citing Smith among others, that the terms \u201csuperstition\u201d\nand \u201cmagic\u201d are \u201cwholly unsuitable as neutral instruments in scholarly interpretation: they belong\nto the category of value judgments and political Kampfbegriffe (battle concepts), not of valid \u2018etic\u2019\nterminology.\u201d Wouter Hanegraaff, Esotericism and the Academy (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2012), 157.\n20 Paul Feyerabend, Conquest of Abundance: A Tale of Abstraction versus the Richness of Being (Chicago, IL:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\npapers are nuanced and valuable. Fanger\u2019s idea of a \u201cconversation\u201d, between sympathizers\nwith and opponents of magic, is attractive. There are affinities between her ideas and the\nanalysis of conflict by Niklas Luhmann, Soziale Systeme (Frankfurt, 1984), pp. 530\u201333.\nFanger is reacting against modern interpretations of magic which start from the idea of a\nEntzauberung der Welt: magic is what modernity got rid of. We can agree to distance ourselves\nfrom that schema, which she classifies as \u201cetic\u201d, but we do not need to give up all attempts\nat a clearer etic understanding. Fanger argues that we need some shifting and ambiguous\nconcepts. Agreed. That does not mean that we can do without at least some clear concepts.\nCurrently, discussions of magic and religion in the Middle Ages remind me of after\ndinner arguments by slightly inebriated undergraduates, each enjoyably pursuing their]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17,18\ninquisitor of Aragon, Nicholas Eymerich.\nxvi\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\nNicholas Watson teaches in the Department of English and the program in Medieval\nStudies at Harvard University. His main areas of interest include visionary and mystical\nwriting of the later Middle Ages and the history of medieval vernacular religious writing, especially in England and France. He is a co-editor, with Claire Fanger, of an edition and commentary of John of Morigny\u2019s Flowers of Heavenly Teaching (2015); co-editor with Jacqueline\nJenkins of the writings of Julian of Norwich (2006); and has written or edited several other\nbooks and more than fifty articles. At present, he is finishing a monograph entitled Balaam\u2019s\nAss: Vernacular Theology Before the English Reformation.\nNicolas Weill-Parot is a Professor at the \u00c9cole Pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes (Section des\nsciences historiques et philologiques) and Chair of \u201cHistory of Science in Medieval Latin]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\norder\u201d notion of \u201cmagic\u201d. This absence of \u201csecond-order\u201d notions is crucial as it stands in\nstark contrast to \u2013 or even contradicts \u2013 her final claim to support definitions of \u201cmagic\u201d\n(\u201cI propose [\u2026] \u00addefining the word as it suits us\u201d). Fanger\u2019s argument is in fact incoherent\nhere: if she would have stipulated a definition and thereby projected a single, context-free\nmeaning of \u201cmagic\u201d onto her material, she would have obscured or distorted precisely\nthose \u201cfirst-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d which she has so brilliantly unveiled in the historical\nsection of her chapter.\nIn a similar vein, Fanger\u2019s criticism of Jonathan Z. Smith is, in my view, misleading.\nIn her analysis, Fanger does \u2013 in effect \u2013 eschew \u201cmagic\u201d as an \u201cetic\u201d term (!), and she does\n\u201ctrade places\u201d in Smith\u2019s sense: instead of one monolithically defined concept of \u201cmagic\u201d,\nwe encounter a wide range of nuanced formulations and different semantic facets in her]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\nfor these practices would have been familiar from the broader culture). I would not want\nto relegate these objects and practices to an ambiguous category of \u201callegedly \u2018magical\u2019\nritual traditions\u201d on the grounds that they are orally transmitted and thus likely to have\nbeen short and simple. I would not restrict the history of magic to discourse analysis, or\nprivilege material that lends itself to such analysis.\nI share with Claire Fanger a concern about sharp distinctions between the discourses of\ninsiders (magical practitioners) and outsiders (including their critics). For example, is the\npact narrative necessarily a tool of \u201cothering\u201d? Ambiguity and uncertainty about the\nnature of the spirits conjured can be found within the texts of angel magic. Magicians\nand critics alike believed in both fallen and unfallen angels, and in the capacity of both\ntypes to respond to human summons. Magicians were generally more optimistic about]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81,82\nFor these reasons, I would strongly object to Fanger\u2019s endorsement of a methodological\n\u201canything goes\u201d position in the final part of her chapter, and I also believe that Fanger\nwould not be satisfied with the results if her wish became true. The analytical turn which\nis currently taking place in the academic study of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 the turn from adopting (single) essentialist or even universalistic \u201csecond-order\u201d definitions to reconstructing (diverse)\n\u201cfirst-order\u201d notions, functions and evaluative patterns in the research material \u2013 is a major\n62\nResponses\nstep forward, particularly in historical research. Calling for a methodological \u201canything\ngoes\u201d position runs the risk of relapsing into arbitrary reifications, normative misinterpretations, distortive projections and interdisciplinary misunderstandings. Fanger\u2019s excellent interpretation of medieval notions of \u201cmagic\u201d demonstrates that we are way beyond that now.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\nwe encounter a wide range of nuanced formulations and different semantic facets in her\nown narrative \u2013 such as \u201cungrounded in any theory of natural causation and unmoored\nfrom any legible system\u201d, \u201cdevotional kinds of activity [\u2026] that [\u2026] fail to recognize the\ntrue God\u201d, \u201ca ritual aimed at the correct object that errs in its protocols\u201d and so forth. Alluding to my own chapter, I believe it is crucial to differentiate between \u201cetic\u201d analyses that\nemploy \u201csecond-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 these are the ones criticized by Smith \u2013 and\n\u201cemic\u201d analyses that reconstruct \u201cfirst-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 this is actually pursued by\nFanger. If one does not conflate these two research agendas, it turns out that Smith\u2019s and\nFanger\u2019s position do not contradict but complement each other. I am even quite sure that, if\nSmith ever reads the piece, he would approve Fanger\u2019s analysis and perceive it as a materialization of what he had suggested in his 1995 article.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18,20\nStudies at Jesus College, Oxford. He is a Darby Fellow and Tutor in English at Lincoln\n\u00adCollege, Oxford, and currently works in the Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse, and Celtic\nat Cambridge, where he teaches medieval Irish. He is the author of Fiery Shapes: Celestial\nPortents and Astrology in Ireland and Wales, 700\u20131700 (2010), and Ireland\u2019s Immortals: A History of\nthe Gods of Irish Myth (2016). He is currently working on a monograph on magic in medieval\nIrish and Welsh literature.\nxvii\nIntroduct ion\nSophie Page and Catherine Rider\nThe study of medieval magic has seen a great deal of important work in recent decades.\nSince the 1990s, scholars have demonstrated that a wide range of people were engaged in\nmagical activities from all groups in society, and that a great variety of magical texts were\nin circulation. In addition to this, they have continued to explore topics that have long attracted attention, such as the relationship between medieval magic and the witch trials of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=534\nPages: 534\nfifteenth-century demonologist who tried most diligently to demonstrate what we can call\n\u201cdiabolic realism\u201d, that is to say the premise of the reality not only of the devil and demons\nbut also of physical interactions between humans and demons. In fact, the \u201csynagogue of\nthe devil,\u201d which aimed to destroy Christianity, constituted a danger of the first order. With\nthis in mind, Jacquier attempted to demonstrate that witches were not only heretics, but\nalso \u201cthe worst heretics,\u201d expressing it in this form in order to justify the force of repression\nthat needed to be taken against them. The inquisitor advocated a tightening of the judicial\nprocedures against witches, in order to deny them any possibility of grace or salvation \u2013\nthey must be condemned to death on the first indictment (instead of after relapsing, as was\nmore usual with inquisitorial trials). The Flagellum, a genuine plea for capital punishment,\naimed to make witch-hunting both possible and effective.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=378\nPages: 378,379\n359\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nlends credibility to her more extraordinary skills in natural magic. Her herbal knowledge\nproduces transformative effects, most strikingly when she is captured by the giant Ascopard:\nOn 3he tok vp of \u00fee grounde,\n\u00deat was an erbe of meche mounde*,\nTo make a man in semlaunt* \u00feere,\nA foule mesel* alse 3if a were. (3677\u201380)\n*power\n*semblance\n*leper\nThis is medical magic of an extreme kind: the herb transforms Josian\u2019s appearance to that\nof a leper and causes the Muslim king Yvor to reject her, preserving her chastity. Her herbal\nskills allow her to play with the appearance of an illness that is most often depicted in literary\ntexts as fearfully evocative of God\u2019s powers to test and punish. When she is rescued, Josian\nimmediately applies \u201can oiniment\u201d that returns her clear bright colour (3891\u201392) \u2013 perhaps\nevoking a herb such as henbane or verveine, supposed to cure boils. The effect is marvellous]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=180\nPages: 180\ninstill courage in someone, you should advise them to carry a lion\u2019s organ, since the lion is\nbrave as a species, or they should wear the shirt of a courtesan, who is brave as an individual \u00ad(singulariter). Likewise, if you want to excite love, you should look for an animal that has\na loving nature such as the swallow or the dove. Continuing in the field of organic magic,\nif you want to make someone talkative, simply bring near them the tongue of a dog or a\nbird. Similarly, any living being has one natural property in excess, which could be used to\nstimulate the same virtues in another living being, as it is proven that \u201cevery virtue moves\ntoward what is similar\u201d.49 This knowledge is based on experience, and that which has no\nvisibly explicit cause is classified as a secret or a marvel.\nThe Epilogue of the Book of the Marvels of the World presents the following classification of\nmarvels:\n1.\n2.\n3.\nA rare and unusual phenomenon whose cause is unknown. This is an extraordinary]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=108\nPages: 108\nWhile translated elements usually provide the clearest evidence of transfer, the i\u00admpact\nof Jewish magic can occasionally be discerned through more general, conceptual \u00adelements.\nTwo treatises from the early fourteenth century, John of Morigny\u2019s Book of Flowers and the\nSworn Book of Honorius, both present connections between magic and visionary \u00adexperience\nthat find no precedent in Latin sources but strongly resemble concepts found in contemporary\nJewish sources.18 In the case of the Sworn Book, the angels described in the text exhibit roles\nand attributes characteristic of the Arabic and Hebrew magical traditions.19 These two\ntexts stand out as well for their explicit repudiations of Jewish magic, suggesting a c\u00ad ertain\nself-consciousness about the origins of the material.20 Unfortunately, Latin texts rarely\n\u00adaddress their relationship with Jewish magic as explicitly as these do.\nCondemnations of magic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=385\nPages: 385\npast and present into conversation, to discover continuities and contrasts with later literature and thought. Laine Doggett\u2019s study of love magic argues for an approach that brings\ntogether history of medicine with medieval literary studies, women\u2019s studies and a broad\nrange of humanities studies. Doggett suggests that Old French literary texts reflected but\nalso influenced practice and perception by their positive presentation of women healers; at\nthe same time, she reclaims these figures from traditional associations with charlatanism.\nMy recent work has explored the ways mind, body and affect are constructed and intersect in medieval thought and literature, with a particular focus on how supernatural, particularly visionary, experience is portrayed and understood.27 Pre-Cartesian perspectives\nchime surprisingly closely with current approaches, illuminate the complex interrelations\nof mind and body, and probe the power of affect in resonant and suggestive ways. They]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=50\nPages: 50\nthe etiquette, so to speak, of the treatment of the sacred. Pairing benign image magic with\nthe Ars notoria, Thomas sees both practices as involving a recognition of the true God (such\npractices are not idolatrous), but an error in the manner of approach. The ritual behaviour\nrelating the human to God has something wrong with it. Expressively, these types of ritual\nconfuse or mystify, rather than clarify, the appropriate relation between divine and human\nthings. One might say it is their very esotericism that he reacts to as theologically pernicious.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum: sacramental magic,\nor the theurgic problem\nJohn of Morigny was a Benedictine active in the early fourteenth century whose Flowers of\nHeavenly Teaching comprises a set of prayers for obtaining knowledge, partly delivered by and\npartly a homage to the virgin Mary, interwoven with a compelling visionary autobiography.\nHe never advocates magic, though he engages with it extensively. He acknowledges copying]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34,35\nseeks to heighten mystical consciousness. Yet, we cannot really speak here of different forms\nor types of mysticism, because there is no reason in principle why they cannot be combined,\nand in writers such as Teresa of \u00c1vila they very much are intertwined.6 They represent\ndistinguishable elements of Christian mysticism, not three different types.\nThe situation with magic is, I propose, similar. There are distinguishable practices that\nhave long been called magical. If they have anything to do with each other \u2013 and they\noften do \u2013 it is not because they are different forms of one clearly definable thing, but for\nother reasons that we need to explore. Like \u201cmysticism\u201d, so too \u201cmagic\u201d is what I will call\n15\nRichard Kieckhefer\nan aggregating term. The same can probably also be said for \u201csainthood\u201d, \u201cauthority\u201d and\nnumerous other terms, surely including \u201creligion\u201d, all of which I would class as aggregating.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241\nas part of the ongoing conversation about magic in that it positivized some of its uses. Much\nremains to be explored about the background of John\u2019s knowledge, particularly its small but\ninteresting suggestions of Jewish\u2013Christian exchange, but in general his work demands that\nwe see how magic texts, despite their controversial nature, might be counted as one source\namong many in the building up of knowledge and disciplinary models in the later Middle\nAges. Set apart in principle, the magic arts were affiliated and integrated in practice with\nboth religious and secular kinds of knowledge and discursive practices.\nBeyond the history of magic, the Liber florum can also be expected to impact the larger\nhistorical picture of medieval life and institutions in many ways. The book as a whole is\na significant addition to the array of late medieval works of visionary theology, not less\nimportant because it evidences a masculine engagement with a genre whose most notable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=384\nPages: 384\nthe way for experiences that push at, and cross, in believable ways, a boundary of actuality,\nexpanding what is humanly possible, transgressing limits in its transformations of minds and\nbodies and its remarkable affective power.\nFuture directions: new interdisciplinary approaches\nRomance is just a beginning. There is much other medieval literature to be explored across\nmany languages. Scholars are not likely to find detailed accounts of magical practice in other\nliterary genres, for such accounts would have been highly risky. They will, however, find the\nrecurrence of magic, interwoven with the supernatural and configured in different ways\nacross different kinds of texts. As my work on hagiographical and penitential romances has\nsuggested, religious texts often oppose the true and enduring power of God to the flawed\nhuman practice of magic \u2013 and sometimes align that practice with the demonic. Saints\u2019 lives]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=197\nPages: 197\ncan be linked with \u201cspiritual substances,\u201d and seemingly used as amulets or talismans, and\n\u201cmagica naturalis as a part of natural science.\u201d49 Like Michael Scot, he associates \u201cmagic\nworks\u201d (opera magica) with \u201cnecromantic\u201d works in his chapter devoted to the arts of illusion\n(ludificationes \u2013 p\u00ad raestigium) in the introduction to the third part of the second volume of De\nuniverso, but the part of necromancy that is related to apparitions and the summoning of\ndemons is not considered to be natural and tends towards idolatry. 50 It should be stressed\nthat in the same part of De universo, in a passage concerning libri experimentorum in the\nchapter De tribus generibus magicorum operum, et de mirificis virtutibus quarundam rerum, William\nlinks the notion of the art of natural magic (ars magica naturalis) with the natural properties\nof the plants listed in these books. He underlines that this art of natural magic is much]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=498\nPages: 498,499\n479\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nabout the many regions where the lack of clear boundaries allowed magic, science and religion to overlap with one another. Biblical precedent authorized dream divination and lot\ncasting, for example, and wearing stones or herbs to cure ailments seemed to draw on natural powers.26 So ambiguity continued to beset the pastoralia when writers tried to separate\nthe illicit and magical from the legitimately religious.\nThis large-scale canvass of magic in medieval pastoralia has been usefully complemented\nby the studies of single texts which show in detail how magic was treated in relation to other\npotential spiritual dangers. Michael Haren\u2019s analysis of the fourteenth-century confessors\u2019\nmanual titled Memoriale Presbiterorum, for instance, indicates the author\u2019s almost dismissive\nattitude towards magic. Like Filotas, Haren finds peasants and women singled out for\nattention, as the author\u2019s interrogation of peasants highlights their tendency to believe in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=385\nPages: 385\nof mind and body, and probe the power of affect in resonant and suggestive ways. They\nalso open onto ways of understanding that are less accessible in the secularized, progressive world of the twenty-first century. The experiences discussed in Tanya Luhrmann\u2019s\nanthropological study of magic and witchcraft in the present, for example, seem considerably less bizarre when placed in dialogue with medieval writing, where magic and the\nsupernatural are familiar topics, and there is scope for a wide range of possible beliefs and\nimaginings.28 Luhrmann\u2019s study explores how the practice of magic can lead to changes\nin observation, psychology and emotional experience, shaping intellectual strategies akin\nto those of religious belief. While her work is valuably contextualized by medieval studies,\nthese in turn are illuminated by her richly textured account of how magic can be made to\nmean, and of its imaginative power: despite the shifts in understanding from the Middle]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=461\nPages: 461,462\nas celestial or sacramental signs. Nevertheless, scribal creativity sometimes undermined these\nbids for orthodoxy, however, with stylized lions, oxen and dragons, swords, serpents and birds\nbeing drawn alongside the magical motifs and verba ignota.\nIn the early fourteenth century, a French Benedictine monk named John of Morigny\nwrote a book called the Liber florum celestis doctrine (The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching), a revision of the Ars notoria that tried to shift focus away from its unintelligibility and towards a less\nobscure ritual combination of Marian devotion and astrological ideas.53 The Liber florum was\n442\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\na practical manual for achieving a visionary ascent to the presence of God and knowledge\nof all the arts and sciences. John\u2019s claims to have had revelatory experiences were viewed\nwith suspicion and his work was burnt at the University of Paris in 1323. Nevertheless, his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=258\nPages: 258\nare many sciences of the word such as grammar, logic, rhetoric and magic [\u2026]\nmagic is about the word which serves to coerce the spiritual substance. Some words\nare indeed infused with a wonderful power created by the only Maker who is the\nalmighty God and cause of all causes, as you can well see of herbs and gems, but in\na more excellent way, almost endlessly and beyond compare. And the inexperienced\ncan ponder this through their religion. For in the Scriptures it is stated that [\u2026] God\ncreated the skies and the angels with words. [\u2026] And it is also stated that whatever\none may ask by the use of the word, if one believes with faith and without hesitation, it will happen. [\u2026] Magic thus deals with wonder-working words swarming\nout of faith or proceeding from firm belief, so that one believes in the true God and\nthe art and one\u2019s teacher and the religion to which one is devoted. But it is better\nif one believes in the Christian faith since, as my experience in magical matters]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=384\nPages: 384\nhuman practice of magic \u2013 and sometimes align that practice with the demonic. Saints\u2019 lives\nand other religious works offer a fertile ground for literary exploration within the cultural\ncontexts so richly described by recent scholarship. So too do the genres of history and chronicle. The exploration of lesser known works will allow further research into the connections of\nmagic with popular story, superstition, learning, moral teaching, politics, science and belief.\nAlso waiting to be explored are later, especially prose romances: some of these, such as Valentine and Orson, edge much nearer to explicit engagement with magic as summoning demons,\nand this subject is taken up in the transition from medieval to early modern, most famously\nin Shakespeare\u2019s depiction of Prospero. The Renaissance reworks the magician as the mage,\nand Renaissance magic plays a powerful role in reshaping literary emphases, as ideas of both\nscience and witchcraft gain force.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=427\nPages: 427\nimagination understood the conflict between magic and religion. As we have just seen in\nthe extraordinary image from the life of Saint Cyprian, magic, idolatry and paganism were\nintimately connected in early medieval visual culture. Evil and demons are of course the\nroots of magic, and for instance in a late Byzantine manuscript, a magician, Theodas, is\nshown sending demons against his enemy, Josaphat (BnF Grec 1128, fol. 151).\nMagic and the Liberal Arts\nMagic also represented knowledge that was illicit and forbidden. An image in the now lost\ncopy of the Hortus deliciarum revealed how Augustine\u2019s condemnation of magic continued to\nbe influential as late as the second half of the twelfth century. The schematic representation\nof the Liberal Arts in the Hortus arranges the personifications of the seven arts around the\ncentral figure of Philosophy, flanked by Plato and Socrates.40 The idea that pagan learning]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=386\nPages: 386\nwho experience them concerning their beneficent or maleficent nature.34 Just as magical\nritual practice can shape subjective experience, so delusive thought systems can construct\nalternative explanations, and so also can shared cultural experience. Such interdisciplinary\nresearch offers insights into the complex and hidden ways in which the mind works \u2013 the\ninteractions between affect and cognition, individual and social, inner and external experience. Interdisciplinary studies of magical belief and subjective experience that foreground\ncognitive processes illuminate the seriousness with which medieval literature treats magic \u2013\neven when its otherworldly practitioners can effect its transformations without enacting its\ndemanding operations, or when these are left to the reader\u2019s imagination. At the same time,\nit is important to recognize the limits of neuroscientific explanations; more valuable may]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=263\nPages: 263\nmiracles, the ultimate actor of magic is thus declared to be God alone. The magical system\nbears here a circular structure beginning and ending in God, who is its principle and its\nfinal end.\nThe clarification of both the status of the magician and the evil spirits in the dynamics\nof magic is crucial to Ganellus, not least because the involvement of spirits (and of man\nwho, due to his free will, is a potential sinner oscillating between the good and the evil) is\na structural and irrenounceable ingredient of the magical tradition that he follows, but in\nthe meantime one major argument by which the contemporary opponents of magic reinforce their identification of magic with idolatry.49 On a similar note, by further highlighting the relationship which ties magic to religion through the treatment of the teleology of\nmagic, Ganellus intends to refute the widespread argument that magic contrasts with the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=385\nPages: 385,386\nhow likely they were to have \u201ctransformed an initiate\u2019s subjective experience\u201d, to effect\n366\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\n\u201ca shift to associative thinking confirmed by powerful experiences resulting from this approach, a shift to new and dedicated systems of interpretation, and an actual reorientation\nof the nervous system\u201d.31 Klaassen emphasizes the extraordinary discipline of such practice and its close relationship to prayer, contemplation and religious practice, which might\nalso \u201cbring about different neurological states\u201d.32 Putting medieval religious and magical\npractices and texts into conversation may well prove suggestive. While the imaginative\nliterature of the medieval period does not often represent the detailed operations of magic,\nstudies such as that of Klaassen provide a valuable context for Chaucer\u2019s learned magician\nin the Franklin\u2019s Tale or for the practices of William of Palerne\u2019s stepmother, removing them\nfrom the bounds of exotic fantasy.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=375\nPages: 375\ntext becomes a place where ideas, beliefs, wishes, fears and imaginings intersect, a site of\ncultural exploration and innovation. Magic in medieval romance is most of all associated\nwith bodies: with physical influences that heal or harm, shift shape or place. Yet, for all its\nbodiliness, the affective power of magic also opens onto the mind and questions of sin and\nvirtue, intention and identity.\nHealing and harmful knowledge\nMedieval literature must be placed in the context of the thought world of the later Middle\nAges, with its complex blend of ideas stretching back through classical and Judaeo-Christian\nas well as Germanic and Celtic belief and ritual. The long history of magic, its place in natural philosophy and medicine, its use of the cosmic powers contained in plants and stones\nand its connections with demons and the natural world were all fundamental to medieval\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both\nare centred on how magic operates to create artificial life. The Hermetic image magic texts\ndeal with instructions for the drawing down of spiritual power or celestial virtue into objects, in\norder to transform them into instruments of magical action,2 whilst the magic of marvels represents an attempt to situate magical practices within a broader natural philosophical framework.\nDavid Pingree, in his essay From Hermes to Jabir, has shown that three cultural \u00adtraditions \u2013\nsymbolically represented in the legend of the \u201cthree Hermes\u201d (Egyptian, Harranian and\nMesopotamian) \u2013 contributed to the variety of Hermetic techniques for creating artificial\nlife. Here, we will deal with the first and second.3 The first cultural tradition contributing to\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=54\nPages: 54,55\nPontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015). I.i.3.\n15 John of Morigny, Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, I.i.3.\n16 For a fuller account of John\u2019s magical journey, see Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the\nVisionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (Pennsylvania, PA: State University Press,\n2015).\n35\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\n17 Cf Asprem\u2019s use of the term \u201ccapricious agency,\u201d Problem of Disenchantment, 551.\n18 Smith, \u201cTrading Places,\u201d 218.\n19 For example, Wouter Hanegraaff writes, citing Smith among others, that the terms \u201csuperstition\u201d\nand \u201cmagic\u201d are \u201cwholly unsuitable as neutral instruments in scholarly interpretation: they belong\nto the category of value judgments and political Kampfbegriffe (battle concepts), not of valid \u2018etic\u2019\nterminology.\u201d Wouter Hanegraaff, Esotericism and the Academy (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2012), 157.\n20 Paul Feyerabend, Conquest of Abundance: A Tale of Abstraction versus the Richness of Being (Chicago, IL:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=384\nPages: 384,385\nin making sense of experience.25 Lea Olsan\u2019s essay on medieval literature, for example,\ndraws interesting connections between enchantment, delusion and necromancy, comparing\nliterary representations of enchantment with those in magical handbooks.\nThe subject of magic in medieval literature and culture, with its deep connections to\nmedicine, body, mind and emotions speaks in particular to the growing interdisciplinary\n365\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nfield of the medical humanities, which brings medicine into dialogue with the humanities,\nwith a view both to enriching the humanities and extending biomedical approaches. As\nresearchers at the Institute for Medical Humanities at Durham University have argued,\na properly critical medical humanities is also a historically grounded medical humanities:\nliterary texts provide crucial insights into cultural and intellectual attitudes, human experience and creativity.26 Reading from a medical humanities perspective means putting]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 43 to page 59 out of a total of 569:\nPages 43:\nRichard Kieckhefer\nrather than the aggregating terms that might seem to guide it. In some cases, including the study\nof religion, the terms used for fields of inquiry are what I would call aggregating rather than constitutive terms.\n8 William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature (1902, reissued\n\u00adHarmondsworth: Penguin, 1982), lectures 16\u201317, 379\u2013429.\n9 Richard Kieckhefer, Unquiet Souls: Fourteenth-Century Saints and Their Religious Milieu (Chicago, IL:\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 1984), 22\u201333; Margaret Smith, R\u0101b\u2018a the Mystic and Her Fellow Saints\nin Islam: Being the Life and Teachings of R\u0101bi\u2018a al-\u2018Adawiyya Al-Qaysiyya of Basra Together with Some Account\nof the Place of the Women Saints in Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Robert Bly,\nMira Bai: Ecstatic Poems (Boston, MA: Beacon, 2004).\n10 S. Ansky [Solomon Rappoport], The Dybbuk, trans. Henry G. Alsberg and Winifred Katzin (New\nYork: Boni & Liveright, 1926).\n11 James George Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (reissued Oxford: Oxford\n\u00adUniversity Press, 1997).\n12 On cursing, see the classic discussion in Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London:\nWeidenfeld & Nicolson, 1971), 502\u201312. The boundary between magical cursing and liturgical imprecation is problematized by Lester K. Little, Benedictine Maledictions: Liturgical Cursing in Renaissance\nFrance (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).\n13 The point is made in classic form by Marcel Mauss, A General Theory of Magic, trans. Robert Brain\n(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1950; reissued London and New York: Routledge, 2001),\n78: \u201cBetween a wish and its fulfilment there is, in magic, no gap.\u201d But of course this like most\ntheoretical statements about magic applies to some but not all magical operations. The necromancer who conjures demons does not simply wish them present, but engages in complicated rituals\npresupposing an intense conflict of wills between the practitioner and the spirit, and symbolic\nmanipulation too may entail complex mediation between the wish and its fulfilment. Note also\nthat Mauss uses the term \u201celement\u201d in a sense different from mine, for aspects of magic that enter\ninto his \u201cgeneral theory\u201d.\n14 Ariel Glucklich, The End of Magic (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 32\u201333; George\n\u00adSerban, The Tyranny of Magical Thinking (New York: Dutton, 1982); Ellen Peel, \u201cPsychoanalysis and\nthe Uncanny,\u201d Comparative Literature Studies, 17 (1980): 410\u201317.\n15 See the conception of mages discussed in Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cJacques Lef\u00e8vre d\u2019\u00c9taples and the\nConception of Natural Magic,\u201d in La magia nell\u2019Europa moderna: tra antica sapienza e filosofia natural, ed.\nFabrizio Meroi and Elisabetta Scapparone (Florence: Olschki, 2007), 63\u201377.\n16 For a survey of definitions, see Lynn Thorndike, \u201cSome Medieval Conceptions of Magic,\u201d The\nMonist, 25 (1915): 107\u201339.\n17 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cAngel Magic and the Cult of Angels in the Later Middle Ages,\u201d in Contesting Orthodoxy in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Heresy, Magic and Witchcraft, ed. Louise Nyholm\n\u00adKallestrup and Raisa Maria Toivo (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 71\u2013110.\n18 On medieval conceptions of natural magic, see now Nicolas Weill-Parot, Points aveugles de la nature:\nla rationalit\u00e9 scientifique m\u00e9di\u00e9vale face \u00e0 l\u2019occulte, l\u2019attraction magn\u00e9tique et l\u2019horreur du vide (XIIIe-milieu du XVe\nsi\u00e8cle) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2013).\n19 Charles Burnett, Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian\nWorlds (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996).\n20 Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah, Magic, Science, Religion, and the Scope of Rationality (New York: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1990); Steven P. Marrone, A History of Science, Magic and Belief from Medieval to Early\nModern Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015).\n21 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201c\u2018Astrological Images\u2019 and the Concept of \u2018Addressative\u2019 Magic,\u201d in The\nMetamorphosis of Magic from Late Antiquity to the Early Modern Period, ed. Jan N. Bremmer and Jan\nR. \u00adVeenstra (Leuven: Peeters, 2002), 167\u201387, especially 169 (\u201cA magical \u2018addressative\u2019 act can be\ndefined as an act by means of which the magician addresses a sign to a separate intelligence (a demon, an angel or some other spirit or intelligence) in order to obtain its help to perform the magical\noperation\u201d) and 176 (\u201caddressivity is the key concept for medieval theories of magic\u201d).\n22 Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Gh\u0101yat Al-Hak\u012bm, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute,\n1986), 112\u201335.\n23 Joseph Bernard McAllister, The Letter of Saint Thomas Aquinas De Occultis Operibus Naturae Ad Quemdam\nMilitem Ultramontanum (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1939), 170\u201378.\n24\n\nPages 44:\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\n24 Liber iuratus Honorii: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius, ed. G\u00f6sta\n\u00adHedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), 121\u201339; further categories of spirit are similarly\naddressed on pp. 140\u201343. See also the angel conjuration in Robert Reynes, The Commonplace Book\nof Robert Reynes of Acle: An Edition of Tanner MS 407, ed. Cameron Louis (New York: Garland, 1980),\nno. 29, pp. 169\u201370, where the angels are commanded only after their arrival in a child\u2019s fingernail,\nand their summoning takes the form of a prayer addressed to Christ.\n25 Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French\nMonk (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015), and John of Morigny, Liber\nflorum celestis doctrine, or Book of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching: The New Compilation, with Independent\nPortions of the Old Compilation: An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\n(Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015).\n26 See Elliot R. Wolfson, \u201cPhantasmagoria: The Image of the Image in Jewish Magic from Late\nAntiquity to the Early Middle Ages,\u201d Review of Rabbinic Judaism, 4 (2001): 78\u2013120 (here 111\u201312), an\narticle rich in material that is useful for analysis in the terms I am proposing.\n27 Hans Wiers-Jenssen, Anne Pedersdotter: A Drama in Four Acts, trans. John Masefield (Boston, MA: L\n\u00ad ittle,\nBrown, 1917), later published as The Witch: A Drama in Four Acts; Carl Th. Dreyer, Day of Wrath (1943).\n25\n\nPages 45:\n2\nF or m agic\nAgainst method\nClaire Fanger\nIn religious studies, it has become increasingly common to shy away from the use of\n\u201cmagic\u201d as an analytical term in scholarly discourse. In his landmark essay, \u201cTrading\nPlaces,\u201d Jonathan Z. Smith suggests that magic is a word without content, defined only\nprivatively, i.e. in terms of what it is \u201cdeprived of \u201d \u2013 what it is not. \u201cMagic\u201d, he says,\nmarks a \u201cshadow reality known only by looking at the reflection of its opposite (\u2018religion\u2019,\n\u2018science\u2019) in a distorting fun-house mirror\u201d.1 In a similar vein, in recent studies of magic in\na modern context, scholars have noted that what magic shadows is often the modern itself,\nso that in some writings \u201cmagic\u201d almost becomes a shorthand for a particular haunting of\nthe modern \u2013 its inverse, a marker for all that is non-modern.2 If the word was in legitimate use in premodern cultures or modern countercultures, in contemporary academia,\n\u201cmagic\u201d is treated by many as wholly off limits for use in discourses of scholarship, theory\nor methodology.\nFor medievalists, however, magic is, for various reasons, harder to see as an empty\nsignifier, a mere shadow. While in the Middle Ages, the magic arts were denigrated\nas false knowledge or non-knowledge (as they still may be), or as demonic (a related\naccusation), at the same time ars magica and its analogues and subcategories (sortilegium,\nnigromantia, geomantia and the other mantic arts) are not empty of content. Nor do they\nline up neatly with orality or cultures (pagan or peasant) associated with orality. In fact,\nthe artes magicae included specific knowledge disciplines, sometimes containing texts that\nwere handled, copied, studied and in some cases authored by intellectuals. Magic was\nif anything a more intense concern in the learned environment than it was as a view\nof a pagan or peasant practice. If the lifeworlds of medieval people were different from\nours, nevertheless their assessment of magic is very recognizable. Medievalists are thus\nin a privileged position to understand things about magic that modernists do not. Yet,\neven among medievalists, there can be observed a certain hesitation around the use of\nthe term. An obeisance to its difficulty is often preliminary to discussions of its history,\nparticularly for novice or student audiences (of which this forum may be seen as one\nexample).\nBut surely we can make use of the medieval potential for seeing magic as something\nwith an actual knowledge content to counter the increasingly prevalent idea that magic must\nbe handled by academics only as a historical datum, something empty, dead and pinned\nto a card. What I would like to do here is enter a plea for learning to use the word \u201cmagic\u201d\n26\n\nPages 46:\nF o r m ag i c\nagain; I would like scholars to see the kind of distinctions the word allows as potentially\nuseful rather than intrinsically foggy or oppressive. First, I will sketch the kinds of historical\nconversations I am interested in. I will then introduce selected short passages by medieval\nauthors discussing magic and superstition and reinterpret them, with the aim of showing\ncontinuities between modern and medieval reasonings about magic, both positive and negative. In my conclusion, I will argue for a freer and easier use of the term \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 a use\nless constrained by the tired dogma of its extreme difficulty.\nIn studying medieval magic, I am always interested in the problem it posed (and continues to pose) for people who think about it. This has been true since long before I paid\nattention to Foucault, but it aligns very well with many things Foucault has written about\nthe role of problematization in what he calls the \u201chistory of thought\u201d. \u201cProblematization\u201d,\nFoucault has said, is \u201cthe set of discursive or non-discursive practices that makes something\nenter into the play of the true and false, and constitutes it as an object for thought (whether\nunder the form of moral reflection, scientific knowledge, political analysis, etc.)\u201d.3 So I am\ninterested in magic when it becomes a topic of reflection, when it enters into the play of true\nand false. I am interested in how its actual practices colour the judgements that get made\nabout it, positive and negative, and how discursive judgements get pulled back into the\npractices themselves. When I write about it, my concern is never exclusively the plus nor minus side of the equation, but the whole ball of wax: the theological, philosophical, liturgical,\nrhetorical and pragmatic elements involved in crafting the knowing of magic, constituting\nit as a problem for knowledge and ethics.\nWhen writing about magic, I like to emphasize that the medieval anti-magical and\npro-magical arguments are part of the same conversation: the composition and rewriting\nof magic texts are done in awareness of, and often in response to, engagements with the\ndiscursive formations that condemn them. All the texts routinely brought up in the histories\nof medieval magic, from the writings of Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and the Speculum astronomie on the one hand, to the Ars notoria, the Sworn Book, Montolmo\u2019s Liber Intelligentiarum\nand the Summa sacre magice on the other, can be seen as engagements with the problem in\nthe sense I am indicating. Works like Roger Bacon\u2019s Opus Maius and John of Morigny\u2019s Liber\nflorum tread a complex ground between full acceptance and full condemnation, and are also\npart of the conversation. I use the word \u201cconversation\u201d to underscore that it is not merely a\nset of polemics.\nThe other thing I like to emphasize is that these are learned engagements constituted\nwithin a single social and administrative order. For this reason, in the kinds of work I mostly\nlook at, the notion of magic as a word used by colonializing societies to subjugate subaltern\nreligion is out of place. It is also out of place to think in terms of class struggle. To say that\nmagic is contested turf, ritually, ethically and epistemologically is not the same as saying its\nuse reveals systematic subjugation. Proponents and derogators of intellectual magic texts\nare in the same social order, sharing and reading the same books.\nI present below four brief case studies, representing a range of medieval thoughts about\nmagic, to show how it is constituted as irrational in premodern contexts, and also to show\nthe esoteric thought that tends to come into play when it is appropriated as a positive category. In some cases, allied or contiguous terms are present alongside or instead of the word\nmagic, including superstition (superstitio), sorcery (sortilegium) and necromancy (nigromantia).\nVarious forms of divination (divinatio, mantike, distinguished from prophecy) also traditionally come under the heading in medieval discourses.\n27\n\nPages 47:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\nAugustine: magic as a mistake in thinking\n(non-knowledge; wrong science)\nI begin with Augustine since he is so obviously important as a touchstone for thinking about\nmagic, sign theory and natural causality through the Middle Ages. Beyond this, Augustine\u2019s\ndistinctions have an elegant simplicity that merit appreciation. Getting down to the basic\nmoving parts of the Augustinian theory shows the lineaments of an idea transferable across\nvarious discursive fields and boundaries.\nAugustine grounds his address to magic in a discussion of superstition. In De doctrina\nChristiana, Augustine begins with a treatment of sign theory that posits that there is no\nnecessary connection between a sign and its meaning, and that a sign in itself cannot cause\nchange in the world. His examples of superstitions in the De doctrina Christiana are very\nrecognizable; I quote only part of the list (omitting the jokes mocking the stupidity of superstitious persons). He characterizes superstitions as \u201cfrivolous practices\u201d, including,\nto tread upon the threshold when you go out in front of the house; to go back to\nbed if any one should sneeze when you are putting on your slippers; to return\nhome if you stumble when going to a place; when your clothes are eaten by mice,\nto be more frightened at the prospect of coming misfortune than grieved by your\npresent loss.4\nSuperstitions, then, are random behaviours believed to promote good or ill luck, ungrounded\nin any theory of natural causation and unmoored from any legible system (religious, linguistic or philosophical). They point neither to exotic intrusions from persons outside the social\norder (like the \u201cgods\u201d of other cultures, things that would make sense in their own cultural\ndomain).5\nThey do not equate to the idolatry of a pagan \u201cother\u201d; indeed, they are not rooted in any\ncultural context at all. The examples he gives of superstitions are exactly the kinds of things\nwe would consider superstitious now, and for the same reasons.\nMagical signs share with superstitions the quality of being signs that have drifted free\nfrom any mooring in human communication. However, they are more complicated than\nsuperstitions because they are not always so clearly unconnected to accepted domains of\nknowledge. Even so, the index of magicality, for Augustine, remains fundamentally similar\nto the index of superstition: it is the presence of signs that cannot possibly do what they\nclaim to do by the powers they claim to use:\nIn this class we must place also all amulets and cures which the medical art condemns, whether these consist in incantations, or in marks which they call characters, or in hanging or tying on or even dancing in a fashion certain articles,\nnot with reference to the condition of the body, but to certain signs hidden or\nmanifest.6\nThe signs interpreted in all forms of divination including astrology are also similarly \u201cunmoored\u201d, though astrology requires a longer dismissal because astrological signs are embedded in a system that appeared (to many people in Augustine\u2019s intellectual milieu if not to\nAugustine himself) to make sense, and thus had to be unveiled as an arbitrary human construction. Following a euhemeristic theory of the pagan gods (itself a pagan invention, but\n28\n\nPages 48:\nF o r m ag i c\none that attracted many Christian apologists), he points out that until humans ascribed them,\nstars and planets had no names or qualities. Their names and qualities are obviously cultural\nproducts rather than natural ones; thus, what is \u201cread\u201d by astrologers in their charts are all\nqualities of human attribution, whose institution was governed by sociopolitical processes,\nthe desire of the powerful to enshrine themselves in the heavens. Even while the fact of stellar rays may be granted by Augustine, he does not grant that the attributed names and qualities\nreflect real natural powers; there can be no causal connection between the star\u2019s names and\nattributes and the natural events it supposedly influences. Astrology, like other divinatory\nsciences comprising the traditional magic arts, like all superstition, is thus rendered as a kind\nof fake knowledge or non-knowledge.\nPicatrix: magic as higher knowledge (esotericism)\nComposed in Arabic and translated into Latin in the mid-thirteenth century, an apologia\nfor magic opens the compendium of magical writings that circulated in Latin under the title\nPicatrix, whose Arabic title, Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, is usually translated Goal of the Wise. I bring up\nPicatrix because the positive attitude to magic expressed in it is evident in many other texts in\nthe image magic tradition.7 The kind of thinking represented here is almost as important as\nAugustine\u2019s in understanding what magic meant to Thomas Aquinas. The generic word for\nmagic in Picatrix is translated from Arabic to Latin as nigromantia though the positive valence\nof the word in Picatrix is clear.8 The prologue to Picatrix lays out the terms:\nOh you who desire to turn your attention to philosophical types of knowledge,\nand to know and see into their secrets, first seek out the great marvels of art which\nthey have put in their books; turn your attention to the marvels of the science of\nnigromantia. Moreover you should know first off that philosophers hid this knowledge and were unable to disclose it to men; nay rather they veiled it so far as they\ncould, and with hidden words they covered up whatever they said about it with signs\nand resemblances as if they spoke of other kinds of knowledge \u2026. because if this\nknowledge were disclosed to human beings, they would confound the universe. And\nso they spoke figurally about it.9\nHere, magic is definitely a kind of knowledge (not a mistake in thinking, or a non-knowledge\nas in Augustine). It is something philosophers actually need to know. However, it is equally\ndefinitely not normal knowledge; it is cast as something hidden, powerfully effective, but difficult\nto understand and intrinsically obscure as to its causal mechanism. Later in the chapter,\nthe use of nigromantia is delimited thus: \u201cgenerally we use the word nigromantia for all things\nhidden from sense, and which the greater part of men do not grasp how they are done nor\nthe causes from which they come\u201d.10 In this mystery around the causal mechanism, we see\nan index of magic that actually bears a close similarity to Augustine\u2019s: the causal structure of\nmagical effects is not only not evident, but it is in fact hidden, though this attribute is necessary\nas its mode of causality is too dangerous to be widely revealed.\nIn Picatrix and texts in allied traditions of image magic, we have a presentation that,\nwhile positive, gives magic a position on the very edge of the order of knowledge. To be\nclear, the procedures and processes it advocates have a knowable content, a learnable\npraxis, some of which (notably the parts connected to astrology, Augustine\u2019s b\u00eate noir)\nseem connected to known domains of knowledge; but the exact mechanisms by which\n29\n\nPages 49:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\ntalismans operate are concealed. Thus, one might say that in Picatrix, magic is recognizable by the same index of causal hiddenness evident in Augustine, but the attitude towards\nit has been flipped. Augustine and the compiler of Picatrix would have recognized one\nanother\u2019s attitude.\nThomas Aquinas: magic as wrong religion\nThomas follows Augustine in discussing magic in the category of superstition, under the\nbroader category of vices antithetical to the virtue of justice, but his distinctions are further\nrefined. According to Thomas \u201csuperstition is contrary to religion by excess \u2026 because it\noffers divine worship either to whom it ought not, or in a manner it ought not\u201d.11 Thomas\nbreaks magic down into subcategories according to how its specific practices relate to religion:\nThe species of superstition are differentiated, first on the part of the mode, secondly\non the part of the object. For the divine worship may be given either to whom it\nought to be given, namely, to the true God, but \u201cin an undue mode,\u201d and this is\nthe first species of superstition; or to whom it ought not to be given, namely, to any\ncreature whatsoever, and this is another genus of superstition \u2026. the first species of\nthis genus is \u201cidolatry,\u201d which unduly gives divine honor to a creature. The second\nend of religion is that man may be taught by God Whom he worships; and to this\nmust be referred \u201cdivinatory\u201d superstition \u2026. Thirdly, the end of divine worship is a\ncertain direction of human acts according to the precepts of God the object of that\nworship: and to this must be referred the superstition of certain \u201cobservances.\u201d12\nIn essence, Thomas holds that magic is a set of forms of behaviour or devotional kinds of\nactivity (\u201cobservances\u201d) that either fail to recognize the true God, or engage ritual acts that\nare misdirected or inappropriate. In Figure 2.1, I schematize some of the surrounding material that comes up near this locus in the Summa Theologiae to show examples of the types of\nmagical practices Thomas is thinking of. In the third subdivision of superstitious error, he is\nclearly targeting the use of amulets condemned by Augustine, which ties, for him, explicitly\ninto image magic, and another contemporary practice often condemned as magic (though it\ndoes not call itself by that name), the Ars notoria.\nForms of Superstition in Summa Theologiae\n(General heading: Virtues: Sub-heading: Justice\nSuperstition opposes Justice through errors of excess)\nError in mode or means Error in object or ends of worship:\nof worship:\nworship of true God in\n1. worshipping not\nundue mode; hypocrisy;\nGod but creature\nto use \u201cin the time of\n(i.e. idolatry).\ngrace ... the rite of the old\nlaw\u201d (unclear if he thinks\nhere of Jews or judaizing\nChristians, perhaps both)\n2. seeking teaching 3. orienting\nnot from God but\nbehavior not to\ncreature (i.e. in\nGod (in rites not\nproperly Christian\ndivination,\nincluding sortes,\nor Christian but ill\nor controlled\nthought out,\nrandomization,\nincluding use of\nand nigromantia,\namulets as in\nor demon\nimage magic; the\nsummoning)\nArs notoria)\nFigure 2.1 \u0007Forms of superstition in the Summa Theologiae.\n30\n\nPages 50:\nF o r m ag i c\nIt is clear from his account that Thomas is aware of various forms of divination and necromancy (item 2), and separates out from these both the Ars notoria and image magic texts\n(item 3). He devotes an article to the Ars notoria, and he was well aware that it does not claim\nto be magic, does not invoke demons and declares for itself the highest Christian goals;\nabout image magic, he makes an explicit distinction between image magic and nigromantia.\nHe is not here suggesting that the users of astrological images are deliberately trying to summon demons but understands a dividing line between types of images.13 The benign type\nof images is included in the third category of superstition for a reason that has to do with\nthe etiquette, so to speak, of the treatment of the sacred. Pairing benign image magic with\nthe Ars notoria, Thomas sees both practices as involving a recognition of the true God (such\npractices are not idolatrous), but an error in the manner of approach. The ritual behaviour\nrelating the human to God has something wrong with it. Expressively, these types of ritual\nconfuse or mystify, rather than clarify, the appropriate relation between divine and human\nthings. One might say it is their very esotericism that he reacts to as theologically pernicious.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum: sacramental magic,\nor the theurgic problem\nJohn of Morigny was a Benedictine active in the early fourteenth century whose Flowers of\nHeavenly Teaching comprises a set of prayers for obtaining knowledge, partly delivered by and\npartly a homage to the virgin Mary, interwoven with a compelling visionary autobiography.\nHe never advocates magic, though he engages with it extensively. He acknowledges copying\na book of necromancy, finding and engaging the Ars notoria in a sustained way before giving it\nup, practicing with known texts of necromantic magic, including one called The Four Rings of\nSolomon, and writing a \u201cnew necromancy\u201d of his own, before giving that practice up as well.\nUnlike the authors just treated, John does not explain or define what magic is nor offer a\nlineage for it; yet, he is deeply embedded in writings that do this, both magical and ecclesiastical. His own writings are not represented as magic, but a path away from the error it\nrepresents to a conversion of life, written for others in the process of resisting the same temptations. Like Thomas Aquinas, John sees magic as a problem of religion and knowledge\nand the ethics of thinking and knowing; more than this, for John, magic is a problem of\nself-formation. He learns to eschew what it stands for, but his path through it is by no means\nstraight and narrow just because he condemns it. In fact, he clearly (and in the case of the\nArs notoria explicitly) relies on texts he understands as problematically magical to construct\nhis own antidote to it in the Liber florum. The ambiguity of magic as a marker of unstable\nknowledge is thus not diminished but enhanced by the depth of John\u2019s experience with it.\nMany passages could be chosen from John\u2019s Flowers that highlight this, but I here quote\nfrom his first description of the book that led him astray in the beginning, the Ars notoria.\nIn a nutshell, the problem with Ars notoria is that it claims to be \u2013 and from various angles\nappears to be \u2013 a path or ladder to God, something of divine institution that offers a route\nto the knowledge of Paradise \u2013 but in fact it is a fake. John describes a copy of the Ars notoria:\nNow this book, the Ars notoria, at first glance (that is outwardly) seems to be of all\nbooks the most beautiful and useful and even the most holy \u2026 and through it almighty God promises to operators and bestows on them in a brief time the acquisition of all the sciences of scripture and the arts. In it are prayers holy and wondrous,\nand figures whose mystery, as it says therein, is rather a miracle than a normal\n31\n\nPages 51:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\nexemplar of erudition. O cunning of the ancient serpent! O frenzy of the wicked\nlion, circling and seeking someone to devour! \u2026 By it are all evils compounded.\nWhat more is there to say? That it is not possible without it to accomplish anything\nin necromancy. In fact, inasmuch as it is the more subtle, it is the more deceptive.\nIt is composed in five tongues \u2013 Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic \u2013 in\nsuch a way that it cannot be understood or expounded by anyone, and the more it\nis studied, the more obscure it becomes.14\nJohn does not call the Ars notoria magic, but it is clear that it is in the same family of knowledge objects by the comparison with necromancy. John makes the case against the Ars notoria\nvia its dangerous ambiguity: the Ars notoria appears beautiful and useful, even \u201cmost holy\u201d\nbut this holy appearance is part of its temptation. If magic is categorized as sham knowledge by Augustine, and sham religion by Thomas Aquinas, the Ars notoria is the epitome of\nsham, not because it is obviously done by demons, but for the reverse reason: it looks and\nfeels and smells sacred; but it is not. Yet, if we believe John\u2019s story, it has powerful effects;\nit does work to obtain visions that appear to be, and sometimes really are, shot through\nwith divine messages. It does work to teach the liberal arts and to obtain other kinds of\nknowledge. This does not argue for its goodness; in fact, John says, it is worse than necromancy because it is more \u201csubtle\u201d, made of good and true things interwoven with diabolic\ntemptations. It only gets worse with expertise; \u201cthe more it is studied, the more obscure it\nbecomes.\u201d15 In seeing the Ars notoria as primarily a ritual error (not an idolatrous practice,\nbut a ritual aimed at the correct object that errs in its protocols), John\u2019s condemnation is\nakin to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s.\nBut this condemnation is complicated. The rejection of magical knowledge that he\nachieves is not just the beginning of his own redemption; it is also the rescue of the sacramental promise of the Ars notoria as John attempts to correct the alignment by clarifying\nthe ritual. The knowledge he finds through repentance, self-examination and consultation\nwith the Virgin Mary takes the form of another book \u2013 his own book, the Flowers of Heavenly\nTeaching \u2013 that yields a true sacred knowledge to the initiate. In part because of the peculiarities of John\u2019s past, in part because of the intrinsic ambiguity of all things on the edge of\nthe order of knowledge, his book may look like magic to some critics, but is cast by him as\nsomething different: a properly attuned heavenly and not worldly form of knowing.16\nMagic, ambiguity and the history of thought\nTo note that John\u2019s condemnation of magic is complicated is not the same as saying his\nviews are unclear; it is only to point out that thought is required to understand them. If we\ntake magic as a particular kind of problem, it becomes available to thought in ways that it\nwill always resist if it is assumed to be a narrow rigid grid (\u201cbelief in demons\u201d versus \u201coccult\nnatural powers\u201d). To sketch a few lines around the problem as I have tried to render it visible\nhere, magic (and its related and analogous terms) indicates, among other things, a difficulty\naround the articulation of causality in the production of certain phenomena: whether the\npowers involved are seen as beneficially mystical or decried as evil or fake, they share an\nopacity of causal structure.17 (This is not the only line one can draw through these materials,\nbut I maintain it because of its utility in tying medieval rationalities to our own.)\nIn medieval Christian terms, divine causality (miraculous or sacramental causality) is\nequally opaque and therefore needs to be theologically justified and carefully delimited,\n32\n\nPages 52:\nF o r m ag i c\nconfined (where possible) to one incarnation, seven sacraments and a channel of holy power\nstretching into the ecclesiastical hierarchy from the apostles. As soon as it starts to manifest\ntoo often, or to become too available outside the normal structures meant to contain it, it\nmust be examined, proved or disproved, pushed back to be more clearly distinguished from\nthe profane. In practice, though, it is hard to keep the idea of divine causality constrained\nwithin its best-case theological limits. As we see in the oeuvre of John of Morigny and other\nlate medieval theurgic texts, it tends to keep escaping into the world, in part because the\ncreation of the world itself is a sacramental institution that maps onto Christ\u2019s body. Where\nthe divine escapes to manifestation, there will be a temptation for some people to see its effects as magical (whether or not its operators see it that way themselves) because of the ways\nits cause eludes discursive reasoning, remaining secret, unknowable, a mystery.\nDemonic action, in this picture, was less a necessary presupposition for \u201cbelief\u201d in magic,\nthan a hypothesis concerning the obscure cause of magical action where it could not be\nseen as divine. In the Augustinian logic that influences later anti-magical discourse, it was\na given that magical signs could not do what they claimed by the powers they claimed to\nuse. If signs had an effect in the world, such effects suggested intentional intervention. They\nmight be achieved by sleight of hand, or because the meaningless signs were actually meaningful to invisible demons. But since demonic action was usually hidden or invisible itself, it\nwas also difficult to prove. If the suspect action had no harm in it, it was always possible to\nposit a divine or natural cause.\nMany positive versions of \u201cmagic\u201d or extraordinary sacramentality could thus make\nplausible claims for their own legitimacy, and positivized uses of the word \u201cmagic\u201d as well\nas non-standard Christian rituals claiming divine delivery or sacramental status continued\nto proliferate. Through all of these conversations, in both positive and negative instances,\nthe emergence of talk about magic and its cognate and analogue terms tends to mark a\nplace of insecurity or instability. Magic crops up where something causes a problem with\ncanonical knowledge patterns or content, or where a particular philosophical claim or liturgical usage seems to offend logic, theological propriety or common sense. Because the\ncentral orthodoxies of the proper order of knowledge are always shifting, the places where\nmagical conversations emerge may be seen to resemble a water boundary, moving with\nthe tides and rain. This feature of the conversation surrounding magic is interesting to me\nbecause it reveals certain properties \u2013 one might say the fluid nature \u2013 of knowledge itself.\nIn the same article by Jonathan Z. Smith that I cited in the beginning of this essay, Smith\nsuggests that there is little merit in continuing the use of the substantive term \u201cmagic\u201d in\nsecond-order, theoretical academic discourse, among other reasons because\nwe have better and more precise scholarly taxa for each of the phenomena commonly denotated by \u201cmagic\u201d which, among other benefits, create more useful categories for comparison. For any culture I am familiar with, we can trade places\nbetween the corpus of materials conventionally labeled \u201cmagical\u201d and corpora designated by other generic terms (e.g. healing, divining, execrative) with no cognitive\nloss.18\nBut while I concede the benefits of using these taxa for comparative purposes, it seems plain\nto me that the excision of \u201cmagic\u201d from our scholarly/theoretical discourse does entail a\ncognitive loss; for the problem itself is lost in any attempt to reduce magic to any specific set of\ninstantiations, theories, practices or technologies. I find this to be a difficulty with all lines\n33\n\nPages 53:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\nof thought, which, following Smith, suggests that \u201cmagic\u201d can be eschewed as a scholarly\ncategory because it is ambiguous, value-laden or insufficiently neutral.19\nThe fact that magic is an inherently ambiguous and polyvalent term \u2013 even a \u00adKampfbegriff \u2013\ndoes not actually make it different from any other large abstract terms we use for carving up\nreality into manageable pieces in order to talk about them. It is a distorting premise to posit\nthat scholars should only be allowed unambiguous terms, or that losing the Kampfbegriffe\nwould enable a clean, neutral kind of language that would mean no further sullying ourselves\nby tumbling in the mud of the fields of discourse. This is a pipe dream. Indeed, if actually\napplied, the demand for non-ambiguous language in history would rule out nearly everything\nwe use to talk about history with (including, but not limited to, terms like \u201cscience\u201d, \u201creligion\u201d, \u201cmedieval\u201d, \u201cmodern\u201d, \u201cWestern\u201d, \u201cculture\u201d and so forth).\nThe idea that we need large, abstract and necessarily ambiguous terms to make reality\nmanageable in conversation is consistent with the arguments of Paul Feyerabend, whose last\n(unfinished) work, Conquest of Abundance, offers possible ways of thinking about ambiguity as a\nfruitful and necessary part of the apprehension of reality (at least if the large abstractions are\nnot reified by taking them too seriously). His argument is too complex to do justice to here;\nhowever, Chapter 1 concludes with these preliminary propositions about human knowing:\n(1) that completely closed cultures (conceptual systems) do not exist; (2) that the\nopenness of cultures is connected with an inherent ambiguity of thought, perception, and action\u2026; (3) that the ambiguity can be mobilized by feelings, visions,\nsocial pressures, and other nonlinguistic agencies; (4) that these agencies have structure, they can \u201cpressure us to conform with them\u201d \u2026; (5) that argument has power\nonly insofar as it conforms to nonargumentative pressures; (6) that a reality that is\naccessible to humans is as open and as ambiguous as the surrounding culture and\nbecomes well defined only when the culture fossilizes\u2026.20\nThe suggestion that magic should be eschewed as an \u201cetic\u201d term is in a sense to demand\nthat it only appears to us as fossilized in cultures that have already died. But it is obviously\nnot realistic to suggest that we will understand the past better if we refuse for ourselves\nthe terminology by which the past understood itself. Large abstract terms (like \u201cmagic\u201d or\n\u201cmysticism\u201d, \u201cscience\u201d or \u201creligion\u201d) can only serve us productively when they are allowed a\ncertain natural movement. This is not to say that no one should define \u201cmagic\u201d in a specific\nway to make it contextually available for a particular discussion; it is only to say that its ambiguity is a function of its broad reach, part of its life in the language. Magic is certainly not\na special problem of modernity (which is far from being the only era that has ever claimed\nto have \u201creal knowledge\u201d). Surely it is arrogance to imagine that it is only in our own time\nthat people are capable of seeing a difficulty when startling effects are claimed for apparently\nritualistic actions worked by no known natural or divine rules.\nIn many respects, those who study the premodern world are best positioned to understand the potentialities inherent in the term \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 its distinctions, rationalizations and\ncues for use. But whatever the time period or geographical area we actually make the object\nof our study, I suggest that we cannot afford to treat \u201cmagic\u201d as something that once had\na stability that it has but lately lost. Knowledge is essentially fluid, and has always been so.\nI thus propose abandoning methodological reflection, defining the word as it suits us \u2013 or\nnot \u2013 and moving on. Language is a river. It is more efficient to learn to ride the rapids than\nto portage round them.\n34\n\nPages 54:\nF o r m ag i c\nNotes\n1 Jonathan Z. Smith, \u201cTrading Places,\u201d in Relating Religion, ed. Jonathan Z. Smith (Chicago, IL:\n\u00adUniversity of Chicago Press, 2004), 218.\n2 For example, Magic and Modernity, ed. Birgit Meyer and Peter Pels (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003); \u201chaunting\u201d occurs on pp. 30, 79, 127, 203, 216. See also Randall Styers,\nMaking Magic (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). A push back against this tendency to isolate\nand stigmatize the term is evident in writing by Michael Taussig, who engages freely with all the\navailable valences of magic in his writings; see, e.g. his essay \u201cViscerality, Faith, and Skepticism:\nAnother theory of magic,\u201d in Magic and Modernity, ed. Meyer and Pels, 272\u2013306. A use of \u201cmagic\u201d\nat the opposite end of the spectrum, engaging it as an empty colonialist construct with no utility\nbut subjugation, is evident in the essay by Margaret J. Weiner, \u201cHidden Forces: Colonialism and the\nPolitics of Magic in the Netherlands Indies,\u201d in Magic and Modernity, ed. Meyer and Pels, 129\u201358.\n3 Foucault, from interview, \u201cThe Concern for Truth,\u201d in Michel Foucault: Politics, Philosophy, Culture, ed.\nL.D. Kritzman, trans. A Sheridan (Abingdon: Routledge, 1988), 257. A cognate approach to modern esotericism is seen in Egil Asprem, The Problem of Disenchantment (Leiden: Brill, 2014), hiving off\nmethodological suggestions in Kocku von Stuckrad, Locations of Knowledge (Leiden: Brill, 2010).\n4 Augustine, On Christian Doctrine II.xx.30, ed. Marcus Dods, trans. J.F. Shaw, in The Works of\nSt. A\n\u00ad ugustine, vol IX (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1873), 56\u201357.\n5 Augustine is aware that \u201cgods\u201d in the Greek neoplatonic context are not equivalent to demons in\ntheir own domain, that is, he is aware that the neoplatonists regard them as he regards angels. The\nidea that in commerce with them demons are invoked requires a complex argument; see City of\nGod 10.9. For discussion of Augustine\u2019s understanding of magic and its later influence, see Claire\nFanger, \u201cMagic,\u201d in The Oxford Guide to the Historical Reception of Augustine, ed. Willemien Otten, et al.\n(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 860\u201365.\n6 Augustine, On Christian Doctrine, p. 56.\n7 For an overview that usefully identifies key features of the image magic genre, see Chapter 4 in\nSophie Page, Magic in the Cloister (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n8 \u201cNigromantia\u201d is called in to translate the Arabic \u201csi\u1e25r\u201d, a term condemned in Qu\u2019ran 2:102 as\na form of knowledge taught by deceptive demons. Though often condemned, si\u1e25r also covered\na variety of specific and defensible types of knowledge; for wider context, see Charles Burnett,\n\u201c\u00adTalismans: Magic as Science? Necromancy among the Seven Liberal Arts,\u201d in Charles Burnett,\nMagic and Divination in the Middle Ages (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996). Qu\u2019ran 2:102 becomes a focal\npoint for distinctions about magic in later commentaries; see, e.g. al-Tabari, Jami al-bayan an tawil\nayy al-Qur\u2019an, vol. 1 (Beirut: Dar Ihya al-Turath al-Arabi, n.d.), 515ff (commentary to Qur\u2019an\n2:102) and al-Baqillani, Kitab al-bayan an al-farq bayna al-mujizat wa-l-karamat wa-l-hiyal wa-l-kihana\nwa-l-sihr wa-l-narnajat (Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq, 1958), 91ff. (I thank David Cook for these references.) In Picatrix, then, si\u1e25r is being upheld as positive in a specific context; it is not a word always\nor necessarily positive in the Arabic culture where it is at home.\n9 Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute,\n1986), ch. 2, p. 5; translation mine.\n10 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, ch. 2, p. 5.\n11 IIa IIae, Q 92. Art. 1, response. The Summa Theologica of St Thomas Aquinas, 2nd edition, 1920,\ntrans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province, online edition 2008 by Kevin Knight, www.\u00ad\nnewadvent.org/summa/.\n12 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, IIa IIae, Q 92, Art. 2, response.\n13 \u201cAstronomical images\u201d he writes \u201cdiffer from necromantic images in this, that the latter include\ncertain explicit invocations and trickery, wherefore they come under the head of explicit agreements made with the demons.\u201d Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, IIa IIae, Q 92, Art. 2, response\nto objection 2.\n14 John of Morigny, Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto:\nPontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015). I.i.3.\n15 John of Morigny, Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, I.i.3.\n16 For a fuller account of John\u2019s magical journey, see Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the\nVisionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (Pennsylvania, PA: State University Press,\n2015).\n35\n\nPages 55:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\n17 Cf Asprem\u2019s use of the term \u201ccapricious agency,\u201d Problem of Disenchantment, 551.\n18 Smith, \u201cTrading Places,\u201d 218.\n19 For example, Wouter Hanegraaff writes, citing Smith among others, that the terms \u201csuperstition\u201d\nand \u201cmagic\u201d are \u201cwholly unsuitable as neutral instruments in scholarly interpretation: they belong\nto the category of value judgments and political Kampfbegriffe (battle concepts), not of valid \u2018etic\u2019\nterminology.\u201d Wouter Hanegraaff, Esotericism and the Academy (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2012), 157.\n20 Paul Feyerabend, Conquest of Abundance: A Tale of Abstraction versus the Richness of Being (Chicago, IL:\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 2001), 78.\n36\n\nPages 56:\n3\nA di scou r se h istor ic a l a pproach\ntowa r ds m e di eva l l e a rn e d m agic\nBernd-Christian Otto\nThis chapter proposes a discourse historical approach towards medieval learned magic and\nis divided into two sections. In the first section entitled \u201cClarifying terminology\u201d, I will introduce some technical terminology that may be helpful for understanding the approach\nproposed here. In the second section entitled \u201cMagic as a discursive concept\u201d said terminology is applied to the study of medieval learned magic. The main argument of this chapter is\nthat it is possible and indeed helpful to investigate medieval learned magic without adopting\nsecond-order definitions of magic; in contrast, magic should be understood and used as a\ndiscursive concept in medieval studies.\nClarifying terminology\nBefore outlining the approach proposed in this chapter in greater detail, it may be sensible\nto introduce some technical terminology that will facilitate its understanding. Namely, I will\ndiscuss the distinction between first-order, second-order and third-order scholarly concepts;\nthe so-called insider/outsider problem in the study of religion (and/or magic); and, finally,\nthe concomitant differentiation between emic and etic scholarly analyses.\nThe most important theoretical distinction on which the present approach relies is the\n\u00add istinction between first-order, second-order and third-order concepts. The terms first-\u00adorder\nand second-order have originally been applied in philosophical logic, where second-order\nlogic has usually referred to an enhanced set of predicate symbols.1 Over the course of the\npast decades, these terms have been taken up by scholars of religion and often employed \u2013\nyet, with a somewhat translocated meaning \u2013 in the ongoing debate about the concept of religion. The sociologist of religion James A. Beckford, for example, has claimed that religion\nis a \u201csecond-order concept. It is an observer\u2019s construction that is supposedly based on the\nfirst-order beliefs, practices and experiences of human actors\u201d.2 His main argument is that\nwhereas social actors may or may not subsume their actions and beliefs under the term \u201creligion\u201d (which would then represent a first-order use of the term), scholars may nonetheless\nadopt a \u2013 supposedly more clearly defined \u2013 concept of religion while analysing these actors\n(this would then represent its second-order use). Accordingly, Beckford insists \u201con a clear\nconceptual distinction between first-order and second-order notions of religion\u201d.3 The idea\nthat social actors (that is, the objects of scholarly research) use first-order language, whereas\nscholars use second-order language to analyse these actors (such as comparative categories\nor taxonomies), has become an established pattern of argumentation in the ongoing debate\n37\n\nPages 57:\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\non the concept of religion.4 Some scholars have used the distinction with a different meaning which shall not interest us here5 but Russel T. McCutcheon\u2019s addition of a third level of\nreflection which he calls \u201cthird-order category of redescription\u201d6 is nonetheless noteworthy\n(as it could be applied to the tendency of scholarly debates in the humanities to become\nincreasingly abstract, up to the degree of being completely detached from any real-life\n\u201cdata\u201d \u2013 this has often happened in the debate on magic).\nIn this chapter, I suggest that the distinction between first-order and second-order\n\u00adlanguage should be implemented more systematically in the study of medieval learned\nmagic. I will thus argue that the use of the term magic within medieval sources should be\nreferred to as first-order, whereas its second-order use refers to the application of the concept of magic by modern scholars who investigate these (or other) sources. A third-order\nuse of the concept of magic may refer to its eventual generalization and universalization,\nfor example when scholars (such as medievalists) move beyond their particular corpus of\nsources and engage in interdisciplinary debates on whether magic is a human universal\nor not. As will be argued below in greater detail, both second-order and third-order talk\non magic entail, in my view, a range of basic methodological difficulties and should be\navoided on principle.\nRelated to the differentiation of first-order and second-order language is the so-called\n\u201cinsider/outsider-problem\u201d, which has been a major point of discussion in the study of religion over the past years.7 The main argument here is that believers and/or practitioners\nof a particular religious tradition (who may be considered \u201cinsiders\u201d) tend to speak very\ndifferently about their tradition than adherents of other (for example \u201ccompeting\u201d) religious\ntraditions or further \u201coutsiders\u201d to the tradition in question.8 Seen from this perspective,\nscholars of religion are necessarily \u201coutsiders\u201d to their objects of study, even when they\nhave acquired substantial insider knowledge (for example by reading primary sources or\nconducting interviews). This may also be due to their use of second-order language which is\noften considerably different from the first-order language used by the \u201cinsiders\u201d of a given\ntradition.\nWith regard to medieval learned magic, this distinction is useful as it points to the necessity of distinguishing two very different medieval discourses about magic which could be\ncalled insider and outsider discourse. The first may refer to medieval ritual texts that have\nbeen written, copied or used by practitioners (or theoreticians) of the art who have, in fact,\noften applied the first-order concept of magic to refer to themselves or the rituals described\nor theorized in these texts.9 The second may refer to medieval sources that have spread and\nadvocated polemics against such insider texts or against magic in general (elsewhere, I have\nused the analytical terms \u201cdiscourse of inclusion\u201d for insider sources, and \u201cdiscourse of\nexclusion\u201d for polemical outsider literature).10 This distinction is, by now, fairly established\nin medieval studies (and it also underlies the rationale of the present volume) and is applied\nmore and more frequently in other historical contexts and disciplines, too.11 Note that both\nmedieval insider and outsider sources are on the level of first-order language, as both make\nfrequent use of the Latin term \u201cmagia\u201d and/or established medieval synonyms of that term\n(for example \u201cnecromantia\u201d, \u201cnigromantia\u201d).\nThe distinction between emic and etic approaches is directly related to the differentiation of first-order and second-order categories and the \u201cinsider/outsider-problem\u201d. In an\nimportant article published in 1967, the American linguist Kenneth L. Pike derived both\nterms \u2013 emic and etic \u2013 from linguistics (where they originally referred to different, namely\nphonemic and phonetic, conceptualizations of sounds) and suggested applying these to the\n38\n\nPages 58:\nA d i s c o u r s e h i s t o r i c a l a p p ro a c h\nstudy of human behaviour.12 His main argument is that it makes a great difference whether\na scholar tries to analyse human behaviour as \u201cfrom inside the system\u201d13 \u2013 that is, from\nthe perspective of the actors\u2019 own experiences, understanding and terminology (this would\nthen represent an emic approach) \u2013 or whether a scholar reframes such first-order data by\nmaking use of more systematic and/or comparative second-order concepts and categories\n(which would then correspond to the etic approach). These second-order categories may be\ncompletely alien and incomprehensible to the social actor(s) in question but may nonetheless\nbe useful for systematic and/or comparative purposes. The differentiation between emic\nand etic approaches has been particularly important in anthropology, but has also been\napplied more and more frequently in the study of religion and various historical sciences\nover the past decades. Note that, with regard to medieval learned magic, an emic approach\nis not to be equated with the insider perspective of medieval practitioners, nor the outsider\nperspective of medieval polemicists: both emic and etic standpoints are an exclusive preserve of scholarly analysis.14\nMagic as a discursive concept\nOn the basis of these conceptual clarifications, I shall now move on to elucidating what\nI mean by a discourse historical approach towards medieval learned magic. To cut a long\nstory short: the approach proposed here strives for an emic analysis and reconstruction of the\nmedieval insider discourse of learned magic. The latter is here understood as a collection or\n\u201cgroup of statements\u201d15 (to quote Foucault) that employ an etymological derivate, linguistic\nequivalent or culturally established synonym of magic as an identificatory first-order term\nof self-reference. The addendum \u201clearned\u201d is used to point out that the analytical focus lies\non such medieval insider sources (which are here referred to as learned magic for various\n\u00adreasons \u2013 see below), while contemporaneous polemical (outsider) sources are mostly neglected. The approach is called \u201cdiscourse historical\u201d as it is essentially an application of\nthe method of discourse analysis in a historical setting.16 Accordingly, it is argued that magic\nhere functions as a discursive concept, as the analytic focus lies on its first-order use within\nhistorical sources and discourses, and not as a second-order scholarly category.\nApplying a discourse historical approach towards medieval leaned magic entails some\nimportant methodological implications that may or may not differ from the analytical use\nof magic in other medievalist works on the topic (including some chapters within this volume). Let me sketch out some of these implications in greater detail.\n1.\t\tThe approach proposed here refrains from any second-order or third-order notions of\nmagic: that is magic is neither defined, nor theorized, nor generalized nor universalized\nin any essential manner. In line with other discursive approaches in the study of religion,\nthe approach can be considered anti-essentialist,17 as magic has no intrinsic meaning in\nitself but is \u201cconstructed and informed by the particular discourses that surround it in\nparticular historical, social, and cultural contexts\u201d.18 Scholars have sometimes applied\nthe term \u201cempty signifier\u201d in this sense,19 but I find it more plausible to perceive magic\nas a floating signifier: its semantics are obviously not empty but rather floating, in the\nsense of being dependent on the context of its use.20 In contrast, second- or third-order\n(scholarly) concepts of magic are usually essentialist in the sense that they refer to an\n\u201cessence\u201d of magic that may be derived from substantial definitions, disciplinary habits or simply everyday language. In my view, such essentialist second-order notions of\n39\n\nPages 59:\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\nmagic are neither necessary nor helpful for understanding the insider perspective(s) of\nmedieval authors and practitioners of learned magic.21\n2. As already mentioned, the approach proposed here is oriented towards sources that\ninclude an etymological derivate, linguistic equivalent or culturally established synonym\nof magic as an identificatory first-order term of self-reference; this is in fact its main\ncriterion for setting up a corpus of medieval learned magic.22 I would like to stress\nthat this criterion is neither arbitrary nor trivial: over large parts of Western history,\nit has obviously involved serious personal risks to consciously denote one\u2019s own ritual\npractices and texts as magic, when at the same time powerful elitist discourses have\ndevalued and condemned magic or even initiated legislative action. This is even more\nevident w\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 43 to page 59 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=58\nPages: 58\nequivalent or culturally established synonym of magic as an identificatory first-order term\nof self-reference. The addendum \u201clearned\u201d is used to point out that the analytical focus lies\non such medieval insider sources (which are here referred to as learned magic for various\n\u00adreasons \u2013 see below), while contemporaneous polemical (outsider) sources are mostly neglected. The approach is called \u201cdiscourse historical\u201d as it is essentially an application of\nthe method of discourse analysis in a historical setting.16 Accordingly, it is argued that magic\nhere functions as a discursive concept, as the analytic focus lies on its first-order use within\nhistorical sources and discourses, and not as a second-order scholarly category.\nApplying a discourse historical approach towards medieval leaned magic entails some\nimportant methodological implications that may or may not differ from the analytical use]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=59\nPages: 59\nthe conceptual history of magic was \u2013 particularly in premodern times \u2013 extremely\ncontroversial, morally and religiously value-laden, full of social stereotypes and often a\nmatter of legislation, the insider/outsider poles are fairly clearly marked, so that most\nmedieval actors and sources will be assignable to one of either of these two poles (this\ndoes not preclude that some authors may have partaken in or adopted arguments from\nboth discourses).\nFrom a discourse analytical perspective, this differentiation is crucial because the\nfirst-order concept of magic is employed not only in very different ways (for example\nwith a valorizing or polemical function) but also while referring to very different things\nin medieval insider and outsider sources32 (according to Foucault, discourses are \u201cpractices that systematically form the objects of which they speak\u201d).33 These differences call\nfor analysing medieval insider sources as independently as possible from the misleading\n40]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nstellarum or the Latin Cyranides; yet, as these texts have influenced later insider sources, they should\nbe counted to the insider discourse); (2) the author would have used the (first-order) concept, but\nhas avoided its use in order to avoid animosities in a restrictive cultural environment (technically\nspeaking, both Ars notoria as well as Liber florum celestis doctrine belong to the outsider discourse as they\nengage in polemics against magic; yet, as they have adopted textual and ritual contents from insider\nsources \u2013 such as the Liber Iuratus Honorii \u2013 they should be counted to the insider discourse). This is\nan incomplete list that may, of course, be enhanced.\n25 This involves continuous \u201cboundary work\u201d on alleged subgenres such as Astral magic, Solomonic\nmagic or Hermetic magic that, from the viewpoint of the approach outlined here, are problematic\nfor various reasons (for example, pseud-epigraphs as genre titles are inconvenient as their first-\u00ad]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=57\nPages: 57\ntradition.\nWith regard to medieval learned magic, this distinction is useful as it points to the necessity of distinguishing two very different medieval discourses about magic which could be\ncalled insider and outsider discourse. The first may refer to medieval ritual texts that have\nbeen written, copied or used by practitioners (or theoreticians) of the art who have, in fact,\noften applied the first-order concept of magic to refer to themselves or the rituals described\nor theorized in these texts.9 The second may refer to medieval sources that have spread and\nadvocated polemics against such insider texts or against magic in general (elsewhere, I have\nused the analytical terms \u201cdiscourse of inclusion\u201d for insider sources, and \u201cdiscourse of\nexclusion\u201d for polemical outsider literature).10 This distinction is, by now, fairly established\nin medieval studies (and it also underlies the rationale of the present volume) and is applied]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\n\u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-Analytic Approaches in the Study of Religion: Moving\nfrom Meta-theoretical Reflection to Implementation in Practice,\u201d Religion 43, no. 1 (2013): 19f.\n17 See on \u201canti-essentialism\u201d Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-analytic Approaches,\u201d 8.\n18 Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-analytic Approaches,\u201d 13.\n19 On the concept of \u201cempty signifier\u201d, see Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-\u00ad\nanalytic Approaches,\u201d 13; Stuckrad, \u201cDiscursive Study of Religion,\u201d 17. The classic text is Ernesto\nLaclau, \u201cWhy do Empty Signifiers Matter to Politics?\u201d in The Lesser Evil and the Greater Good, ed.\nJeffrey Weeks (London: Rivers Oram Press, 1994), 167\u201378.\n20 See Daniel Chandler, Semiotics: The Basics (London: Routledge, 2007), 78: \u201cfloating signifiers\u201d have]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\n14 In other words, an emic approach may reconstruct and re-narrate the first-order perspective of\nmedieval practitioners of learned magic, but medieval insider texts should not themselves be called\nemic. See on this important differentiation also The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion, ed.\nMcCutcheon, 17f.\n15 Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 22.\n16 I am thereby applying Stuckrad\u2019s idea of a \u201cdiscourse-historical approach to knowledge about\n\u00adReligion\u201d to the study of magic \u2013 see Kocku von Stuckrad, \u201cDiscursive Study of Religion: Approaches, Definitions, Implications,\u201d Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 1 (2013): 21. From\nthe viewpoint of Moberg\u2019s useful distinction of first-, second-, and third-level discourse analytic\napproaches, the approach proposed here represents a third-level approach: see Marcus Moberg,\n\u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-Analytic Approaches in the Study of Religion: Moving]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=58\nPages: 58\napplied more and more frequently in the study of religion and various historical sciences\nover the past decades. Note that, with regard to medieval learned magic, an emic approach\nis not to be equated with the insider perspective of medieval practitioners, nor the outsider\nperspective of medieval polemicists: both emic and etic standpoints are an exclusive preserve of scholarly analysis.14\nMagic as a discursive concept\nOn the basis of these conceptual clarifications, I shall now move on to elucidating what\nI mean by a discourse historical approach towards medieval learned magic. To cut a long\nstory short: the approach proposed here strives for an emic analysis and reconstruction of the\nmedieval insider discourse of learned magic. The latter is here understood as a collection or\n\u201cgroup of statements\u201d15 (to quote Foucault) that employ an etymological derivate, linguistic\nequivalent or culturally established synonym of magic as an identificatory first-order term]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83\nYet, despite our affinities, I find his call to analyse medieval \u201cinsider\u201d sources wholly\napart from \u201coutsider\u201d sources problematic. Otto\u2019s premise is that the two are distinct in\nprinciple. He sees \u201cinsider\u201d discourses as comprising ritual sources and being theological\nonly defensively. By contrast, \u201coutsider\u201d discourses are represented as authoritatively theological; they are ignorant of magical practice, and propagate polemics that distort and misrepresent \u201cinsider\u201d views. The Ars notoria and Liber florum are claimed as \u201cinsider\u201d sources\n(though both engage \u201cpolemics against magic\u201d; but, according to his note 24, this is only\nbecause they aimed \u201cto avoid animosities in a restrictive cultural environment\u201d).\nI am uneasy with the postulate that \u201cinsider\u201d discourses of learned magic (i.e. ritual) occur in a social space segregated from the clerical disciplines in which he finds only \u201cpolemics\u201d. John of Morigny may be the best documented example to date of a learned magic user.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=267\nPages: 267\ndiscourse of the Latin Middle Ages but has otherwise become lost and includes still unknown\nversions of a number of surviving texts.78 Second, it was composed through ample use of\nLatin translations of Arabic, Hebrew and Greek magical literature, a source base that (with\na fate similar to that of other Latin texts on magic, the best-known of which is De radiis,\nthe translation of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s Arabic work) has not yet been recovered and is probably lost.\nThe Summa offers therefore precious insights not only for medieval Latin studies but also for\n\u00adOriental, Jewish and generally Classical studies.\nThe value of the Summa for research is also due to the high theoretical level of its discourse. Not only in the Arab and Jewish traditions (as testified by texts as De Radiis, the\n\u00adPicatrix or the corpus of the Liber semiphoras), but also in the Latin West the rituals of medieval\nlearned magic were rooted in a complex theoretical ground. Even so, most magical texts of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=77\nPages: 77,78\nprivileging the tradition from which the term derives.\nHow relevant is the discourse analysis that Otto recommends to contexts where there is\nno discourse, or where the discourse is not sufficiently reflective to allow sophisticated\nanalysis of terms? If we have before us a clay image pierced with needles, a bundle of\nnoxious substances found beneath the threshold of a house and a birthing girdle inscribed with the SATOR AREPO square, we will probably refer to all these as magical\nobjects, and rightly so, although they are diverse in type, and they may perhaps qualify as magical in different ways. If we seek to contextualize these objects, we will find\n58\nResponses\n8.\nrelevant material mainly in judicial records, magical miscellanies and other texts that do\nnot contain reflection on magic (and may well not even use that term, although its use\nfor these practices would have been familiar from the broader culture). I would not want]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90,86\n\u201cDis/unity of Knowledge: Models for the Study of Modern Esotericism and Science,\u201d Numen 62,\n(2015): 538\u201367); (2) From the viewpoint of medieval notions of physical causation (or \u201cphilosophia\nnaturalis\u201d, \u201cmagia naturalis\u201d), many sources of \u201clearned magic\u201d would not be covered by d\u2019Avray\u2019s\nformulation: consider literature on the qualitates occultae of stones (e.g. Lapidario) or the fabrication of\nastrological talismans (e.g. Picatrix).\n4 That is, in essence, \u201coutsider\u201d discourse = (orthodox) thought; \u201cinsider\u201d discourse = (heterodox)\npractice.\n5 Referenced frequently in the essays in Ian Hacking\u2019s Historical Ontology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard\nUniversity Press, 2002); for his formal definition, see 35\u201337.\n6 Hacking, Historical Ontology, 37.\n67\nPart II\nL a nguage s a n d di s se m i nat ion\n6\nAr a bic m agic\nThe impetus for translating texts\nand their reception\nCharles Burnett\nIn a prologue accompanying the Latin translation of a classic text on magic, Th\u0101bit ibn]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=524\nPages: 524\nthe discourse of particular theologians, judges or inquisitors, was never received nor applied\nuniversally. It is therefore always necessary to note other methods of supressing witchcraft\nand pockets of resistance to or scepticism about the pursuit of the fight against witchcraft.\nA major shift in the fifteenth century\nWhile it was frequently accepted up to around 1400 that certain individuals could produce\nevil spells with the help of demons, the first decades of the fifteenth century saw a more terrifying idea emerge: that there were men and women who formed a clandestine sect whose\nmembers renounced their faith and swore loyalty to the devil or demons through a pact.\nWhen called by the devil or demons, they would gather in remote places, most often by flying\nthrough the air. They would worship the devil, pervert Christian rites and sacraments, and\nperform evil practices against men, beasts and crops on his orders, aiming to destroy them]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=386\nPages: 386,387\nsupernatural are accepted, and where such experience is not placed within a biomedical\nframework. Yet medieval models of psychology also chime well with contemporary notions\nof how cognitive processes work, the interdependence of thinking and feeling, mind and\nbody. Probing the parallels and contrasts between premodern and contemporary experience, then, both brings new insights to medieval literature and recontextualizes contemporary experience. Many medieval discourses are suggestive \u2013 history, medicine, philosophy,\ntheology \u2013 but perhaps none more than literature itself, for it is here \u2013 and particularly\nin romance \u2013 that human experience is most of all probed: through narrative, but also\n367\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nthrough the textures of the imaginative worlds of literature that create character, motivation, ethos and voice \u2013 all shaping representations of mind, body and affect that open onto]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\ntypes to respond to human summons. Magicians were generally more optimistic about\nthe possibility of conjuring unfallen or neutral spirits, but some of them did also explicitly and deliberately conjure fallen ones. Magicians and their critics both lived within a\nculture that saw conjuration as playing with fire. What separated them was not a clear\ndistinction in what they believed so much as a difference in what they saw as a risk worth\ntaking. Discerning both the agreement in belief and the difference in risk engagement is\na crucial challenge for discourse analysis.\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray\nBoth Claire Fanger and Bernd-Christian Otto offer \u201cemic\u201d accounts of medieval magic:\ntheir interest is mainly in \u201cfirst order\u201d concepts. Both make references to Foucault, it is true,\nbut their pieces would work just as well without him. As analyses of medieval concepts, their\npapers are nuanced and valuable. Fanger\u2019s idea of a \u201cconversation\u201d, between sympathizers]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=56\nPages: 56,55\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 2001), 78.\n36\n3\nA di scou r se h istor ic a l a pproach\ntowa r ds m e di eva l l e a rn e d m agic\nBernd-Christian Otto\nThis chapter proposes a discourse historical approach towards medieval learned magic and\nis divided into two sections. In the first section entitled \u201cClarifying terminology\u201d, I will introduce some technical terminology that may be helpful for understanding the approach\nproposed here. In the second section entitled \u201cMagic as a discursive concept\u201d said terminology is applied to the study of medieval learned magic. The main argument of this chapter is\nthat it is possible and indeed helpful to investigate medieval learned magic without adopting\nsecond-order definitions of magic; in contrast, magic should be understood and used as a\ndiscursive concept in medieval studies.\nClarifying terminology\nBefore outlining the approach proposed in this chapter in greater detail, it may be sensible]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=62\nPages: 62,63\n(Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), I have used the terms \u201cselbstreferentieller\u201d and \u201cfremdreferentieller\nMagiediskurs\u201d that are hardly translatable into English.\n43\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\n11 For example, an analogous focus on insider or practitioner discourses of magic can be found in\nrecent works on contemporary esotericism; see, exemplarily, Egil Asprem, \u201cContemporary Ritual\nMagic,\u201d in The Occult World, ed. Christopher Partridge (London: Routledge, 2014), 382\u201395; Kennet\nGranholm, Dark Enlightenment: The Historical, Sociological, and Discursive Contexts of Contemporary Esoteric\nMagic (Leiden: Brill, 2014).\n12 See Kenneth L. Pike, \u201cEtic and Emic Standpoints for the Description of Behaviour,\u201d in The Insider/\nOutsider Problem in the Study of Religion, ed. McCutcheon, 28\u201336.\n13 Pike, \u201cEtic and Emic Standpoints,\u201d 28.\n14 In other words, an emic approach may reconstruct and re-narrate the first-order perspective of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83\nOtto rightly notes that he was an \u201cinsider\u201d to magical discourse; but I counter that he was\nequally an \u201cinsider\u201d to the institutional traditions of theology, exegesis and canon law. And\nif John confesses to working magic, to writing a \u201cnew necromancy\u201d, how surprising can\nthis be? We always knew that magic texts were clerical productions. Perhaps it was easier\nto ignore what this meant in the absence of John\u2019s autobiography; but his Liber florum provides a model case of Foucault\u2019s proposition that discourses do not just constitute objects of\nknowledge; they constitute subjects too. And only those first constituted as subjects within,\nand by, the discourses Otto calls \u201coutsider\u201d that are positioned to become \u201cinsiders\u201d to the\nworld of learned magic at all.\nAnd if the clerical world is the point of entry into learned magic, how can we think of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\nwhich I propose in my chapter, I consider her interpretations of Augustine, the Picatrix,\nThomas Aquinas and John of Morigny to be in line with my understanding of a \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d. However, I believe that she overshoots the argument in the\nlast part of her chapter. Particularly, her final suggestion to \u201cabandon methodological reflection\u201d is hard to digest, given that her analysis is nothing but the result of a very sophisticated methodological reflection. Fanger produces \u2013 in my terminology \u2013 an \u201cemic\u201d analysis\nof the \u201cfirst-order\u201d use of the concept of \u201cmagic\u201d within selected medieval sources, and\nthereby outlines various distinct semantic and evaluative patterns as well as different discursive functions and motifs. Her approach is therefore \u2013 inevitably \u2013 \u201canti-essentialist\u201d\nand it is important to note that Fanger nowhere applies or advocates a meaningful \u201csecond-\u00ad\norder\u201d notion of \u201cmagic\u201d. This absence of \u201csecond-order\u201d notions is crucial as it stands in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52,53\nsecond-order, theoretical academic discourse, among other reasons because\nwe have better and more precise scholarly taxa for each of the phenomena commonly denotated by \u201cmagic\u201d which, among other benefits, create more useful categories for comparison. For any culture I am familiar with, we can trade places\nbetween the corpus of materials conventionally labeled \u201cmagical\u201d and corpora designated by other generic terms (e.g. healing, divining, execrative) with no cognitive\nloss.18\nBut while I concede the benefits of using these taxa for comparative purposes, it seems plain\nto me that the excision of \u201cmagic\u201d from our scholarly/theoretical discourse does entail a\ncognitive loss; for the problem itself is lost in any attempt to reduce magic to any specific set of\ninstantiations, theories, practices or technologies. I find this to be a difficulty with all lines\n33\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\nof thought, which, following Smith, suggests that \u201cmagic\u201d can be eschewed as a scholarly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nsources.\nEven though I share Kieckhefer\u2019s desire to neglect the \u201caggregating term\u201d and to focus\non a more nuanced and differentiated analytical language, I believe that there are, at least\nfrom the perspective of my own \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, two basic problems with\nKieckhefer\u2019s selection of these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. One problem is rather theoretical,\nthe other historical. The theoretical problem is that Kieckhefer does not seem to restrict\nhis \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d to medieval material, but seems to perceive them as systematic\n(i.e. ahistorical) and comparative (i.e. universal) categories. This evokes an arsenal of classical problems: I shall only point to the inevitable \u201cmagic-science-religion\u201d triangle (for\nexample, Kieckhefer\u2019s notion of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d could be ascribed to large parts\nof medieval medicine \u2013 which, I believe, is rather confusing) and the \u201cinsider-outsider\u201d\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38,39\nknown only through demonic instruction, or unknowable in terms of Aristotelian physics\n19\nRichard Kieckhefer\nor unknowable from the study of the sublunary world alone. Precisely if we wish to be\nrespectful of historical usage, it is important to recognize that \u201cmagic\u201d has always been\nan aggregating rather than constitutive term, and \u201cnatural magic\u201d has also been more an\naggregating than a constitutive concept.18\nMy purpose, then, is not simply to rethink the definition of magic but to rethink how\nto define magic. We are best served, not by insisting on precise and carefully conceived\ndefinitions of magic, but by focusing our attention more on the specific definitions of those\nconstitutive terms for which \u201cmagic\u201d serves as an umbrella. This is not to dismiss the word\n\u201cmagic\u201d as unimportant. Aggregating terms are vitally important, but as terms of convenience. They are best recognized as such, without the artificiality of precise definition]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=43\nPages: 43\nrather than the aggregating terms that might seem to guide it. In some cases, including the study\nof religion, the terms used for fields of inquiry are what I would call aggregating rather than constitutive terms.\n8 William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience: A Study in Human Nature (1902, reissued\n\u00adHarmondsworth: Penguin, 1982), lectures 16\u201317, 379\u2013429.\n9 Richard Kieckhefer, Unquiet Souls: Fourteenth-Century Saints and Their Religious Milieu (Chicago, IL:\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 1984), 22\u201333; Margaret Smith, R\u0101b\u2018a the Mystic and Her Fellow Saints\nin Islam: Being the Life and Teachings of R\u0101bi\u2018a al-\u2018Adawiyya Al-Qaysiyya of Basra Together with Some Account\nof the Place of the Women Saints in Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Robert Bly,\nMira Bai: Ecstatic Poems (Boston, MA: Beacon, 2004).\n10 S. Ansky [Solomon Rappoport], The Dybbuk, trans. Henry G. Alsberg and Winifred Katzin (New\nYork: Boni & Liveright, 1926).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=39\nPages: 39\nemphasize links between paramystical phenomena such as the stigmata and what I take as\nthe defining elements of mysticism. For comparative study as well, constitutive terms are\nmore useful than the aggregating term \u201cmagic\u201d, even though different constitutive terms\nmay be needed for the study of different periods and cultures. Whatever the terms required,\na particular comparison will in any case be more finely tuned and useful for analysis than\nan inevitably commodious and imprecise catch-all category. The constitutive terms will\nalways need to be reviewed and perhaps redefined in the light of particular circumstances,\nbut that is a task more likely to be productive than refining the term \u201cmagic\u201d itself.\nI want here to steer between the Scylla of essential definition and the Charybdis of repudiating and avoiding broad terms. It is easy enough to show the perils of finding or\ninventing an \u201cessence\u201d of magic, religion or anything else. Persuaded by the arguments]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=35\nPages: 35\nWe devote most of our energy to refining our aggregating terms, supposing that this is\nwhere our efforts are repaid by clarity and constructive value, and we often think of subcategories as afterthoughts \u2013 but this is precisely the opposite of what we should be doing.\nIt is the constitutive terms that are more likely to serve as useful tools for analysis and finely\ntuned comparison; aggregating terms are terms of convenience. While constitutive terms\ntend to be taken from and largely at home in specialized analytic discourse, aggregating\nterms tend to be widely used in general and popular discourse. Constitutive terms are relatively intolerant of ambiguity and imprecision; aggregating terms are by comparison open\nto ambiguous and imprecise usage. Constitutive terms are less connotative, aggregating\nterms more so. Constitutive terms tend to be univocal; aggregating terms are more often, in\nscholastic language, analogous or even equivocal.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=39\nPages: 39\ninventing an \u201cessence\u201d of magic, religion or anything else. Persuaded by the arguments\nagainst essentialism, one may fall into the opposite trap of dismissing such terms altogether.\nBoth extremes fail to recognize the utility of aggregating terms that do not pretend to the\nspecificity and precision that we might more realistically expect in other forms of language.\nIt might seem as though I am giving up on precision in defining magic, and embracing a\ncounsel of despair. I would say that I am, rather, giving counsel of realism \u2013 that I am not\ngiving up on the pursuit of clarity and precision, but suggesting they can be expected on the\nlevel of constitutive rather than aggregating terms.\nMy argument has perhaps obvious implications not only for defining but also for theorizing magic. Definitions of magic nearly always entail theories of magic: of how it works\nand how it relates to religion and to science.20 Such theories, meant to apply to \u201cmagic\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42,43\n(New York: Crossroad, 2001).\n6 St. Teresa of Avila, The Interior Castle: Study Edition, trans. Kieran Kavanaugh and Otilio Rodriguez\n(Washington, DC: ICS, 2010).\n7 After writing this article, I realized my term \u201cconstitutive\u201d might cause confusion, because Thomas\nTweed, in Crossing and Dwelling: A Theory of Religion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,\n2006), uses the same term in a different sense. For him, \u201cConstitutive terms are those that constitute or mark the boundaries of a field of study\u201d (p. 30). What I have in mind is not terms that\nindicate fields of inquiry but rather terms referring to usefully distinguished objects of inquiry. A\nscholarly discipline might well work with multiple constitutive terms, in my sense. My contention is\nthat scholarly inquiry is properly constituted with reference to carefully framed constitutive terms,\n23\nRichard Kieckhefer\nrather than the aggregating terms that might seem to guide it. In some cases, including the study]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40\nI am proposing three constitutive terms under the category of magic, but others might offer\nor assume other constitutive terms alongside mine, or in place of them. Even if there were\nagreement about the constitutive terms, different contexts would make one or another of\nthem salient, and they would become unpredictably conflated and confused. Furthermore,\nthe strongly connotative character of the aggregating term, again both in historical and\nin modern usage, means it will tend to resist precise usage. Thus, even if precision can be\nsought, expected and developed on the level of constitutive terms, it cannot be expected for\nthe aggregating term.\nThe resulting ambiguity is well illustrated by the complexities of astrological magic. The\nstars and planets could be seen as natural forces whose power is exploited in symbolic\nmanipulation, but often they were associated or identified with spiritual beings that might]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=35\nPages: 35\nis sufficient reason to think of them as elements of something which is perhaps loosely called\nmysticism. But it is the type of intense prayer, or the type of fervently erotic relationship,\nor the depth of awareness that constitutes each of these phenomena as mystical. Mystical\nprayer may begin with intense focus on a single word and lead towards an experience of\ndivinely infused prayer based on neither words nor concepts. Mystical relationship may\ninvolve a cycle of courtship, teasing withdrawal and erotic union with one\u2019s divine lover.\nMystical consciousness typically involves a keen awareness of God always present within\noneself, and of one\u2019s own true self as eternally present within God. It is not the aggregating\ncategory but the more specific one that constitutes them as elements of mysticism, and thus\nI will call these more specific forms of reference constitutive terms.7\nWe devote most of our energy to refining our aggregating terms, supposing that this is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40\nmagic, as if they could apply to all magic, it is equally pointless to try to sort out distinct\ntypes or forms of magic, as if there were enforceable boundaries. Typologies are no more\nhelpful than essences.\nA second clarification is important. One might expect that if the constitutive terms can\nbe given clear, precise and stable meaning, this precision would then transfer to aggregating term \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 that the clarity of the parts would be communicated to the whole\nthat they constitute. The problem is that even if the constitutive terms can be given stable\nmeaning in themselves, they are unstable in relationship to each other and to the aggregating term that encompasses them. In actual usage, historical and modern, different\nspeakers and hearers, writers and readers, will have different sets of particulars in mind.\nI am proposing three constitutive terms under the category of magic, but others might offer]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is a futile exercise, because the aggregating term means too much and thus too\nlittle.\nOne clarifying distinction must again be emphasized: the constitutive terms I am proposing refer not to distinct types of magic, but to individually sufficient elements that tend\nto combine. To say they are individually sufficient means that any of them by itself might\nbe taken to qualify a practice as magical: conjuring a spirit is usually thought of as magic,\neven without symbolic manipulation or directly efficacious volition is involved, and so too\nany of the elements is recognizably magical even if it is not linked with the others. In practice, however, different elements of magic (like different elements of mysticism) do tend to\nbecome linked and mutually supportive. If it is pointless to make general statements about\nmagic, as if they could apply to all magic, it is equally pointless to try to sort out distinct]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nsources.\nEven though I share Kieckhefer\u2019s desire to neglect the \u201caggregating term\u201d and to focus\non a more nuanced and differentiated analytical language, I believe that there are, at least\nfrom the perspective of my own \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, two basic problems with\nKieckhefer\u2019s selection of these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. One problem is rather theoretical,\nthe other historical. The theoretical problem is that Kieckhefer does not seem to restrict\nhis \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d to medieval material, but seems to perceive them as systematic\n(i.e. ahistorical) and comparative (i.e. universal) categories. This evokes an arsenal of classical problems: I shall only point to the inevitable \u201cmagic-science-religion\u201d triangle (for\nexample, Kieckhefer\u2019s notion of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d could be ascribed to large parts\nof medieval medicine \u2013 which, I believe, is rather confusing) and the \u201cinsider-outsider\u201d\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83,84\nAnd if the clerical world is the point of entry into learned magic, how can we think of the\ntwo as mutually exclusive? Discourse analysis must surely stay open to the ways magic remained permeable to thought, embedded in the learned disciplines that birthed it.\nWhat I most appreciate in Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s approach is his recognition of the openness of conceptual systems and his willingness to live with definitions that are not too strictly\n64\nResponses\nreined in. He, too, rejects the opportunity to define magic, while offering useful ways of\nlooking at the taxonomic project. I agree on the independent utility of aggregative terms\n(large, loose \u201cumbrella\u201d terms) and constitutive terms (specific forms of reference within the\nbroad category of the aggregative term). I remain on the same page when he suggests that\nthe smaller \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d are better for comparative purposes.\nNevertheless, I am uneasy around the specific \u201cconstitutive\u201d terms he uses to refine the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nsought only the love of Krishna) can elucidate patterns of similarity and difference that will\nlead to insightful understanding.9 Most religious traditions provide disciplines of contemplation or meditation, and these too are fruitful subject matter for comparison.\nWhat, then, are the constitutive terms that might be used to elucidate the aggregating\nterm \u201cmagic\u201d? This is a question that clearly calls for discussion, but provisionally I would\nsuggest at least these three constitutive terms: conjuration, symbolic manipulation and directly efficacious volition.\nBy \u201cconjuration\u201d, I mean here the ritual summoning and command of spirits. A long\ntradition of \u201cskrying\u201d claims that by gazing intently into a reflective surface and uttering\nincantations one can conjure angels or demons who will reveal secret and future things,\nperhaps telling who has stolen one\u2019s property. In the Yiddish play and film The Dybbuk,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=39\nPages: 39\nthat will always prove inadequate. From one culture to another and even within a culture,\nthere will always be different constitutive terms brought together explicitly or (perhaps\nmore often) by assumption under an aggregating term, adding to the imprecision of the\nterm. An argument can be made for or against including astrology as a form of magic, although \u00adelements of astrology are clearly entailed in various forms of magic, most obviously\nthe magical use of inscribed astrological images. It is harder to justify viewing alchemy as\nmagic, but a history of magic must take it into account among the \u201coccult sciences\u201d imported from Arabic culture in the high medieval West.19 As for the term \u201cmysticism\u201d, I have\ngiven what some might see as an overly restrictive set of constitutive terms: some might\nwish to include certain forms of visions, even if they are not theoerotic, and some would\nemphasize links between paramystical phenomena such as the stigmata and what I take as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40,39\nand how it relates to religion and to science.20 Such theories, meant to apply to \u201cmagic\u201d\ngenerally and across cultures, almost always apply better to some cultures and to some\nmanifestations of magic than to others. A substantial part of the problem is that \u201cmagic\u201d\nis too amorphous a concept to admit of rigorous theorizing. It is the constitutive terms that\nlend themselves to theoretical and comparative analysis. I am by no means anti-\u00adtheoretical,\nbut I maintain that theoretical work is more promising on a level that lends itself more\ntowards specificity and rigour than on one where the fundamental terms are vague and\n20\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\nhighly connotative. Symbolic manipulation, directly efficacious volition, and perhaps also\nconjuration remain fruitful subjects for theoretical investigation, but attempting a theory\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is a futile exercise, because the aggregating term means too much and thus too\nlittle.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nis the attitude to the practitioner\u2019s power and I suspect we could reach agreement on that\npoint.\nIn an ideal world, this conversation would continue. This contributor would certainly\nhave much to say about the responses of the other two.\nBernd-Christian Otto\nIn his chapter \u201cRethinking How to Define Magic\u201d, Richard Kieckhefer calls into question\nthe possibility of properly defining and theorizing \u201cmagic\u201d as it is an \u201caggregating term\u201d\nand therefore \u2013 just like many other broad, overarching concepts (e.g. \u201cmysticism\u201d, \u201creligion\u201d) \u2013 only a \u201cterm of convenience\u201d which is \u201copen to ambiguous and imprecise usage\u201d\nand \u201cencompass[es] diverse elements that may or may not be combined with each other\u201d.\nAs definitions of \u201caggregating terms\u201d such as \u201cmagic\u201d necessarily remain arbitrary and inadequate, Kieckhefer suggests that we should stop \u201cexpecting more of it than it can deliver\u201d,\nand instead focus on identifying and refining three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d that denote elements]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=84\nPages: 84\nterms \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cefficacious volition\u201d; I will not cite instances here, but\nI could adduce them.\nThis brings us back to the problem of the aggregative term of which these are to be seen\nas subclasses \u2013 magic itself. I think we need a way of using the word \u201cmagic\u201d to make some\ncritical distinctions in these subcategories before we go on. In short, and reluctant as I have\nbeen to admit it, I think we need a definition of magic here. At least it seems to me a desideratum to find some way of distinguishing the concepts informing these constitutive terms\nfrom religious instances of the same thing.\nWhat I admire most in David d\u2019Avray\u2019s approach is first off that it accepts the challenge\nof providing a proper definition (a challenge the rest of us have mostly sought to evade), and\nsecond that it aligns magic in relation to religion, neither opposing them nor subsuming one\nin the other. I can imagine situations where it might be useful to think in terms of religious]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nanalogy, the distinct terms of a recipe in cooking are perfectly intelligible, even if some of\nthe ingredients tend not to occur unmixed (few people would sit down to a meal consisting\nonly of nutmeg), and so too the constitutive terms I am proposing can be defined with precision even if the phenomena they refer to often enter into combination and may at times be\ndifficult to distinguish. This is an important part of what I am arguing about how constitutive terms work under an aggregating umbrella.\nWhat, then, is magic? The term is difficult to define, but not because it refers to something so basic to experience we cannot back away to perceive contexts within which it might\nbe analysed, or alternatives to which it might be compared, as is the case for a word such as\n\u201ctime\u201d. Rather, it is difficult mainly because we are so accustomed to thinking of it as a term\ndifferent from what it usefully can be, expecting more of it than it can deliver, and forcing]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nto measure the messiness and note phenomena that only partly embody the concept or\nwhere it is mixed up with other elements. That his three constitutive concepts correspond\nto three types of thought and practice that tend to be associated \u201con the ground\u201d is a further stage of analysis. The association between these three practices is itself an illuminating ideal type. They do not have to go together, but in the Middle Ages they tended to go\ntogether. All this advances our understanding of the field by providing better conceptual\ntools.\n\u201cMagic\u201d is relegated by Kieckhefer to the category of \u201caggregative concepts\u201d that maps\nfairly well on to what I would call the concepts of ordinary language as opposed to precise\nidealtypes. He makes clear his view that \u201cmagic\u201d is a lost cause if one wants precise conceptual language. So far as that is concerned, his colours are nailed so firmly to the mast\nthat I entertain no hope of shaking his views. I would only comment that abandonment]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34,35\nseeks to heighten mystical consciousness. Yet, we cannot really speak here of different forms\nor types of mysticism, because there is no reason in principle why they cannot be combined,\nand in writers such as Teresa of \u00c1vila they very much are intertwined.6 They represent\ndistinguishable elements of Christian mysticism, not three different types.\nThe situation with magic is, I propose, similar. There are distinguishable practices that\nhave long been called magical. If they have anything to do with each other \u2013 and they\noften do \u2013 it is not because they are different forms of one clearly definable thing, but for\nother reasons that we need to explore. Like \u201cmysticism\u201d, so too \u201cmagic\u201d is what I will call\n15\nRichard Kieckhefer\nan aggregating term. The same can probably also be said for \u201csainthood\u201d, \u201cauthority\u201d and\nnumerous other terms, surely including \u201creligion\u201d, all of which I would class as aggregating.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\n14 In other words, an emic approach may reconstruct and re-narrate the first-order perspective of\nmedieval practitioners of learned magic, but medieval insider texts should not themselves be called\nemic. See on this important differentiation also The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion, ed.\nMcCutcheon, 17f.\n15 Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 22.\n16 I am thereby applying Stuckrad\u2019s idea of a \u201cdiscourse-historical approach to knowledge about\n\u00adReligion\u201d to the study of magic \u2013 see Kocku von Stuckrad, \u201cDiscursive Study of Religion: Approaches, Definitions, Implications,\u201d Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 1 (2013): 21. From\nthe viewpoint of Moberg\u2019s useful distinction of first-, second-, and third-level discourse analytic\napproaches, the approach proposed here represents a third-level approach: see Marcus Moberg,\n\u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-Analytic Approaches in the Study of Religion: Moving]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=58\nPages: 58\napplied more and more frequently in the study of religion and various historical sciences\nover the past decades. Note that, with regard to medieval learned magic, an emic approach\nis not to be equated with the insider perspective of medieval practitioners, nor the outsider\nperspective of medieval polemicists: both emic and etic standpoints are an exclusive preserve of scholarly analysis.14\nMagic as a discursive concept\nOn the basis of these conceptual clarifications, I shall now move on to elucidating what\nI mean by a discourse historical approach towards medieval learned magic. To cut a long\nstory short: the approach proposed here strives for an emic analysis and reconstruction of the\nmedieval insider discourse of learned magic. The latter is here understood as a collection or\n\u201cgroup of statements\u201d15 (to quote Foucault) that employ an etymological derivate, linguistic\nequivalent or culturally established synonym of magic as an identificatory first-order term]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=58\nPages: 58\nequivalent or culturally established synonym of magic as an identificatory first-order term\nof self-reference. The addendum \u201clearned\u201d is used to point out that the analytical focus lies\non such medieval insider sources (which are here referred to as learned magic for various\n\u00adreasons \u2013 see below), while contemporaneous polemical (outsider) sources are mostly neglected. The approach is called \u201cdiscourse historical\u201d as it is essentially an application of\nthe method of discourse analysis in a historical setting.16 Accordingly, it is argued that magic\nhere functions as a discursive concept, as the analytic focus lies on its first-order use within\nhistorical sources and discourses, and not as a second-order scholarly category.\nApplying a discourse historical approach towards medieval leaned magic entails some\nimportant methodological implications that may or may not differ from the analytical use]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=56\nPages: 56,55\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 2001), 78.\n36\n3\nA di scou r se h istor ic a l a pproach\ntowa r ds m e di eva l l e a rn e d m agic\nBernd-Christian Otto\nThis chapter proposes a discourse historical approach towards medieval learned magic and\nis divided into two sections. In the first section entitled \u201cClarifying terminology\u201d, I will introduce some technical terminology that may be helpful for understanding the approach\nproposed here. In the second section entitled \u201cMagic as a discursive concept\u201d said terminology is applied to the study of medieval learned magic. The main argument of this chapter is\nthat it is possible and indeed helpful to investigate medieval learned magic without adopting\nsecond-order definitions of magic; in contrast, magic should be understood and used as a\ndiscursive concept in medieval studies.\nClarifying terminology\nBefore outlining the approach proposed in this chapter in greater detail, it may be sensible]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=59\nPages: 59\nthe conceptual history of magic was \u2013 particularly in premodern times \u2013 extremely\ncontroversial, morally and religiously value-laden, full of social stereotypes and often a\nmatter of legislation, the insider/outsider poles are fairly clearly marked, so that most\nmedieval actors and sources will be assignable to one of either of these two poles (this\ndoes not preclude that some authors may have partaken in or adopted arguments from\nboth discourses).\nFrom a discourse analytical perspective, this differentiation is crucial because the\nfirst-order concept of magic is employed not only in very different ways (for example\nwith a valorizing or polemical function) but also while referring to very different things\nin medieval insider and outsider sources32 (according to Foucault, discourses are \u201cpractices that systematically form the objects of which they speak\u201d).33 These differences call\nfor analysing medieval insider sources as independently as possible from the misleading\n40]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\nwhich I propose in my chapter, I consider her interpretations of Augustine, the Picatrix,\nThomas Aquinas and John of Morigny to be in line with my understanding of a \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d. However, I believe that she overshoots the argument in the\nlast part of her chapter. Particularly, her final suggestion to \u201cabandon methodological reflection\u201d is hard to digest, given that her analysis is nothing but the result of a very sophisticated methodological reflection. Fanger produces \u2013 in my terminology \u2013 an \u201cemic\u201d analysis\nof the \u201cfirst-order\u201d use of the concept of \u201cmagic\u201d within selected medieval sources, and\nthereby outlines various distinct semantic and evaluative patterns as well as different discursive functions and motifs. Her approach is therefore \u2013 inevitably \u2013 \u201canti-essentialist\u201d\nand it is important to note that Fanger nowhere applies or advocates a meaningful \u201csecond-\u00ad\norder\u201d notion of \u201cmagic\u201d. This absence of \u201csecond-order\u201d notions is crucial as it stands in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\n(Sheffield: Equinox, 2013), 4\u20137.\n22 From the perspective of discourse analysis, the criterion is related to Foucault\u2019s idea of the \u201cformation of enunciative modalities\u201d: see Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge, 50:\nFirst question: who is speaking? Who, among the totality of speaking individuals, is accorded\nthe right to use this sort of language (langage)? Who is qualified to do so? Who derives from\nit his own special quality, his prestige, and from whom, in return, does he receive if not the\nassurance, at least the presumption that what he says is true? What is the status of the individuals who \u2013 alone \u2013 have the right, sanctioned by law or tradition, juridically defined or\nspontaneously accepted, to proffer such a discourse?\n23 On medieval \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d, see Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa notion d\u2019\u2018auteur-magicien\u2019 \u00e0 la fin du\nMoyen \u00c2ge: Le cas de l\u201dermite Pelagius de Majorque (\u2020 v. 1480),\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 56 (2006): 119\u201338;]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nsources.\nEven though I share Kieckhefer\u2019s desire to neglect the \u201caggregating term\u201d and to focus\non a more nuanced and differentiated analytical language, I believe that there are, at least\nfrom the perspective of my own \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, two basic problems with\nKieckhefer\u2019s selection of these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. One problem is rather theoretical,\nthe other historical. The theoretical problem is that Kieckhefer does not seem to restrict\nhis \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d to medieval material, but seems to perceive them as systematic\n(i.e. ahistorical) and comparative (i.e. universal) categories. This evokes an arsenal of classical problems: I shall only point to the inevitable \u201cmagic-science-religion\u201d triangle (for\nexample, Kieckhefer\u2019s notion of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d could be ascribed to large parts\nof medieval medicine \u2013 which, I believe, is rather confusing) and the \u201cinsider-outsider\u201d\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nFoucault has said, is \u201cthe set of discursive or non-discursive practices that makes something\nenter into the play of the true and false, and constitutes it as an object for thought (whether\nunder the form of moral reflection, scientific knowledge, political analysis, etc.)\u201d.3 So I am\ninterested in magic when it becomes a topic of reflection, when it enters into the play of true\nand false. I am interested in how its actual practices colour the judgements that get made\nabout it, positive and negative, and how discursive judgements get pulled back into the\npractices themselves. When I write about it, my concern is never exclusively the plus nor minus side of the equation, but the whole ball of wax: the theological, philosophical, liturgical,\nrhetorical and pragmatic elements involved in crafting the knowing of magic, constituting\nit as a problem for knowledge and ethics.\nWhen writing about magic, I like to emphasize that the medieval anti-magical and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83\nOtto rightly notes that he was an \u201cinsider\u201d to magical discourse; but I counter that he was\nequally an \u201cinsider\u201d to the institutional traditions of theology, exegesis and canon law. And\nif John confesses to working magic, to writing a \u201cnew necromancy\u201d, how surprising can\nthis be? We always knew that magic texts were clerical productions. Perhaps it was easier\nto ignore what this meant in the absence of John\u2019s autobiography; but his Liber florum provides a model case of Foucault\u2019s proposition that discourses do not just constitute objects of\nknowledge; they constitute subjects too. And only those first constituted as subjects within,\nand by, the discourses Otto calls \u201coutsider\u201d that are positioned to become \u201cinsiders\u201d to the\nworld of learned magic at all.\nAnd if the clerical world is the point of entry into learned magic, how can we think of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nuseful rather than intrinsically foggy or oppressive. First, I will sketch the kinds of historical\nconversations I am interested in. I will then introduce selected short passages by medieval\nauthors discussing magic and superstition and reinterpret them, with the aim of showing\ncontinuities between modern and medieval reasonings about magic, both positive and negative. In my conclusion, I will argue for a freer and easier use of the term \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 a use\nless constrained by the tired dogma of its extreme difficulty.\nIn studying medieval magic, I am always interested in the problem it posed (and continues to pose) for people who think about it. This has been true since long before I paid\nattention to Foucault, but it aligns very well with many things Foucault has written about\nthe role of problematization in what he calls the \u201chistory of thought\u201d. \u201cProblematization\u201d,\nFoucault has said, is \u201cthe set of discursive or non-discursive practices that makes something]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\n\u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-Analytic Approaches in the Study of Religion: Moving\nfrom Meta-theoretical Reflection to Implementation in Practice,\u201d Religion 43, no. 1 (2013): 19f.\n17 See on \u201canti-essentialism\u201d Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-analytic Approaches,\u201d 8.\n18 Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-analytic Approaches,\u201d 13.\n19 On the concept of \u201cempty signifier\u201d, see Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-\u00ad\nanalytic Approaches,\u201d 13; Stuckrad, \u201cDiscursive Study of Religion,\u201d 17. The classic text is Ernesto\nLaclau, \u201cWhy do Empty Signifiers Matter to Politics?\u201d in The Lesser Evil and the Greater Good, ed.\nJeffrey Weeks (London: Rivers Oram Press, 1994), 167\u201378.\n20 See Daniel Chandler, Semiotics: The Basics (London: Routledge, 2007), 78: \u201cfloating signifiers\u201d have]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not\nhave agreed with Kieckhefer that their practices are essentially \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d\nand, thus, \u201cmagical\u201d; in other words, their \u201cfirst-order\u201d terminology and interpretation\ncontradict Kieckhefer\u2019s \u201csecond-order\u201d categorization, which is, at least in the light of my\nown \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, unsatisfactory).\nThe second, historical problem can be divided into three sub-problems: (1) The three\n\u201cconstitutive terms\u201d discussed by Kieckhefer may denote ritual means typically associated with \u201cmagic\u201d in the European Middle Ages (note, however, that one rarely encounters \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d in medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d), but they lack relevance\nwith regard to \u201cinsider\u201d sources from other epochs; this is problematic for two reasons:\nfirst, it undermines Kieckhefer\u2019s claim that these three terms are actually sufficient to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\ntypes to respond to human summons. Magicians were generally more optimistic about\nthe possibility of conjuring unfallen or neutral spirits, but some of them did also explicitly and deliberately conjure fallen ones. Magicians and their critics both lived within a\nculture that saw conjuration as playing with fire. What separated them was not a clear\ndistinction in what they believed so much as a difference in what they saw as a risk worth\ntaking. Discerning both the agreement in belief and the difference in risk engagement is\na crucial challenge for discourse analysis.\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray\nBoth Claire Fanger and Bernd-Christian Otto offer \u201cemic\u201d accounts of medieval magic:\ntheir interest is mainly in \u201cfirst order\u201d concepts. Both make references to Foucault, it is true,\nbut their pieces would work just as well without him. As analyses of medieval concepts, their\npapers are nuanced and valuable. Fanger\u2019s idea of a \u201cconversation\u201d, between sympathizers]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=77\nPages: 77,78\nprivileging the tradition from which the term derives.\nHow relevant is the discourse analysis that Otto recommends to contexts where there is\nno discourse, or where the discourse is not sufficiently reflective to allow sophisticated\nanalysis of terms? If we have before us a clay image pierced with needles, a bundle of\nnoxious substances found beneath the threshold of a house and a birthing girdle inscribed with the SATOR AREPO square, we will probably refer to all these as magical\nobjects, and rightly so, although they are diverse in type, and they may perhaps qualify as magical in different ways. If we seek to contextualize these objects, we will find\n58\nResponses\n8.\nrelevant material mainly in judicial records, magical miscellanies and other texts that do\nnot contain reflection on magic (and may well not even use that term, although its use\nfor these practices would have been familiar from the broader culture). I would not want]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=76\nPages: 76\nRichard Kieckhefer, David L. d\u2019Avray,\nBernd-Christian Otto, and Claire Fanger\nRichard Kieckhefer\nThe essays by David L. d\u2019Avray and Bernd-Christian Otto are stimulating, insightful, deeply\nengaging reflections, pointing in opposite directions: D\u2019Avray argues for using etic alongside\nemic terms, giving \u201cmagic\u201d the clarity and precision of a Weberian ideal type so that it becomes a sharp analytic tool for both European history and cross-cultural study; Otto draws\nback from \u201csecond-order\u201d or \u201cthird-order\u201d terms and urges instead a \u201cdiscourse historical\u201d\nanalysis that tracks and analyses language within historical texts. Claire Fanger and I come\nfrom different directions but reach concordant conclusions, both advocating flexible understandings of \u201cmagic\u201d while allowing (in Fanger\u2019s case) or urging (in mine) more technical use\nof alternative terms. I have questions for both d\u2019Avray and Otto.\n1.\n2.\nDoes d\u2019Avray\u2019s definition take into account the phenomena usually classed as natural]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83,84\nAnd if the clerical world is the point of entry into learned magic, how can we think of the\ntwo as mutually exclusive? Discourse analysis must surely stay open to the ways magic remained permeable to thought, embedded in the learned disciplines that birthed it.\nWhat I most appreciate in Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s approach is his recognition of the openness of conceptual systems and his willingness to live with definitions that are not too strictly\n64\nResponses\nreined in. He, too, rejects the opportunity to define magic, while offering useful ways of\nlooking at the taxonomic project. I agree on the independent utility of aggregative terms\n(large, loose \u201cumbrella\u201d terms) and constitutive terms (specific forms of reference within the\nbroad category of the aggregative term). I remain on the same page when he suggests that\nthe smaller \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d are better for comparative purposes.\nNevertheless, I am uneasy around the specific \u201cconstitutive\u201d terms he uses to refine the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90,86\n\u201cDis/unity of Knowledge: Models for the Study of Modern Esotericism and Science,\u201d Numen 62,\n(2015): 538\u201367); (2) From the viewpoint of medieval notions of physical causation (or \u201cphilosophia\nnaturalis\u201d, \u201cmagia naturalis\u201d), many sources of \u201clearned magic\u201d would not be covered by d\u2019Avray\u2019s\nformulation: consider literature on the qualitates occultae of stones (e.g. Lapidario) or the fabrication of\nastrological talismans (e.g. Picatrix).\n4 That is, in essence, \u201coutsider\u201d discourse = (orthodox) thought; \u201cinsider\u201d discourse = (heterodox)\npractice.\n5 Referenced frequently in the essays in Ian Hacking\u2019s Historical Ontology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard\nUniversity Press, 2002); for his formal definition, see 35\u201337.\n6 Hacking, Historical Ontology, 37.\n67\nPart II\nL a nguage s a n d di s se m i nat ion\n6\nAr a bic m agic\nThe impetus for translating texts\nand their reception\nCharles Burnett\nIn a prologue accompanying the Latin translation of a classic text on magic, Th\u0101bit ibn]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=83\nPages: 83\nYet, despite our affinities, I find his call to analyse medieval \u201cinsider\u201d sources wholly\napart from \u201coutsider\u201d sources problematic. Otto\u2019s premise is that the two are distinct in\nprinciple. He sees \u201cinsider\u201d discourses as comprising ritual sources and being theological\nonly defensively. By contrast, \u201coutsider\u201d discourses are represented as authoritatively theological; they are ignorant of magical practice, and propagate polemics that distort and misrepresent \u201cinsider\u201d views. The Ars notoria and Liber florum are claimed as \u201cinsider\u201d sources\n(though both engage \u201cpolemics against magic\u201d; but, according to his note 24, this is only\nbecause they aimed \u201cto avoid animosities in a restrictive cultural environment\u201d).\nI am uneasy with the postulate that \u201cinsider\u201d discourses of learned magic (i.e. ritual) occur in a social space segregated from the clerical disciplines in which he finds only \u201cpolemics\u201d. John of Morigny may be the best documented example to date of a learned magic user.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=260\nPages: 260\norigins and of the immutability of its doctrine, tend to present a static image of its literature.\nUsually, they compose their writings through the revision of elder sources but do conceal\ntheir personal method and contributions. Their work lacks a metadiscursive framework and\na declared and thus clearly recognizable historical dimension, an aspect which is enhanced\nby the recurrent use of the pseudepigraphic style. Ganellus\u2019s attitude instead rather reminds\nthat of the scholastic authors. Even though he does not question the divine origins attributed to the magical literature and thus the authority of the texts, he is interested in presenting the magical tradition in its historical development that hosts phases, changes and a\nplurality of currents and theories. In line with this approach, he openly takes positions in\nthe first person when treating his subject (however, it needs to be said that since at least the]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 60 to page 74 out of a total of 569:\nPages 60:\nA d i s c o u r s e h i s t o r i c a l a p p ro a c h\nclaims and distortive narratives that pervade medieval polemics against magic. Certainly, outsider texts can be useful, for example when they provide lists of insider texts\nthat were circulating at a given time (for example Speculum Astronomiae). However, as\nsoon as one wishes to know more about the contents of such texts, outsider sources\nshould be read with great caution as they tend to simplify, distort or \u2013 consciously or\nnot \u2013 \u00admisunderstand the insider tradition of medieval learned magic. A telling example\nis Thomas Aquinas\u2019s argument that the angels invoked during the Ars notoria ritual (I am\nnow referring to the first-order terminology used within the text, that is to the apparent\ninsiders\u2019 perspective) may really be demons (Summa Theologiae 2, 2, 96, 1).34 From the\nviewpoint of the modern study of religion, the \u201cdemon pact\u201d narrative \u2013 which has\ninformed Christian polemics against magic ever since Augustine35 \u2013 is obviously nothing\nmore than a tool of religious \u201cothering\u201d36: it neither leads to, nor is it interested in, a\nproper understanding of the \u201cother\u201d (in this case the medieval learned magician), but\nrather distances the latter by projecting a stereotypic, distortive pattern of interpretation\nonto him. Given this basic tendency, one might generalize that outsider accounts are\nusually not trustworthy for reconstructing the insider perspectives of authors and practitioners of learned magic (this is the case also in other epochs).\n4. The approach proposed here also adopts an anti-essentialist stance towards medieval\ninsider sources. In fact, a comparative reading of these sources quickly reveals that medieval learned magic is not a homogenous category: there is no conceptual \u201ccore\u201d or ritual\n\u201cessence\u201d that can be deduced from the sources apart from the fact that the first-order\nconcept of magic usually refers to a \u201critual art\u201d (as most insider texts are ritual texts or\ntheoretical reflections on such texts; the corresponding first-order formulation is thus\n\u201cars magica\u201d).37 Even though medieval insider narratives tend to suggest otherwise, this\nart is strikingly heterogeneous, hybrid and ever-changing from an analytical perspective.\nIt is heterogeneous, as the ritual procedures described in most medieval insider sources\nconsist of a vast variety of different ritual (micro-) techniques and varying concepts of\nritual efficacy. It is hybrid, as these techniques are usually combined in the manner of\n\u201cbuilding-blocks\u201d in a multiplicity of ways, depending on the preferences of the respective author or copyist (this is what I refer to as \u201critual hybridity\u201d elsewhere)38; what\nis more, these techniques have often been derived from different cultural or religious\ncontexts (this is what I refer to as \u201creligious hybridity\u201d elsewhere).39 It is ever-changing,\nbecause learned magic is \u2013 within and, the more so, beyond the European Middles\nAges \u2013 in permanent motion: it continuously adopts ritual patterns and techniques from\nolder sources, it discards unnecessary or unwanted elements, it adapts to novel cultural\nand religious environments or practitioner milieus and it continuously invents novel\nmodes of ritual performance or efficacy.\nAll three features call for non-essentialist analyses of medieval insider sources and nuanced modes of analytical description. In contrast to adopting essentialist second-order\ndefinitions of magic that may obscure or completely bypass the heterogeneity, hybridity\nand changeability of medieval learned magic, I suggest adopting a typological perspective, maybe inspired by the concept of \u201cfamily resemblances\u201d (as suggested above) or the\nrecently proposed concept of \u201cpatterns of magicity\u201d.40 The idea would be to develop\nopen and flexible taxonomies of ritual techniques, ritual goals and concepts of ritual\nefficacy (and/or other features) that may be consecutively derived from medieval insider\nsources, but also applied to these for comparative purposes and for the reconstruction of\nintertextual dependencies or ritual dynamics.\n41\n\nPages 61:\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\n5.\nI speak of medieval learned magic \u2013 and not of magic in general \u2013 in this chapter for\ntwo reasons. First, the addendum \u201clearned\u201d refers to two fairly distinctive characteristics\nof medieval insider sources: (i) they stem from people who were not only able to read\nand write (already a tiny elite in the European Middle Ages), but often quite sophisticated authors with apparent expertise in several languages and religious traditions;\nand (ii) the \u201critual art\u201d described in these sources tends towards complex, time- and\nresource-consuming ritual performances. The addendum \u201clearned\u201d thus operates as a\nmarker of specificity of this particular corpus of sources and thereby helps to demarcate\nit from other (allegedly magical) ritual traditions that may have been transmitted only\norally and whose ritual performances may have remained rather short and simplistic\n(consider so-called medieval folk magic traditions).41\nSecond, the addendum \u201clearned\u201d points to the fact that medieval insider sources are\nnot unique but the result of a complex interplay between intercultural transmission42\nand inner-cultural appropriation.43 Seen from this entangled perspective, medieval\nlearned magic is obviously part and parcel of a much larger textual\u2013ritual tradition\nthat is considerably older (as it goes back at least to late antiquity) and continues up\nto this day: \u201cWestern learned magic\u201d.44 The historical embeddedness of medieval insider sources within the overall history of Western learned magic calls for interpreting\nthese sources not (only) by reference to medieval polemics (that is, contemporaneous outsider sources), but (also) by reference to other \u2013 that is, preceding and/or \u00adsubsequent \u2013\ninsider sources.\n6. The last argument ties in with a recently proposed research programme on \u201cHistoricising Western learned magic\u201d which consists of eight theoretical issues that should,\nin my view, be considered in the course of its historicization: continuity, changeability,\nhybridity, deviance, morality, complexity, efficacy and multiplicity.45 It is, of course, impossible to go through all these issues in the final section of this chapter. Apart from\nword-count restrictions, such a discussion would require a coherent, diachronic and\ncross-cultural narrative on the history of Western learned magic at hand in order to\nsystematically relate medieval insider sources to preceding (for example late ancient, medieval \u00adJewish, Islamic or Byzantine) and subsequent (for example early modern, modern\nor even \u00adcontemporary) insider sources. For the time being, such a work is still a scholarly\ndesideratum.46 However, even on the current state of research, the analysis of medieval\ninsider sources from the viewpoint of the overall history of Western learned magic may\nreveal interesting insights and thus serve as an important complement to their (so far,\nprevailing) interpretation and contextualization within medieval studies.\nNote that such an analysis poses different questions to medieval insider sources than medievalist in-depth studies or critical text editions. For example, it puts greater emphasis on the\nchangeability of learned magic texts and techniques from a diachronic and cross-cultural\nperspective (thereby tying on novel approaches towards ritual dynamics).47 If one combines\nall eight theoretical notions mentioned above \u2013 continuity, changeability, hybridity, deviance,\nmorality, complexity, efficacy and multiplicity \u2013 and projects these onto medieval insider\nsources, one might even come up with a bold research hypothesis: the European Middle Ages\nmay have operated as some sort of \u201cbottleneck\u201d within the overall history of Western learned\nmagic. In fact, medieval insider sources seem to display a more or less significant decrease\non a range of domains, compared to antecedent and subsequent insider sources: regarding\n(i) the quantity of circulating insider texts, (ii) their conceptual complexity (this refers to the\n42\n\nPages 62:\nA d i s c o u r s e h i s t o r i c a l a p p ro a c h\nexistence of elaborate insider definitions and systematizations), (iii) their ritual complexity\n(this refers to the length and complexity of the \u201critual art\u201d outlined in insider sources), (iv)\ntheir social evaluation (this refers to the quantity and quality of liberal milieus where learned\nmagic may have thrived for the time being) and (v) their position towards morality (greater\nrestriction in this matter may lead to rejecting malevolent ritual goals, for example).48\nFor the time being, this is nothing but an ambitious hypothesis that may provide food\nfor thought and eventually point to future avenues of research. Regarding the latter, it\nmight call for enhanced and more systematic modes of cooperation among those historical disciplines that may be considered relevant to historicizing Western learned magic \u2013\nsuch as classical studies, medieval studies, Arabic, Jewish and Byzantine studies, early\n\u00admodern history or the study of Western and contemporary esotericism. Like other contemporary approaches in historiography (consider entangled history, transcultural history\nor global/world history),49 historicizing Western learned magic challenges the plausibility\nof \u00adinvestigating a limited set of insider sources within the boundaries of single historical\ndisciplines. Instead, it calls for engaging in interdisciplinary, diachronic and cross-cultural\nanalyses \u2013 and, eventually, large, communal research projects \u2013 that do justice to the complexity of this novel and fascinating field of research. The present volume is a laudable step\nin this direction.\nNotes\n1 See, exemplarily, Shaughan Lavine, \u201cSecond- and higher order logics,\u201d in Routledge Encyclopaedia of\nPhilosophy, vol. 8, ed. Edward Craig (London: Routledge, 1998), 591\u201395.\n2 James A. Beckford, Social Theory and Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 21.\n3 Beckford, Social Theory and Religion, 22.\n4 See, exemplarily, Tim Murphy, Representing Religion (London: Equinox, 2007), 20; Ann Taves, Religious Experience Reconsidered (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), 25; even philosophers\nof religion have adopted the distinction with this translocated meaning: see James Harris, Analytic\nPhilosophy of Religion (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishing, 2002), 59, or Timothy D. Knepper,\nThe Ends of Philosophy of Religion (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), for example z, 42, 58. As\nfar as I know, Jonathan Z. Smith has been the only scholar so far to apply the distinction to the\ndebate on magic: Smith, \u201cTrading Places,\u201d in Relating Religion, ed. Jonathan Z. Smith (Chicago, IL:\nChicago University Press, 2004), 219.\n5 For example, in a different article, Jonathan Z. Smith \u2013 namely, in Smith, \u201cReligion, Religions,\nReligious,\u201d in Critical Terms for Religious Studies, ed. Mark C. Taylor (Chicago, IL: Chicago University\nPress, 1998), 281\u201382 \u2013 locates first-order also on the level of academic language where it refers\nto the scholar\u2019s description of the social actors\u2019 accounts of their experiences and behaviour (\u201cthey\ntalked about god\u201d would thus be a first-order formulation, whereas religion would be a potential\nsecond-order category for this observation).\n6 Russell T. McCutcheon, Critics not Caretakers (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001),\n134.\n7 See Russell T. McCutcheon, The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion (London: Cassel,\n1999) for an introduction into the debate.\n8 See further Kim Knott, \u201cInsider/Outsider Perspectives,\u201d in The Routledge Companion to the Study of\nReligion, ed. John Hinnels (London: Routledge, 2010).\n9 See below, footnote 22.\n10 See Bernd-Christian Otto, \u201cTowards Historicising Magic in Antiquity,\u201d Numen 60, no. 2/3 (2013):\n308\u201347, and Bernd-Christian Otto, \u201cA Catholic \u2018Magician\u2019 historicises \u2018Magic\u2019,\u201d in History and\n\u00adReligion: Narrating a Religious Past, ed. Bernd-Christian Otto et al. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015), 419\u201343.\nIn Bernd-Christian Otto, Magie. Rezeptions- und diskursgeschichtliche Analysen von der Antike bis zur Neuzeit\n(Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011), I have used the terms \u201cselbstreferentieller\u201d and \u201cfremdreferentieller\nMagiediskurs\u201d that are hardly translatable into English.\n43\n\nPages 63:\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\n11 For example, an analogous focus on insider or practitioner discourses of magic can be found in\nrecent works on contemporary esotericism; see, exemplarily, Egil Asprem, \u201cContemporary Ritual\nMagic,\u201d in The Occult World, ed. Christopher Partridge (London: Routledge, 2014), 382\u201395; Kennet\nGranholm, Dark Enlightenment: The Historical, Sociological, and Discursive Contexts of Contemporary Esoteric\nMagic (Leiden: Brill, 2014).\n12 See Kenneth L. Pike, \u201cEtic and Emic Standpoints for the Description of Behaviour,\u201d in The Insider/\nOutsider Problem in the Study of Religion, ed. McCutcheon, 28\u201336.\n13 Pike, \u201cEtic and Emic Standpoints,\u201d 28.\n14 In other words, an emic approach may reconstruct and re-narrate the first-order perspective of\nmedieval practitioners of learned magic, but medieval insider texts should not themselves be called\nemic. See on this important differentiation also The Insider/Outsider Problem in the Study of Religion, ed.\nMcCutcheon, 17f.\n15 Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 22.\n16 I am thereby applying Stuckrad\u2019s idea of a \u201cdiscourse-historical approach to knowledge about\n\u00adReligion\u201d to the study of magic \u2013 see Kocku von Stuckrad, \u201cDiscursive Study of Religion: Approaches, Definitions, Implications,\u201d Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 1 (2013): 21. From\nthe viewpoint of Moberg\u2019s useful distinction of first-, second-, and third-level discourse analytic\napproaches, the approach proposed here represents a third-level approach: see Marcus Moberg,\n\u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-Analytic Approaches in the Study of Religion: Moving\nfrom Meta-theoretical Reflection to Implementation in Practice,\u201d Religion 43, no. 1 (2013): 19f.\n17 See on \u201canti-essentialism\u201d Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-analytic Approaches,\u201d 8.\n18 Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-analytic Approaches,\u201d 13.\n19 On the concept of \u201cempty signifier\u201d, see Moberg, \u201cFirst-, Second-, and Third-level Discourse-\u00ad\nanalytic Approaches,\u201d 13; Stuckrad, \u201cDiscursive Study of Religion,\u201d 17. The classic text is Ernesto\nLaclau, \u201cWhy do Empty Signifiers Matter to Politics?\u201d in The Lesser Evil and the Greater Good, ed.\nJeffrey Weeks (London: Rivers Oram Press, 1994), 167\u201378.\n20 See Daniel Chandler, Semiotics: The Basics (London: Routledge, 2007), 78: \u201cfloating signifiers\u201d have\n\u201ca vague, highly variable, unspecifiable or non-existent signified. Such signifiers may mean different things to different people: they may stand for many or even any signifieds; they may mean\nwhatever their interpreters want them to mean\u201d.\n21 There is no room in this chapter to go into greater detail with the methodological problems that\narise from adopting second-order or third-order notions of magic in scholarly research: see \u2013 to\nname only two major difficulties \u2013 for the \u201cmagic-science-religion-triangle\u201d (i.e. the impossibility\nof defining these terms independently of one another and the related problem of defining ex\nnegativo) and for the problem of ethnocentrism (i.e. magic\u2019s tendency to produce distorted perspectives and findings in comparative and cross-cultural research by highlighting alleged similarities\nand suppressing difference), Bernd-Christian Otto and Michael Stausberg, Defining Magic: A Reader\n(Sheffield: Equinox, 2013), 4\u20137.\n22 From the perspective of discourse analysis, the criterion is related to Foucault\u2019s idea of the \u201cformation of enunciative modalities\u201d: see Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge, 50:\nFirst question: who is speaking? Who, among the totality of speaking individuals, is accorded\nthe right to use this sort of language (langage)? Who is qualified to do so? Who derives from\nit his own special quality, his prestige, and from whom, in return, does he receive if not the\nassurance, at least the presumption that what he says is true? What is the status of the individuals who \u2013 alone \u2013 have the right, sanctioned by law or tradition, juridically defined or\nspontaneously accepted, to proffer such a discourse?\n23 On medieval \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d, see Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa notion d\u2019\u2018auteur-magicien\u2019 \u00e0 la fin du\nMoyen \u00c2ge: Le cas de l\u201dermite Pelagius de Majorque (\u2020 v. 1480),\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 56 (2006): 119\u201338;\nNicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio Da Montolmo\u201ds De occultis et manifestis or Liber intelligentiarum: An\nannotated critical edition with English translation and introduction,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and\nTraditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (Stroud: Sutton, 1998), particularly 221ff; and\nchapter 17 in this volume.\n24 The self-designative term \u201cmagia\u201d, including synonyms (such as \u201cnecromantia\u201d, \u201cnigromantia\u201d;\nI would not count the terms \u201cscientia\u201d/\u201dars\u201d, \u201cexperimentum\u201d or \u201coperare\u201d as culturally accepted synonyms, even though these frequently appear in insider sources), can be found in the\n44\n\nPages 64:\nA d i s c o u r s e h i s t o r i c a l a p p ro a c h\nfollowing texts: Astromagia, ed. Alfonso D\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992), for example pp. 146,\n150; \u00adL\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge, ed. Julien Veron\u00e8se (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del\nGalluzzo, 2012), for example 134; Liber Razielis \u2013see, exemplarily, book 7 entitled Liber magice (Halle\nMS 14 B 36, fol. 178r: \u201cHic incipit liber qui dicitur Flores Mercurii de Babilonia super opera artis\nmagice\u2026\u201d) in Ms. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reginense MS Lat. 1300; see also Sefer ha-Razim,\ned. Bill Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebek, 2009), Vol I, 28; Picatrix: The Latin Version\nof the G\u1e25\u0101yat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 83, 87, 96 and so on;\nBerengarius Ganellus\u2019 Summa Sacre Magice (self-evident due to the title, but see also further instances\nin Ms. Kassel university library 4\u00b0 astron. 3, for example fol. 13r); Liber Iuratus Honorii, ed. G\u00f6sta\nHedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), for example 60, 66; Ms. Munich Clm 849, ed.\nRichard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 1998), for example pp. 211, 221; \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s\nDe occultis et manifestis or Liber intelligentiarum,\u201d ed. Weill-Parot, for example 258, 264, 274, 286; De\nquindecim stellis, quindecim lapidibus, quindecim herbis et quindecim imaginibus, ed. Louis Delatte, Textes latins et vieux francais relatifs aux Cyranides (Li\u00e8ge: Facult\u00e9 de Philosophie et Lettres, 1942), for example\n242, 275, 281, 286); Clavicula Salomonis (I am referring to the presumably earliest Latin witness,\n[former] Amsterdam BPH 114 A [now Ms. Coxe 25], f. 74\u2013138) and most later texts belonging\nto the so-called \u201cSolomonic cycle\u201d, such as the Heptameron, uncritic. ed. Joseph Peterson, \u201cPeter de\nAbano: Heptameron\u201d (online edition), based on the 1565 appendix to Agrippa of Nettesheim\u2019s De\nocculta philosophia, and the Lemegeton, uncritic. ed. Joseph Peterson, The Lesser Key of Solomon (York\nBeach, ME: Weiser Books, 2001). The term is not used in a self-referential and/or identificatory\nmanner in most versions of the Ars notoria/Ars nova, apart from \u201cmagos\u201d used as a vox magica: Julien\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen Age (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007), 84; apologetically, \u201cars notoria\u201d is here even demarcated from \u201cnigromantia\u201d which is understood negatively:\nVeron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria, 58/59; Jean of Morigny\u2019s, Liber Florum Celestis Doctrine/The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval\nStudies, 2015); Lapidario, ed. S. Rodriguez Montalvo, \u201cLapidario\u201d segun el manuscrito escurialense H.I.15\n(Madrid: Gredos, 1981); Juris Lidaka \u201cThe Book of Angels, Rings, Characters and Images of the\nPlanets: Attributed to Osbern Bokenham,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits, ed. Fanger, 32\u201375 (Lidaka\u2019s English\ntranslation, however, includes magic numerous times, mostly referring to Latin \u201coperare\u201d); Liber\nde essentia spirituum (communication by Sophie Page); Liber Runarum, ed. Paolo Lucentini, in Hermes\nTrismegisti. Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Gerrit Bos et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 401\u201351; Liber\nAntimaquis, ed. Charles Burnett in Hermes Trismegisti. Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Bos et al. 177\u2013221;\n\u201cAl-Kindi. De radiis,\u201d ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Fran\u00e7oise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale\net litteraire du moyen age 49 (1974): 139\u2013260; Latin Cyranides, in Textes latins et vieux francais relatifs aux\nCyranides, ed. Delatte. Note that there may be two very different reasons for omitting the term:\n(1) the omission may indicate that the respective author didn\u2019t perceive the contents of the text to\nbe covered by the (first-order) concept of magic (two examples are, in my view, al-Kind\u012b\u2019s De radiis\nstellarum or the Latin Cyranides; yet, as these texts have influenced later insider sources, they should\nbe counted to the insider discourse); (2) the author would have used the (first-order) concept, but\nhas avoided its use in order to avoid animosities in a restrictive cultural environment (technically\nspeaking, both Ars notoria as well as Liber florum celestis doctrine belong to the outsider discourse as they\nengage in polemics against magic; yet, as they have adopted textual and ritual contents from insider\nsources \u2013 such as the Liber Iuratus Honorii \u2013 they should be counted to the insider discourse). This is\nan incomplete list that may, of course, be enhanced.\n25 This involves continuous \u201cboundary work\u201d on alleged subgenres such as Astral magic, Solomonic\nmagic or Hermetic magic that, from the viewpoint of the approach outlined here, are problematic\nfor various reasons (for example, pseud-epigraphs as genre titles are inconvenient as their first-\u00ad\norder use within the sources is not systematically related to the textual or ritual contents of these\nsources). The category of medieval learned magic is thus broader than these subgenres while my\nidea of \u201cfamily resemblances\u201d is tied to the development of more nuanced and fine-grained \u201ctypologies\u201d \u2013 see on these further below, point (4).\n26 See on this observation also Marco Pasi, \u201cTheses de Magia,\u201d Societas Magica Newsletter 20 (2008):\n3\u20135, and, in greater detail, Otto, Magie, ch. 12.\n27 Like William of Auvergne, Albertus Magnus, Michael Scot, Roger Bacon or Pietro d\u2019Abano \u2013 see,\nfor an overview, Claire Fanger and Frank Klaassen, \u201cMagic III: Middle Ages,\u201d in Dictionary of Gnosis\n45\n\nPages 65:\nB e rn d - C h r i s t i a n Ott o\n& Western Esotericism., vol. 2, ed. Wouter Hanegraaff et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 724\u201331; Frank\n\u00ad enaissance\nKlaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and R\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), especially Part I; and Liana Saif, The\nArabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), especially\nch. 3\u20134.\n28 Ed. Paola Zambelli, The Speculum Astronomiae and Its Enigma (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 203\u201373.\n29 See the discussion in David Pingree, \u201cLearned Magic in the Time of Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2\n(1994): 39\u201356.\n30 See Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n31 See Paola Zambelli, White Magic, Black Magic and the European Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 2007),\n101\u201312.\n32 In Foucauldian terms, both the \u201cformation of concepts\u201d (see Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge,\n56f.) as well as the \u201cformation of objects\u201d (48f.) are dependent on the (\u201cinsider/outsider\u201d) perspective of the respective author.\n33 Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge, 49.\n34 See in greater detail Claire Fanger, \u201cPlundering the Egyptian Treasure: John the Monk\u2019s Book of\nVisions and Its Relation to the Ars Notoria of Solomon,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits, ed. Fanger, 222\u201324.\n35 See Otto, Magie, ch. 8.\n36 See recently Olav Hammer, \u201cOthering,\u201d in Vocabulary for the Study of Religion, ed. Robert A. Segal\nand Kocku von Stuckrad (Leiden: Brill Online, 2016): http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/\u00ad\nentries/vocabulary-for-the-study-of-religion/othering-COM_00000398 (9 February 2016).\n37 This is one of the reasons why the often-used second-order notion of \u201critual magic\u201d appears to\nbe either redundant or tautological; in my view, it cannot function as a \u201cmarker of specificity\u201d\nof Western insider sources (as, from the viewpoint of the conceptual history of magic, \u201critual\u201d is\nsimply an integral part of its semantic field).\n38 On the differentiation between ritual hybridity and religious hybridity, see Bernd-Christian Otto,\n\u201cHistoricising \u2018Western Learned Magic\u2019: Preliminary Remarks,\u201d Aries 16 (2016): 199\u2013203.\n39 Otto, \u201cHistoricising \u2018Western Learned Magic\u2019\u201d.\n40 See Otto and Stausberg, Defining Magic, 10f.\n41 See, for example, Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1989), ch. 4.\n42 Different overviews can be found in David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in\nWestern Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel medio evo europeo, ed. Scarcia Amoretti\n(Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1987), 58\u2013102; Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Translating Activity in Medieval Spain,\u201d in Charles Burnett, Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996), 1036\u201358; R. Lemay, \u201cBooks of Magic in Translation from the Arabic and the Birth\nof a Theology of the Sacraments of the Church in the Twelfth Century,\u201d in Charmes et sortil\u00e8ges:\nmagie et magiciens, ed. R. Gyselen et al. (Bures-sur-Yvette: Groupe pour l\u2019\u00c9tude de la Civilisation du\nMoyen-Orient, 2002), 165\u201392; Charles Burnett, \u201cLate Antique and Medieval Latin Translations\nof Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic,\u201d in The Occult Sciences in Byzantium, ed. Paul Magdalino\nand Maria Mavroudi (Geneva: La Pomme d\u2019Or, 2006), 325\u201359; Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa transmission group\u00e9e des textes de magie \u201csalomonienne\u201d de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 au Moyen \u00c2ge: bilan historiographique, inconnues et pistes de recherche,\u201d in L\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive dans les collections m\u00e9di\u00e9vales: Textes\net representations, VIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle, ed. Stephane Gioanni and Beno\u00eet Grevin (Rome: \u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise\nde Rome, 2008), 193\u2013223; Peter Forshaw, \u201cThe Occult Middle Ages,\u201d in The Occult World, ed. Partridge 34\u201348; Saif, The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy; and the chapters in Part II\nof this volume.\n43 The relationship between these two distinct yet related historical processes has been the focus of\nthe recent volume Les savoirs magiques et leur transmission de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 la Renaissance, ed. Veronique\nDasen and Jean-Michel Spieser (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014).\n44 See for an overall conceptualization and theorization of this \u201ctextual-ritual tradition\u201d Otto, \u201cHistoricising \u2018Western learned magic\u2019,\u201d 161\u2013240.\n45 See Otto, \u201cHistoricising \u2018Western learned magic\u2019\u201d.\n46 But see Michael D. Bailey, Magic and Superstition in Europe: A Concise History from Antiquity to the Present\n(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007); Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books\n(\u00adOxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), and the recent The Cambridge History of Magic and Witchcraft\n46\n\nPages 66:\nA d i s c o u r s e h i s t o r i c a l a p p ro a c h\nin the West: From Antiquity to the Present, ed. David J. Collins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,\n2015), for useful and inspiring \u2013 yet partially unsystematic and incomplete \u2013 attempts of such\noverviews.\n47 See recently Ritual Dynamics and the Science of Ritual, ed. Harshav Barbara and Axel Michaels et al, 5\nvols. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010\u201311); Ritual und Ritualdynamik: Schl\u00fcsselbegriffe, Theorien, Diskussionen, ed. Christiane Brosius et al. (G\u00f6ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013).\n48 See for some further thoughts and observations concerning this hypothesis Otto, \u201cMagie im \u00adIslam.\nEine diskursgeschichtliche Perspektive,\u201d in Die Geheimnisse der oberen und der unteren Welt: Magie im\nIslam zwischen Glaube und Wissenschaft, ed. Sebastian G\u00fcnther and Dorothee Pielow (Leiden: Brill\n2018), 515\u2013546.\n49 See, exemplarily, Transcultural History: Theories, Methods, Sources, ed. Madeleine Herren-Oesch et al.\n(Berlin: Springer, 2012), with a particular focus on the Middle Ages; Transkulturelle Verflechtungen\nim mittelalterlichen Jahrtausend: Europa, Ostasien, Afrika, ed. Michael Borgolte and Matthias Tischler\n(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2012); A Companion to World History, ed. Douglas\nNorthrop (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012); Diego Olstein, Thinking History Globally (Basingstoke:\nPalgrave Macmillan, 2015).\n47\n\nPages 67:\n4\nT h e conce pt of m agic\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray\nThis paper focuses on \u201cemic\u201d and \u201cetic\u201d concepts of magic: the \u201cemic\u201d concepts of the\n\u00admedieval people we are studying, and the \u201cetic\u201d concepts we, the students of medieval\nmagic, create to help us get a grip on medieval concepts and practices. The paper attempts\nto add something to understanding of the medieval, \u201cemic\u201d concepts, but I argue that \u201cetic\u201d\nconcepts too are needed to clear our heads about medieval magic.\nPerhaps it is good to start by studying medieval magic from the inside and in terms\nof the concepts of medieval people. Catherine Rider does this in her excellent Magic and\nReligion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012). She simply follows the contours of the categories of the pastoral manuals which she mines so successfully for data\non magic. Ultimately, this is also the approach advocated with great sophistication in a\nclassic article by Richard Kieckhefer.1 He was engaged in a polite polemic against the\nview of Valerie Flint that a lot of what the medieval Church got up to could be called\nmagic (but in a good way): in particular, pagan practices had been incorporated to ease\nthe process of conversion. Against that, Kieckhefer put the case for taking seriously\nthe medieval clergy\u2019s categories, and especially the idea of magic as involving demonic\npower.\nCertainly, it is a medieval, \u201cemic\u201d, idea that the use of the mysterious virtutes attributed\nto stones or herbs or diagrams is really a cover for demonic activity. The thirteenth-century\nFranciscan Eudes Rigaud, in his commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, sets up\nthe position he intends to destroy, grouping occult properties together with such things as\nsnake charming. (It should be said that the quaestio is telegraphic and confusingly laid out,\nprobably because oral transmission was involved.)\nFinally, it is asked whether there is any sin in exercising those magic arts. It seems\nnot.2 To know: this is not evil; similarly, neither is being able to do something the\nsame as performing an evil action. Even performing the action is not evil, since the\ndevil does it, not man. Therefore it seems that there is no sin in such things. Therefore if there is, it will be because they are forbidden. But then it is asked why they\nare forbidden? # Again, that person brings it about that, or makes, a serpent come\nout of a cave by means of an incantation: surely he does not sin? He seems not to,\nsince the action is not evil. # Again, the words which he says are not evil, since he\nsays: \u201cOur Father\u201d, and other natural things which are good. # Again: whether in\nwords, stones and herbs there are powers (virtutes) as people say? But to use words\n[and] stones for the powers for which they exist is no sin. Therefore similarly with\nherbs. # Again, concerning the diagrams which are made: whether there might\n48\n\nPages 68:\nT h e c o n c e pt o f m ag i c\nbe sin there? It seems that there is not, since there is either some power in them,\nand then it does not seem to be a sin, or not, and then it seems to be useless, not\nsinful\u20263\nThe refutation is rather a m\u00e9lange: stones and herbs get swallowed up in a general attack\non various sorts of magic, but the implicit argument is that demons are the source of the\napparent power of spells, diagrams and other things, which would include stones and herbs.4\nOccult properties are clearly being lumped together with more unambiguously magical\npractices.\nNot everyone would have shared Eudes\u2019s ideas. The attribution of occult powers to supernatural help, i.e. to demons or the devil operating clandestinely, was not a consensus view.5\nFor many entirely respectable medieval religious writers, \u201coccult\u201d meant no more than\n\u201cnot understood\u201d. Taken in this sense, occult properties are natural properties that happen\nnot to have been elucidated by natural science. In this sense, modern science too is quite\nhappy with the idea of occult forces, like gravity for example, which has never been actually\nexplained. This kind of \u201cmagic\u201d has little to do with the other medieval understanding of\nthe term: which points to a world of demonic activity or at least to non-natural forces quite\ndifferent in kind to those that science explicates, and available as a special source of power.\nAs a category, ars magica includes too much to generate questions going beyond \u201cwhat did\nthey mean by ars magica?\u201d\nThe problem might be dodged by concentrating our attention on different medieval\nterms: divinatio, divinus (sorcerer, magus), divina (sorceress, witch). A fascinating discussion\nof divinatio etc. by a northern Italian Franciscan writing circa 1300 (whose thoughts on\nthis and many other subjects are recorded in MS Birmingham University 6/iii/19) takes\nus through most of the types of activity and forms of thought we associate with medieval\nmagic; and there is the added bonus that these various practices are illustrated by vivid stories. These stories flesh out the \u201cemic\u201d idea of divinatio that we find in his work, and provide\nnot a bad typology of medieval magic.\nReal, terrifying and lethal demonic power is represented by a story about a noble young\nman from Prague who went to a magical specialist for help in getting a girl with whom\nhe was obsessed. A simulacrum of the girl tempted him out of the protective magic circle\nwhich was a key part of the ritual and he was killed in a disgusting manner.6 The \u00adFranciscan\nwriter certainly believed in demons but he also thought that magic could be faked. He\ntells another story that is probably true because its source, who is also the main protagonist in the narrative, went on after a (presumably) thoroughgoing conversion to become a\n\u00adFranciscan himself. This time it was a peasant who wanted the girl, and he wanted to marry\nher. The fake magician pretended to be reluctant but gave in after the peasant had brought\nhim money and capons. The charlatan then got together some accomplices and gave them\nthe names of demons. The peasant was put in a magic circle but the \u201cdemons\u201d attacked\nhim. He cried for help and the pseudo-magician \u201crescued\u201d him (but did not return the fee).7\nIn a similarly sceptical vein, the anonymous Franciscan tells of a woman who boasts to her\nparish priest that she had saved him when she was flying at night on beasts with \u201cthe ladies\u201d.\nOur narrator says she was under an illusion inspired by the devil. The priest said that he\nhad anyway been protected by a door that would have kept them out. (The conversation\nseems to have taken place in the church, so the door in question presumably led into his own\nroom or house.) The woman said that locks and doors were not a problem for her. The priest\nsaid that he would like to test that so that he could thank her. Then, he locked the door of\n49\n\nPages 69:\nDav i d L . d \u2019 Av r ay\nthe Church and started to beat her, inviting her to escape through the locked door if she\ncould. After that, he made her swear not to say such things again.8\nAgain, a serving maid claimed that she could use her powers to get for her mistress a rich\nand loving husband. Her mistress pointed out that the maid\u2019s husband was poor and had a\nmistress, so why didn\u2019t she do better for herself with her powers?9 A more sinister narrative\nis set in a village where the plague is rampant. The villagers go to a little old lady who was\nthought to be a divina, who told them that the solution was to bury their priest alive, which\nthey managed to do when he was conducting a burial service.10\nThe rich quasi-sermon on divinatio in MS Birmingham University 6/iii/19 suggests that\nthis category might enable us to circumvent some of the problems of the phrase ars magica,\nin that divinatio includes so much of real or claimed counter-Christian supernatural powers,\nbut not \u201cnatural magic\u201d. But substituting divinatio for ars magica is probably not the answer.\nDivinatio is not always used in so comprehensive a sense as with our Italian Franciscan. In\nthe Summa Theologica of Thomas Aquinas (Summa Theologica, 2-2 q. 95 a.2\u20133) notably, its\nscope seems to be confined to predicting the future by magical means.\nMaking the concepts of the past our own analytical concepts can thus create more complication that we want, if the policy is consistently applied. Our analytical framework could\nend up with the complexity of the Oxford English Dictionary or the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. There are also other more serious problems, whether our starting point is the term\ndivinatio or the term ars magica.\nOne problem is the obverse of the awkwardness created by inclusion of \u201chidden forces of\nnature\u201d within the ars magica. In the latter case, the difficulty is that the same phrase covers\nheterogeneous phenomena. The symmetrically opposite difficulty is that the orthodox medieval distinction between magic and religion makes it harder to articulate some significant\nsimilarities between phenomena. Kieckhefer was no doubt right to think that Valerie Flint\nwas unduly prone to collapse the distinction between magic and religion, but her instinct,\nlike Keith Thomas\u2019s before her, was surely correct insofar as she saw striking similarities\nbetween some aspects of medieval Christianity and practices that one can in a loose and\nprovisional way call \u201cmagic\u201d. Keith Thomas pertinently quotes from the fifteenth-century\ncommonplace book of Robert Reynys:\nPope Innocent hath granted to any man that beareth the length of the three nails of\nOur Lord Jesus Christ upon him and worship them daily with five Paternosters and\nfive Aves and a psalter, he shall have seven gifts granted to him. The first, he shall\nnot be slain with sword nor knife. The second, he shall not die no sudden death.\nThe third, his enemies shall not overcome him. The fourth, he shall have sufficient\ngood and honest living. The fifth, that poisons nor fever nor false witness shall grieve\nhim. The sixth, he shall not die without the sacraments of the Church. The seventh,\nhe shall be defended from all wicked spirits, from pestilence and all evil things.11\nYet another problem with confining ourselves to \u201cemic\u201d medieval categories is that they\nmay not be consistent across the board. Not all medieval intellectuals thought alike about\nthe border between magic and religion: as scholars well represented in the present volume\nhave emphasized, some people whom a Thomas Aquinas might have put on the \u201cMagic\u201d\nside of the \u201cReligion/Magic\u201d divide, would by no means have put up their hands to dealing\nwith demons, rather than interesting spirits, as with the Sworn Book of \u201cHonorius Son of Euclid\u201d; as Kieckhefer puts it, the \u201cspirits addressed are neither straightforwardly demonic nor\n50\n\nPages 70:\nT h e c o n c e pt o f m ag i c\nconventionally angelic\u201d.12 Similarly, with the people attacked by Eudes Rigaud. Or again,\nEudes Rigaud might think that demons were operating undercover to make stones appear\nto possess unexplained powers, but the people Eudes is attacking presumably thought they\ngenuinely possessed those powers. Or again, some thought that the\npower of a plant to cure certain ailments, or the power of a gem to ward off certain\nkinds of misfortune, may derive not from the internal structure of the object but\nfrom \u2026 emanations coming from the stars and planets\u2026 The properties in question were strictly within the realm of nature.13\nIf we confine ourselves to \u201cthe concepts of the time\u201d, we enter a world of conflicting notions.\nAll this suggests that \u201cemic\u201d concepts, the concepts of the time, are necessary but far\nfrom sufficient for historical analysis. Sociocultural lexicography, as one may call the process of understanding such \u201cemic\u201d concepts, can take us a long way \u2013 but not all the way.\nModern historians do not have to take everything medieval people say about their beliefs\nand practices at face value. We may need to distinguish things that medieval terminology\nblurs, as with ars magica. Conversely, a modern scholar may want to draw attention to similarities between practices that contemporaries put in quite different categories: just as we\nmight think that torture and enhanced interrogation techniques are not so different as some\nin that world would have it.\nFurthermore, cultural lexicography does not help us draw comparisons between societies\nthat use different languages: for any comparative analysis, a set of common terms must be\ndevised by the historian. This is a point to which we must return. Devising such \u201ccommon\nterms\u201d is what I mean by conceptual technique, a key component of Weber\u2019s \u201cideal-type\u201d\nmethodology. The purpose of conceptual technique or ideal-type methodology is to give\nas a slightly specialized language, not identical either with that of the people in the past\nwhom scholars study or of the discourse of the modern world around those same scholars:\na slightly special language constructed to enable us both to identify differences and point to\nsimilarities we cannot otherwise easily articulate.\nWe need something between the Kieckhefer conformity to medieval concepts and the\ntendency of a Valerie Flint brush them aside. Flint\u2019s assimilation of magic with religious\npractices pointed to genuine commonalities but it was too blunt a conceptual instrument. It\nis the same way with Keith Thomas\u2019s idea of the \u201cmagic of the medieval Church\u201d: it goes\ntoo far if only in that it would logically lead to including baptism and the Eucharist in the\ncategory of magic:14 the fact that \u201cthe sacraments worked automatically\u201d gave \u201cmedieval\nChristianity an apparently magical character\u201d (53). It is not clear what Thomas means by\nthe \u201capparently\u201d. He goes on to say that \u201cmost other ecclesiastical operations could only\nbe accomplished by a good priest and a pious laity\u201d (ibid) but that in practice there was\nnot much difference from pagan magic and that the \u201cdifference between churchmen and\nmagicians lay less in the effects they claimed to achieve than in their social position, and in\nthe authority on which their respective claims rested\u201d (56).\nThe idea that magic was what Church authorities happened not to legitimate, but which\nis otherwise much the same as what the Church did legitimate, runs into an immediate\nproblem: there is no clear difference in this conceptual scheme between magic and heresy.\nWould one want to call the Cathar consolamentum a magical ritual? If so, the category of\nmagic has become unduly indiscriminate, a baggy holdall without separate compartments\nfor forms of thought and ritual quite distinct in many medieval minds.\n51\n\nPages 71:\nDav i d L . d \u2019 Av r ay\nSo the middle way is careful conceptual technique. Where \u201cmagic\u201d and \u201creligion\u201d are concerned, the historian\u2019s ideal types are concepts for understanding the concepts of those they\nstudy. Ideal types should not cut against the grain of medieval categories, but they can have a\nmuch higher degree of precision \u2013 just as they are more precise than the everyday concepts of\nthe historian\u2019s own world, with which they should not be confused. Reality is a system of parts,\ncomplicated far beyond what the mind can master. Ordinary language is a system of parts,\nrather crude. It blurs the distinction between some parts of reality and stops us seeing the similarities between other parts. Academic language stays as close as it can to ordinary language\nbut tries to line up its system of parts a little more closely with reality. It never gets that close, but\ncan approximate to the real system of parts more and more. The process of approximation is a\ntechnical skill, a bit like representational art. One should not say: what is the difference between\nmagic and religion? One should say: how can I put together a set of concepts that together make\nup a slightly less crude model of the infinite complexity of thought and practice in this area.\nConceptual engineering is part of our job. From time to time we cannot get by as historians with our day-to-day concepts or with the concepts of the people we study. Then,\nwe need to refine our analytical concepts. Twenty-first century concepts (as one might find\nthem defined in the Oxford English Dictionary or Webster) are no more up to the job of\nunderstanding medieval life and thought than are medieval concepts on their own. The\nhistorian\u2019s \u201cconceptual technique\u201d has to supply the deficiencies of both.\nTo avoid confusion, medievalists could do worse than use Latin or medieval vernacular\nwords for medieval concepts: ars magicia, divinatio, sortilegium, etc. It would be a clear way of\nmarking out these \u201cemic\u201d concepts from the \u201cetic\u201d concepts that the historian constructs.\nEvidently, the \u201cetic\u201d concepts created by historians should be carefully and clearly articulated, a process closer to the heart of the historians task than the phrase \u201cdefining one\u2019s\nterms\u201d might suggest.\nSo I would suggest the following categories or ideal types:15\nMagic = the use of non-physical (and not merely mental) forces to serve the magicians ends,\nwhether good or bad.\nReligious magic = the above, within the framework of a religious system. The passage\nquoted above, after Keith Thomas, from the commonplace book of Robert Reynys, is an\nexample from within the later medieval Church. The thinking is genuinely magical as we\nhave defined it, and theologians would probably have disapproved while dismissing it as\nharmless.\nA religious system = a set of ways of giving meaning to the world and human action in\nwhich non-physical (and not merely mental) factors play a part (it is best not to mention\ndivinity, because that would exclude the atheistic forms of Buddhism).\nNon-magical religion = religious practices insofar as they are not instruments in the service of\nthe practitioners. A really clear illustration is the Bhagavad Gita. Carrying out of caste duties\nneeds to be without any desire for the fruits of so doing. Asceticism and sacrifice are useful\nfor salvation only if one internally renounces their fruits and does them for their own sake.16\nNote however that \u201cnon-magical religion\u201d also includes supernatural forces believed to\nwork through human agency, but with a proviso. The condition to correspond to the \u201cnon-\u00ad\nmagical religion\u201d ideal type is that the supernatural forces are not harnessed by the human\nagent. The human agent may be a vehicle for the exercise of supernatural forces by a divine\nagent, but those forces must not be regarded as his, the human agent\u2019s, own tool or weapon.\nIf this condition is met, then the practices can be called \u201cnon-magical\u201d even if they work\n52\n\nPages 72:\nT h e c o n c e pt o f m ag i c\nautomatically granted a given intention (i.e. not as a joke or in a play). This is important\nbecause it brings out the difference between medieval sacraments such as baptism and the\nEucharist and magical practices, as Keith Thomas did not manage to do. The consecration\nof the host at mass could be called non-magical \u2013 even though the effects follow automatically, in a manner quite different from that of supplicatory prayer \u2013 provided that the priest\nseems himself as an instrument of God\u2019s power, rather than a man with a special power at\nhis personal service. Similarly, those who receive the consecrated host believing it to be the\nbody and blood of Christ are not thinking magically if they see the process as instrumental\nto God\u2019s purpose of bringing them closer to him, but it would be magical (as well as religious) if they thought it likely to save them from illness or violent death.\nSuperstition is a fragment separated from the religious or magical system in which it originated.17 The following is probably a case in point. Some laypeople in thirteenth-century\nEngland believed that if they received the sacrament of extreme unction and then recovered\nfrom their illness, they had to give up sex with their wives and meat eating (also, for some reason, walking bare foot).18 The ban on bare foot walking is beyond my powers of explanation,\nbut the rest looks like a fragment of Cathar belief that had somehow become detached and\nfound its way across the channel. Cathars who had received the consolamentum were indeed\nbound to give up sex and meat, because they had technically joined the ranks of the perfect.\nIt must be emphasized again that these are ideal types: conceptual distinctions drawn by the\nhistorian to identify forms of life and thought that are inextricably mixed up together in the\nactual life of the past. One can think of them as a kind of colour coding to help us identify\ndifferent elements in the complex mixture that we are working on. Note too that \u201creligion\u201d\nand \u201cmagic\u201d are not treated even conceptually as mutually exclusive categories. This enables\nthe conceptual scheme to cope comfortably with the distinctively religious forms of magic\nstudied, notably, by Sophie Page.\nThis conceptual scheme has another advantage: It avoids collapsing the categories of\nmagic and heresy into one another, as the idea of magic as \u201cwhat lacked official approval\u201d\nwould logically tend to do. Yet, another advantage is that these concepts are relatively free\nfrom value judgements. The \u201cconcepts of the time\u201d are mostly \u201cthick\u201d with implicit value\njudgements. A historian may disapprove of magic and approve of heresy, or of orthodox\nCatholicism, but that should not affect the analysis.\nUsing an \u201cetic\u201d conceptual scheme has a further advantage already adumbrated above,\nviz. that it enables comparative history. Ideal types are crucial intermediaries between the\ncategories expressed in the different languages (in the literal sense) of different cultures.\nSome historians have no interest in comparative history, but those who do need a neutral academic language into which the words of both cultures can be translated. Edward\n\u00adEvans-Pritchard wrote a classic study of Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the Azande.19 We\ncannot really know how far the word \u201cBoro ngua\u201d corresponds to \u201cdivinus\u201d, or \u201cMangu\u201d to\n\u201cMaleficium\u201d without a vocabulary to mediate between the two. A conceptual scheme with\ncategories capable of accommodating those of both cultures has to be the answer. The one\nsketched out above is not unduly elaborate but it does the job of identifying the commonalities linking Azande and medieval magic. If we went all the way with Kieckhefer\u2019s approach,\nit would be hard to link Mangu and Maleficium, in that demons to not seem to play a part\nin Azande witchcraft. A witch\u2019s power derives from witchcraft substance in their bodies,\nnot from evil spirits. This substance can be revealed by an autopsy and it is transmittable\ngenetically. Yet, the power is non-physical. Azande distinguish clearly between magical and\n53\n\nPages 73:\nDav i d L . d \u2019 Av r ay\nphysical causation: \u201cif a man is killed by an elephant Azande say that the elephant is the\nfirst spear and that witchcraft is the second spear and that together they killed the man\u201d\n(25\u20136). So Mangu is clearly different from medieval natural magic. Mangu is not the only\nkind of magic as defined above. Notably, there is Wene ngua, which can mean magic that is\nsocially approved (227). Good magic is important for combatting witchcraft (199\u2013200). It\nwill be apparent that our definition of magic shows the commonalities between different\nAzande categories without blurring the boundaries between them.\nMany medieval Christian religious categories could legitimately be categorized as \u201csocially approved magic\u201d, in that they were implicitly or explicitly in the service of the practitioner\u2019s power. It depended on the attitude of mind. It can be difficult to tell exactly how\npersons engaged in rituals saw themselves and their rituals, but nonetheless we can put it\nlike this: insofar as the persons conducting rituals saw them as their instruments, we can\nspeak of magical religion. On the other hand, insofar as practitioners saw both themselves\nand the ritual as instruments of God, their activities can be detached from the category of\nmagic. (Note well: anyone who conflates the preceding sentence with the idea that religion\nis supplicatory while magic is coercive has misunderstood my argument.) A priest saying\nmass or anyone baptizing an infant was supposed to be carrying out God\u2019s will rather than\nexercising personal power. But if the exercise of personal power became an element of the\naction, then one can indeed speak of religious magic, just as one can with prayers that were\nregarded as a way of obtaining advantages unavailable to the impious. Richard Kieckhefer\nhas suggested that \u201cintentions are so ambiguous, complex, and variable that it is unhelpful\nto take the intended force as the crucial and defining characteristic of magic in general\u201d.20\nThis seems like a non sequitur. Historians need clear-cut concepts, ideal types, precisely in\norder to analyse out the elements in the messy mix of reality. One may define \u201caltruism\u201d\nas actions performed by someone who would be just as happy to someone else carry them\nout and get the credit, then follow on not with the question: \u201cwas this action altruistic?\u201d\nbut \u201chow far was this action altruistic?\u201d Second, there are the private intentions of those\ninvolved and the public intentions embodied in the rituals.21 In the public context of a baptism ritual, the baptiser is an instrument of God\u2019s will to save, even if she or he may privately\nenjoy seeming important. Third, public intentions embodied in rituals actually manifest\nthe type of power being invoked, so we are not so far from Kieckhefer after all: as he wrote,\n\u201cThat which makes an action magical is the type of power it invokes\u201d.22 The ritual of consecration at the mass invokes divine power channelled through the priest.\nThe external character of a ritual often makes it clear how far it is an instrument of power\nat the disposal of the one who conducts the ritual. Keith Thomas and Valerie Flint were\nright to think that much medieval religious practice was also magical. Richard Kieckhefer\nwas right to argue that the medieval clergy\u2019s categories must be taken seriously. The conceptual scheme proposed here is meant to be complex enough to do justice to the insights\nof both sides of the argument.\nNotes\n1 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review 99\n(1994): 813\u201336.\n2 This presupposes a tentative emendation of the passage as transcribed below to \u201cvidetur quod non.\nScire \u2013 hoc malum non est, neque \u2026.\u201d\n3 \u201cUltimo queritur utrum peccatum sit in exercendis artibus illis magicis: quod videtur scire hoc\nmalum non est; Similiter neque posse est malum operari. Operari etiam non est malum, quia\n54\n\nPages 74:\nT h e c o n c e pt o f m ag i c\ndyabolus hoc operatur, non homo. Ergo videtur quod non sit peccatum in talibus. Si ergo est,\nerit quia prohibita sunt. Sed tunc queritur quare sunt prohibita. # Item iste operatur vel facit\nserpentem exire de caverna ad incantationem: nunquid peccat? Quod non videtur, quia actus non\n[supplied in margin] est malus. # Item verba que dicit non sunt mala, quia dicit: Pater noster, et alia\nnaturalia que bona sunt. Item, si in verbis, lapidibus et herbis sunt virtutes, sicut consuevit dici ? Sed uti verbis, lapidibus ad virtutes ad quas sunt nullum est peccatum. Ergo similiter herbis. # Item\nde figuris que fiunt: utrum sit ibi peccatum ? Videtur quod non, quia a\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 60 to page 74 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 75 to page 93 out of a total of 569:\nPages 75:\nDav i d L . d \u2019 Av r ay\ndiceret sacerdoti: \u201cDomine, hac nocte multum vobis profui, et a magnis periculis liberavi, quoniam\ndomine, cum quibus vado in nocte, fuerunt hac nocte in camera ista, et volebant vobis multa mala\nfacere nisi vos iuvissem.\u201d Cui sacerdos ait: \u201cIstud est inpossibile, quoniam hostium meum fuit in\nnocte bene clausum.\u201d Cui vetula dixit: \u201cDomine, nec hostium nec sera potest re|tinere [fo. xiiiva]\nnos. Et sacerdos: \u201cCerte volo hoc probare, ut te valeam de tanto beneficio remunerare\u201d; et clauso\nhostio ecclesie, ac, fortiter ferrato, accepit bonum baculum et cepit eam durissime [durissimam ms.]\nverberare. At illa clamabat dicens: \u201cDomine, miserere mei.\u201d Cui sacerdos: \u201cModo fuge si potes,\nex quo hostium non potest te retinere. Iura michi igitur quod amplius talia non loqueris.\u201d At illa ei\niuravit quod de cetero non diceret talia, et sic sacerdos dimisit eam.\u201d Birmingham University MS\n6.iii.19, fols. xiiirb-va; cf. London, British Library MS Add. 33956 fols. 81va-b for the same motif\nwith different details.\n9 \u201cSed vellem quod domine nostri temporis, que tot predicationes audiverunt, totiens figmenta falsa\nesse cognoverunt, responderunt talibus vetulis divinantibus sicut legitur quandam prudentem\n[prudrentem ms.] dominam cuidam vetule respondisse, que dicebat ei [eis ms.] quod si faceret hoc\nvel hoc, virum haberet divitem, qui ipsam multum amaret. \u201cEcce tu habes maritum pauperem et\namasiam retinentem, qui te nec vult nec audire [sic \u2013 supply say curat]. Quomodo igitur quod tibi\nnon potuisti facere facies michi, scilicet quod habeam [habeat ms.] maritum divitem ac potentem\net [between lines] me affectuosius diligentem?\u201d MS Birmingham University 6.iii.19, fo. xiira-b\n10 \u201cEcce quantum mulieres credunt talibus divinationibus et fictionibus, quoniam invenitur scriptum\nin quodam opusculo exemplorum quod in quibusdam locis viri et mulieres, quando obviabant sacerdoti, statim se signabant, quod malum signum est obviare sacerdoti. Unde cum apud illos esset\nquedam mortalitas, quandam divinam vetulam consuluerunt, que dixit quod nisi sepeliatur sacerdos vivus, plaga illa ab eis cessare non poterit. Et occulte statuerunt [fo. xiira] in prima fossa facta\nsepelire [sepelierunt ms.] proprium sacerdotem, pro mortuo aliquo tumulando. Cum igitur mortua\nesset quedam vetula que longo tempore fuerat infirmata, et ad fossam populus convenisset, sacerdotem indutum sacris vestibus, qui faciebat officium, illi rustici apprehenderunt, ponentes eum\nin fossa, et super ipsum, licet fortiter clamaret, terram illam proiecerunt, atque tantum piaculum\n[praculum ms.?] pro divinatione unius vetule pessime conmiserunt\u201d. MS Birmingham University\n6.iii.19, fol. Xivb-xiira.\n11 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971).\n12 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 170.\n13 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 13.\n14 Title of chapter 2 of his Religion and the Decline of Magic, 27\u201357, esp. 53.\n15 They are logically compatible with Kieckhefer\u2019s, Magic in the Middle Ages, 14, but more helpful\nbecause Kieckhefer\u2019s lump natural and demonic magic, which is justified by the common name\n\u201cmagic\u201d but otherwise a distraction from more important distinctions.\n16 See Max Weber, Gesammelte Aufs\u00e4tze zur Religionssoziologie ii Hinduismus und Buddhismus (T\u00fcbingen: J.\nC. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1988), 193\u20134.\n17 This perceptive definition comes from my colleague John North.\n18 Statutes of Worcester III, 1240, in Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English\nChurch, II: A.D. 1205\u20131313, ed. F.M. Powicke and C.R. Cheney, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University\nPress, 1964), I, 305.\n19 E.E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976).\n20 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 16.\n21 For similar lines of thought, see M. Baxandall, Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of\nPictures (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Quentin Skinner, \u201cMotives, Intentions\nand Interpretation,\u201d in Visions of Politics, I: Regarding Method. (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2002), 90\u2013102.\n22 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 14.\n56\n\nPages 76:\n5\nR e sp onse s\nRichard Kieckhefer, David L. d\u2019Avray,\nBernd-Christian Otto, and Claire Fanger\nRichard Kieckhefer\nThe essays by David L. d\u2019Avray and Bernd-Christian Otto are stimulating, insightful, deeply\nengaging reflections, pointing in opposite directions: D\u2019Avray argues for using etic alongside\nemic terms, giving \u201cmagic\u201d the clarity and precision of a Weberian ideal type so that it becomes a sharp analytic tool for both European history and cross-cultural study; Otto draws\nback from \u201csecond-order\u201d or \u201cthird-order\u201d terms and urges instead a \u201cdiscourse historical\u201d\nanalysis that tracks and analyses language within historical texts. Claire Fanger and I come\nfrom different directions but reach concordant conclusions, both advocating flexible understandings of \u201cmagic\u201d while allowing (in Fanger\u2019s case) or urging (in mine) more technical use\nof alternative terms. I have questions for both d\u2019Avray and Otto.\n1.\n2.\nDoes d\u2019Avray\u2019s definition take into account the phenomena usually classed as natural\nmagic? He defines magic as \u201cthe use of non-physical (and not merely mental) forces to\nserve the magician\u2019s ends, whether good or bad.\u201d The forces in question are the magician\u2019s \u201cown tool or weapon.\u201d Natural magic as traditionally defined, however, does\nnot involve \u201cnon-physical\u201d powers but rather exploit powers inherent within nature, in\nplants, gems or other objects. They may be mysterious and elude understanding, but\nno more than gravity. They may be thought of as the effects of the \u201cwhole substance\u201d,\nor as coming from heavenly bodies. In any case, they are decidedly physical. Further,\nthe powers are not in any meaningful sense the magician\u2019s own; the powers of natural\nmagic can be shared with a client, with all the readers of a treatise, in principle even with\nsomeone who discovers them by accident. They do not require a magician with \u201cspecial\npower at his personal service.\u201d The power resides in the physical object, not in its user.\nIs d\u2019Avray\u2019s definition adequate to the conjuring of demons and other spirits? He says\nthe magician uses his powers as \u201ctools or weapons\u201d. The conjurer uses formal commands, which the conjured spirit is likely to resist. The conjurations have their force\nfrom the sacred power of the names and events that the conjurer invokes. At times, they\nexplicitly request divine aid. The conjurer is tapping into a source of numinous power\nas an aid to the exercise of his own will. No doubt the magician does have formulas or\nimplements that can be spoken of metaphorically as his tools or weapons, but they work\nonly within a kind of force field, a complex interplay of spiritual powers, divine and demonic, on which the conjurer relies. What makes the conjuration work, and what makes\nit count as magic, can hardly be reduced to one simple element in the complex.\n57\n\nPages 77:\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.\n3.\n4.\n5.\n6.\n7.\nD\u2019Avray\u2019s definition might be revised to take answer these objections, but can it be clarified or amended to answer both objections while remaining a single and useful definition\nof magic? Or if it is adjusted to fit more adequately the particularities of natural magic\non the one hand, and of conjuration on the other hand, is it likely to become either too\nvague to be useful or else closer to what I have called an aggregating definition?\nCan we define \u201creligious magic\u201d more precisely? D\u2019Avray defines it as \u201cthe above [i.e.\nmagic according to his definition], within the framework of a religious system.\u201d The\ncriterion is whether the forces in question are regarded as those of a divine agent, which\nmay use a human vehicle, or those of a human agent using them as \u201chis own tool or\nweapon.\u201d Clearly, there is a broad area of overlap between magic and religion \u2013 and\nmy disagreement with Valerie Flint was never about that. A person who receives communion and then uses the host as a love amulet, or one who uses litanies and psalms\nin conjuring a demon, is clearly mixing magic and religion, using religious forms and\nobjects as if they had inherent occult virtue like that of a magical gem or plant, or exploiting the power of the sacred in the exercise of overtly demonic magic. Cases of this\nsort abound. But what if a woman prays in her own words, asking God for health of\nsoul and body? Calling her prayer magical as well as religious would be odd. But then\nat what point does a practice become \u201cone\u2019s own\u201d and a \u201ctool\u201d? D\u2019Avray does not rely\non the Frazerian distinction between supplication and coercion. What distinction does\nserve, then, without placing prayer generally in the same category as using the host as\nan amulet? Even the devotional formula for warding off harm given by Robert Reynys,\nwhich a late medieval theologian would probably refer to as superstition (this is how they\ntypically used that word), is not obviously magical: the protections are \u201cgranted\u201d to the\nuser, presumably by God, and the devotion requires \u201cworship\u201d with specific prayers,\nwhich imply an appeal to God. We can say the formula is magical to the extent that the\nuser sees himself as having special power, but anyone, even the priest at mass, can think\nin those terms. We are unlikely to have evidence for such allegedly magical thinking on\nthe part of the priest \u2013 or of Robert Reynys and his reader. Surely there are more useful\nways to think of this area of overlap.\nEven if one grants, as I do, the utility of etic terms, is it appropriate to use emic terms as\netic, or does this needlessly confuse? Etic vocabulary may be needed, but it does not follow that any particular etic term is useful. And distinguishing between etic \u201cmagic\u201d and\nemic magica does not work when the subjects themselves use the vernacular.\nWhy precisely does comparison require mediating terms? Why, to compare X and Y,\nmust they both be instances of a univocally defined Z? Someone seeking shared essences\n(e.g. the \u201cmystical experience\u201d found in all traditions) will indeed need to define those\nessences. But comparison can cite similarities and differences without assuming a shared\nessence, in which case any encompassing label will be a term of convenience, preferably\none best adapted to express the similarities without exaggerating them, and without\nprivileging the tradition from which the term derives.\nHow relevant is the discourse analysis that Otto recommends to contexts where there is\nno discourse, or where the discourse is not sufficiently reflective to allow sophisticated\nanalysis of terms? If we have before us a clay image pierced with needles, a bundle of\nnoxious substances found beneath the threshold of a house and a birthing girdle inscribed with the SATOR AREPO square, we will probably refer to all these as magical\nobjects, and rightly so, although they are diverse in type, and they may perhaps qualify as magical in different ways. If we seek to contextualize these objects, we will find\n58\n\nPages 78:\nResponses\n8.\nrelevant material mainly in judicial records, magical miscellanies and other texts that do\nnot contain reflection on magic (and may well not even use that term, although its use\nfor these practices would have been familiar from the broader culture). I would not want\nto relegate these objects and practices to an ambiguous category of \u201callegedly \u2018magical\u2019\nritual traditions\u201d on the grounds that they are orally transmitted and thus likely to have\nbeen short and simple. I would not restrict the history of magic to discourse analysis, or\nprivilege material that lends itself to such analysis.\nI share with Claire Fanger a concern about sharp distinctions between the discourses of\ninsiders (magical practitioners) and outsiders (including their critics). For example, is the\npact narrative necessarily a tool of \u201cothering\u201d? Ambiguity and uncertainty about the\nnature of the spirits conjured can be found within the texts of angel magic. Magicians\nand critics alike believed in both fallen and unfallen angels, and in the capacity of both\ntypes to respond to human summons. Magicians were generally more optimistic about\nthe possibility of conjuring unfallen or neutral spirits, but some of them did also explicitly and deliberately conjure fallen ones. Magicians and their critics both lived within a\nculture that saw conjuration as playing with fire. What separated them was not a clear\ndistinction in what they believed so much as a difference in what they saw as a risk worth\ntaking. Discerning both the agreement in belief and the difference in risk engagement is\na crucial challenge for discourse analysis.\nDavid L. d\u2019Avray\nBoth Claire Fanger and Bernd-Christian Otto offer \u201cemic\u201d accounts of medieval magic:\ntheir interest is mainly in \u201cfirst order\u201d concepts. Both make references to Foucault, it is true,\nbut their pieces would work just as well without him. As analyses of medieval concepts, their\npapers are nuanced and valuable. Fanger\u2019s idea of a \u201cconversation\u201d, between sympathizers\nwith and opponents of magic, is attractive. There are affinities between her ideas and the\nanalysis of conflict by Niklas Luhmann, Soziale Systeme (Frankfurt, 1984), pp. 530\u201333.\nFanger is reacting against modern interpretations of magic which start from the idea of a\nEntzauberung der Welt: magic is what modernity got rid of. We can agree to distance ourselves\nfrom that schema, which she classifies as \u201cetic\u201d, but we do not need to give up all attempts\nat a clearer etic understanding. Fanger argues that we need some shifting and ambiguous\nconcepts. Agreed. That does not mean that we can do without at least some clear concepts.\nCurrently, discussions of magic and religion in the Middle Ages remind me of after\ndinner arguments by slightly inebriated undergraduates, each enjoyably pursuing their\nown train of thought, feeling that they are communicating but often at cross purposes, relishing the exchange while if anything enhancing their initial collective confusion. Richard\nKieckhefer\u2019s contribution is a model of ideal-type methodology, whether or not he would\nput it that way. Some good scholars use it without even thinking about it. Many others\nthink that they know what it is without really understanding it. For anyone in that case, a\nlook at what Kieckhefer does is a good introduction to the method. A starting point is that\neveryday language is good for navigating the contemporary world but not designed for\nanalysing complex problems in the past. Kieckhefer rightly says that the word \u201cmagic\u201d as\ngenerally used is all over the place and of limited value for research, compared with what\nhe calls \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. These are a particular form of ideal type: concepts carefully\ndefined for academic analytical purposes with a lot of prior familiarity with the field underpinning them. It is a helical process: familiarity with the field enables the formulation\n59\n\nPages 79:\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.\nof precise concepts with the help of which the field can be better understood. In the case\nof magic, the concepts are \u201cconjuration\u201d, \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d: terms not too far from ordinary speech but used in slightly technical senses\ndefined by the scholar. In the later part of his paper, we see a key aspect of ideal-type\n\u00admethodology in action: Kiechkhefer is prepared to find the reality of the past messier than\nthe ideal types, a.k.a. constitutive concepts, but clear-cut concepts nonetheless enable one\nto measure the messiness and note phenomena that only partly embody the concept or\nwhere it is mixed up with other elements. That his three constitutive concepts correspond\nto three types of thought and practice that tend to be associated \u201con the ground\u201d is a further stage of analysis. The association between these three practices is itself an illuminating ideal type. They do not have to go together, but in the Middle Ages they tended to go\ntogether. All this advances our understanding of the field by providing better conceptual\ntools.\n\u201cMagic\u201d is relegated by Kieckhefer to the category of \u201caggregative concepts\u201d that maps\nfairly well on to what I would call the concepts of ordinary language as opposed to precise\nidealtypes. He makes clear his view that \u201cmagic\u201d is a lost cause if one wants precise conceptual language. So far as that is concerned, his colours are nailed so firmly to the mast\nthat I entertain no hope of shaking his views. I would only comment that abandonment\nof any hope of using \u201cmagic\u201d in a precisely defined way has some consequences. It rules\nout a comparative sociology of magic, though not of \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d, etc. It\nleaves an unanswered question about the medieval concept of \u201cnatural magic\u201d. Kieckhefer\nkeeps this within his composite ideal type by saying that occult properties were taught\nby demons. But was that the only way to know about them? I think some medieval intellectuals thought of them as we think of gravity: forces that are natural and that we know\nabout, though we do not understand how they work. So understood, natural magic fits less\nwell into his interpretative scheme. Finally, his three constitutive concepts come close to\nincluding a lot of sacramental religion. Kieckhefer gives strong hints that the difference\nis the attitude to the practitioner\u2019s power and I suspect we could reach agreement on that\npoint.\nIn an ideal world, this conversation would continue. This contributor would certainly\nhave much to say about the responses of the other two.\nBernd-Christian Otto\nIn his chapter \u201cRethinking How to Define Magic\u201d, Richard Kieckhefer calls into question\nthe possibility of properly defining and theorizing \u201cmagic\u201d as it is an \u201caggregating term\u201d\nand therefore \u2013 just like many other broad, overarching concepts (e.g. \u201cmysticism\u201d, \u201creligion\u201d) \u2013 only a \u201cterm of convenience\u201d which is \u201copen to ambiguous and imprecise usage\u201d\nand \u201cencompass[es] diverse elements that may or may not be combined with each other\u201d.\nAs definitions of \u201caggregating terms\u201d such as \u201cmagic\u201d necessarily remain arbitrary and inadequate, Kieckhefer suggests that we should stop \u201cexpecting more of it than it can deliver\u201d,\nand instead focus on identifying and refining three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d that denote elements\nor subcategories of the undefinable meta-category \u201cmagic\u201d: \u201cconjuration\u201d, \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d.\nI am very sympathetic to Kieckhefer\u2019s approach as it resembles my own suggestion to develop \u201copen and flexible taxonomies\u201d of narrative or ritual patterns that appear in sources\nof medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d. Alluding to a formulation recently used by Egil Asprem, both\n60\n\nPages 80:\nResponses\nKieckhefer and I seem to believe that a substantial \u201creverse-engineering\u201d1 of the concept\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is necessary, as it allows for breaking down this \u201ccomplex cultural construct\u201d (to\nuse Asprem\u2019s terminology) into smaller, more specific and thus easier to handle \u201cbuilding\nblocks\u201d. The same idea underlies the concept of \u201cpatterns of magicity\u201d which I have elsewhere proposed with Michael Stausberg,2 but which has not (yet) been adapted to medieval\nsources.\nEven though I share Kieckhefer\u2019s desire to neglect the \u201caggregating term\u201d and to focus\non a more nuanced and differentiated analytical language, I believe that there are, at least\nfrom the perspective of my own \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, two basic problems with\nKieckhefer\u2019s selection of these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d. One problem is rather theoretical,\nthe other historical. The theoretical problem is that Kieckhefer does not seem to restrict\nhis \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d to medieval material, but seems to perceive them as systematic\n(i.e. ahistorical) and comparative (i.e. universal) categories. This evokes an arsenal of classical problems: I shall only point to the inevitable \u201cmagic-science-religion\u201d triangle (for\nexample, Kieckhefer\u2019s notion of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d could be ascribed to large parts\nof medieval medicine \u2013 which, I believe, is rather confusing) and the \u201cinsider-outsider\u201d\nproblem (referring to the above example: most medieval physicians would probably not\nhave agreed with Kieckhefer that their practices are essentially \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d\nand, thus, \u201cmagical\u201d; in other words, their \u201cfirst-order\u201d terminology and interpretation\ncontradict Kieckhefer\u2019s \u201csecond-order\u201d categorization, which is, at least in the light of my\nown \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d, unsatisfactory).\nThe second, historical problem can be divided into three sub-problems: (1) The three\n\u201cconstitutive terms\u201d discussed by Kieckhefer may denote ritual means typically associated with \u201cmagic\u201d in the European Middle Ages (note, however, that one rarely encounters \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d in medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d), but they lack relevance\nwith regard to \u201cinsider\u201d sources from other epochs; this is problematic for two reasons:\nfirst, it undermines Kieckhefer\u2019s claim that these three terms are actually sufficient to\ngrasp the whole of \u201cmagic\u201d; second, Kieckhefer\u2019s selection is apparently too constrained\nto acknowledge one of the most striking characteristics of \u201clearned magic\u201d: its ongoing\n\u201cchangeability\u201d (in contrast, Kieckhefer seems to suggest that \u201cmagic\u201d was and is always constituted by these three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d \u2013 and thus more or less unalterable).\n(2) Even with regard to medieval \u201cinsider\u201d sources (now using my own terminology),\nKieckhefer\u2019s \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d may not be exhaustive; in other words, we may encounter textual or ritual elements in these sources that are not covered or addressed by these\nterms (consider the ritual goal of visio beatifica in the Liber iuratus, or the ritual technique of\ncontemplating upon notae in the Ars notoria). Alluding to my own suggestion to develop \u201copen\nand flexible taxonomies of (i) ritual (micro-) techniques, (ii) ritual goals, and (iii) concepts\nof ritual efficacy\u201d, I believe that Kieckhefer\u2019s \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d are simply not finegrained enough. (3) Finally, all three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d may be found in other medieval contexts and milieus, too, and these other contexts and milieus may be completely\ndetached from medieval discourses of \u201cmagic\u201d (consider Kieckhefer\u2019s telling reference to\n\u201cblessings or benedictions\u201d while discussing \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d, or the importance of \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d in medieval medicine, which I have already hinted at\nabove). In other words, \u201cconjuration\u201d, \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cdirectly efficacious\nvolition\u201d do not even denote specific elements of medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d (in contrast to\ncharakt\u00eares or ring letters, for example) and, as a consequence, cannot actually constitute any\nmeaningful, overarching category.\n61\n\nPages 81:\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.\nIn her chapter \u201cFor magic: against method\u201d, Claire Fanger makes a strong argument\nfor continuing the use of \u201cmagic\u201d in modern scholarship and claims that medievalists may\neven be in a \u201cprivileged position to understand things about magic that modernists do not\u201d,\nnamely, \u201cto understand the potentialities inherent in the term \u2018magic\u2019\u201d. Fanger rejects the\nposition of critical scholars \u2013 such as Jonathan Z. Smith \u2013 who have advocated the abandonment of \u201cmagic\u201d from scholarly language. At the end of her chapter, Fanger goes as far\nas to suggest \u201cabandoning methodological reflection, defining the word as it suits us \u2013 or\nnot \u2013 and moving on\u201d.\nI agree with many of Fanger\u2019s historical observations and believe that our chapters complement each other very well. Even though Fanger does not use the technical terminology\nwhich I propose in my chapter, I consider her interpretations of Augustine, the Picatrix,\nThomas Aquinas and John of Morigny to be in line with my understanding of a \u201cdiscourse historical approach\u201d. However, I believe that she overshoots the argument in the\nlast part of her chapter. Particularly, her final suggestion to \u201cabandon methodological reflection\u201d is hard to digest, given that her analysis is nothing but the result of a very sophisticated methodological reflection. Fanger produces \u2013 in my terminology \u2013 an \u201cemic\u201d analysis\nof the \u201cfirst-order\u201d use of the concept of \u201cmagic\u201d within selected medieval sources, and\nthereby outlines various distinct semantic and evaluative patterns as well as different discursive functions and motifs. Her approach is therefore \u2013 inevitably \u2013 \u201canti-essentialist\u201d\nand it is important to note that Fanger nowhere applies or advocates a meaningful \u201csecond-\u00ad\norder\u201d notion of \u201cmagic\u201d. This absence of \u201csecond-order\u201d notions is crucial as it stands in\nstark contrast to \u2013 or even contradicts \u2013 her final claim to support definitions of \u201cmagic\u201d\n(\u201cI propose [\u2026] \u00addefining the word as it suits us\u201d). Fanger\u2019s argument is in fact incoherent\nhere: if she would have stipulated a definition and thereby projected a single, context-free\nmeaning of \u201cmagic\u201d onto her material, she would have obscured or distorted precisely\nthose \u201cfirst-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d which she has so brilliantly unveiled in the historical\nsection of her chapter.\nIn a similar vein, Fanger\u2019s criticism of Jonathan Z. Smith is, in my view, misleading.\nIn her analysis, Fanger does \u2013 in effect \u2013 eschew \u201cmagic\u201d as an \u201cetic\u201d term (!), and she does\n\u201ctrade places\u201d in Smith\u2019s sense: instead of one monolithically defined concept of \u201cmagic\u201d,\nwe encounter a wide range of nuanced formulations and different semantic facets in her\nown narrative \u2013 such as \u201cungrounded in any theory of natural causation and unmoored\nfrom any legible system\u201d, \u201cdevotional kinds of activity [\u2026] that [\u2026] fail to recognize the\ntrue God\u201d, \u201ca ritual aimed at the correct object that errs in its protocols\u201d and so forth. Alluding to my own chapter, I believe it is crucial to differentiate between \u201cetic\u201d analyses that\nemploy \u201csecond-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 these are the ones criticized by Smith \u2013 and\n\u201cemic\u201d analyses that reconstruct \u201cfirst-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 this is actually pursued by\nFanger. If one does not conflate these two research agendas, it turns out that Smith\u2019s and\nFanger\u2019s position do not contradict but complement each other. I am even quite sure that, if\nSmith ever reads the piece, he would approve Fanger\u2019s analysis and perceive it as a materialization of what he had suggested in his 1995 article.\nFor these reasons, I would strongly object to Fanger\u2019s endorsement of a methodological\n\u201canything goes\u201d position in the final part of her chapter, and I also believe that Fanger\nwould not be satisfied with the results if her wish became true. The analytical turn which\nis currently taking place in the academic study of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 the turn from adopting (single) essentialist or even universalistic \u201csecond-order\u201d definitions to reconstructing (diverse)\n\u201cfirst-order\u201d notions, functions and evaluative patterns in the research material \u2013 is a major\n62\n\nPages 82:\nResponses\nstep forward, particularly in historical research. Calling for a methodological \u201canything\ngoes\u201d position runs the risk of relapsing into arbitrary reifications, normative misinterpretations, distortive projections and interdisciplinary misunderstandings. Fanger\u2019s excellent interpretation of medieval notions of \u201cmagic\u201d demonstrates that we are way beyond that now.\nIn his chapter \u201cThe concept of magic\u201d, David L. d\u2019Avray challenges the idea that it could\nbe sufficient or satisfactory to engage in \u201cemic\u201d analyses of medieval notions of \u201cmagic\u201d,\nand makes a strong case for developing and applying a set of \u201cetic\u201d terms as these may provide greater analytical precision in medieval studies (note that what d\u2019Avray calls \u201cemic\u201d\nconcepts of \u201cmagic\u201d are, in my terminology, \u201cfirst-order\u201d concepts; the same goes for his\nformulation \u201cordinary language\u201d; what d\u2019Avray calls \u201cideal types\u201d correspond to my idea\nof \u201csecond-order\u201d notions of \u201cmagic\u201d).\nFrom the viewpoint of my own methodological approach, there are two basic problems\nwith d\u2019Avray\u2019s \u201cideal types\u201d. The first problem relates to the plausibility and consistent\napplicability of the \u201cideal types\u201d themselves. Is it possible to find counterexamples that\ncontradict or undermine these notions? As with all \u201csecond-order\u201d categories \u2013 \u00adcategories\nthat come with general or universal pretensions and therefore collapse in the light of\ncounter-\u00adevidence \u2013 this is done quite easily. For example, d\u2019Avray\u2019s notion of \u201cmagic\u201d\ncould be applied to homeopathy (and many other types of healing methods that are disputable from a strictly \u201cphysical\u201d viewpoint, whatever that precisely is),3 which is surely\nnot satisfactory; in other words, the definition covers \u201cdata\u201d which it is not intended to do,\nand this undermines its alleged discriminatory power. Additionally, one wonders whether\n\u201cmagic\u201d in d\u2019Avray\u2019s sense can actually be observed in the European Middle Ages at all.\nI find it hard to imagine medieval practices that employ \u201cnon-physical (and not merely\nmental) forces\u201d and which are not simultaneously embedded in or informed by any \u201creligious system\u201d (e.g. \u00adChristianity). It is for precisely this reason that many sources of medieval\n\u201clearned magic\u201d (now using my own terminology) actually fall under d\u2019Avray\u2019s category of\n\u201creligious magic\u201d, and some sources might even be subsumed under his rather indigestive\ncategory \u201cnon-magical religion\u201d (consider the pivotal ritual goal of visio beatifica in the Liber\niuratus which seems to correspond to his formulation \u201cThe human agent may be a vehicle\nfor the exercise of supernatural forces by a divine agent, but those forces must not be regarded as his own tool or weapon\u201d). However, as d\u2019Avray himself concedes that his \u201cideal\ntypes\u201d are artificial and only serve analytical purposes in specialized scholarship, he might\naccept these lacunae in the light of other insights gained by the suggested \u201cetic\u201d apparatus.\nBut even if d\u2019Avray\u2019s \u201cideal-types\u201d had sufficient conceptual validity, it remains to be\nasked whether they actually have analytical value. If it is not for comparative purposes (as\nin the case of his swift comparison with Evans-Pritchard\u2019s Azande, which rather reveals\nthat there is not much to compare, as major differences prevail), I wonder whether the\nstipulation of such artificial \u201cideal types\u201d actually serves to clarify anything in the study\nof medieval \u201cmagic\u201d. When \u201cfirst-order\u201d and \u201csecond-order\u201d notions differ in such a substantial manner and, as a consequence, scholars engage in arguments about \u201cmagic\u201d that\nmost medieval actors would misconceive or object, then scholarly discourse runs the risk\nof becoming too detached from its research material to say anything meaningful about\nit. What is actually gained by classifying large parts of medieval Catholicism as \u201cmagical religion\u201d (thereby incidentally aligning Catholic to \u201clearned magic\u201d practice, which\nis precisely what d\u2019Avray intended to avoid in the first place), or, in contrast, the \u201ccorrect\u201d\nperformance of the Eucharist as a manifestation of \u201cnon-magical religion\u201d? In my view,\nnothing is gained by such artificial classifications and scholars should not feel privileged to\n63\n\nPages 83:\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.\ndecide upon these \u2013 ultimately normative \u2013 matters. From the viewpoint of the \u201cdiscourse\nhistorical approach\u201d suggested in my own chapter, I find it more plausible and illuminating\nto observe and reconstruct the manifold and ever-shifting historical debates about these\nalleged boundaries.\nClaire Fanger\nIn the course of thinking through my responses to the other contributors\u2019 work in this forum\n(most of whom do have some sort of loose definition of magic behind their writing, whether\nthey make this explicit or not), it has become clearer to me that I need to acknowledge the\ndefinitional qualities of my own representation of magic, and also that I should give a nod to\nthe necessity and utility of definitions in general.\nThus, I will admit that in my own piece, I proposed a rough and ready definition of\nmagic as \u201ccontested ritual\u201d. I did not represent this as a definition; I only noted that my interests lay in the elements that make \u201cmagic\u201d a contested term in the discourses linked to it.\nHowever, this might as well be treated as the nub of a definition. I want to use my responses\nto the other contributors\u2019 work to approach a more positive way of looking at definitions\ngenerally.\nBernd Christian Otto\u2019s approach is expressed in a theoretical terminology similar to\nmine. He does not define magic (though something like a definition can be extrapolated\nfrom his argument).4 I share his concern to attend closely to the medieval pro-magical\nsources that are still certainly the most undertreated data in the scholarly conversation.\nYet, despite our affinities, I find his call to analyse medieval \u201cinsider\u201d sources wholly\napart from \u201coutsider\u201d sources problematic. Otto\u2019s premise is that the two are distinct in\nprinciple. He sees \u201cinsider\u201d discourses as comprising ritual sources and being theological\nonly defensively. By contrast, \u201coutsider\u201d discourses are represented as authoritatively theological; they are ignorant of magical practice, and propagate polemics that distort and misrepresent \u201cinsider\u201d views. The Ars notoria and Liber florum are claimed as \u201cinsider\u201d sources\n(though both engage \u201cpolemics against magic\u201d; but, according to his note 24, this is only\nbecause they aimed \u201cto avoid animosities in a restrictive cultural environment\u201d).\nI am uneasy with the postulate that \u201cinsider\u201d discourses of learned magic (i.e. ritual) occur in a social space segregated from the clerical disciplines in which he finds only \u201cpolemics\u201d. John of Morigny may be the best documented example to date of a learned magic user.\nOtto rightly notes that he was an \u201cinsider\u201d to magical discourse; but I counter that he was\nequally an \u201cinsider\u201d to the institutional traditions of theology, exegesis and canon law. And\nif John confesses to working magic, to writing a \u201cnew necromancy\u201d, how surprising can\nthis be? We always knew that magic texts were clerical productions. Perhaps it was easier\nto ignore what this meant in the absence of John\u2019s autobiography; but his Liber florum provides a model case of Foucault\u2019s proposition that discourses do not just constitute objects of\nknowledge; they constitute subjects too. And only those first constituted as subjects within,\nand by, the discourses Otto calls \u201coutsider\u201d that are positioned to become \u201cinsiders\u201d to the\nworld of learned magic at all.\nAnd if the clerical world is the point of entry into learned magic, how can we think of the\ntwo as mutually exclusive? Discourse analysis must surely stay open to the ways magic remained permeable to thought, embedded in the learned disciplines that birthed it.\nWhat I most appreciate in Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s approach is his recognition of the openness of conceptual systems and his willingness to live with definitions that are not too strictly\n64\n\nPages 84:\nResponses\nreined in. He, too, rejects the opportunity to define magic, while offering useful ways of\nlooking at the taxonomic project. I agree on the independent utility of aggregative terms\n(large, loose \u201cumbrella\u201d terms) and constitutive terms (specific forms of reference within the\nbroad category of the aggregative term). I remain on the same page when he suggests that\nthe smaller \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d are better for comparative purposes.\nNevertheless, I am uneasy around the specific \u201cconstitutive\u201d terms he uses to refine the\nidea of magic (conjuration, symbolic manipulation, efficacious volition). It seems problematic that his elaboration of these terms leaves unclear how a magical conjuration (e.g.) differs from a normal liturgical one. There are, of course, many conjurations that would not\nhave been perceived as magical by medieval observers, including those done over water,\nsalt, liturgical implements, over a child in the context of baptism, over a body in the context of a saint\u2019s healing, and I think too of the conjuration that brings Christina Mirabilis\ndown from the rafters, and the conjuration of the ghost of Gui of Corvo. None of these\nare represented as magic in the texts where we read about them. How do we tell when we\nare looking at a magical conjuration? Similar things could be said about the constitutive\nterms \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cefficacious volition\u201d; I will not cite instances here, but\nI could adduce them.\nThis brings us back to the problem of the aggregative term of which these are to be seen\nas subclasses \u2013 magic itself. I think we need a way of using the word \u201cmagic\u201d to make some\ncritical distinctions in these subcategories before we go on. In short, and reluctant as I have\nbeen to admit it, I think we need a definition of magic here. At least it seems to me a desideratum to find some way of distinguishing the concepts informing these constitutive terms\nfrom religious instances of the same thing.\nWhat I admire most in David d\u2019Avray\u2019s approach is first off that it accepts the challenge\nof providing a proper definition (a challenge the rest of us have mostly sought to evade), and\nsecond that it aligns magic in relation to religion, neither opposing them nor subsuming one\nin the other. I can imagine situations where it might be useful to think in terms of religious\nand non-religious forms of magic (I am hard pressed to think of medieval instances, but\nI can think of some in other cultural contexts).\nOne feature of his definition seems problematic, however: the idea that magic calls upon,\nas he puts it, \u201cnon-physical (and not merely mental) forces\u201d. This is the nub of his distinction, so it is important for it to be clear; but I do not always find it easy myself to tell when\na force counts as physical, even in my own daily experience, but especially in historical or\ncomparative contexts. Is the force to be seen as non-physical in the eyes of medieval magic\nusers? Or non-physical for modern (i.e. post-Newtonian, but perhaps pre-quantum theory)\nreaders of medieval magic texts? Or for participant observers of magic in contemporary\ndomestic or ethnographic arenas? (I think of one anthropologist\u2019s account of a medium in\na possession dance being \u201cthrown to the ground\u201d by a possessing spirit.) Can such forces be\ndefinitively non-physical to all observers all the time?\nIn medieval discussions, what is accepted as the \u201cphysical\u201d cause of magical effects is\nso often itself in dispute. What disturbed both Augustine and Thomas Aquinas is that\nmeanings are non-physical but magic words often seemed to have physical effects. William\nof Auvergne refined this position by noting that words do have some physical forces in\nsound and breath, though this force is mostly very small. For him, as for Thomas, but pace\nal-Kindi and Berengar Ganell, meaning is not a force. And what degree of physical work\nwere demons capable of? In medieval investigations of magical effects, the physicality of the\nforce is often the very thing in question.\n65\n\nPages 85:\nRichard Kieckhefer et al.\nD\u2019Avray argues that historians need etic definitions because emic ones (i.e. here, medieval ones) are sometimes unclear (i.e. mutually contradictory, among other things). He aims\nto construct a definition that will be broadly applicable and clear to everyone all the time.\nBut nearly all definitions are capable of clarifying things in some contexts while introducing\nobscurity in others. This is true whether they are historical or contemporary, and no matter what context they arise from. To what extent is it really possible to formulate an \u201cetic\u201d\ndefinition of the kind d\u2019Avray seeks here?\nIan Hacking defines a \u201cconcept\u201d as \u201ca word in its sites\u201d. 5 He notes that concepts have\nmemories: a philosophical problem can arise as a result of discrepancies between an earlier\nstate of the concept and a later one.6 Perhaps the problem of magic grows acute for us because we have forgotten prior arrangements of ideas that made the concept work, but I am\nreluctant to let things rest here, in part because of the number of sites over centuries of use\nin which \u201cmagic\u201d fingers a philosophical problem about the physicality of forces and the\npowers or effects of ritual. To shy away from the word, to claim that it is undefinable now,\nor should not be defined as an \u201cetic\u201d term, seems like a way of asserting that we no longer\nhave this problem. But I think we do.\nObviously, the word \u201cmagic\u201d is still actively in use; it can be found in conversation, in\nthe media and in scholarship whether we like it or not. The fact that no single definition of\n\u201cmagic\u201d describes all its potential sites may not be a good reason to hold back from venturing definitions that attempt to be scholarly; it may only mean that our definitions need to be\nmore site-specific (more \u201cemic\u201d?) than we are making them.\nLooking at this another way, the functionality of concepts may depend on how many\nsites of operation we ourselves keep active as much as (or more than) how many sites we\nlimit our definitions to. Indeed, the attempt to control a concept by limitation of the sites it\nis allowed to interact with may itself be a form of dysfunction. An ability to recognize the\nconcept of \u201cmagic\u201d in play across a broad range of sites is arguably useful to the historian \u2013\nmore useful, surely, than discounting large ranges of instances as \u201coutsider\u201d polemics, or\nalternatively as \u201cemic\u201d definitions rendered unclear by their multiplicity.\nWhen Crowley calls \u201cmagick\u201d the science and art of causing change to occur in conformity with will, I recognize what he is getting at. When Weber talks about the elimination\nof magic from the world as the great historic process of all religions, I recognize that too.\nI know what Durkheim means when he says there is no church of magic; and similarly also\nI recognize Michael Taussig\u2019s intent when he treats magic as the skilled revelation of skilled\nconcealment. All these usages and definitions are both etic (in that they aim at broad applicability) and emic (in that they target an in-group, a specific readership in a particular\ntime and place). All show expertise in the context of their specific language games, and my\nintellectual world would be the poorer without them.\nSo I suggest we own up to our definitions; indeed, let us bring on more and better ones.\nI thank Otto, Kieckhefer and d\u2019Avray for giving me the benefit of this useful exercise.\nNotes\n1 See Egil Asprem, \u201cReverse-Engineering \u2018Esotericism\u2019: How to Prepare a Complex Cultural Concept\nfor the Cognitive Science of Religion,\u201d Religion (2015). DOI: 10.1080/0048721X.2015.1072589.\n2 See Bernd-Christian Otto and Michael Stausberg, Defining Magic: A Reader (Sheffield: Equinox,\n2013), 10ff.\n3 Note that the formulation \u201cnon-physical (and not merely mental) forces\u201d \u2013 which lies at the core\nof d\u2019Avray\u2019s definition of \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 is not self-explanatory but can be interpreted from different\n66\n\nPages 86:\nResponses\nangles, all of which are problematic: (1) modern, experimental physics cannot serve as a meaningful\nbackdrop of the formulation, given its numerous ambiguities (see on this issue recently Egil Aprem,\n\u201cDis/unity of Knowledge: Models for the Study of Modern Esotericism and Science,\u201d Numen 62,\n(2015): 538\u201367); (2) From the viewpoint of medieval notions of physical causation (or \u201cphilosophia\nnaturalis\u201d, \u201cmagia naturalis\u201d), many sources of \u201clearned magic\u201d would not be covered by d\u2019Avray\u2019s\nformulation: consider literature on the qualitates occultae of stones (e.g. Lapidario) or the fabrication of\nastrological talismans (e.g. Picatrix).\n4 That is, in essence, \u201coutsider\u201d discourse = (orthodox) thought; \u201cinsider\u201d discourse = (heterodox)\npractice.\n5 Referenced frequently in the essays in Ian Hacking\u2019s Historical Ontology (Cambridge, MA: Harvard\nUniversity Press, 2002); for his formal definition, see 35\u201337.\n6 Hacking, Historical Ontology, 37.\n67\n\nPages 87:\n\nPages 88:\nPart II\nL a nguage s a n d di s se m i nat ion\n\nPages 89:\n\nPages 90:\n6\nAr a bic m agic\nThe impetus for translating texts\nand their reception\nCharles Burnett\nIn a prologue accompanying the Latin translation of a classic text on magic, Th\u0101bit ibn\n\u00adQurra\u2019s On Talismans, we are told that the translator, having thoroughly studied the courses\nof the planets and other parts of the science of the stars, went to search in parts of Spain inhabited by wild races (Hispanae partes\u2026gentes inter efferas) for something that he felt he lacked. A\n\u201cmagister\u201d had pity on him, and took down from his bookshelf a small volume written in Arabic. He told the poor man that mastery of the science of the stars was by no means adequate.\nThe scholar who knew the whole construction of the heavens (totius caeli machina) was as far\nfrom true knowledge as someone who had never tasted anything of it. His people (the Arabs),\nhowever, had subtly considered the nature and significance of the planets, both for good and\nfor evil, and had summarized their knowledge in a book called \u201cOn talismans\u201d. Having been\nassured by the master that it was legitimate to practice the art described in this book, as long\nas it was used for a good end, the now satisfied wandering scholar translated it into Latin.1\nWhether this prologue is genuine or not,2 it shows the main elements of the position of\nArabic magic in the West:\n1.\n2.\n3.\nThat this kind of magic is the culmination of the study of the rest of the arts and\nsciences, and in particular, follows that of the astral sciences.\nThat knowledge of such magic is to be sought in Islamic realms.\nAnd that this knowledge is contained in books.\nIn this article, I shall trace, in turn, the rise of the idea that knowledge of magic is the\nculmination of human endeavour, the search for Arabic texts to provide the material for\nthis knowledge, and the transmission of this knowledge through books. The focus will be\non learned magic, which is usually called si\u1e25r in Arabic, and necromantia or nigromantia (later\nmagica) in Latin.3\nMagic as the culmination of human knowledge\nThe \u201cculminating\u201d aspect of magic is already present in the title of Maslama ibn Q\u0101sim\nal-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b\u2019s Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm \u2013 \u201cthe aim (or goal) of the wise man\u201d \u2013 the compendium of\nmagic written in al-Andalus in the early tenth century. Its companion volume, the R\n\u00ad utbat\n71\n\nPages 91:\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nal-\u1e24ak\u012bm (\u201cThe rank of the wise man\u201d) begins by saying that the wise man must have mastered geometry, astronomy, logic and Aristotelian natural science before he can reach the\nrank (rutba) for studying alchemy and magic.4\nThe culminating position of magic (this time embracing alchemy, n\u012branj\u0101t and talismans)\nis already apparent in the Letters of the Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af \u0101\u2019 (the Brethren of Purity), which were\nan important source for the Gh\u0101ya. These letters comprise the mathematical sciences, the\nnatural sciences, the psychological and rational sciences, and the theological or metaphysical sciences, which are supposed to be studied in this order. The last letter (no. 52), however,\nis on magic.5 In fact, its definition of magic is repeated by the Gh \u0101yat \u2013 as encompassing \u201call\nwords and actions that \u201cmagic\u201d (using the verbal form of the root s-\u1e25-r, which also gives si\u1e25r)\nsouls and bind intellects\u201d.6\nIt is evidently a similar program that underlies Adelard of Bath\u2019s translations from Arabic into Latin in the early twelfth century. For he translated from Arabic Euclid\u2019s Elements,\nal-Khw\u0101rizm\u012b\u2019s Astronomical Tables (on the courses of the planets), Ab\u016b Ma\u2019shar\u2019s Abbreviation\nof the Introduction to Astrolog y and the Centiloquium attributed to Ptolemy, but added the book\nof talismans of Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra and perhaps some other magical texts.7\nIn a division of science occurring in a Latin translation of an as yet unidentified Arabic\ntext, De ortu scientiarum (\u201cOn the rise of the sciences\u201d), as a part of the practical parts of physics, \u201cnecromantia\u201d finds a place among the physical sciences:\nThe parts of this science (physics) according to what the first wise men have said\nare eight: i.e. the science of (astrological) judgements, the science of medicine,\nthe science of necromantia according to physics, the science of talismans, the science of agriculture, the science of navigation, the science of alchemy, which is\nthe science of converting things into other species, and the science of (burning)\nmirrors.8\nThe common feature of all these sciences is man\u2019s manipulation of nature, and changing\nthe natural course of things. It is difficult to draw the line between magic and other forms of\nhuman intervention in nature. But a convenient place to begin is again, the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm\nof Maslama.\nThe divisions of magic\nThe Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm was translated into Castilian in 1256 and soon after, into Latin, under the title Picatrix.9 It divides magic (si\u1e25r, nigromantia) into three parts \u2013 talismans, n\u012branj\u0101t\nand alchemy, according to the operation of spirit (r\u016b\u1e25) and body (jasad): n\u012branj\u0101t involve the\noperation of spirit on spirit, talismans, of spirit on body, and alchemy, of body on body.\nEven though the Latin translation somewhat garbles this passage, it is still useful to consider\nwhich texts might fit into these three divisions, and how a Latin scholar might have sought\nthem out.\nAlchemy is aptly described as the operation of body on body, since its materials are the\nwhole of God\u2019s creatures within the sublunar sphere, divided into animal, vegetable and\nmineral. Alchemical recipes use only corporeal ingredients. No numinous influences are\nbrought to bear in the mixing of these ingredients \u2013 whether they be the rays of the planets,\nor the effects of spirits. The planets feature not as spiritual influences but only as the names\nennobling the metals.\n72\n\nPages 92:\nA r a b i c m ag i c\nIn the case of talismans, the body is the material out of which the talisman is made,\nnoble materials for good effects, base materials for bad. The spirit is brought into the body\nto enliven it, by means of prayer (khi\u1e6dab, oratio) and the burning of incense (dakhn, suffumigatio). The vaporous nature of the smoke encourages the ghostly nature of the spirit to enter\nthe talisman. The very practice of the talismanic art is a continuation of the late Antique\nart of vivifying statues or theurgy. A Latin text called Mercury of Babylon, i.e. Hermes of\nBaghdad\u2019s Flores super opera artis magice (\u201cAn anthology on the operations of the magical art\u201d)\nincludes a chapter on \u201cThe seven vivifications of each talisman\u201d (De vii vivificationibus cuiuslibet ymaginis).10 The talisman must be made in the appropriate shape: a serpent for binding\nsnakes, a woman for making a woman take off her veil, etc. They can be used against stings\nand bites, and for medical complaints such as gallstones. But, above all, they can be used\nfor having influence over other people, animals or objects, whether to harm them, or make\nthem well-disposed.\nIntense concentration with \u201ccorrect thought\u201d (\u1e0dam\u012br \u1e63a\u1e25\u012b\u1e25, intentio verax) must be brought\nto bear when making the talisman. Above all, the right astrological conditions had to be\nobserved. A strong part of the \u201cspiritual\u201d element of the talismanic art is the influence of\nthe rays of the stars (described in the Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af \u0101\u2019 as \u201cthe emanation of the powers of the\nuniversal soul\u201d).11 Hence, the talismanic art is considered as being part of the astrological\nart of elections: the choosing of the best time astrologically for undertaking any activity \u2013\nwhen the effluences from the stars are most supportive.12\nN\u012branj is a term taken from the Persian word for magic (n\u0113rank), but which was replaced\nby a variety of terms in Latin.13 It is a magical practice which includes a combination of\nmixing and processing ingredients, reciting magical words, burning incense (suffumigation) and making figurines in order to manipulate spiritual forces. A good example of the\nn\u012branj being the operation of spirit on spirit is given by a short work simply called \u201cThe book\non the four n\u012branj\u0101t for capturing wild animals\u201d. This has survived in three versions: (1) an\noriginal Arabic text which is said to come from the kit \u0101b al-makn\u016bn or the \u201cHidden book\u201d of\nHermes14; (2) the quotation of this same text by the Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af \u0101\u2019; and (3) a Latin translation of the original text, under the title Liber de quatuor confectionibus (\u201cThe book on the four\nconfections\u201d).\nThis is how the work begins:\nThe book of the drawing of the spirits of all brute animals, according to the words of\nHermes, with the commentary of Aristotle. \u2026\nAristotle said: I asked the father of the wise men, Hermes, concerning the hunting of\nthese beasts of prey, wild animals, birds and reptiles, whether there is a way to hunt and\nkill them and whether there is a way to arrive at this by wisdom, not like the technique\nof the common people.\nHermes said: Yes there is, O Aristotle! I have found in the Hidden Book (kit\u0101b al-makn\u016bn) on\nthe secrets of occult sciences that H\u0101d\u016bs, when he taught Adm\u0101n\u016bs the science of the\nnatures of moving animals, told him about n\u012branj\u0101t and other remedies\u2026, (You make a\nmixture). Then you say: \u201cI have taken the spirit of this or that animal\u201d, naming the\nwild animal you want, whether it be a lion, an elephant, a tortoise or whatever, \u201cby\nthe power of the wind of these spiritual spirits and drive them towards my soul the\nway the north wind drives the clouds. I pray you, O spirits who lie hidden in this or\nthat body, by virtue of these concordant spirits, answer me obediently and be driven\ntowards me humbly\u201d.\n73\n\nPages 93:\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nAnd when you burn these incenses and speak these words, that wild animal which you\nwant will subject itself to you, so that it will come to you obediently from wherever\nit comes, and when it comes to you, offer meat smeared with the prepared mixture,\nand it cannot refrain from pouncing on it and eating it. When it has eaten it, it will\nsubject itself and it will become like a drunk man and its pernicious spirit will be\noppressed. Then tie it with a rope and lead it anywhere you want, and, if you wish,\nslaughter it.15\nWhat is effected here is the drawing of a spirit by a spirit \u2013 of the soul of the animal by the\nsoul of the practitioner. N\u012branj\u0101t are particularly appropriate to control emotional or psychological situations: love or hatred between two people, obedience and subjection, causing\nimpotence and release from impotence. The spirit is the means of sensation (e.g. the visual\nspirit allows one to see, the auditory spirit allows one to hear), and the n\u012branj\u0101t that follow the\none quoted here operate through being smelt and tasted by the victim; the wild animals have\nto eat the n\u012branj, the girl has to smell the n\u012branj. What n\u012branj\u0101t do not involve is any astrological\ninput. Spiritual forces coming from the heavens are completely lacking. The prayers are not\nto celestial spirits, but to the spirits of the animals, or of the woman whose love is sought. The\nmagician\u2019s spirit has the power to draw and bind.\nThe characterizing of talismans as bodies into which spirits have been drawn would\nseem to be questionable in the light of another tradition that divides talismans into two\nkinds, those in which spirits are addressed, and those in which natural forces alone\nare utilized.16 This division is most sharply made in the Speculum astronomiae of the\nmid-thirteenth century, in which the former are called \u201cnecromanticae\u201d, while the latter \u201cimagines astronomicae\u201d. But it is already present in much earlier texts. Th \u0101bit\nibn Qurra\u2019s On Talismans survives in two versions. The first, translated by Adelard\nof Bath, as we have seen, includes prayers to the spirits and suffumigations, and was\nprobably already a composite text in the original Arabic. The second partially survives\nin a \u00adJudaeo-Arabic version, and in the Latin translation of John of Seville and Limia,\nand concentrates solely on the natural forces of the planets and stars that can be used\nto make the talisman effective. In an anonymous division of sciences known from its\nincipit as \u201cUt testatur Ergaphalau\u201d, talismanic science (scientia ymaginaria) is divided\n\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 75 to page 93 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 94 to page 110 out of a total of 569:\nPages 94:\nA r a b i c m ag i c\nare described as n\u012branj\u0101t) which one finds in works attributed to the alchemist J\u0101bir ibn\n\u1e24ayy \u0101 n (c. 721\u2013815) \u2013 the Kit \u0101b al-Tajm \u012b\u02bf (\u201cThe book of assembling\u201d) and the Flos naturarum (\u201cThe flower of natural things\u201d) \u2013 the Kit \u0101b al-Sum \u016b m (\u201cThe book of poisons\u201d) and\nAl-Fil \u0101\u1e25a al-Naba \u1e6d iyya (\u201cThe Nabatean agriculture\u201d) by Ibn Wa \u1e25 shiyya (fl. tenth century)\nand the Kit \u0101b al-Naw \u0101 m\u012bs (\u201cThe book of laws\u201d) attributed to Plato (translated into Latin\nas the Liber vacce \u2013 \u201cThe book of the cow\u201d).20 The last-mentioned work consists of a series\nof experiments, such as producing bees from a cow (hence the Latin title), inducing rain\nand making a homunculus, as well as examples of causing optical illusions (such as flying\nthrough the air and walking on water). A cosmological or astronomical basis for this\nnatural branch of magic can be found in al-Kind \u012b\u2019s De radiis (\u201cOn the rays\u201d), also called\nTheorica artium magicarum (\u201cThe theory of the magic arts\u201d), whose Arabic original has not\nyet been found.21\nThe search for Arabic texts\nThis, then, is the kind of magic that stimulated the imagination of Western scholars. The\nearliest work relevant to magic arose in a medical context. Constantine the African may not\nhave travelled to Baghdad or Cairo to learn magic, but he is likely to have been the translator\nin the later eleventh century of a work by the ninth-century scholar, Qus\u1e6d\u0101 ibn L\u016bqa, lost in\nArabic, but known in Latin as De physicis ligaturis.22 This short text explains how doctors use\nmagical remedies, especially amulets suspended from the body (ligaturae), as a kind of placebo: if the patient trusts the doctor sufficiently, he or she will be persuaded that the remedy\nwill be effective.23\nIt is not until the early twelfth century that we see evidence of the transmission of learned\nmagic as an elevated body of knowledge. The first example is that of Adelard of Bath,\nmentioned above. His translation of Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra\u2019s Book on Talismans (Liber prestigiorum\nThebidis) is a composite work (evidently reflecting the state of his original Arabic text), including prayers to the spirits of the planets, and suffumigations to activate the talismans,\nand quotations from Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Centiloquium and the commentary on it by A \u1e25 mad\nibn Y\u016b suf (tenth-century Cairo), and references to Pseudo-Ptolemy on the talismans of the\ndecans, and \u1e6cum\u1e6d um al-Hind \u012b on those of the individual degrees.24 The Centiloquium quotations include the oft-quoted verbum 9, that the images in this world follow those in the higher\nworld, so that the lion and the scorpion on this earth follow the constellations of Leo and\nScorpio. Adelard may also have translated two other texts on the construction of talismans\naccording to the seven planets: the Liber planetarum ex scientia Abel (\u201cThe book of planets from\nthe knowledge of Abel\u201d) and the De imaginibus septem planetarum (\u201cThe talismans of the seven\nplanets\u201d) of Belenus.25\nA more concerted attempt to translate works on magic and divination was made a little\nlater, in Northeast Spain, where Hugo Sanctelliensis, a \u201cmagister\u201d attested in a document from the cathedral in 1145, translated texts for bishop Michael of Tarazona (bishop\nfrom 1119\u201351). In this case, it is the bishop who is said by Hugo to have visited an Arabic\n\u00adlibrary \u2013 that of the Ban\u016b H\u016bd kings of Saragossa, who had retreated to the stronghold\nRueda de Jal\u00f3n, some 56 miles away from Tarazona.26 It is significant that Michael is\nsaid to have found the manuscript \u201cin the more secret depths of the library\u201d (inter secretiora\nbibliotece penetralia), rather than in a public area where Islamic texts are likely to have dominated. Most of the works translated by Hugo are on astronomy and astrology, but he did\n75\n\nPages 95:\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nhave a predilection for works on divination attributed to Hermes: a book on divination\nby sheep\u2019s shoulder blades (Liber Amblaudii et Hermetis de spatula, \u201cThe book of Amblaudius\nand Hermes on the shoulder-blade\u201d), a book on weather forecasting (Incipit liber imbrium\nab antiquo Indorum astrologo nomine Jafar editus, deinde vero a Cillenio Mercurio abbreviatus, \u201cThe\nbook of rains published by the ancient astrologer of the Indians called Jafar, then abbreviated by Cillenius Mercurius\u201d)27 and above all his translation of On the Secrets of Nature,\nattributed to Apollonius of Tyana.28 This last work recalled how Apollonius discovered\nunder a statue of Hermes the body of Hermes Trismegistus himself, with a book beside\nhim, which was the De secretis naturae (\u201cOn the secrets of nature\u201d), and a tablet between\nhis hands on his chest, which was the \u201cEmerald Tablet\u201d (Tabula Smaragdina). Apollonius\u2019s\nwork (which survives in Arabic) is probably the original context of the Emerald Tablet\nwhich later became a canonic text of the alchemists.29 Shared by these works is the idea\nof secrecy, elevation of knowledge and intense concentration. The work on weather forecasting begins:\nWe ought to attend with all our desire, to the unbeatable truth of the higher\ndiscipline, as the authority of the Indians warns, guard it, once gained, with\nthe greatest zeal, and beware lest it flee from the hidden vaults (arcana) of our\nmemory.30\nThe work on shoulder-blade divination explains how\nGod invested a secret (archanum) of this discipline and an inner force in the very\nbuds and plants of the earth, pouring down the rain as if like the manna of His\nown grace and wisdom, and with their traces He wonderfully inscribed the shoulder\nblades of the animals which enjoy such nourishment \u2026 to instruct the ignorance\nof humanity.31\nApollonius of Tyana was renowned as a magic worker, contemporary with Jesus Christ, and\nseveral magical texts are attributed to him in Arabic (usually under the name \u201cB\u0101l\u012bn\u016bs\u201d). The\nDe secretis naturae itself is not a work of practical magic, but sets out the cosmology implied\nin magic (including alchemy) for the elemental qualities are alternately masculine and feminine, and \u201cmarry\u201d to produce the elements, which again are masculine and feminine, and\ngive birth to all creation. The metals are caused by the solidification of a watery material;\nsulphur and mercury are their basic ingredients, and the planets determine their species.\nPrevailing through the whole work is the idea of the unity of nature and bonds connecting\nall things \u2013 the idea which reaches its culmination in the Emerald Tablet which completes the\nwork:\nThe higher is from the lower, and the lower from the higher\u2026. All things take\ntheir origin from one and the same thing, and from one and the same counselling\narrangement, whose father is the Sun and whose mother is the Moon.32\nHermann of Carinthia, the translator and author of an original cosmology called De essentiis\n(\u201cOn the essences\u201d), written 1143, probably had access to the same kind of material as Hugo,\nsince he was active \u201cin the valley of the Ebro\u201d (near which lay Tarazona). In the De essentiis,\n76\n\nPages 96:\nA r a b i c m ag i c\nhe shows that he knows several Arabic texts, including Hermes\u2019s Golden Rod,33 the De secretis\nnaturae of Apollonius and a work he calls Aristotle\u2019s Data Neiringet (probably dh\u0101t al-n\u012branj\u0101t\n\u201cthe essence of the n\u012branj\u0101t\u201d), from which he quotes a passage concerning the appearance of\nthe spirit of Venus to the king of the Persians in a dream, telling him to sacrifice a lamb at\nan astrologically propitious time, and to recite some names (unfortunately not recorded by\nHermann), which will bring to him servants who will do for him whatever he wants.34 This\npassage can be identified in an Arabic work belonging to the talismanic Pseudo-Aristotelian\nHermetica (works purporting to be the wisdom of Hermes taught by Aristotle to his royal pupil, Alexander the Great).35 Hermann says that such a spirit is called a \u201cprivatus\u201d (a familiar\nspirit) or \u201csocrates\u201d (since Socrates was known to have had a familiar spirit). He mentions the\ntalisman-makers (telesmatici), Iorma Babilonius and Tuz Ionicus,36 as summoning spirits by\nartifice or prayer, in order to bring about a certain effect, which is reminiscent of the method\nin Adelard\u2019s Liber prestigiorum.\nWith the focusing of the Arabic\u2013Latin translation movement on Toledo after the middle\nof the twelfth century, we come to the first example of translations of texts of \u201cnatural talismans\u201d: John of Seville\u2019s translation of Th\u0101bit\u2019s On Talismans (whose preface was quoted at\nthe beginning of this article) and (presumably) the same translator\u2019s book on the talismans\nof the thirty-six decans attributed to Ptolemy. The same two works occur together (without\na prologue or any theoretical statements, as far as we can see) in a Judaeo-Arabic version.37\nBut John did not eschew spiritual magic for, according to stylistic analysis, he had some\ninvolvement in the translation of De quatuor confectionibus (\u201cThe book on the four confections\u201d).38 Two of the short works by Toz Grecus on the worship of Venus (De quatuor speculis\nVeneris, \u201cOn the Four Mirrors of Venus\u201d and De stationibus ad cultum Veneris \u201cThe stations\nleading to the worship of Venus\u201d) are said to have been translated from Hebrew by \u201cJohn\nof Seville and Limia.\u201d39\nSpiritual forces evidently formed no part of the very wide-ranging translation enterprise\nof the greatest of the Toledan translators, Gerard of Cremona (1114\u201387) \u2013 at least not in the\nworks officially ascribed to him. Amongst the 70 odd translations of Gerard are three works\non alchemy, two on geomancy and two on lots, but nothing specifically on magic. Gerard\napparently does not subscribe to the idea that magic is the culmination of an educational\nprogram \u2013 at least not publicly.40\nThe case, however, is different for Gerard\u2019s contemporary, Dominicus Gundisalvi.\nHere, we have a translator who also composed original works. It is quite clear from his\nchoice of works to translate and his original works that he had a particular interest in\npsychology and noetics. As a person interested in the soul, it is likely that he was also\ninterested in spirits, and in areas of science which go beyond the curriculum of the mathematical and physical and even metaphysical sciences. Gundisalvi quoted in his De divisione\nphilosophiae, the eight divisions of practical physics, from what could have been his own\ntranslation of the De ortu scientiarum.41 The translation of al-Kind \u012b\u2019s De radiis (\u201cOn the\nRays\u201d), which survives only in a Latin translation, also shows features that suggest Gundisalvi\u2019s involvement.42\nThe last phase of the introduction of Arabic magical works occurred in the court of Alfonso X, king of Castile and Le\u00f3n (1252\u201384). Here, we find both Arabic and Hebrew works\non magic. It is tempting to think that Arabic works could have been discovered in Seville,\nwhich had fallen to the Christians in 1248 and where Alfonso was to set up a school for\nArabic learning. But since Jews were the principal translators of these Arabic works, these\n77\n\nPages 97:\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nworks could have already belonged to the Jewish culture in Spain. The Arabic texts were\ntranslated into Castilian, and from that language into Latin. Alfonso was particularly interested in astronomy, astrology and magic, for all of which he commissioned translations and\noriginal works to form large and beautiful manuscripts. To complement his Libro del saber de\nastrolog\u00eda (astronomical instruments), he commissioned Libro de las formas et las ymagenes and\nLibro de astromag\u00eda, in which several works of spiritual and talismanic magic were collected\ntogether (unfortunately these have only survived incomplete), and the Liber Razielis and\nits appendices, for natural and Solomonic magic (first translated 1259).43 To complement\nthe large single-volume books on astrology by \u2018Al\u012b ibn Ab\u012b-l-Rij\u0101 l (Kit \u0101b al-B \u0101ri\u2019) and \u2018Al\u012b\nibn Ri\u1e0dw\u0101n (his commentary on Ptolemy\u2019s Tetrabiblos), he commissioned the translation of\nMaslama ibn Q\u0101 sim al-Qur \u1e6d ub\u012b\u2019s Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, which received the Latin title Picatrix\n(translated into Castilian in 1256).\nUp to this point the translations from Arabic to Latin by known translators have been\ndocumented. But it must be realized that in the case of many more Latin texts on magic\nthe translator is not mentioned.44 Most of these, rather, place the text under the name of\nthe ancient sage who is purported to have been the original author: Hermes, Aristotle,\nSolomon, Enoch, Abel, Belenus (Apollonius of Tyana), Toz Grecus or Germa Babilonicus.\nSome, of course, are clearly Latin compositions that just take the credit from an ascription to such an author: e.g. Hermes, Liber de sex rerum principiis, and Liber viginti quatuor\nphilosophorum.45\nWhen the work is obviously a translation, the original language is usually not mentioned,\nand since there was a close exchange between Arabic and Hebrew magic, it is not always\nevident that a text is translated from Arabic rather than Hebrew. Nevertheless, more and\nmore Arabic originals are now being recognized, and a close stylistic analysis might allow\nus to assign certain texts to certain known translators, as Perrone Compagni has done\nfor the two texts on talismans which she has now attributed to Adelard of Bath, and Dag\nNikolaus Hasse has done for the texts attributed to John of Seville (De quatuor confectionibus)\nand Gundisalvi (De radiis).\nAmong these anonymous translations are the Liber vacce, whose Arabic sources are being\nsuccessively revealed among Arabic works of natural magic and alchemy,46 and the Liber\nAntimaquis which draws from the rich corpus of Arabic Pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetica.47\nSome of the texts on the veneration of Venus and the fabrication of her talismans have been\nrecognized in Arabic works of magic by Fakhr al- D \u012bn al-R \u0101z\u012b and Ab\u016b Ya\u2019q\u016bb al-Sakk \u0101 k \u012b.48\nFor the dates of many of these anonymous translations, one has to look at the manuscript\nevidence and the references to these works in other texts. Thus, we can turn to the third and\nlast of our subjects: the place of books in the transmission of Arabic magic.\nBooks\nArabic learned magic was transmitted in books, and it was the translations of these books\ninto Latin (and later into Castilian) that transmitted this magic to the West. The designation\n\u201cBrethren of Purity\u201d suggests an \u00e9lite group whose canonical literature was the 52 letters\nwritten under their name. It is difficult, however, to identify groups of people who might\nidentify themselves as a guild of magicians, or of perfect men, and to imagine a diadokhe\nof such a guild from the Islamic to the Christian world. The doctrine of the magical texts\ndoes not constitute an alternative religion, or a heresy, and the readers of such literature\n78\n\nPages 98:\nA r a b i c m ag i c\nwould claim to be good Muslims, Jews or Christians. It rather provides an education which\nis complementary to the education of the madrasas, yeshivas and universities, and which\ndoes not become part of the curriculum of these establishments. In the West, because such\ntexts never became part of official education programs, they were not copied in cathedral\nscriptoria or by university stationers and seem to have been diffused in a clandestine way,\nprobably from individual to individual. The result is that, for most of these texts, we have\nfew manuscripts contemporary with or closely following on their translation, and more\nopen and frequent copying only emerges in the Renaissance. When they are copied, they\ntend to be grouped together, often in large numbers, in one manuscript. Thus, we have\n(in approximate chronological order) the manuscripts Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 125\n(fourteenth century),49 Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I, Halle,\nUniversit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14. B. 36 (fourteenth century), Venice,\nMarciana lat. XIV. 174 (fourteenth century), Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Reg. lat. 1300 (fourteenth century), Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. ii. 214 (fifteenth century), Vatican, Vat.\nLat. 10803 (fifteenth century), Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I\n(sixteenth century) and British Library, Sloane 3850 (seventeenth century). Most of these\ncollections contain anonymous translations, and few clues as to whether the Latin texts rely\nimmediately on the Arabic.\nWe are, however, aware that these books were known, for Daniel of Morley already\nrefers to \u201cscientia de imaginibus, quam tradit liber Veneris magnus et universalis, quem\nedidit Thoz Grecus\u2026\u201d (the science of images, which the great and universal Book of\nVenus, published by Thoz Grecus, handed down). 50 Hermann of Carinthia, as we have\nseen, knows works attributed to Toz the Greek and Germa the Babilonian. William\nof Auvergne in his De legibus (1228\u201330) and De universo (1231\u20136) provides a substantial\nlist of these works in the context of criticizing them. 51 About thirty years later, a fuller\nlist is provided in the Speculum astronomiae (ca. 1260), which, notoriously, provides titles\nand incipits of all texts on the science of talismans, dividing them into necromantic\n(or spiritual) and \u201castronomical\u201d. And some ten years later, the Errores philosophorum,\nattributed to Gilles de Rome, shows the detailed knowledge of al-Kind \u012b\u2019s De radiis.52 In\nfact, the two texts that have a more continuous manuscript tradition are the De radiis\n\u00ad urra\u2019s\n(29 MSS dating between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries) and Th \u0101bit ibn Q\nDe imaginibus in John of Seville\u2019s version (61 MSS dating between the thirteenth and\nthe sixteenth centuries), with whose prologue (extant in at least three manuscripts) this\nchapter began. 53\nOn the basis of the manuscript testimonies and the references in other authors, David\nPingree traces how these texts\nspread to southern France, especially among the m\u00e9decins, Christian and Jewish, of\nMontpellier, in the decades before and after 1300; and finally from Montpellier\nthese new magical traditions spread to northern Italy, to Brabant, and especially to\nCanterbury during the course of the fourteenth century.54\nThis perhaps describes only one (though a very significant) path of transmission. Other paths\ncould be identified, such as those that brought translations of Greek magical works into Europe. Others will be described elsewhere in this volume, and there is no need to trace them\nin detail here (Figures 6.1 and 6.2).\n79\n\nPages 99:\nFigure 6.1 T\n\u0007 he figura Almandal or Table of Solomon in Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. iii. 214 fol. 74v.\nReproduced by permission of the Ministerio dei bene e delle attivit\u00e0 culturali del turismo/\nBiblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Firenze.\n\nPages 100:\nFigure 6.2 T\n\u0007 he rings and sigils of the planets, to be inscribed on talismans, in Florence, Biblioteca\nnazionale, II. iii. 214 fol 49v. Reproduced by permission of the Ministerio dei bene e delle\nattivit\u00e0 culturali del turismo/Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Firenze.\n\nPages 101:\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nConclusion\nA strong magical tradition, in which the study of magic, along with alchemy and astrology,\nwas regarded as the culmination of the education of the sage, was present in al-Andalus, at\nleast from the early tenth century onwards. Awareness of this program appears in Latin biographies of scholars and divisions of science from the early twelfth century. Translators were\nspurred on to seek out these texts and translated them during the course of the twelfth and\nthirteenth centuries. The translations were piecemeal, and there is no evidence of a consorted\nattempt to transmit a whole corpus of texts that could form the basis of a sect or an alternative education; the Letters of the Ikhwan al-\u1e62afa\u2019 were not translated as a set. Nevertheless, the\nimpact of the texts that were translated was considerable, as witnessed by the strong attacks\nagainst them, and their imitations in Latin. While Greek and Hebrew sources contributed to\nthis body of literature, Arabic texts dominated the field, and determined the course of Western learned magic until the advent of the Christian kabbala in the fifteenth century.\nFuture directions\nThe authors of texts on magic tended to hide under the names of ancient sages (Hermes,\n\u00adApollonius, Enoch, etc.), and the translators of the texts were also wary about revealing their\n\u00ad idden\nidentities. Studies of style and vocabulary have helped, and will continue to help reveal the h\n\u00adauthors, or at least the context in which the works were written and translated. Such studies, in\nturn, should be based on reliable editions of the texts. The editions of the various medieval \u00adversions\nof Maslama\u2019s Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, closely connected with the history of the Warburg \u00adInstitute, should\nbe soon completed by an edition of the Hebrew versions by Reimund Leicht. Plans are afoot for\nproviding a critical edition of the Liber vacce along with its parallel texts in Arabic.55 An increasing\nnumber of Arabic originals to Latin magical texts are being found, and would provide material\nfor PhD theses. The wide range of works available to William of Auvergne in his criticism of\nmagic are being explored in a current project at the Thomas Institut in Cologne. What still needs\nattention is the use to which magical texts were put in the Arabic and Latin world. Do they merely\nreflect a literary tradition, or can they be linked with actual practices, ceremonies and even cults?\nNotes\n1 This preface is edited and translated in Charles Burnett, \u201c\u2018Magister Iohannes Hispalensis et Limiensis\u2019 and Qus\u1e6d\u0101 ibn L\u016bqa\u2019s De differentia spiritus et animae: a Portuguese Contribution to the Arts Curriculum?\u201d in Mediaevalia. Textos e estudos, 7\u20138 (Porto: Funda\u00e7\u00e3o Eng. Ant\u00f3nio de Almeida, 1995), 221\u201367.\n2 The prologue appears only in a few, late manuscripts.\n3 Thorough and accurate accounts of this transmission can already be found in the works of David\nPingree (David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione\ndelle scienze islamiche nel Medio Evo Europeo (Roma, 2-4 ottobre 1984), (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987),\n57\u2013102; \u201cLearned Magic in the Time of Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356; and Jean-Patrice\nBoudet, Entre science et nigromance Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle)\n(Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006). To all of these accounts, this article is complementary.\n4 Godefroid de Callata\u00ff and S\u00e9bastien Moureau, \u201cAgain on Maslama Ibn Q\u0101sim al-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b, the\nIkhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101\u2019 and Ibn Khald\u016bn: New Evidence from Two Manuscripts of the Rutbat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm\u201d,\nAl-Qan\u1e6dara 37, no. 2 (2016): 339\u201372; Maribel Fierro, \u201cB\u0101\u1e6dinism in al-Andalus. Maslama b. Q\u0101sim\nal-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b (d. 353/964), Author of the Rutbat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm and the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm (Picatrix),\u201d Studia\nIslamica 84 (1996): 87\u2013112; Godefroid de Callata\u00ff, \u201cMagia en al-Andalus: Ras\u0101\u2019il Ijw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101\u2019,\nRutbat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm y Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm (Picatrix),\u201d Al-Qan\u1e6dara 34.2 (2013): 297\u2013344.\n5 Godefroid de Callata\u00ff and Bruno Halflants, The Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, On Magic. 1. An Arabic\nCritical Edition and English Translation of Epistle 52A (Oxford: Oxford University Press in association\nwith the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011); see p. 9.\n82\n\nPages 102:\nA r a b i c m ag i c\n6 Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101\u2019, Ras\u0101\u2019il (Bombay edition), IV 310, 17\u201319; Picatrix. \u201cDas Ziel des Weisen\u201d von\n\u00adPseudo-Ma\u01e7r\u012b\u1e6d\u012b, I. Arabischer Text, ed. H. Ritter (Leipzig: Teubner, 1933), p. 7, lines 1\u20132.\n7 Adelard\u2019s Liber Prestigiorum Thebidis secundum Hermetem et Ptolemaeum (\u201cBook of Talismans of Th\u0101bit\nfollowing Hermes and Ptolemy\u201d) is a different translation of Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra\u2019s On Talismans from\nthat with whose preface this chapter opens. See below, p. 74.\n8 De ortu scientiarum, ed. Clemens Baeumker, Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des M\n\u00ad ittelalters,\n19 (M\u00fcnster-in-W.: Aschendorff, 1918), 20. According to the recent stylistic analysis by Dag\nNikolaus Hasse, this work shows characteristics of Dominicus Gundisalvi: Dag Nikolaus Hasse\nand Andreas B\u00fcttner, \u201cNotes on Anonymous Twelfth-Century Translations of Philosophical\nTexts from Arabic into Latin on the Iberian Peninsula\u201d, in The Arabic, Hebrew and Latin Reception of\n\u00adAvicenna\u2019s Physics and Cosmology, ed. Dag Nikolaus Hasse and Amos Bertolacci (Berlin: De Gruyter,\n2018), 313\u201369.\n9 Picatrix. Das Ziel des Weisen: Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm. ed. David Pingree\n(\u00adLondon: Warburg Institute, 1986).\n10 This is the fourth Appendix to the Latin Liber Razielis as found in MS Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und\nLandesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14. B. 36.\n11 Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101\u2019, Letter on Magic, 93.\n12 This is its position in the Speculum Astronomiae, ed. P. Zambelli, in The Speculum astronomiae and Its\nEnigma: Astrology, Theology and Science in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht-Boston-\u00ad\nLondon: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992), 240\u201341.\n13 Charles Burnett, \u201cN\u012branj: a Category of Magic (Almost) Forgotten in the Latin West,\u201d in Natura,\nscienze e societ\u00e0 medievali. Studi in onore di Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del\n\u00adGalluzzo, 2008) 37\u201366.\n14 This is extant in the manuscript of magical texts, London, British Library, Oriental and India\nOffice Collections, Delhi 1946, fols 22\u201323.\n15 This translation is taken from an edition of the text in Arabic and Latin which Liana Saif and I are\ncurrently preparing. I am grateful to Liana Saif for her help.\n16 This subject is fully explored in Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u2018images astrologiques\u2019 au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la\nRenaissance (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002), who distinguishes between them using the terms\n\u201c\u00adaddressative magic\u201d and \u201cnon-addressative magic\u201d: see pp. 123\u201338.\n17 See Max Lejbowicz in Ad\u00e9lard de Bath, L\u2019Un et le divers, Questions sur la Nature (les causes des choses) avec le\npseud\u00e9pigraphe Comme l\u2019atteste Erphalau, ed. Charles Burnett, trans. and comm. Max Lejbowicz, \u00c9milia\nNdiaye and Christiane Dussourt (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2010), 317.\n18 Petrus Alfonsi, Di\u00e1logo contra los jud\u00edos, ed. K.-P. Mieth, trans. E. Ducay (Huesca: Instituto de \u00adEstudios\nAltoaragonese), 150.\n19 William of Auvergne, De legibus, c. 24, Paris Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, lat. 15755, fol.\n71vb: \u201cEt de huiusmodi operibus est magica naturalis, quam nigromanciam secundum phisicam\nphilosophi vocant.\u201d (\u201cAnd from operations like this derives natural magic, which the philosophers\ncall \u2018nigromancy according to physics\u2019\u201d): quoted in Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 128, n. 40.\n20 See David Pingree, \u201cBetween the Gh\u0101yat and the Picatrix, II: the Flos naturarum ascribed to J\u0101bir,\u201d\nJournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 72 (2009): 41\u201380, and Liana Saif, \u201cThe Cows and the\nBees,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 79 (2016): 1\u201347.\n21 Al-Kind\u012b, De radiis, ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Francoise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et\nlitt\u00e9raire du moyen \u00e2ge 41 (1974):139\u2013260.\n22 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 69.\n23 See Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, \u201cQus\u1e6d\u0101 ibn L\u016bqa\u2019s Physical Ligatures and the Recognition\nof the Placebo Effect,\u201d Medieval Encounters 1 (1995): 1\u201350.\n24 Burnett, \u201cT\u0101bit ibn Qurra the \u1e24arr\u0101nian,\u201d 24\u201327.\n25 Vittoria Perrone Compagni, \u201c\u2018Studiosus incantationibus\u2019. Adelardo di Bath, Ermete e Thabit,\u201d\nGiornale Critico della Filosofia Italiana 82 (2001): 36\u201361.\n26 See Charles H. Haskins, \u201cTranslations of Hugo Sanctallensis,\u201d in Studies in the History of Mediaeval\nScience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1924), 73; Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Establishment of Medieval Hermeticism,\u201d in The Medieval World, ed. Peter Linehan and Janet L. Nelson\n(London and New York: Routledge, 2001), 118\u201324 and Charles Burnett, \u201cA Hidden Programme of\nAstrology and Divination in mid-Twelfth-Century Aragon: The Hidden Preface in the Liber novem\niudicum,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. Charles Burnett and William F. Ryan (London and\nTurin: The Warburg Institute and Nino Aragno Editore, 2006)\n83\n\nPages 103:\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\n27 The \u201cMercury of Cyllene\u201d who abbreviated the work is Hermes who, according to Greek mythology, was born in a cave on Mount Cyllene.\n28 The Arabic text is edited by Ursula Weisser, Buch \u00fcber das Geheimnis der Sch\u00f6pfung (Aleppo: Institute for the History of Arabic Science, 1979). The Latin translation is edited by Fran\u00e7oise Hudry\nin Chrysopoeia 6 (1997\u201399): 1\u2013206. See also Pinella Travaglia, Una cosmologia ermetica: il Kitab sirr\n\u00adal-hal\u012bqa = De secretis naturae (Napoli: Liguori, 2001).\n29 See Julius Ruska, Tabula Smaragdina (Heidelberg: C. Winter\u2019s Universit\u00e4tsbuchhandlung, 1926),\nIrene Caiazzo, \u201cNote sulla fortuna della Tabula Smaragdina,\u201d in Hermetism from Late Antiquity to\nHumanism, ed. Paolo Lucentini, Ilaria Parri and Vittoria Perrone Compagni (Turnhout: Brepols,\n2003), 697\u2013711.\n30 Charles Burnett, \u201cLunar Astrology. The Varieties of Texts Using Lunar Mansions, With Emphasis\non Jafar Indus,\u201d Micrologus 12 (2004): 43\u2013133; see p. 87.\n31 Liber de Spatula, in Hermes Trismegistus, Astrologia et divinatoria, vol. 4, part 4, ed. Gerrit Bos et al.\n(\u00adTurnhout: Brepols, 2001), 205.\n32 Apollonius, De secretis naturae, 152. The original Arabic is found in Sirr al-khal\u012bqa III 20, ed. Weisser, 306\u20137.\n33 A work with such a name is referred to in the Fihrist of al-Nad\u012bm: see Manfred Ullmann, Die Naturund Geheimwissenschaften im Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1972), 291.\n34 Hermann of Carinthia, De essentiis, ed. Charles Burnett (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 182.\n35 The Pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetica are most comprehensively represented in MS British Library,\nDelhi, 1946.\n36 These two authors are mentioned together in the first folios of Manchester, John Rylands Library,\nMS Mingana 372 [404], the Mus\u1e25af zuhra: \u1e6c\u0101\u2019\u016bs al-Yunan\u012b and J.r.m\u2018 al-Babil\u012b.\n37 Both works appear together also in a fragmentary Judaeo-Arabic version, which is the only manuscript of the Arabic text yet to be found: see Gideon Bohak and Charles Burnett, \u201cA Judaeo-\u00ad\nArabic Version of T\u0101bit ibn Qurra\u2019s De imaginibus and Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Opus imaginum,\u201d in Islamic\nPhilosophy, Science, Culture, and Religion: Studies in Honor of Dimitri Gutas, ed. Felicitas Opwis and David\nReisman (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2012), 179\u2013200.\n38 This is according to the research of Dag Hasse (see n. 8 above).\n39 See Paolo Lucentini and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, I testi e I codici di Ermete nel Medioevo (Florence:\nEdizioni Polistampa, 2001), 84 and 89.\n40 Gerard is described as lecturing on astrology by his student Daniel of Morley, although no translations of astrological works are assigned to him. Whether the attribution of the Figura Almandel in\nMS Florence MS BNC, II.III.214, fols 74v\u201378v to Gerard of Cremona hints at an esoteric branch\nto his translations is still to be proved.\n41 Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae, ed. Ludwig Baur, Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, 4.2-3 (M\u00fcnster-in-W.: Aschendorff, 1903), 20.\n42 Hasse, \u201cTwelfth-Century Latin Translations of Arabic Philosophical Texts\u201d.\n43 Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical Manuscripts of Alfonso X,\u201d Journal of the Warburg\nand Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996): 14\u201323; Alfonso d\u2019Agostino, Astromagia: ms. Reg. lat. 1283a (Naples:\nLiguori, 1992) and Sophie Page, \u201cMagic and the Pursuit of Wisdom: the \u2018familiar\u2019 spirit in the Liber\nTheysolius,\u201d La Cor\u00f3nica 36 (2007): 13\u201340.\n44 Among these texts are many listed in Lucentini and Perrone Compagnai, I testi.\n45 These works are edited in Hermes Latinus, vol. 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006) and vol. 3, part 1\n\u00ad(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997).\n46 Saif, \u201cThe Cows and the Bees\u201d.\n47 Burnett, Liber Antimaquis in Hermes Trismegistus Astrologia et divinatoria, Hermes Latinus, vol. 4, part 4,\ned. Gerrit Bos et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 195\u2013214.\n48 I owe this information to Michael Noble.\n49 This collection is the subject of Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister, Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and\nOccult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n50 Gregor Maurach, \u201cDaniel de Merlai, Philosophia,\u201d Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 14 (1979): 204\u201355, see 239.\n51 Boudet, Entre science et necromance, 214\u201320.\n52 Giles of Rome, Errores philosophorum, ed. Joseph Koch, trans. John O. Riedl (Milwaukee, WI:\n\u00adMarquette University Press, 1944), 47\u201358.\n53 These statistics are taken from the unpublished Latin Translations of Works on Astronomy and Astrology\n(c. 1110-c. 1450), by David Juste and Charles Burnett.\n54 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 56\u201357.\n55 These were discussed in a workshop in Paris in October 2016, convened by Maaike van der Lugt.\n84\n\nPages 104:\n7\nT h e L at i n e ncou nt e r w i t h\nH e br ew m agic\nProblems and approaches\nKatelyn Mesler\nThe Jews of medieval Western Europe lived alongside their Christian neighbours. They met\nin the marketplace, talked in the street, disputed in court, shared public space, engaged in\nboth friendly and sexual relationships, acted together in plays, sought each other\u2019s professional services and interacted daily in countless ways that are lost to the historical record.\nNotable points of contact have been discovered in areas of thought and practice, ranging\nfrom art and literature to exegesis and ritual. Magic is no exception. And yet, while there\nare many distinct elements of Christian magical traditions in sources produced by the Jewish\nminority, historians have made surprisingly little progress in identifying similar evidence in\nthe sources of the majority Christian culture. The problem, I will argue, lies precisely in the\nproximity of the medieval Christian and Jewish cultures. The practices that were most often\nshared were those that did not differ significantly in Jewish and Christian contexts and therefore bore few traces of their origins and transmission. In order to assess Christians\u2019 debt to\nJewish magic, we must first recognize certain characteristics of Jewish\u2013Christian encounters\nand of the diverse contexts within which different types of magic were shared. These will\nsuggest promising avenues of inquiry still to be explored.\nIn what follows, I offer an overview of some of the most important texts, themes and approaches for studying the Jewish contribution to medieval Christian magic. The analysis\nmainly concerns the period from roughly the twelfth through fifteenth centuries, which encompasses the proliferation of textual traditions of magic in both the Jewish and Christian\ncultures of Europe and ends at the point when the social and intellectual changes of the late\nfifteenth century fundamentally altered Jewish\u2013Christian relations, redefined aspects of magic\nin both traditions and offered Christians unprecedented access to Hebrew writings.\nThe boundaries of the traditions themselves, however, are more difficult to define. Most\nmagical writings and practices did not contain implicit identifiers marking them as specifically Christian or specifically Jewish, and a significant portion of magic in both traditions\nhad shared roots in Arabic magical traditions. Although I will return to the problem of\nidentity at the end of this essay, for practical purposes let us say that Jewish magic was that\nperformed by self-identifying Jews or written down in Hebrew characters (whether Hebrew\nor vernacular languages), and Christian magic was that performed by self-identifying Christians or written down in Latin characters (whether Latin or vernacular languages). In addition, medieval Jews and Christians would not necessarily have agreed on what constituted\nmagic. Yet, Jews shared the Romance or Germanic vernaculars whose distinction of terms\n85\n\nPages 105:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nFigure 7.1 T\n\u0007 raditions of magic in medieval Europe.\nowed at least somewhat to the intellectual developments in the Latin world, so we should not\nposit an unbridgeable conceptual gap.1 Since we are primarily interested here in the impact\nof Jewish/Hebrew magic on the Latin magical tradition, we can safely confine our scope to\nelements commonly considered magical in the latter.\nIn his work on medieval Christian magic, Richard Kieckhefer developed a distinction\n\u00adbetween the common tradition and specialized traditions of magic.2 The latter refer to magical\npractices, often represented in learned treatises, that are accessible only to certain specialized\ngroups, generally limited by education, profession or other social factors. Astral magic, for\nexample, often required not only Latin literacy but enough training in astrology to identify the\nrelevant astrological conditions. The common tradition, in contrast, incorporates those areas\nof magical practice that cannot be limited to a specific group or milieu such as the wearing of\namulets. If we expand Kieckhefer\u2019s framework to encompass both Christian and Jewish traditions, we could separate out specialized traditions unique to Christians, specialized traditions\nunique to Jews and shared specialized traditions that are accessible to a subset of both Jews and\nChristians. Likewise, there are magical practices of a common tradition within each culture as\nwell as one that is broadly shared among Jews and Christians (Figure 7.1). In the terms of this\nframework, we can say that the shared specialized traditions are almost exclusively of Latin\nor Arabic origins, whether translated from Latin to Hebrew or separately into both languages\nfrom Arabic. This contact also results in the appropriation of specialized Latin elements in\noriginal Hebrew compositions. Sharing of the common tradition, however, is more difficult to\ndiscern, both because it is often more rooted in oral than textual traditions and because the\nevidence usually defies simple analysis of origins, reception and identity. This framework will\nhelp guide our understanding of what kinds of magic were exchanged and how.\nMagical texts and the sharing of specialized traditions\nThe transmission of specialized traditions from Latin to Hebrew is easier to evaluate than\nwhatever may have been transmitted from Hebrew to Latin. Numerous learned treatises of\nmagic and occult sciences were translated from Latin (or vernacular languages) to \u00adHebrew\n86\n\nPages 106:\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nduring the Middle Ages, including the Ars notoria, the Techel/Azareus Complex, the lapidary\nof Marbode of Rennes, Odo of Meung\u2019s herbal (Macer Floridus), the Key of Solomon, the\nBook of the Cow, Ibn al-Jazzar\u2019s On Occult Properties, the Picatrix, Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Hundred\n\u00adAphorisms, the Book of the Moon, a work on planetary magical squares,3 some geomantic texts\nand an extensive corpus of medical literature that often includes charms and other forms\nof healing magic. Towards the end of the fifteenth century, Yohanan Alemanno mentioned\na \u00adHebrew version of the Almandal, he knew Pseudo-Albertus\u2019s On the Marvels of the World\nand he \u00adunderstood the Hebrew translation of Raymond Lull\u2019s Short Art as providing instructions for magical practice.4 Not all of these works convey material of Latin origin;\nsome are translations of Arabic works. Nevertheless, these translations contributed to a\nshared repertoire of magic, as did those Arabic works that were translated independently\ninto Latin and \u00adHebrew such as the Secret of Secrets and some additional Hermetic treatises.\nThe dominance of translations in one direction, from Latin to Hebrew, is one of the main\nreasons why Christian elements are more likely to be found in Hebrew texts than Jewish\nelements in Latin texts.\nIn the case of other shared texts, the relationship between the Latin and Hebrew versions\nhas not yet been established. These include On the Twelve Images and the Use of the Psalms\n(though in one specific case a Christian appropriated a Hebrew psalter to produce a hybrid\nset of magical Psalms).5 As for astral magic, Reimund Leicht has observed,\nBy the Renaissance at the latest, various basic teachings of astrology and astral\nmagic had become the common property of Jews and Christians so thoroughly that\nin most cases a direct source can be determined only with great difficulty, if at all.6\nBut there are also instances in which the texts provide their own claims of provenance.\nA \u00adHermetic text known as On the Stations for the Cult of Venus includes the detail that it was translated from Hebrew by John of Seville, a statement that raises some doubt since the translator\nin question is only known to have translated works from Arabic.7 A similar \u00adassertion of translation from Hebrew appears in Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9\u2019s version of the Techel/Azareus Complex,\nin which case it is demonstrably false.8 Likewise, the German Book of Abramelin, allegedly\nwritten in the fifteenth century by a certain Abraham of Worms, is a later \u00adcomposition of\nundoubtedly Christian origin. This phenomenon is not limited to magical texts, as s\u00ad purious\nclaims of Hebrew translation appear in texts as diverse as the Gospel of Nicodemus and the\nPseudo-Joachite Liber Horoscopus. Nor is this literary device more prominent with respect to\nHebrew than to other languages, for Geoffrey of Monmouth\u2019s alleged vernacular source for\nhis History of the Kings of Britain and Cervantes\u2019s claim that Don Quixote was translated from\nArabic are only a few of many such examples. Such claims surely serve to add a mysterious,\nexotic or even authoritative element to a text, but they tell us little about transmission.\nFinally, there are a few texts that derive directly or indirectly from Hebrew sources. One\nLatin version of the Pseudo-Aristotelian lapidary retains traces of Hebrew names for stones\nand bears some important similarities to two Hebrew manuscripts of the text, but the details of transmission have yet to be determined.9 More notably, the Book of Raziel represents\nthe most extensive translation of learned magic from Hebrew to Latin during the Middle\nAges.10 This work of astral and angel magic was not originally produced in Hebrew as a coherent treatise but rather as a series of magical, mystical and astrological texts \u2013 some with\nArabic roots \u2013 that began to circulate together in manuscripts, forming a textual complex\nthat included works such as the Book of Secrets (Sefer ha-Razim), the Book of the Garment and the\n87\n\nPages 107:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nBook of the Upright. By the time the Hebrew text was printed \u00ad(Amsterdam, 1701), it contained\ntexts and textual fragments including ancient mystical cosmology, amulets and writings of\nthe medieval German Pietists. In the thirteenth century, however, a version of the Raziel\ncomplex was translated into Latin under the auspices of Alfonso X of Castile. The translated work gives the impression of a coherent treatise. In addition, the translator claims to\nhave also translated a dozen related texts. Some of these texts have been found in a single\nLatin manuscript of Raziel, while others remain to be identified. Only a few titles have thus\nfar been matched to known Hebrew sources. Finally, in a remarkable demonstration of\nshared magical traditions, the Latin Raziel was soon translated back into Hebrew. Only\nin the late fifteenth century was there a concerted effort to translate Hebrew texts with\n\u00admagical contents. The convert Flavius Mithridates supplied Pico della Mirandola with\ntranslations of works such as Elazar of Worms\u2019s commentary on Sefer Yetsirah, a compilation\nof German Pietist magic (Book of Man) and the Uses of the Torah.11\nIf it was rare for a Hebrew text to be translated into Latin, we might still investigate\nwhether smaller elements of Hebrew magic, such as divine and angelic names, appear\nin specialized Latin traditions. But here too there are difficulties. Latin Christians could\nlearn about certain Hebrew divine names from Jerome, Isidore of Seville and other early\nauthorities. Thus, the use of Hebrew names such as El, Eloim, Eloe, Elion, Ia, Adonai,\nSabaoth, Saddai and the Tetragrammaton is not necessarily indicative of any real contact\nwith Hebrew. The magical name AGLA, common in both medieval Latin and Hebrew\nmagic, is often said to derive as an acronym of a phrase in the Hebrew liturgy, Ata gibor\nl\u2019olam adonai, \u201cYou are forever mighty, Lord.\u201d This interpretation has become so standard\nin Jewish traditions that some modern prayer books signal the name AGLA at this place in\nthe liturgy. After much searching, I have yet to find evidence of such an interpretation prior\nto the late fourteenth or fifteenth century, a couple centuries after AGLA begins appearing\nin magical writings. Ultimately, the origins and transmission of this divine name remain to\nbe established. Even the Christian notion of 72 names of God may have owed no more than\nthe number to Jewish tradition.12 As for angels, Christians did not need access to Hebrew\nto recognize that Gabriel, Michael, Raphael and Uriel all end with the theophoric suffix -el.\nChristians could thus invent angelic-sounding names in a similar fashion to Jews, differing\nonly in that the latter usually built the name from a meaningful root word. Similarities\nbetween individual Latin and Hebrew angelic names may at times be nothing more than\ncoincidence, and so angelic names are not always a good indicator of contact. Likewise, the\nHebrew alphabet and certain terms found in Latin manuscripts, such as the Hebrew names\nof the planets, could be inherited from earlier Latin sources rather than Hebrew ones.\nPart of the problem, as I have suggested, is that elements of Jewish magic that appear\nin Latin texts are not likely to be marked as specifically Jewish. If a Latin incantation contains New Testament references, for example, it may still remain recognizable in Hebrew\ntranslation.13 But a Hebrew spell translated into Latin is not likely to stand out, unless\nit contains extra-Biblical references, or describes the few distinctly Jewish practices such\nas \u201copening the heart,\u201d adjuring the \u201cprince of the Torah\u201d and \u201cthe princes of thumb\nand cup\u201d or the form of teleportation known as \u201cpath jumping.\u201d14 Most magical procedures, goals and Old Testament citations are similar enough between Jews and Christians\nas to make the question of origins difficult to answer. And this is why authentic traces\nof the \u00adHebrew language \u2013 bearing in mind the minimal Hebrew accessible to educated\nChristians \u2013 remain the clearest indication of contact with Jewish magic. Indeed, for some\nChristians, it is the foreignness or incomprehensibility of the language itself that is the\n88\n\nPages 108:\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nmost characteristic trait of Jewish magic. Anselm of Besate describes a fictional magician\nwho spoke \u201cHebrew or rather diabolical\u201d words.15 Similarly, in the sorcery trial of Hugues\nG\u00e9raud (Avignon, 1317), it is repeatedly said that a Jew taught Hugues to pronounce an\nincantation that was either Greek or Hebrew.16 In a sorcery trial at Brian\u00e7on in 1443, the\naccused, an alleged convert from Judaism, was asked to provide the (Hebrew) formula he\nused when renouncing God. The record preserves his response phonetically as Adonay, ich\nmilhema czemo, which is recognizable as \u201cThe Lord is a man of war, [the Lord] is his name\u201d\n(Ex 15:3), although the trial record insists that these words mean \u201cI renounce God and all\nthat believe in him.\u201d17 Furthermore, several trials of the Spanish Inquisition point to the\npossession of talismans with Hebrew writing as evidence of Judaizing.\nWhile translated elements usually provide the clearest evidence of transfer, the i\u00admpact\nof Jewish magic can occasionally be discerned through more general, conceptual \u00adelements.\nTwo treatises from the early fourteenth century, John of Morigny\u2019s Book of Flowers and the\nSworn Book of Honorius, both present connections between magic and visionary \u00adexperience\nthat find no precedent in Latin sources but strongly resemble concepts found in contemporary\nJewish sources.18 In the case of the Sworn Book, the angels described in the text exhibit roles\nand attributes characteristic of the Arabic and Hebrew magical traditions.19 These two\ntexts stand out as well for their explicit repudiations of Jewish magic, suggesting a c\u00ad ertain\nself-consciousness about the origins of the material.20 Unfortunately, Latin texts rarely\n\u00adaddress their relationship with Jewish magic as explicitly as these do.\nCondemnations of magic\nMedieval Christians wrote more about Jewish magic in the context of condemnations than\nin writings of practical or theoretical magic. Yet, I have argued elsewhere that literary and\npolemical representations of Jewish magic tell us more about the author\u2019s conception of\nmagic than about the alleged users.21 There is no reason to suspect that such accounts derive\nfrom awareness of actual Jewish practices. That said, they might still contribute to Christian\nperceptions of Jewish magic in ways that are not easy to discern. There are, however, a few\ncondemnations of magic that rely directly on Jewish writings.\nIn the wake of the Paris Talmud trial of 1240, the first formal disputation between\n\u00adChristians and Jews about the validity of the Talmud, a convert named Thibaut de S\u00e9zanne\n\u00adcompiled a Latin dossier of passages from the Talmud. These passages are first grouped by\nthe specific error that they represent (such as \u201cblasphemy\u201d); then, later in the manuscript,\nthey are repeated following the order of the tractates of the Talmud. Among the categories of error, we find the rubric \u201cOn sorcery\u201d (De sortilegiis).22 The section begins with\nthe passage, \u201cWhoever places his bed between north and south will have male c\u00ad hildren.\nRabbi Naaman says that his wife who placed her bed thus did not suffer miscarriages\u201d\n(Berakhot 5b). The passages that follow include rabbinic anecdotes about the evil eye,\n\u00adinteractions with angels and demons, healing, divination and the avoidance of v\u00ad arious\n\u00adsupernatural dangers. Many of these Talmudic excerpts might be more accurately\n\u00adcategorized as superstitious beliefs rather than sorcery. These particular passages were not\ncentral to the disputation itself, but in the dossier they served as additional evidence to discredit the \u00adTalmud. But this concern with Talmudic sorcery did not last long. By the time of\nthe next d\n\u00ad isputation, held in Barcelona in 1263, Christian polemicists were developing ways\nto employ their own readings of Rabbinic literature in arguing against Jews. From this new\nperspective, \u00adRabbinic references to issues such as theology and messianism became central.\n89\n\nPages 109:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nThis change, and its implications for the discussion of magic, is reflected in the Hebrew\nreport of a second disputation in Paris (ca. 1269\u20131273). When the Christian disputant cites\na Rabbinic text to prove that Jesus was well versed in Rabbinic literature, his Jewish opponent comments on the change in tactic: \u201cUp until now, you have said that all our books\nare magicians\u2019 books (sifrei qosemim).\u201d23 Subsequent disputations and condemnations of the\nTalmud found little use for accusations of sorcery.\nAnother event that impacted Christian discussions of magic was the translation of\nMaimonides\u2019s Guide for the Perplexed, which is worth considering here even though it was\ncomposed in Arabic. Even before the work as a whole was translated into Latin, an anonymous fragment was available in Paris. This version likely served as the basis for some\nof William of Auvergne\u2019s thought in his work On the Laws (1228\u20131230), where he draws\non \u00adMaimonides\u2019s particular condemnation of sorcery in Guide 3.37. In this section of the\nGuide, Maimonides argues that many commandments that seem irrational \u2013 such as the\nprohibition on cross-dressing in Deut. 22:5 or the prohibition to eat a young tree\u2019s fruit in\nLev. 19:23\u201325) \u2013 are actually safeguards that prevent people from turning to sorcery, which\nfor Maimonides is inherently idolatrous and linked to star worship. In these two examples,\nhe explains, cross-dressing is associating with certain practices in the cult of Venus, while\nthe waiting period on eating fruit prevents the impatient person from being tempted to use\nmagic in order to speed up the tree\u2019s production of first fruits. Not only does William accept\nMaimonides\u2019s rationale for the commandments and his direct link between idolatry and\nsorcery (Laws, chs. 1, 13, 24) but he even connects cross-dressing to sorcery and the cult of\nVenus in the same manner (Laws, ch. 13). In addition to Maimonides, William also reports\ntraditions according to which the golden calf represented the astrological sign of Taurus\n(Laws, ch. 26). In Jewish writings, astrological interpretations of the golden calf appear most\nnotably in Judah Halevi\u2019s Kuzari and Abraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s two commentaries on Exodus.24 I\nknow of no direct connection between William and these Jewish works, but it is noteworthy\nthat William seems to be having conversations paralleling those in the Jewish world. Another author who drew on Maimonides was Raymond Martini in his Pugio fidei (after 1278),\na landmark work in the polemical use of Rabbinic literature. In a discussion of the divine\nname, he reproduces a passage from Guide 1.62 that condemns the misuse of divine names\nfor magical ends (Pugio III.III.iv.4). In the same work can be found Latin translations of a\nsmall number passages from rabbinic literature involving sorcery or demons. However, none\nof these, including the passage on divine names, serves to condemn magic per se. Rather,\nall of these passages are adduced in the service of other theological or polemical concerns.\nIn a different manner, Christians might condemn a magical practice through association\nwith Jews. For example, Kati Ihnat and I have recently argued that medieval Christians\ncame to associate wax figurines \u2013 including those used for sorcery \u2013 with Jews in order to\nhelp establish the boundaries between acceptable use of devotional objects (votive offerings)\nand misuse or abuse of such objects (effigies, sorcery).25 In this respect, Christian perspectives on Jews and their presence in Christian society affected the way Christians understood\ntheir own magical practices. Polemical and literary accounts of Jewish magic may thus have\nmuch to reveal, even if they bear little resemblance to Jewish practice.\nThe role of personal contact: specialized and common traditions\nNearly all forms of Jewish\u2013Christian exchange in question imply a degree of personal\ncontact. For example, the translation of a text from Latin to Hebrew involved, at a bare\n90\n\nPages 110:\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nminimum, a Jew obtaining a Latin copy of the text. Often, the process of translation was\nitself a collaborative activity. According to a standard technique, known as \u201cfour-handed\ntranslation,\u201d a Christian would read through the Latin (or vernacular) text, reciting it orally\nin the vernacular, while a Jew listened and copied it down in Hebrew. It could work in the\nother direction as well, but translations from Hebrew to Latin were much less common, not\njust for magical texts but in general. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries especially, Arabophone Jews collaborated with Christians in translating Arabic works of science, philosophy,\nastrology, medicine and magic. Jewish translators were employed most notably at the court\nof Frederick II in Sicily and the court of Alfonso X in Castile. At Alfonso\u2019s court, Jews played\nan important role in translating Arabic astro-magical works such as the Picatrix, as well as\nthe Hebrew the Book of Raziel.26 We can only imagine what kinds of conversations may\nhave accompanied these contacts. Other sources may offer suggestions, such as Yohanan\n\u00adAlemanno\u2019s descriptions of various conversations about magic that he had with Christians,27\nbut we must also be cautious in overgeneralizing from his interactions.\nPerhaps no specialized context entailed more personal contact between Jews and\n\u00adChristians than the medical profession. Jewish doctors, who were not permitted to learn\nat the medical faculties, came to hold Latin medicine in high esteem; there is evidence\nthat they sometimes turned to their Christian colleagues in order to keep up to \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 94 to page 110 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=97\nPages: 97\nAntimaquis which draws from the rich corpus of Arabic Pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetica.47\nSome of the texts on the veneration of Venus and the fabrication of her talismans have been\nrecognized in Arabic works of magic by Fakhr al- D \u012bn al-R \u0101z\u012b and Ab\u016b Ya\u2019q\u016bb al-Sakk \u0101 k \u012b.48\nFor the dates of many of these anonymous translations, one has to look at the manuscript\nevidence and the references to these works in other texts. Thus, we can turn to the third and\nlast of our subjects: the place of books in the transmission of Arabic magic.\nBooks\nArabic learned magic was transmitted in books, and it was the translations of these books\ninto Latin (and later into Castilian) that transmitted this magic to the West. The designation\n\u201cBrethren of Purity\u201d suggests an \u00e9lite group whose canonical literature was the 52 letters\nwritten under their name. It is difficult, however, to identify groups of people who might\nidentify themselves as a guild of magicians, or of perfect men, and to imagine a diadokhe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=101\nPages: 101\n2 The prologue appears only in a few, late manuscripts.\n3 Thorough and accurate accounts of this transmission can already be found in the works of David\nPingree (David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione\ndelle scienze islamiche nel Medio Evo Europeo (Roma, 2-4 ottobre 1984), (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987),\n57\u2013102; \u201cLearned Magic in the Time of Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356; and Jean-Patrice\nBoudet, Entre science et nigromance Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle)\n(Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006). To all of these accounts, this article is complementary.\n4 Godefroid de Callata\u00ff and S\u00e9bastien Moureau, \u201cAgain on Maslama Ibn Q\u0101sim al-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b, the\nIkhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af\u0101\u2019 and Ibn Khald\u016bn: New Evidence from Two Manuscripts of the Rutbat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm\u201d,\nAl-Qan\u1e6dara 37, no. 2 (2016): 339\u201372; Maribel Fierro, \u201cB\u0101\u1e6dinism in al-Andalus. Maslama b. Q\u0101sim]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29\n\u201cLate Antique and Medieval Latin Translations of Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic,\u201d in The\nOccult Sciences in Byzantium, ed. Maria Mavroudi and Paul Magdalino (Paris: La Pomme D\u2019Or,\n2007), 325\u201359. Although several magic texts claimed to have Hebrew origins, the Book of Raziel\nrepresents the only confirmed translation of learned magic from Hebrew into Latin during the\nMiddle Ages; see Katelyn Mesler\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n8 See Charles Burnett\u2019s chapter in this volume. See also David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic\nMagical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel Medio Evo Europeo (Roma,\n2\u20134 ottobre 1984) (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987), 57\u2013102; \u201cLearned Magic in the Time\nof Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance; Charles Burnett,\nMagic and Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian Worlds (Aldershot:\n\u00adAshgate, 1996).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=65\nPages: 65\nMoyen-Orient, 2002), 165\u201392; Charles Burnett, \u201cLate Antique and Medieval Latin Translations\nof Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic,\u201d in The Occult Sciences in Byzantium, ed. Paul Magdalino\nand Maria Mavroudi (Geneva: La Pomme d\u2019Or, 2006), 325\u201359; Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa transmission group\u00e9e des textes de magie \u201csalomonienne\u201d de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 au Moyen \u00c2ge: bilan historiographique, inconnues et pistes de recherche,\u201d in L\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive dans les collections m\u00e9di\u00e9vales: Textes\net representations, VIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle, ed. Stephane Gioanni and Beno\u00eet Grevin (Rome: \u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise\nde Rome, 2008), 193\u2013223; Peter Forshaw, \u201cThe Occult Middle Ages,\u201d in The Occult World, ed. Partridge 34\u201348; Saif, The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy; and the chapters in Part II\nof this volume.\n43 The relationship between these two distinct yet related historical processes has been the focus of\nthe recent volume Les savoirs magiques et leur transmission de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 la Renaissance, ed. Veronique]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nArabic, but known in Latin as De physicis ligaturis.22 This short text explains how doctors use\nmagical remedies, especially amulets suspended from the body (ligaturae), as a kind of placebo: if the patient trusts the doctor sufficiently, he or she will be persuaded that the remedy\nwill be effective.23\nIt is not until the early twelfth century that we see evidence of the transmission of learned\nmagic as an elevated body of knowledge. The first example is that of Adelard of Bath,\nmentioned above. His translation of Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra\u2019s Book on Talismans (Liber prestigiorum\nThebidis) is a composite work (evidently reflecting the state of his original Arabic text), including prayers to the spirits of the planets, and suffumigations to activate the talismans,\nand quotations from Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Centiloquium and the commentary on it by A \u1e25 mad\nibn Y\u016b suf (tenth-century Cairo), and references to Pseudo-Ptolemy on the talismans of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=352\nPages: 352\ntranslations by the Wise King. His policy in this regard is remarkably coherent: it transfers,\nmainly in the Castilian language, the Arabic science of the stars and Arabic and Jewish\nmagic. His activity in this last field appears in the following table.\nMagical works translated or written under the patronage\nof Alfonso X9\nDate\nTitle\ncompleted Lapidario\nin 1250,\nrevised ca.\n1275\n1256\u201358\nPicatrix\n1276\u201379\nca.\n1280\u201384\n?\nAuthors\nTranslators\nTranslations\u2019 Characteristics\n\u201cAbolays\u201d\nand others\nYehuda ben\nMoshe and\nGarci P\u00e9rez\nCompendium of four lapidaries\ntranslated from Arabic to Castilian\nMaslama\nal-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b\nYehuda ben\nMoshe and\nAegidius de\nThebaldis?\n?\nMagical compendium translated from\nArabic to Castilian and from Castilian to\nLatin\nLibro de las\n?\nformas e\nymagenes\nLibro de\n?\nastromagia\nLiber Razielis\n?\nin seven books\n?\nIohannes\nclericus\n( Juan\nd\u2019Aspa?)\n333\nAn astral magic compendium translated\nfrom Arabic to Castilian\nAn astral magic compendium translated\nfrom Arabic to Castilian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nArabic are only a few of many such examples. Such claims surely serve to add a mysterious,\nexotic or even authoritative element to a text, but they tell us little about transmission.\nFinally, there are a few texts that derive directly or indirectly from Hebrew sources. One\nLatin version of the Pseudo-Aristotelian lapidary retains traces of Hebrew names for stones\nand bears some important similarities to two Hebrew manuscripts of the text, but the details of transmission have yet to be determined.9 More notably, the Book of Raziel represents\nthe most extensive translation of learned magic from Hebrew to Latin during the Middle\nAges.10 This work of astral and angel magic was not originally produced in Hebrew as a coherent treatise but rather as a series of magical, mystical and astrological texts \u2013 some with\nArabic roots \u2013 that began to circulate together in manuscripts, forming a textual complex]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nfor evil, and had summarized their knowledge in a book called \u201cOn talismans\u201d. Having been\nassured by the master that it was legitimate to practice the art described in this book, as long\nas it was used for a good end, the now satisfied wandering scholar translated it into Latin.1\nWhether this prologue is genuine or not,2 it shows the main elements of the position of\nArabic magic in the West:\n1.\n2.\n3.\nThat this kind of magic is the culmination of the study of the rest of the arts and\nsciences, and in particular, follows that of the astral sciences.\nThat knowledge of such magic is to be sought in Islamic realms.\nAnd that this knowledge is contained in books.\nIn this article, I shall trace, in turn, the rise of the idea that knowledge of magic is the\nculmination of human endeavour, the search for Arabic texts to provide the material for\nthis knowledge, and the transmission of this knowledge through books. The focus will be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=97\nPages: 97\nWhen the work is obviously a translation, the original language is usually not mentioned,\nand since there was a close exchange between Arabic and Hebrew magic, it is not always\nevident that a text is translated from Arabic rather than Hebrew. Nevertheless, more and\nmore Arabic originals are now being recognized, and a close stylistic analysis might allow\nus to assign certain texts to certain known translators, as Perrone Compagni has done\nfor the two texts on talismans which she has now attributed to Adelard of Bath, and Dag\nNikolaus Hasse has done for the texts attributed to John of Seville (De quatuor confectionibus)\nand Gundisalvi (De radiis).\nAmong these anonymous translations are the Liber vacce, whose Arabic sources are being\nsuccessively revealed among Arabic works of natural magic and alchemy,46 and the Liber\nAntimaquis which draws from the rich corpus of Arabic Pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetica.47]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=139\nPages: 139\n1 David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle\nscienze Islamiche nel Medio Evo Europeo, ed. B. Scarcia Amoretti (Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei\nLincei, 1987), especially 79 and 59.\n2 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Hertford College 2 (E.N. 2.), Pseudo Aristoteles Secretum secretorum\n(1371\u201382), 66 fols.\n3 Aleksander Birkenmajer, \u00c9tudes d\u201dhistoire des sciences en Pologne (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad Narodowy im.\n\u00adOssoli\u0144skich, 1972).\n4 Mieczys\u0142aw Markowski, \u201cDie Mathematischen und Naturwissenschaften an der Krakauer\n\u00adUniversit\u00e4t im XV. Jahrhundert,\u201d Mediaevalia Philosophica Polonorum 18 (1973): 121\u201331; Mieczys\u0142aw\nMarkowski, \u201cDie Astrologie an der Krakauer Universit\u00e4t in den Jahren 1450\u20131550,\u201d in Magia,\nastrologia e religione nel Rinascimento: convegno polacco-italiano, Varsavia, 25\u201327 settembre 1972, ed. I\u00ad nstytut\nFilozofii i Socjologii (Polska Akademia Nauk) (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad Narodowy im. Ossolinskich, 1974),\n83\u201389.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=119\nPages: 119\n\u00adintentions, such as protection from demons, breaking curses and avoiding storms or pests,\nwere worthy of reward.3\nNevertheless, Alfonsine compilations and translations include magical operations\n\u00addesigned to do both good and evil. Specifically, both necromantic practices and \u00adexperiments\nto bring about or break up love are found there. Hence, the basis for judging whether\nthe magic is acceptable or not must be other than a strictly moral one, with its learned\ntransmission, guaranteed by the Arabic sources, being a more determining factor. Thus,\n\u00adCastile, and particularly Alfonso\u2019s entourage, was yet to be reached by the condemnation of\n\u00adnecromancy expressed by European intellectual elite. It was possible to produce texts with\nsuch contents because their production was patronized by the king independently from the\nChurch.\nIf we compare the Alfonsine production in the sciences with the twelfth-century]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=197\nPages: 197\nAuvergne did not always draw a clear distinction between the marvellous effects of natural\nsubstances that have natural and knowable causes, and the wonders that result from vivification caused in nature by the action of a demon. He keeps the former within natural science\nand condemns the latter but he seems to consider that the term nigromancia applies to both\npractices.\nMagic was a particularly rich discipline in the Iberian Peninsula, especially under\nKing Alfonso X, who encouraged, from 1250 to 1260 onwards, the translation of Arabic\nworks into the vernacular, and sometimes into Latin afterwards. Among other works, he\nordered in 1256 the Castilian translation of the Gh \u0101y\u0101t al-hak\u00eem, a work written in Arabic\nprobably in the eleventh century, whose Latin version, retranslated from Castilian, was\ntitled Picatrix. This work transmitted the idea that nigromancia was a science, and attributed\nto Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra, a Sabean of the eleventh century, the idea that \u201cthe most noble part\n178]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=102\nPages: 102\n71vb: \u201cEt de huiusmodi operibus est magica naturalis, quam nigromanciam secundum phisicam\nphilosophi vocant.\u201d (\u201cAnd from operations like this derives natural magic, which the philosophers\ncall \u2018nigromancy according to physics\u2019\u201d): quoted in Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 128, n. 40.\n20 See David Pingree, \u201cBetween the Gh\u0101yat and the Picatrix, II: the Flos naturarum ascribed to J\u0101bir,\u201d\nJournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 72 (2009): 41\u201380, and Liana Saif, \u201cThe Cows and the\nBees,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 79 (2016): 1\u201347.\n21 Al-Kind\u012b, De radiis, ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Francoise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et\nlitt\u00e9raire du moyen \u00e2ge 41 (1974):139\u2013260.\n22 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 69.\n23 See Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, \u201cQus\u1e6d\u0101 ibn L\u016bqa\u2019s Physical Ligatures and the Recognition\nof the Placebo Effect,\u201d Medieval Encounters 1 (1995): 1\u201350.\n24 Burnett, \u201cT\u0101bit ibn Qurra the \u1e24arr\u0101nian,\u201d 24\u201327.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=104\nPages: 104,103\n(c. 1110-c. 1450), by David Juste and Charles Burnett.\n54 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 56\u201357.\n55 These were discussed in a workshop in Paris in October 2016, convened by Maaike van der Lugt.\n84\n7\nT h e L at i n e ncou nt e r w i t h\nH e br ew m agic\nProblems and approaches\nKatelyn Mesler\nThe Jews of medieval Western Europe lived alongside their Christian neighbours. They met\nin the marketplace, talked in the street, disputed in court, shared public space, engaged in\nboth friendly and sexual relationships, acted together in plays, sought each other\u2019s professional services and interacted daily in countless ways that are lost to the historical record.\nNotable points of contact have been discovered in areas of thought and practice, ranging\nfrom art and literature to exegesis and ritual. Magic is no exception. And yet, while there\nare many distinct elements of Christian magical traditions in sources produced by the Jewish]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30\nSolomonic magic, see Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se. \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle\nm\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d Micrologus 14 (2006): 101\u201350 and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n21 On the reception of Arabic image magic by learned physicians, see Weill-Parot, Les images astrologiques, part 3 and his chapter on J\u00e9r\u00f4me Torrella in this volume. Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s theory of\nthe clerical underworld is first explored in Magic in the Middle Ages, ch. 7. See also Boudet, Entre science\net nigromance and Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle\nAges and Renaissance (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013). For magic at court,\nsee Jan R. Veenstra, Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France (Leiden: Brill, 1997),\nBenedek Lang, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008), 209\u201340 and Jean-Patrice \u00adBoudet\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96,97\nphilosophiae, the eight divisions of practical physics, from what could have been his own\ntranslation of the De ortu scientiarum.41 The translation of al-Kind \u012b\u2019s De radiis (\u201cOn the\nRays\u201d), which survives only in a Latin translation, also shows features that suggest Gundisalvi\u2019s involvement.42\nThe last phase of the introduction of Arabic magical works occurred in the court of Alfonso X, king of Castile and Le\u00f3n (1252\u201384). Here, we find both Arabic and Hebrew works\non magic. It is tempting to think that Arabic works could have been discovered in Seville,\nwhich had fallen to the Christians in 1248 and where Alfonso was to set up a school for\nArabic learning. But since Jews were the principal translators of these Arabic works, these\n77\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nworks could have already belonged to the Jewish culture in Spain. The Arabic texts were]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=13\nPages: 13\nCharles Burnett, MA, PhD, FBA, LGSM, is a Professor of the History of Arabic/\u00adIslamic\nInfluences in Europe at the Warburg Institute, University of London. His research centres\non the transmission of texts, techniques, and artefacts from the Arab world to the West, especially in the Middle Ages. He has documented this transmission by editing and translating\nseveral texts that were first translated from Arabic into Latin, and also by describing the historical and cultural context of these translations. Throughout his research and publications,\nhe has aimed to document the extent to which Arabic authorities and texts translated from\nArabic have shaped European learning, in the universities, in medical schools and in esoteric\ncircles. Among his books in this subject area are The Introduction of Arabic Learning into England\n(1997), Arabic into Latin in the Middle Ages: The Translators and Their Intellectual and Social Context\n(2009) and Numerals and Arithmetic in the Middle Ages (2010).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24,23\nmagic has occurred in the last twenty years. \u201cLanguages and Dissemination\u201d examines\nthe dissemination and impact of magic as it acquired distinctive identities in different parts\nof \u00adEurope. It focuses first on the reception into Europe and later influence of the magic\ntexts from the Arabic and Jewish traditions, which transformed the status of late medieval\nlearned magic from an illicit activity into a branch of knowledge. Later chapters examine\nthe geographical spread of these works into central and Eastern Europe; their dissemination in the vernacular; and the ways in which Western European magic interacted with\nexisting magical traditions in two areas of Europe where these are especially well documented: Scandinavia and the Celtic lands.\n4\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\n\u201cKey Genres and Figures\u201d examines one of the most significant research areas in the\nrecent historiography of late medieval magic: learned magic texts. These texts circulated in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=103\nPages: 103\nMS Florence MS BNC, II.III.214, fols 74v\u201378v to Gerard of Cremona hints at an esoteric branch\nto his translations is still to be proved.\n41 Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae, ed. Ludwig Baur, Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, 4.2-3 (M\u00fcnster-in-W.: Aschendorff, 1903), 20.\n42 Hasse, \u201cTwelfth-Century Latin Translations of Arabic Philosophical Texts\u201d.\n43 Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical Manuscripts of Alfonso X,\u201d Journal of the Warburg\nand Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996): 14\u201323; Alfonso d\u2019Agostino, Astromagia: ms. Reg. lat. 1283a (Naples:\nLiguori, 1992) and Sophie Page, \u201cMagic and the Pursuit of Wisdom: the \u2018familiar\u2019 spirit in the Liber\nTheysolius,\u201d La Cor\u00f3nica 36 (2007): 13\u201340.\n44 Among these texts are many listed in Lucentini and Perrone Compagnai, I testi.\n45 These works are edited in Hermes Latinus, vol. 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006) and vol. 3, part 1\n\u00ad(Turnhout: Brepols, 1997).\n46 Saif, \u201cThe Cows and the Bees\u201d.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=205\nPages: 205\nNaturwissenschaften. Festschrift f\u00fcr den Arabisten Paul Kunitzsch zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. M. Folkerts and R.\nLorch, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000), 409\u201350: 426\u201328.\n59 See e.g. Richard Lemay, \u201cLibri naturales et sciences de la nature dans la scolastique latine du XIIIe\nsi\u00e8cle,\u201d in XIVth International Congress of the History of Science (Proceedings 2), (Tokyo-Kyoto, 1974),\n61\u201364.\n60 See Graziella Federici Vescovini, Le Moyen Age magique (Paris: Vrin, 2011), chap. 1, about relations\nbetween magic and science.\n61 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 57\u201358.\n62 The Book of the Cave of Treasures. A History of the Patriarchs and the Kings Their Successors from the Creation to\nthe Crucifixion of Christ, Transl. from the Syriac Text of the British Museum Ms. Add. 25875, by Sir\nE.A. Wallis Budge, (London, Manchester, Madrid, Lisbon, and Budapest: Religious Tract Society,\n1927), 142\u201344.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=492\nPages: 492\nDroz, 1980); Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998); Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts\nof Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe, Magic in History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008); Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (New York:\nOxfrod University Press, 2009), 6\u201392; Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and\nOccult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n\u00adFourteenth- and fifteenth-century books and collections are receiving more attention at this point\nthan earlier period. In part this is due to how much more material there is to work with. Transmission\nhistory from earlier centuries has concentrated on works of highest profile such as the Picatrix: David]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98\nfew manuscripts contemporary with or closely following on their translation, and more\nopen and frequent copying only emerges in the Renaissance. When they are copied, they\ntend to be grouped together, often in large numbers, in one manuscript. Thus, we have\n(in approximate chronological order) the manuscripts Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 125\n(fourteenth century),49 Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I, Halle,\nUniversit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14. B. 36 (fourteenth century), Venice,\nMarciana lat. XIV. 174 (fourteenth century), Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Reg. lat. 1300 (fourteenth century), Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. ii. 214 (fifteenth century), Vatican, Vat.\nLat. 10803 (fifteenth century), Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I\n(sixteenth century) and British Library, Sloane 3850 (seventeenth century). Most of these\ncollections contain anonymous translations, and few clues as to whether the Latin texts rely]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=216\nPages: 216\n18 This manuscript is the former MS 114 of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica in Amsterdam.\nSee the note in V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 119\u201321. One could also cite MS Halle,\nULSA, 14.B.36 (late c.15): cf. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 122\u201325.\n19 See, for example, a collection of experimenta from the fifteenth-century Suppr. 15, MS Oxford,\nBodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252, fol. 87v\u201389v.\n20 See, for example, for the Italian region, MS Paris, BnF, ital. 1524, dated 1446, which notably preserves\nan Italian version of the Clavicula Salomonis: cf. F. Gal, J.-P. Boudet and L. Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia.\nUn libro di magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017); and for the Occitan region, MS Vatican, BAV, Barb.\nLat. 3589 (c. 15): cf. S. Giralt, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and\nLatin in MS Vatican BAV, Barb. Lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes, 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\n21 See below.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=398\nPages: 398\nThis may help move us away from an older formalist view of works and authors to a broader\nview of these men and their works as the sum total of their medieval readers\u2019 interpretations. In an essay published a few years ago, I looked at a few manuscripts with this in\nmind.52 One, a collection used at the abbey of Saint Martial (Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale\nde France, fonds latin 3713), makes clear that monastic activities ranged widely, from esoteric writing and superstitious rituals to the music of the monochord found in Pseudo-Odo\u2019s\nDialogue on Music. Another, compiled for the monks at Bury St. Edmunds (London, British\nLibrary, Royal 12 C VI), contains various works on writing, including a quirky offshoot\nof the Ars notoria and the musical treatise by Anonymous IV.53 Such an approach, centred\non the transmission of texts, can be useful for the further study of music and magic in the\nMiddle Ages.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=224\nPages: 224\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also\nmade the first attempt to treat the practice on its own terms and to develop ways of thinking\nabout it. He categorized the constituent operations and sought to connect the collection to\nthe intellectual, religious and social environment of fifteenth-century Germany. This remains the single most important publication on the topic. Perhaps the most interesting and\nvaluable feature of his work is his grappling with how to understand the relationship of this\nliterature to religious practice.\nSince that time a number of scholars have taken up the study of texts and manuscripts.\nWhile it does not add to our understanding of medieval material, Davies\u2019s book Grimoires\nprovides a remarkably broad survey of the magic books in general to the present day and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=242\nPages: 242\n48 OC III.24; see also NC III.iii.35.a\u2013b.\n49 NC III.ii.\n50 All manuscripts show care in production, but the two copies including full sets of executed figures are of especially remarkable quality; these are Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Cod M I 24 and\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019 Archiginnasio MS A. 165 (16. b. III. 5). The sketch of use and\ntransmission here and following is based on Liber florum Introduction B, by Claire Fanger.\n51 As of 3 January 2015.\n52 1374 and 1377 are, respectively associated with London, British Library, Additional MS 18027 and\nVienna, Schottenkloster, MS 140 (61); 1519 and 1522 are, respectively, associated with Munich,\nBayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 28864, and Manchester, Chetham\u2019s Library MS A.4.108. For\nmanuscripts overview as of 2015, see Table 13 in Liber florum Introduction B.\n53 Klagenfurt, Universit\u00e4tsbibliothek, Cart. 1 (originally from the Benedictine monastery of St. Paul,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nfifteenth \u2013 and sixteenth-century codex,27 Frank Klaassen\u2019s catalogue of medieval magical\n\u00admanuscripts \u00adincludes two texts conserved in two fifteenth-century manuscripts and which\nhave not been edited or studied: one is a manual with conjurations in the vernacular, sigils\nand a list of spirits; the other seems to be a collection of Solomonic images translated from\nLatin to \u00adTuscan.28 Another avenue of research worth exploring is to investigate archive\ndocuments such as inventories of properties or libraries, wills, and inquisitorial and judicial\nrecords that may provide new data on the circulation and persecution of magic in Romance\nlanguages.\nMany of the manuscripts or writings presented here require further research to a greater\nor lesser extent. One of the least studied and most promising is the Barberini codex, which\ndeserves attention from philologists and historians of medieval magic, even though it does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208,207\nto have passed over certain elements concerning this type of books in silence.15 It must finally\nbe taken into account that he makes his inventory without putting forward a Solomonic attribution for a text such as the Vinculum spirituum, even though we know that Solomon is well and\ntruly established as the \u201cauthor\u201d in certain manuscripts.16\n188\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nManuscripts from the end of the Middle Ages or the beginning of the modern era, though\nnot numerous, also illustrate this quantitative growth. Some combine several \u00adSolomonic\ntexts, in diverse proportions, alongside other traditions, notably astral magic.17 Others,\nmore rarely, maintain a clear or even an overwhelming majority of Solomonic texts and in\nthis way take on the appearance of collections, even if they are never exhaustive. The finest\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=224\nPages: 224\nof magic. Vittoria Perone Comangni has worked to catalogue medieval astrological magic\nand Paola Zambelli\u2019s attention has focused principally on questions surrounding natural\nmagic.21\nAlthough explored briefly in his Magic in the Middle Ages and a number of articles, it was\nnot until Richard Kieckhefer published Forbidden Rites that any scholar gave close attention\nto a manuscript collection of medieval necromantic texts for its own sake.22 This was a\ncrucial step since so little was known about such works, much less at the level of detail a\ntextual edition can facilitate. Previously, even occultists had preferred to examine single\nworks of explicitly Solomonic magic rather than the disordered collections of anonymous\nand ragged material that are typical of surviving medieval handbooks. Kieckhefer\u2019s work\nbroke new ground by attempting to understand necromantic texts not as isolated travellers\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,17\nxv\nL i s t o f c o ntr i b u t o r s\n(London 2013), and History and Religion: Narrating a Religious Past (Berlin 2015); his most recent\nbook is a monograph co-authored with Daniel Bellingradt entitled Magical Manuscripts in\nEarly Modern Europe: The Clandestine Trade with Illegal Book Collections (Basingstoke 2017).\nSophie Page is an Associate Professor in Medieval History at University College London,\nUK. Her research focuses on medieval magic and astrology, especially in relation to religion, medicine, cosmology, and the history of animals. Her publications include Magic in the\n\u00adCloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (2013) and an\nedited collection, The Unorthodox Imagination in Late Medieval Britain (2010).\nCatherine Rider is an Associate Professor in Medieval History at the University of Exeter,\nUK. Her research focuses on the history of magic, and the church\u2019s attitude to magic, in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private\nFrench collection), which is of Germanic provenance and datable to the end of the fifteenth\ncentury. Its contents (the work of a single hand) indicate that certain late medieval scribes\nmight have been tempted to create a true Solomonic corpus, even if the general title given to\nthe book, Liber Hermetis sive de rebus occultis, appears from this perspective quite paradoxical\nand shows the limits of the exercise well, unless it is a camouflage strategy.18 Notably, this\nmanuscript includes two versions of the De quattuor annulis, of which one, ascribed to four of\nSolomon\u2019s disciples, Fortunatus, Eleazar, Macarius and Toz (those to whom the Speculum\nastronomiae alludes), mentions the Ydea Salomonis, two versions of the Vinculum spirituum (also\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=138\nPages: 138\nOne starting point for any further investigation is certainly a more accurate \u00adcataloguing\nof the sources. The catalogue series of the Biblioteca Jagiellonska is exemplary; it should be\na model for other libraries. Those manuscripts that fall into the scope of this series are\nadequately described, including a summary of their contents, owner, provenance and so\non.27 Several indices have been edited to help historians of science, astrology and magic28\nand many smaller ecclesiastical libraries also possess sufficiently reliable catalogues, but a\nfew larger libraries, however rich their collections, obtained their last descriptions a century\nago.29 The longer texts contained in the codices are more or less identified, but many shorter\npieces will be explored in the future when professional interest turns to these manuscripts.\nA particularly useful \u2013 but very slow \u2013 process is the cataloguing of manuscript fragments.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a\nlively literature in circulation in the thirteenth century employing \u201cexorcisms\u201d or conjurations and configured in Christian form.7\n202\nN e c ro m a n c y\nMost of the witnesses to medieval necromantic practice are early modern and most of\nthe medieval witnesses are late medieval. A few fifteenth-century collections survive such\nas the Rawlinson and Munich Manuals.8 These contain either fragmentary or full copies\nof earlier texts such as the Liber consecrationum and Thesaurus spirituum. The latter survives,\nin varying but apparently complete sixteenth-century versions. The classic Solomonic text\nof necromancy, the Clavicula Salomonis, survives in one fifteenth-century copy but is mostly\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\na Castilian copy of Abenragel\u2019s Libro Conplido (MS Madrid, BNE, 3065) was mutilated by\nthe inquisitorial expurgation, and two Latin copies of the same work were relegated to\nthe restricted room of f\u00adorbidden books in the monastery of El Escorial.25 Such censorship\ncan be regarded as one of the \u00adfactors that caused a scarcity of astrological manuscripts in\nSpanish libraries.\nFuture directions\nAlthough surviving astral and ritual magic writings in Romance languages are scarce, it\ndoes not mean that new texts cannot be found in libraries and catalogues. For instance,\nCastilian fragments of the Liber Razielis have been recently discovered in a fifteenth-century\ncodex (MS Frankfurt, Stadt- und Universit\u00e4tsbibliothek, Lat. Oct. 231, ff. 96r-97v)26 and\nthey deserve to be edited and studied. Moreover, some other Italian texts have been preserved in several Florentine manuscripts. In addition to a treatise on rings transmitted by a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=242\nPages: 242,243\nK\u00e4rnten, Austria) and Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Cod. 950. Other manuscripts\nwith no personalization include Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana MS Z.412 sup and Torino,\n\u00adBiblioteca Nazionale MS G. II. 25, likely made as exemplars also, though they cannot be traced to\nparticular religious houses.\n223\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\n54 The manuscript where names were erased for reuse is Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg Cod\nM I 24, and Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, MS Stolb.-Wernig. Za 74.\n55 For a fuller account, see Liber florum Introduction B, IV.2; see Table 13 for other manuscripts.\n56 \u201cQui liber est contra Artem notoriam compositus a Fratre Johanne, monacho ordinis sancti\n\u00adBenedicti de Moriginaco ex voluntate et informatione beate virginis Marie. Quia ipsa vidit quod\nmulti perierunt per eandem artem notoriam que est diabolica et plena nigromanticis experimentis.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nBuda Palace) M\u0171v\u00e9szett\u00f6rt\u00e9neti \u00e9rtes\u00edt\u0151, (2010): 211\u201332.\n11 Csaba Csapodi and Kl\u00e1ra Csapodin\u00e9 G\u00e1rdonyi, ed. Bibliotheca Corviniana: The Library of King\n\u00adMatthias Corvinus of Hungary (Budapest: Helikon, 1990); Kl\u00e1ra Csapodin\u00e9 G\u00e1rdonyi, Die Bibliothek\ndes Johannes Vit\u00e9z (Budapest: Akad\u00e9miai Kiad\u00f3, 1984); Katalin Barlai and Boronkai \u00c1gnes, \u201cAstronomical codices in the Corvinia Library,\u201d Mem. Soc. Astron. Ital. 65 (1994): 533\u201346.\n12 MS Vienna, \u00d6NB, Cod. 2472, M. C. 38.\n13 MS Wolfenb\u00fcttel, Cod. Guelf. 12, Aug. 4\u00b0.\n14 MS Florence, Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. 73. Cod. 39.\n15 Kr\u00e1sa, Die Handschriften, Milena Bartlov\u00e1, \u201cThe Magic of Image: Astrological, Alchemical and\nMagical Symbolism at the Court of Wenceslas IV,\u201d in The Role of Magic in the Past: Learned and\nPopular Magic, Popular Beliefs and Diversity of Attitudes, ed. Blanka Szeghyov\u00e1 (Bratislava: Pro Historia,\n2005), 19\u201328. Among the eight extant codices written in the last years of the fourteenth century for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=360\nPages: 360\n117, nos 616, 699, 700, 714. Cf. also A. Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical Manuscripts of Alfonso\nX,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996): 14\u201323. Charles VI also possessed a Semiphoras and the pseudo-platonic Liber vaccae (Delisle, nos 715 and 677).\n19 Conrad Kyeser aus Eichst\u00e4tt, Bellifortis, vol. I, ed. G. Quarg (D\u00fcsseldorf: VDI-Verlag, 1967), 15\u201316,\n56\u201367 and 78\u201389; vol. II, fol. 11v\u201312, 90v\u201399, 106; Le macchine ciffrate di Giovanni Fontana, ed. E.\nBattisti and G.S. Battisti (Milan: Arcadia, 1984), 88, 94\u201397, 99\u2013100, 131, 134\u201335, 137 and 140. In\nthe Bellifortis, Kyeser depicted himself summoning demons.\n20 MS Coxe 25 (Latin codex of the end of the XVth century, formerly preserved in Amsterdam, Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica 114), 106\u20139; Paris, BnF, MS ital. 1524 (Italian translation copied\nin 1446), fol. 214\u201315v and 216v\u201317v.\n21 R. Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1997),]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=367\nPages: 367\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=133\nPages: 133\nmilitary actions.10 As in the case of Krakow, cataloguing the codices has been crucial for any\nserious scholarship: some of this kind of effort was concentrated around Johannes Vit\u00e9z\u2019\nbooks, but most of it around the Corvinian Library \u2013 the representative book collection of\nthe king, comprising texts by Ptolemy, Firmicus Maternus, Pseudo Dionysios \u00adAreopagita,\nChalcidius, Theophrastus, Regiomontanus, Peuerbach and Ficino. Unfortunately, only onetenth of the books have actually been identified.11 Matthias and his court were respected\nhighly in Hermetic intellectual circles, a sign of which appreciation is that Marsilio Ficino\ndedicated a copy of his Commentary to Plato\u2019s Symposium to Janus Pannonius12 and Books III\nand IV of his collected letters,13 and the third book of his De vita libri tres (Three Books of Life),\nentitled De vita coelitus comparanda (On Obtaining Life from the Heavens), to the Hungarian king.14\nThe library of King Wenceslas IV]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=159\nPages: 159\nthe preservation of the state, such as treason and armed rebellion, as well as with important\ncivil crimes that also threaten social order, like murder and rape, represents, one suspects,\nmore than simple reorganization of the codes, and something more like a re-evaluation\nabout just what the entire magical arena was understood to be.\nThe rich stock of native and imported Nordic medieval narratives too often offer detailed\nand valuable opportunities to get a purchase on the evolving character of magic \u2013 presumably\nalso both native and imported \u2013 in the Scandinavian Middle Ages. Among the most\nwell-regarded traditional sources are the skaldic and eddaic poems that were preserved in\nthe \u00adIcelandic Middle Ages, many of which presumably hark back to the era before the\n\u00adConversion and the use of the Latin alphabet in Scandinavia. The surviving texts include\nnumerous, albeit often obscure, suggestions about the range of pagan Nordic magic. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=320\nPages: 320\nwill be preserved from pestilence, weakness and pain. Greek letters written along the arms\nrelieve fever especially with invocations of saints. Or sacramental wafers may be inscribed\nwith the names of the seven sleepers to cure fever accompanying an Old English metrical\ncharm that rids the sick person of her harm.12\nDespite the distinctive character of some of the magical and ritual elements in \u00adA nglo-Saxon\nmedicine, there are continuities with aspects of later medieval healing, for example, the use of\n\u00ad hristian\nwritten amulets, incantations of herbs, formulae like sator arepo (the magic square), C\nlegends such as the seven sleepers and the Veronica legend, the tradition of the heavenly\nletter and the intense use of liturgical materials and devotions to the cross for protection\nagainst demons. Some practices like writing and tying on amulets and incanting herbs are\ncontinued from Roman practices, while other rituals are derived from Christian legends and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=162\nPages: 162\nrunic inscriptions and other written sources, for example, are in one sense, of course, forms\nof textual evidence that require philological expertise; at the same time, they are also preserved as, or on, physical objects \u2013 runestones, talismans, manuscripts and so on \u2013 and thus\nthe end products of procedures executed by human hands (i.e. manufactured in an etymological sense), where the kinds of information archaeological methods can glean are also\nfruitful. A prime example would be the large number of amulets that come from medieval\nScandinavia.52 Some of these amulets bear inscriptions, some not, but their interpretations,\nboth in the narrow and broad senses, will in almost all cases be improved from knowledge\nof their physical composition, their manufacture, the circumstances of their discovery and\nother empirical facts relating to their production and provenance.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=138\nPages: 138\nA particularly useful \u2013 but very slow \u2013 process is the cataloguing of manuscript fragments.\nIn Hungary, for example, the major part of the written source material has perished, but\nsmall fragments survive in manuscript bindings. Taking them from their preserving books\nand identifying their contents and origin will add a lot to our understanding of the history\nof the region.30\nOn the basis of the appropriately identified and described source material, three fields\nseem to me to deserve particular attention in the future \u2013 all three are connected in one way\nor another to the issue of knowledge transfer. One is the relationship of \u201clearned\u201d, or textual, magic to \u201cpopular\u201d magic and folk practices. Learned magic survived in the libraries\nin the manuscripts once copied by university magistri. Folk practices, in contrast, are often]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=516\nPages: 516\npractices can be approached in this way. A surprising number of textual amulets survive\nfrom the Middle Ages \u2013 bits of paper covered with written formulas and then worn on one\u2019s\nperson, usually to heal or protect from harm.88\nAmulets represent not just textual evidence of common practices that were frequently\nlabelled superstitious but also an aspect of material culture. The majority of physical items\nused in magical or superstitious rites that have survived from the Middle Ages are representative of elite forms of practice: rings, gems, mirrors or astrological images, often inscribed with symbols and writing. The herbs and roots that so many texts tell us were used\nin common rites have long since rotted into dust. Archeology might uncover other kinds\nof items, although scholars face enormous problems determining solely from archeological\nremains when or if common items might have been used for magical purposes.89 Relatively]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404,405\npractical purposes such as agriculture and technology.18\nMerrifield noted that animal skulls, pottery vessels, clothing and shoes were frequently\nfound in extant buildings of later medieval and early modern date, usually placed in the\nfoundations, walls or chimneys.19 Similar practices have since been detected in excavated\nstructures dating to the medieval period across Europe, and spanning domestic and ecclesiastical contexts. In medieval Sweden, for example, concealed deposits comprise animal\nremains, tools and utensils, pottery vessels, coins, personal items, prehistoric lithics and\nfossils; deposits of coins are particularly common finds in parish churches.20 Placed deposits\n385\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nidentified in medieval English churches include paternoster beads of bone and amber, silver\nspoons, pottery vessels, pilgrim badges and disused baptismal fonts.21\nIn medieval English houses, pottery vessels have been found buried near hearths and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=384\nPages: 384,383\n(VI.15, 216)\n364\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nThe reference to embalming also returns us to the motifs of medicine and skill. \u201cNigromancy\u201d never strays far away from natural magic, and the powers of its practitioners remain\nlimited. Virtue can overcome malignant magic: Braunde is redeemed, Hallewes dies from\nunrequited love and Morgan returns to carry the wounded Arthur to Avalon. Yet, such\n\u201cnigromancy\u201d remains threatening and extreme, in part because its powers can be learned.\nMagic may be used to destroy as well as to heal \u2013 to put to sleep, to imprison, to make ill, to\nembalm, even to transform into a beast. \u201cNigromancy\u201d and natural magic are two sides of a\ncoin in romance, and they relate in fundamental ways to notions, both hopeful and fearful, of\nthe practice of medicine. The practitioners of magic are ambiguous, threatening but also fascinating, their powers transformative in positive and negative ways. Magic in romance opens]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=320\nPages: 320\nwere used for healing, they were perishable and no longer survive as material evidence or\nonly in tiny numbers. But there are important archaeological remains of manufactured\nmagical objects used in healing. These range from Muslim healing bowls to cramp rings,\npersonal jewels, brooches and pilgrim badges. Many of these objects are inscribed or are\ndecorated with images, as means of promoting their apotropaic and healing purposes. The\nmore precious the object, the more likely it is to have survived, so we have to be careful not\nto give undue significance to those affordable only to the aristocracy.14\nSpoken formulas necessarily employ attributes of breathed language, from meaningless\nsounds to the symbolic. Such features include meter, rhyme, repetition, the prevalence of\nnonsense syllables, magicae voces, and the like, being among the most common. Meaningless,\nmagical words are a familiar register in the language of magical healing.15 Of outstanding\n301]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=459\nPages: 459\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.\nThe earliest surviving textual amulets with multiple figures date from the thirteenth\ncentury and are portable, densely written objects folded multiple times and intended to\nbe \u00adcarried on the body. The mid-thirteenth century Canterbury amulet (Canterbury\n\u00adCathedral Library, Additional MS 23) has over 40 figures on one folded piece of parchment, including some magic seals without geometric enclosures and figures shaped like a\nlozenge and a mandorla.41 The power of most of its figures was activated by the gaze and\nlasted only for a day. The figures that are interpretable (some have been partially erased by\nthe practice of folding this amulet) offer protection against many natural disasters: sudden\ndeath, demons, flying insects, fire, flooding, storms, consumption (presumably by a wild animal) and thunder. One figure reveals the cross-fertilization of protective and ritual figures.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474\n47 E. Bozoky, \u201cPrivate Reliquaries and Other Prophylactic Jewels,\u201d in The Unorthodox Imagination in Late\nMedieval Britain, ed. S. Page (Manchester: Manchester University Press), 115\u201330.\n48 This figure is illustrated in Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, 34.\n49 BL Sloane MS 3556, fol. 1v, and Cambridge, University Library, Additional MS 3544, p. 93v\u201394v,\ned. and trans. Francis Young, The Cambridge Book of Magic. A Tudor Necromancer\u2019s Manual (Cambridge:\nTexts in Early Modern Magic, 2015), 95\u201396. The Sloane MS text begins at the point where the\nmaterials to be suffumigated are described, then continues to the end of the instructions.\n50 For a medieval example, see the group of nine small figures and one large multipurpose figure\nin BnF, ital. 1524 (1446), fols. 185\u201385v, ed. Florence Gal, Jean-Patrice Boudet and Laurence\n\u00adMoulinier-Brogi, Vedrai Mirabilia: Un Libro Di Magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017), 268\u201370\nand plates IV\u2013VI.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404\nparticularly in Scandinavia and the Baltic, where eighteenth- and \u00adnineteenth-century\n\u00adfolklore informs the understanding of material practices that were prevalent from \u00adprehistory\nto the modern era.13 Important regional distinctions arise from the nature and timing of\nconversion to Christianity; for example in the eastern Baltic, material practices associated\nwith the treatment of the dead are often regarded as \u201csyncretic\u201d or \u201cpagan\u201d survivals, rather\nthan as part of a medieval tradition of magic.14\nRitual deposition\nOver the past thirty years, archaeologists have explored the idea that the \u201cdeposition\u201d of materials, such as the burial of selected objects in a pit, may have constituted meaningful social\npractice. It has been argued that \u201codd\u201d, \u201cspecial\u201d or \u201cplaced\u201d deposits were created as part\nof ritual practice that was integrated with aspects of everyday life in the past. Such deposits\ntake the form of deliberately made features that seem to defy any rational explanation such]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=411\nPages: 411\nof collecting prehistoric lithics was prevalent across medieval Europe. These objects were\nnot recognized as ancient artefacts by medieval people; instead, stone axes were regarded\nas the physical residue of thunder and flint arrowheads were considered to be \u201celf-shot\u201d or\nfairy weapons. They were believed to provide protection against lightning strikes and were\nemployed as placed deposits in medieval domestic and ecclesiastical contexts.61\nThe prehistoric stone tools at San Vincenzo Maggiore were deposited with workshop\ndemolition and occupation deposits dating to the eighth and ninth centuries and including\nsemi-precious gemstones and craft residues.62 They seem to have been employed in the production of high-status craft objects and possibly in the protection of the workshops against\nfire. It is suggested that a miniature greenstone axe may have been used in a manner described in a craft-working treatise dated to the twelfth to thirteenth century and attributed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=162\nPages: 162\nother empirical facts relating to their production and provenance.\nAnother kind of situation can also happen, that is, cases where we have only the material evidence and no surviving texts. Thus, for example, a series of studies, concerned with\nhouse floor assemblages and other ritual depositions in Scandinavia, variously referred to\nas \u201chouse deposits\u201d, \u201cfoundation sacrifices\u201d and so on, show both the critical importance\nof material data, as well as some of the problems that occur where there is no corresponding written information. Defining what such evidence represents \u2013 are they accidental deposits or intentional ones? are these depositions to be connected with magical, ritual and\nceremonial purposes or are they items hidden below ground in order to guarantee their\nsecurity? \u2013 let alone the specific spiritual purpose, if any, is not easy to know, all the more\nso given the complete absence of any contemporary commentary about the practice. In this]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=414\nPages: 414\nwere organic materials \u2013 including textiles, bone, wood and even beeswax \u2013 and most would\nhave perished in the ground. Mortuary practices were highly localized, with significant variations observed between monastic and lay cemeteries, and customs varying chronologically\nand regionally.\nDespite these caveats, distinctive patterns can be detected in the selection of grave goods\nplaced with the dead in later medieval England. These included personal objects (dress\naccessories and grooming tools), domestic and devotional items, and natural materials and\nantique objects (or objets trouv\u00e9). Some of these objects were associated with magic in domestic contexts, such as spindle whorls, or connected with pilgrimage and rites in the fields\n(pilgrim signs and folded coins). Occult materials are relatively rare, but jet pendant crosses\nhave been recovered from graves in monastic cemeteries.73 A striking number of these]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=405\nPages: 405\nIn medieval English houses, pottery vessels have been found buried near hearths and\nobjects have been recovered from post-holes, including special materials such as fragments\nof glass and quartz crystal. There are possible cases of gaming boards deliberately buried\nas placed deposits: three limestone slabs with marks for \u201cnine men\u2019s morris\u201d were excavated\nfrom a single tenement at the hamlet of West Cotton (Northants), dating from the thirteenth\nto fourteenth century. Excavations at Nevern Castle (Pembrokeshire) revealed the special\ntreatment of a late twelfth-century entrance to the castle: the threshold was formed by inverted slates with inscriptions on one or both faces. Amongst the symbols inscribed on the\nslates were warriors, crosses, a pentagram and three boards for \u201cnine men\u2019s morris\u201d. It has\nbeen suggested that the grid pattern of the game may have been intended to trap or detain\nmalevolent spirits.22]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=409\nPages: 409\nincreased the efficacy of the charm by preserving its secrecy and containing its magic. 50\nThe folding or bending of pilgrim signs can also be compared with the deliberate destruction of magico-medical amulets such as fever amulets thrown into the fire after the afflicted\nperson had recovered.51 The destruction of the amulet guaranteed that it was specific to\nthe individual and could not be reused, but the act of folding or mutilation was also part\nof the ritual performance of magic. This premise is documented in relation to the practice\nof bending coins: miracles recorded at saints\u2019 shrines refer to the custom of bending the\ncoin in the name of the saint invoked to heal the sick person.52 Richard Kelleher notes the\nfrequent mutilation of medieval English coins through bending, piercing and cutting, citing\n130 examples of folded coins.53]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=403\nPages: 403\nThis extended timescale highlights continuities in ritual practice and in the selection and\ntreatment of materials that extended over hundreds of years, across the watersheds of the\nChristian conversion and the Reformation. Archaeology reveals an enduring repertoire of\ncommon ritual actions that may be regarded as traditional or even indigenous to northern\nEurope; these practices may have been influenced by ideas derived from learned magic\ntexts of Greco-Roman, Arabic or Jewish origin, to forge new beliefs and localized meanings. This process of hybridity can be glimpsed especially in the late Saxon charms: these\nmonastic records of popular belief may provide a bridge for understanding later medieval\npractice in relation to earlier rites.6\nMagic and archaeology: text and object\nThe first major archaeological treatment of magic was Ralph Merrifield\u2019s The Archaeology\nof Ritual and Magic (1987), which presented an accessible overview of material evidence for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=536\nPages: 536\nHansen\u2019s anthology only included a few extracts of the tracts, which has had a detrimental\nimpact on the understanding of the whole texts and gave a biased impression of their\ncontents. Throughout the last century, other documents surfaced to complete the corpus,\nparticularly those of Italian provenance.67 It would also be worth renewing and enriching\nthe available judicial documentation with critical editions of trials for witchcraft, paired, if\npossible, with translations to facilitate a broader public readership.68 Considerable efforts\nhave been made in recent decades, but there still is an abundance of judicial material.\nFurthermore, contextual documentation such as accounts, in so far as they have been preserved, should definitely be taken into account: it offers valuable insights into the material\nframework of the witch-hunts and can compensate for the absence of precise evidence\nabout interrogation procedures or judicial sentences, in order to measure the extent of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=414\nPages: 414\nhave been recovered from graves in monastic cemeteries.73 A striking number of these\nobjects may be regarded as \u201ctraditional\u201d grave goods, continuing practices prevalent in\nprehistoric, Roman and pagan Anglo-Saxon burials such as the deposition of beads, coins,\nfossils, animal teeth and quartz pebbles with the dead. The number of \u201cfound objects\u201d is\nstriking: tiles, pottery, coins and bracelets of Roman date were buried with the medieval\ndead. The placement of such grave goods was targeted at certain social groups, in particular children in both monastic and lay cemeteries.74\nPotential evidence for the use of childbirth amulets has also been detected in the graves\nof women who may have died in childbirth: a folded lead parcel was founded near the abdomen of a female skeleton at the Benedictine monastery of St James in Bristol, which contained granular material likely to be parchment; a female burial at the hospital of St Mary]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437,438\n418\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nwas lost, they were considered protective devices, so that they can be found displaying their\nbeauty and prestige decorating even sacred objects and reliquaries,89 as in the cases of the\nearly medieval Asturian \u201ccross of the angels\u201d in Oviedo90 or the thirteenth-century Box of\nthe Three Wise Kings in Cologne,91 among many others. Of course, there are also relics92\nas well as other religious objects such as pilgrim badges \u2013 all of them imbued with the sacrality of the saints\u2019 burials \u2013that are used as common prophylactic devices: a lot of them\nhave reached to us,93 and also they often appear in late medieval iconography.94 At present,\nmedieval art historians are less concerned about formal classification or the differentiation\nbetween sacred or profane than about the agency of these objects in their cultural context.\nNew historiographical streams are now focusing on the power of images and the efficacy of]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=516\nPages: 516\npractices can be approached in this way. A surprising number of textual amulets survive\nfrom the Middle Ages \u2013 bits of paper covered with written formulas and then worn on one\u2019s\nperson, usually to heal or protect from harm.88\nAmulets represent not just textual evidence of common practices that were frequently\nlabelled superstitious but also an aspect of material culture. The majority of physical items\nused in magical or superstitious rites that have survived from the Middle Ages are representative of elite forms of practice: rings, gems, mirrors or astrological images, often inscribed with symbols and writing. The herbs and roots that so many texts tell us were used\nin common rites have long since rotted into dust. Archeology might uncover other kinds\nof items, although scholars face enormous problems determining solely from archeological\nremains when or if common items might have been used for magical purposes.89 Relatively]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=328\nPages: 328\nJournal on Charms, Charmers and Charming 2 (2012): 6\u201322.\n16 Peter Murray Jones, \u201cAmulets: Prescriptions and Surviving Objects from Late Medieval England,\u201d\nin Beyond Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges: Essays in Honour of Brian Spencer, ed. Sarah Blick (Oxford:\nOxbow Books, 2007), 92\u2013107.\n17 In Don Skemer\u2019s definition, \u201cTextual amulets \u2026 were generally brief apotropaic texts, handwritten or mechanically printed on separate sheets, rolls, and scraps of parchment, paper, or other flexible writing supports of varying dimensions.\u201d Skemer, Binding Words, 1. See also W.L. Braekman,\nMiddeleeuwe witte en zwarte magie in het Nederlands taalgebied. Gecommentarieerd compendium van incantamenta\ntot einde 16de eeuw (Gent: Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, Reeks 6,\n1997); Dick E.H. de Boer, \u201cProtego-proterreo. Making an Amulet by Mutilating a Manuscript,\u201d\nQuaerendo 41 (2011): 112\u201325.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=418\nPages: 418\nExcavations in London (London: HMSO, 1998), 20.\n22 Andrew Chapman, West Cotton, Raunds. A Study of Medieval Settlement Dynamics AD 450\u20131450. Excavation of a Deserted Medieval Hamlet in Northamptonshire 1985\u201389 (Oxford: Oxbow, 2010), 157\u201361; Caple,\n\u201cThe Apotropaic Symbolled Threshold,\u201d 446\u201347.\n23 Standley, Trinkets and Charms, 83.\n24 Spencer, Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges; Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic, 109.\n25 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words. Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: University of\n\u00adPennsylvania Press, 2006), 68.\n26 Richard Bradley, The Passage of Arms: An Archaeological Analysis of Prehistoric Hoards and Votive Deposits\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic.\n27 David Stocker and Paul Everson, \u201cThe Straight and Narrow Way: Fenland Causeways and the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=458\nPages: 458\nof the Greek, Latin or Tau cross or had a resemblance to Solomonic seals, but could also\ninclude divine names, letters and formulas, and the Sator Arepo word square. These groups\nof circular figures appear to have been widely accepted as orthodox. They were collected by\nclerics, lay families and physicians and survive in various formats that were easy to carry or\ncould be copied multiple times.\nThe primary function of these figures was protective, with each figure working against a\nparticular physical or spiritual danger. These were orthodox figures, explicitly or implicitly\nevoking the cross and inscribed next to prayers, charms, religious iconography and professions of their angelic or divine provenance. The textual amulet was a pious object that could\nexpress its user\u2019s devotion: some figures were only supposed to work only if the bearer\u2019s\nfaith were strong, although others claim to be effective even they had not confessed.39 Why]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=403\nPages: 403\nThis extended timescale highlights continuities in ritual practice and in the selection and\ntreatment of materials that extended over hundreds of years, across the watersheds of the\nChristian conversion and the Reformation. Archaeology reveals an enduring repertoire of\ncommon ritual actions that may be regarded as traditional or even indigenous to northern\nEurope; these practices may have been influenced by ideas derived from learned magic\ntexts of Greco-Roman, Arabic or Jewish origin, to forge new beliefs and localized meanings. This process of hybridity can be glimpsed especially in the late Saxon charms: these\nmonastic records of popular belief may provide a bridge for understanding later medieval\npractice in relation to earlier rites.6\nMagic and archaeology: text and object\nThe first major archaeological treatment of magic was Ralph Merrifield\u2019s The Archaeology\nof Ritual and Magic (1987), which presented an accessible overview of material evidence for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=162\nPages: 162\nrunic inscriptions and other written sources, for example, are in one sense, of course, forms\nof textual evidence that require philological expertise; at the same time, they are also preserved as, or on, physical objects \u2013 runestones, talismans, manuscripts and so on \u2013 and thus\nthe end products of procedures executed by human hands (i.e. manufactured in an etymological sense), where the kinds of information archaeological methods can glean are also\nfruitful. A prime example would be the large number of amulets that come from medieval\nScandinavia.52 Some of these amulets bear inscriptions, some not, but their interpretations,\nboth in the narrow and broad senses, will in almost all cases be improved from knowledge\nof their physical composition, their manufacture, the circumstances of their discovery and\nother empirical facts relating to their production and provenance.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=459\nPages: 459\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.\nThe earliest surviving textual amulets with multiple figures date from the thirteenth\ncentury and are portable, densely written objects folded multiple times and intended to\nbe \u00adcarried on the body. The mid-thirteenth century Canterbury amulet (Canterbury\n\u00adCathedral Library, Additional MS 23) has over 40 figures on one folded piece of parchment, including some magic seals without geometric enclosures and figures shaped like a\nlozenge and a mandorla.41 The power of most of its figures was activated by the gaze and\nlasted only for a day. The figures that are interpretable (some have been partially erased by\nthe practice of folding this amulet) offer protection against many natural disasters: sudden\ndeath, demons, flying insects, fire, flooding, storms, consumption (presumably by a wild animal) and thunder. One figure reveals the cross-fertilization of protective and ritual figures.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=403\nPages: 403\nof Ritual and Magic (1987), which presented an accessible overview of material evidence for\nritual practices extending from the prehistoric to modern periods in Britain. Merrifield laid\nthe methodological groundwork for an archaeology of magic, stressing the importance of\nestablishing rigorous chronological and spatial contexts for magical practices and \u201codd\u201d or\n\u201cplaced\u201d deposits, such as prehistoric axe-heads discovered in medieval contexts.7\nAnother pioneering contribution to the archaeology of magic was Audrey Meaney\u2019s research on amulets in Anglo-Saxon burials. She used the evidence of grave goods to identify\nthe burials of cunning women or seers, based on the presence of objects that were deemed\nmagical by virtue of their substance. She focused on amulets of animal, vegetable and mineral materials, or those which were noteworthy for their exceptional age. Roman or prehistoric artefacts in graves dating from the sixth to ninth centuries were interpreted as objets]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=457\nPages: 457,458\nMedieval belief in the power of the word was reflected in the widespread use of textual\namulets or breve, apotropaic texts copied onto flexible writing supports that were worn on\n438\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nthe body for protection. Complex textual amulets sometimes included magic figures, seals,\nsymbols and characters, copied alongside prayers, charms and devotional iconography. The\nmost common graphic motifs were small, circular apotropaic figures copied in groups of\nbetween four and thirty figures (Figure 30.5). Since abstract diagrams are hard to interpret\nand their uses hard to remember, each figure had an outer band describing its properties,\nwhich also allowed the sets to be broken up and shared independently in the later Middle\nAges. The large graphic element (signum) in the inner circle was usually inspired by the form\nof the Greek, Latin or Tau cross or had a resemblance to Solomonic seals, but could also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=408\nPages: 408\nmaterials and the production of amulets in occult materials.\nJet was used to manufacture a wide range of medieval objects including beads, pendants, rings, brooches, pins, chess pieces, dice, dagger handles and bowls for possible\n\u00admagico-medical use.38 This distinctive material may have been used for other types of\nmagic such as divination. Bowls, dice and knife handles are noteworthy in this respect as\nobjects used in divination rituals by medieval necromancers, who called upon spirits to\nguide them in forecasting or decision-making.39 The archaeological distribution of jet dice\nand knives in England is biased towards ecclesiastical sites, including the cathedrals and\nvicars chorals at Winchester, Beverley and York. Divination was often associated with the\nclergy and this archaeological distribution may indicate the use of objects made from occult\nnatural materials for practising clerical magic.40\nAnimal parts were also used in natural magic, with archaeological evidence for the use]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=458\nPages: 458,459\nfaith were strong, although others claim to be effective even they had not confessed.39 Why\nFigure 30.5 \u0007Seven circular magical figures, Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS lat. 3269, fol.\n85r.\n439\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninclude graphic and often recognizably magical elements on a textual amulet? First, because their mystery evoked the sacred. The user is encouraged to view some of these figures\nas \u201cthe ineffable word of God\u201d, \u201cthe name of God by which all things were made\u201d, \u201cthe seal\nof King Solomon\u201d or the special symbol (signum) of a particular saint.40 The graphic form\nof these figures had other advantages, especially since the primary goal of textual amulets\nwas to protect against the physical and spiritual blow of a sudden death. Figures could be\nactivated by the gaze, a quicker stimulant of protection than the recitation of a charm or\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=415\nPages: 415\nswelling. He extends this argument to the inclusion of burnt materials in graves, suggesting\nthat the rite was reserved for cadavers that exhibited bloating and swelling, and which were\ntherefore regarded as candidates for revenants.77\nFuture directions\nArchaeological discussion has focused on the intersection of magic with religious devotion\nand the use of special materials for healing and protection. Archaeological evidence reveals\na range of rites that were not documented in medieval texts, including the placement of objects with the dead, the burial or concealment of efficacious objects in houses and churches,\nand the deliberate discard of weapons, pilgrim signs and coins in water or on cultivated land.\nHow should we classify these practices according to definitions of medieval magic? For example, can we regard \u201codd\u201d deposits as the material residues of charms? It is likely that these\nrituals appealed to Christian agents and the occult power of nature and therefore would have]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=419\nPages: 419\nScandinavian Studies 57 (1985): 1\u201331; Hukantaival, \u201cFinding Folk Religion,\u201d 111\u201312.\n66 Melanie Giles, \u201cMaking Metal and Forging Relations: Ironworking in the British Iron Age,\u201d Oxford\nJournal of Archaeology 26, no. 4 (2007): 395\u2013413.\n67 Gabor Thomas, \u201cThe Symbolic Lives of Late Anglo-Saxon Settlements: A Timber Structure and\nIron Hoard from Bishopstone, East Sussex,\u201d The Archaeological Journal 165 (2008): 334\u201398.\n68 Meaney, Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones, 185; Randles, \u201cMaterial Magic,\u201d 122; Gilchrist,\n\u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d 132\u201333.\n69 Roberta Gilchrist and Barney Sloane, Requiem: The Medieval Monastic Cemetery in Britain (London:\nMuseum of London Archaeology Service, 2005), 102\u20133.\n70 Standley, Trinkets and Charms, 84.\n71 Meaney, Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones; Gilchrist, \u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d\n72 Gilchrist and Sloane, Requiem; Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 200\u201315.\n73 Pierce, \u201cJet Cross Pendants\u201d; Standley, Trinkets and Charms.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=409\nPages: 409\nMagic and performance\nThe burial of \u201codd\u201d deposits can be likened to a charm, a ritual performance that combined\nwords and actions and sometimes involved the use of supporting herbs and objects. The efficacy of the charm was strengthened by performances of the body; for example, apotropaic\nformulae were written on the body and on substances such as wax to be consumed orally.\nPortability was also important to facilitate close contact with the body, with textual amulets\nenclosed in capsules, sacks and purses to be worn on the body.45 A comparison can be made\nwith devotional jewellery such as reliquary rings and pendants that were relatively common\nin the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.46 Charms were worn on the body by people at all\nsocial levels: devotional words were inscribed on brooches, buckles, buttons, girdles, pendants, pouches and rings, as well as on objects carried on the body such as knives, spoons,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=416\nPages: 416,415\ntexts. The starting point for archaeologists is in the material record, which has no direct\nvoice; the subtleties of meaning, intention and agency can only be unlocked by developing\ntheoretical frameworks for interpreting archaeological evidence.79 Magic as ritual practice\nlacks \u201cvisibility\u201d in the archaeological record, in the same way that social categories such\nas gender, age and disability were seemingly invisible in material evidence until appropriate frameworks for investigation were developed. A further barrier is that the prevailing\nmethod of archaeology is to identify and interpret normative patterns in material evidence.\nThis presents a paradox for the archaeology of medieval magic, where some of the most\n396\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nfruitful avenues of research have developed from reflection on \u201codd\u201d deposits and statistically insignificant patterns, for example in relation to objects and materials placed in a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=327\nPages: 327\nNotes\n1 In medicine, see, for example, the publications of Karl Sudhoff (1853\u20131938) and the journal\nSudhoffs Archiv; for folklore, Ferdinand Ohrt, Danmarks Trylleformler (Copenhagen: Nordisk Forlag,\n1917\u201321).\n2 Peregrine Horden, \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with Early Medieval Medicine?\u201d Social History of Medicine 24\n(2011): 5\u201325.\n3 Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for Conception and Childbirth in\nEngland, 900\u20131500,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89 (2015): 406\u201333.\n4 Liselotte Hansmann and Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck, Amulett und Talisman: Erscheinungsform und Geschichte\n(Munich: Callwey, 1966) is the most wide-ranging survey of amulets.\n5 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006).\n6 Edina Bozoky, Charmes et pri\u00e8res apotropa\u00efques. Typologie des sources du Moyen \u00c2ge occidental 86\n(Turnhout: Brepols, 2003).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=402\nPages: 402,403\ngrounds to consider the possible motivations and perceived causation behind the magic\nritual. Spatial context may also provide insight into whether a rite was public or private and\n383\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nwhether it was regarded as licit or illicit magic. Archaeological interest in agency overlaps\nwith the focus on causation in the study of medieval magic; in other words, the conceptual\nframeworks that allowed medieval people to rationally attribute the cause of marvels to the\nintercession of saints, the occult power of nature or the intervention of demons. 5 Similarly,\narchaeology\u2019s concern with materiality has close affinities with themes addressed in the\nstudy of natural magic.\nArchaeologists consider the material traces of magic within a \u201cdeep-time\u201d perspective.\nWe work at larger chronological scales and resolutions to most historians, taking a \u201cstratigraphic\u201d approach that relates medieval evidence to that which comes before and after it.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=402\nPages: 402\nvisible, but the absence of textual commentary makes it difficult to gauge whether these\nactivities were sanctioned by the church or regarded as illicit magic.\nArchaeological evidence prompts reconsideration of definitions of medieval magic and\nattention to the permeable borderlines between magic, religion, medicine and heresy. The\nmessiness of these categories is highlighted by evidence for material practices such as \u201codd\ndeposits\u201d: the burial, discard or concealment of objects that seems to defy any rational\nexplanation. Such deposits are recorded in domestic and ecclesiastical contexts and across\nthe social spectrum, suggesting both lay and clerical participation. Distinguishing between\nmagic and religion was challenging for medieval people, even educated clerics, and remains\nan area of contention among medieval historians.3 Archaeology adds a new perspective to\nthese debates, illuminating the murky space between documented practice and what people\nwere actually doing.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=416\nPages: 416,417\nmedieval countryside, balancing the increase in urban evidence that has resulted from the\ngrowing number of archaeological excavations linked to commercial developments.\nThere is rich potential for the archaeological examination of literate magic, particularly in the elite context of castles and monasteries. Does archaeological evidence survive\nfor image magic, divination and necromancy? How does the archaeological study of monastic medicine and industry illuminate clerical attitudes at the intersection of religion,\nscience and magic? Can we detect a broader connection between magic, technology and\n397\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\ncraft-working (as evidenced at San Vincenzo Maggiore)? The foundations for the archaeology of magic have been established by working from documented associations between\nobjects and materials and their magic powers. A more contextual approach is now needed,\na framework that takes archaeological context and pattern as its starting point, working]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=27\nPages: 27,28\nmedical texts included remedies for illness which involved the speaking of charms or the\nwearing of amulets.45 The power of words \u2013 both written and spoken \u2013 has received particular attention.46 Meanwhile, Michael McVaugh, and Lea T. Olsan and Peter Murray\nJones have focused on incantations and charms, examining their relationship with other\naspects of medieval medicine and the ways in which medical writers presented them, as\nwell as how these rituals might have been performed.47 Don C. Skemer has investigated the\n8\nI n t ro d u c t i o n\nrelated area of textual amulets \u2013 powerful words and symbols that were written down and\nworn on the body, focusing in particular on their relationship to mainstream religion.48\nMuch of this research has emphasized that many so-called \u201cmagical\u201d cures in fact held an\naccepted, if marginal place in medieval culture.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222\nmagic texts through long practice and could be expected to create a new book of magic at\nthe end of the process. Certainly, such mythology would have helped to justify the creation\nof new texts when a user only had fragmentary sources or when the available texts did not\nagree. Surviving fifteenth-century manuals also suggest that practitioners collected a variety of texts often from disconnected or even incompatible traditions. They also employed\nthese texts interchangeably as circumstances demanded or in an effort to create something\nthat worked.11 These habits are visible in the marginalia of necromantic manuals and in\ncross-references in the texts themselves. So, for example, a conjuration might refer the operator to a particular prayer or a text such as the Vinculum Salomonis that might or might not be\nincluded elsewhere in the volume. Fragmentary texts or opuscula were thus not considered\nproblematic but potentially useful or even necessary.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=138\nPages: 138\nA particularly useful \u2013 but very slow \u2013 process is the cataloguing of manuscript fragments.\nIn Hungary, for example, the major part of the written source material has perished, but\nsmall fragments survive in manuscript bindings. Taking them from their preserving books\nand identifying their contents and origin will add a lot to our understanding of the history\nof the region.30\nOn the basis of the appropriately identified and described source material, three fields\nseem to me to deserve particular attention in the future \u2013 all three are connected in one way\nor another to the issue of knowledge transfer. One is the relationship of \u201clearned\u201d, or textual, magic to \u201cpopular\u201d magic and folk practices. Learned magic survived in the libraries\nin the manuscripts once copied by university magistri. Folk practices, in contrast, are often]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=405\nPages: 405\nIn medieval English houses, pottery vessels have been found buried near hearths and\nobjects have been recovered from post-holes, including special materials such as fragments\nof glass and quartz crystal. There are possible cases of gaming boards deliberately buried\nas placed deposits: three limestone slabs with marks for \u201cnine men\u2019s morris\u201d were excavated\nfrom a single tenement at the hamlet of West Cotton (Northants), dating from the thirteenth\nto fourteenth century. Excavations at Nevern Castle (Pembrokeshire) revealed the special\ntreatment of a late twelfth-century entrance to the castle: the threshold was formed by inverted slates with inscriptions on one or both faces. Amongst the symbols inscribed on the\nslates were warriors, crosses, a pentagram and three boards for \u201cnine men\u2019s morris\u201d. It has\nbeen suggested that the grid pattern of the game may have been intended to trap or detain\nmalevolent spirits.22]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=138\nPages: 138\nOne starting point for any further investigation is certainly a more accurate \u00adcataloguing\nof the sources. The catalogue series of the Biblioteca Jagiellonska is exemplary; it should be\na model for other libraries. Those manuscripts that fall into the scope of this series are\nadequately described, including a summary of their contents, owner, provenance and so\non.27 Several indices have been edited to help historians of science, astrology and magic28\nand many smaller ecclesiastical libraries also possess sufficiently reliable catalogues, but a\nfew larger libraries, however rich their collections, obtained their last descriptions a century\nago.29 The longer texts contained in the codices are more or less identified, but many shorter\npieces will be explored in the future when professional interest turns to these manuscripts.\nA particularly useful \u2013 but very slow \u2013 process is the cataloguing of manuscript fragments.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211\non the one hand, influenced by each other (as the case may be) in the course of their often\ncollective manuscript dissemination, but also have, on the other hand, distinct histories,\nwhose tangled threads historiography has barely begun to untangle. Aside from the Ars\nnotoria, which possesses a solid independent manuscript tradition from early on, the fact that\nwe only have later witnesses that are, moreover, not numerous hardly facilitates the task of\nthe historian who hopes to determine the origin and original form of these frequently short\ntexts, which much of the time are derived from translations. Nevertheless, the specialist\nfinds himself in a situation that is a little more comfortable than that of his counterparts\nstudying the Greek Solomonic traditions, in as much as these, created in late antiquity,\nare for the most part known via the intermediary of manuscripts dating from the fifteenth\ncentury at best.44\nPrincipal historiographical advances and future\nfields of research]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=212\nPages: 212\nof the \u00addocumentation, our understanding remains very fragmentary. The Ars notoria thus\ncirculated from the first half of the thirteenth century in manuscripts that were specifically\ndevoted to it, unlike, it would seem, other contemporary Solomonic texts, a situation that\nlargely continued in subsequent centuries, even if we find it later in certain compilations\nalongside other texts of ritual magic.56\nAdditionally, these texts were sometimes subject to significant revision processes, which\nexceed the inevitable variants that can be found in any single manuscript copy. This is\nowing to the fact that these pseudo-epigraphic texts remain fundamentally \u201copen\u201d texts,\neven when they are given well-established structures and they purport to contain ancient\nwisdom whose performance depends, in principle, on the preservation of the original\nlanguage and signs that they reveal to the user. The modalities of magic writing can take]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=166\nPages: 166\nStudies in Honour of Galina Glazyrina, ed. Tatjana N. Jackson and Elena A. Melnikova (Moscow:\n\u00adRussian Academy of Sciences. Dmitry Pozharskiy University, 2012), 138\u201347.\n25 Samling af Sweriges Gamla Lagar. Corpus iuris Sueco-Gotorum antiqui, ed. D. C. J. Schlyter [vols. 1\u20132 ed.\nwith D. H. S. Colin] (vols. 1\u20133, Stockholm; vols. 4\u201313, Lund: vol. 1, Z. Haeggstr\u00f6m; vols. 2\u20133,\nNorstedt & S\u00f6ner; vols. 4\u201313, Gleerups, 1822\u201377), I: 38. Important early discussions of this curious passage include Evald Lid\u00e9n, \u201cEtt par fornsvenska bidrag,\u201d in Svenska studier till\u00e4gnade Gustaf\nCederschi\u00f6ld den 25 juni 1914 (Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup, 1914), 413\u201318; Hugo Pipping, \u201cFornsvenskt\nlagspr\u00e5k. V. Studier \u00f6ver \u00c4ldre V\u00e4stg\u00f6talagen,\u201d Studier i nordisk filologi 7, no. 1 (1915): 68\u201371; Emanuel\nLinderholm, \u201cNordisk magi. Studier i nordisk religions- och kyrkohistoria,\u201d Svenska landsm\u00e5l och\nsvenskt folkliv B.20 (1918): 141\u201342; Svenska landskapslagar. ed. and trans. \u00c5ke Holmb\u00e4ck and Elias]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404\nobjects were also employed, including pottery vessels, brooches, beads, spindle whorls and\nloom weights. Close parallels have been drawn with earlier Iron Age and Roman practices, particularly in the deposition of human and animal remains in pits. It has also been\nacknowledged that these practices extended beyond the pagan period and can be detected in later Saxon (Christian) urban and rural contexts.17 Placed deposits dating to the\n\u00adA nglo-Saxon period were initially categorized as \u201cvotive\u201d, but more recent discussions have\nevaluated this form of ritual practice within the framework of everyday life. Just as Richard\nKieckhefer argued that magic should be perceived as \u201can alternative form of rationality\u201d\nthat was consistent with medieval views of the universe, archaeologists contend that these\ndeposits were rationally conceived according to past world views, directed towards specific\npractical purposes such as agriculture and technology.18]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404\ntake the form of deliberately made features that seem to defy any rational explanation such\nas whole pots or animals buried in ditches and pits, or objects placed at critical points in\nsettlements such as at boundaries, entrances or the corners of houses.15 Placed deposits were\nfirst discussed in relation to Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements but are now recognized to\nhave occurred in later prehistoric and classical contexts across Europe. It is only very recently\nthat archaeologists have identified the occurrence of such deposits in early and later medieval contexts, with similarities in the types of objects and materials selected for use across\nEurope, from pagan to Christian eras.16\nPlaced deposits in pagan Anglo-Saxon houses and settlements took the form of human\nand animal remains buried in buildings and at boundaries and entrances, although other\nobjects were also employed, including pottery vessels, brooches, beads, spindle whorls and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226,227\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum\n\u00adSalomonis. At this point, it is not even clear whether these texts have a real textual tradition\nor whether there are numerous texts circulating under their names, the writing of which\nwas prompted by the fact that another text cited them. Undoubtedly, there are also other\ntexts yet to be identified among the great variety of anonymous and untitled material.\n207\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nAs a literature characterized by regular textual pillaging, transformation, and reinvention, a good deal can be gleaned about the intellectual culture of magic from the ways in\nwhich necromancy changed over time. Such studies will be increasingly possible as more of\nthis literature is published in scholarly editions. In addition to examining the ways in which\nthe texts themselves were transformed, such studies can look at three issues: relations with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=411\nPages: 411\nof collecting prehistoric lithics was prevalent across medieval Europe. These objects were\nnot recognized as ancient artefacts by medieval people; instead, stone axes were regarded\nas the physical residue of thunder and flint arrowheads were considered to be \u201celf-shot\u201d or\nfairy weapons. They were believed to provide protection against lightning strikes and were\nemployed as placed deposits in medieval domestic and ecclesiastical contexts.61\nThe prehistoric stone tools at San Vincenzo Maggiore were deposited with workshop\ndemolition and occupation deposits dating to the eighth and ninth centuries and including\nsemi-precious gemstones and craft residues.62 They seem to have been employed in the production of high-status craft objects and possibly in the protection of the workshops against\nfire. It is suggested that a miniature greenstone axe may have been used in a manner described in a craft-working treatise dated to the twelfth to thirteenth century and attributed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=536\nPages: 536\nHansen\u2019s anthology only included a few extracts of the tracts, which has had a detrimental\nimpact on the understanding of the whole texts and gave a biased impression of their\ncontents. Throughout the last century, other documents surfaced to complete the corpus,\nparticularly those of Italian provenance.67 It would also be worth renewing and enriching\nthe available judicial documentation with critical editions of trials for witchcraft, paired, if\npossible, with translations to facilitate a broader public readership.68 Considerable efforts\nhave been made in recent decades, but there still is an abundance of judicial material.\nFurthermore, contextual documentation such as accounts, in so far as they have been preserved, should definitely be taken into account: it offers valuable insights into the material\nframework of the witch-hunts and can compensate for the absence of precise evidence\nabout interrogation procedures or judicial sentences, in order to measure the extent of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98\nfew manuscripts contemporary with or closely following on their translation, and more\nopen and frequent copying only emerges in the Renaissance. When they are copied, they\ntend to be grouped together, often in large numbers, in one manuscript. Thus, we have\n(in approximate chronological order) the manuscripts Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 125\n(fourteenth century),49 Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I, Halle,\nUniversit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14. B. 36 (fourteenth century), Venice,\nMarciana lat. XIV. 174 (fourteenth century), Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Reg. lat. 1300 (fourteenth century), Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. ii. 214 (fifteenth century), Vatican, Vat.\nLat. 10803 (fifteenth century), Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I\n(sixteenth century) and British Library, Sloane 3850 (seventeenth century). Most of these\ncollections contain anonymous translations, and few clues as to whether the Latin texts rely]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=162\nPages: 162,163\nso given the complete absence of any contemporary commentary about the practice. In this\nregard, these physical echoes of bygone practices are of special interest since they provide\nevidence of traditional behaviours otherwise completely unnoticed and uncommented on\nby medieval legal, literary and historical writers.53 The work of Ann-Britt Falk,54 for example, demonstrates the dynamic continuity of such a tradition as part of south \u00adScandinavian\nsocial life into the Middle Ages. Falk traces the continuity of these and related practices\nthroughout the Middle Ages, with animal bones, especially skulls, and ceramics being\n143\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\ncommon offerings. In the absence of evidence from such routine medieval sources as the\nlaws and the Icelandic sagas, we would, without the archaeological record (and much later\ntraditions observed by folklorists), simply have no knowledge of these practices or their\nlongevity.\nFuture directions]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44,45\nPortions of the Old Compilation: An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\n(Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015).\n26 See Elliot R. Wolfson, \u201cPhantasmagoria: The Image of the Image in Jewish Magic from Late\nAntiquity to the Early Middle Ages,\u201d Review of Rabbinic Judaism, 4 (2001): 78\u2013120 (here 111\u201312), an\narticle rich in material that is useful for analysis in the terms I am proposing.\n27 Hans Wiers-Jenssen, Anne Pedersdotter: A Drama in Four Acts, trans. John Masefield (Boston, MA: L\n\u00ad ittle,\nBrown, 1917), later published as The Witch: A Drama in Four Acts; Carl Th. Dreyer, Day of Wrath (1943).\n25\n2\nF or m agic\nAgainst method\nClaire Fanger\nIn religious studies, it has become increasingly common to shy away from the use of\n\u201cmagic\u201d as an analytical term in scholarly discourse. In his landmark essay, \u201cTrading\nPlaces,\u201d Jonathan Z. Smith suggests that magic is a word without content, defined only]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=240\nPages: 240,239\nfifteenth- or early sixteenth-century productions.58\nOnly one known manuscript of the Liber florum preserves any memory of the condemnation of 1323. This is a fifteenth-century manuscript composed mainly of Dominican materials, now housed in Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, Stolb.-Wernig. Za 74. The\nLiber florum is discontinuous with the surrounding materials and was clearly at one time an\noperator copy: there are gaps in the prayers where the names should be, but the gaps show\nmarks of erasure, so the book was once personalized. The manuscript shows many signs of\ncare, including coloured initials, marginal decorations and some glosses from a secondary\ncopy of the text. On the folio where the work begins is a cautionary note in another hand,\n220\nJohn of Morigny\ndescribing it in a language that echoes the account of the condemnation in the Grandes\nChroniques:\nThis is a book which is called the Flower of Heavenly Teaching, and it is a book wholly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=382\nPages: 382\nrepeatedly associated with transformation, but here the power of transformation is abused.\nNot demons but human sinfulness is the subject.\nAt the end of the work, Braunde is threatened with death by burning, perhaps reflecting\nthe poet\u2019s knowledge of Continental or early English laws against witchcraft, or of the classification of magic practised against a member of the royal family as treason, punishable by\ndeath. Under duress, she agrees to come to \u201chele\u201d the werewolf with her \u201cqueynt werkes\u201d\n(4254). The stone is bound about the wolf\u2019s neck, a carefully constructed ligature; a spell is\nread from a precious book kept safely in a casket. Again the nature of book is unspecified:\ndoes it contain instructions for the practice of natural magic, or is it a more sinister collection of recipes that conjure demons? There is no suggestion of the latter: rather the practice\nof magic here is made up of a strangely prosaic set of rituals. Yet, the effects of this practical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404,405\npractical purposes such as agriculture and technology.18\nMerrifield noted that animal skulls, pottery vessels, clothing and shoes were frequently\nfound in extant buildings of later medieval and early modern date, usually placed in the\nfoundations, walls or chimneys.19 Similar practices have since been detected in excavated\nstructures dating to the medieval period across Europe, and spanning domestic and ecclesiastical contexts. In medieval Sweden, for example, concealed deposits comprise animal\nremains, tools and utensils, pottery vessels, coins, personal items, prehistoric lithics and\nfossils; deposits of coins are particularly common finds in parish churches.20 Placed deposits\n385\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nidentified in medieval English churches include paternoster beads of bone and amber, silver\nspoons, pottery vessels, pilgrim badges and disused baptismal fonts.21\nIn medieval English houses, pottery vessels have been found buried near hearths and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=242\nPages: 242\n48 OC III.24; see also NC III.iii.35.a\u2013b.\n49 NC III.ii.\n50 All manuscripts show care in production, but the two copies including full sets of executed figures are of especially remarkable quality; these are Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Cod M I 24 and\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019 Archiginnasio MS A. 165 (16. b. III. 5). The sketch of use and\ntransmission here and following is based on Liber florum Introduction B, by Claire Fanger.\n51 As of 3 January 2015.\n52 1374 and 1377 are, respectively associated with London, British Library, Additional MS 18027 and\nVienna, Schottenkloster, MS 140 (61); 1519 and 1522 are, respectively, associated with Munich,\nBayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 28864, and Manchester, Chetham\u2019s Library MS A.4.108. For\nmanuscripts overview as of 2015, see Table 13 in Liber florum Introduction B.\n53 Klagenfurt, Universit\u00e4tsbibliothek, Cart. 1 (originally from the Benedictine monastery of St. Paul,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=150\nPages: 150,151\nhave been the earliest European writer to be troubled by issues surrounding what Caroline\nWalker Bynum has called (in a now classic study) \u201cmetamorphosis and identity\u201d, a wave of\nintellectual anxiety in the wake of the twelfth-century rediscovery of Ovid\u2019s Metamorphoses.34 To take only one example, he seems prepared to ascribe to Math son of Mathonwy\nand his nephew Gwydion son of D\u00f4n \u2013 his prime pre-Christian enchanters \u2013 the power to\ncreate human souls from nothing. At one point in the Fourth Branch, Math uses his magic\n131\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\nwand to transform a wolf cub, a fawn and a wild piglet into three boys, to whom he gives\nnames that memorialize their animal origins. Though they are the offspring of human\n\u00adbeings \u2013 a pair of brothers, no less \u2013 who have been transformed into pairs of male and female animals, these three have never been human themselves, and in terms of non-magical,\nnatural biology, their conception would have been an impossibility. And yet they seem to be]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 111 to page 124 out of a total of 569:\nPages 111:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nWhile it is possible that the Jews described in both these trials are fictional or at least highly\nconstructed, this is not always the case. In 1318, a Jew named Moses of Trets was brought\nto the papal court to testify about the astrological predictions and the astrological rings that\nhe produced for Robert of Mauvoisin, the archbishop of Aix. Likewise, when Jaime Roig\nwas accused of sedition in Mallorca in 1345, the charges drawn up against him noted his\n\u00adconnections with Master Menachem the Jew, \u201ca great experimenter and necromancer,\u201d30\nwho later came into the service of Peter IV of Aragon. Notably, Bomacip, Moses of Trets\nand Master Menachem are all identified as physicians. This is the case as well with a c\u00ad ertain\nMaster Helias, an expert in magic and necromancy who worked on behalf of the antipope\nGregory XII, according to the Council of Pisa (1409).\nIn other cases, average Christians supposedly hired local Jews to perform magic. In 1334,\nSolona, a Jewish woman of Barcelona, performing a service for hire, attempted to kill a\nwoman by pricking wax hearts and placing them in the bed of the intended victim. In\n\u00adcontrast to the techniques attributed to Bomacip, we are not told of specialized rituals or\nincantations accompanying her actions. To this case, we can add that of a woman of Paris\nwho was arrested for sorcery in 1381 because her Jewish creditor, who also provided her\nwith medical help, had sold her an amulet to help her obtain the love of a certain man.\nAround the same time in the City of Valencia, a Jew named Salamies Nasci had come to\nthe attention of King Peter IV of Aragon as a magician and invoker of demons. In 1384, we\nlearn, a trial against Salamies concerned \u201cinvocations, thurifications, suffumigations and\nworship of devils, carried out by certain Christians in the home of Salamies.\u201d31 Further\ndetails are lacking in this case, but we know much more about the 1416 trial of Samuel of\nGranada, a Jewish doctor \u2013 and according to some a relapsed convert \u2013 also in the City\nof Valencia. On behalf of his clients, Samuel allegedly used magic to discover the source\nof a patient\u2019s impotence, instructed a patient to drink a bowl of water in which words from\nthe Gospel of John had been soaked and used the Psalms to discover a thief. One witness\nclaimed that he had asked Samuel to cast a fidelity spell on his lover, but Samuel only offered relationship advice instead. Ultimately, many of the witnesses spoke highly of Samuel\nand seemed to respect his place in the community.32\nThere are only a few hints in trial sources about contacts that do not rely on some sort\nof professional\u2013client relationship between the Jewish and Christian parties. In the inquisitorial register of Jacques Fournier, we read about Beatrice of Planissoles, who had strange\ningredients in her possession at the time she was arrested for heresy. Beatrice explained\nthat a converted Jewish woman had taught her to carry umbilical cords of male children in\norder to ensure victory in legal disputes, and that a girl\u2019s first menstrual blood can be added\nto a man\u2019s drink to make him love that girl. Other than the reference to her source, there is\nnothing that would identify these kinds of practices as specifically Jewish. The same could\nbe said in the case of Jaco Abutarda of Daroca, a Jew who was arrested in 1334 for, among\nother things, miscegenation and punching a tax collector. The letter of remission for Jaco\u2019s\ncase indicated that he bore \u201cnames, characters and precious stones\u201d to protect him from\nthe law.33 Other than the writing itself \u2013 presumably in Hebrew, although the letter gives\nno such indication \u2013 there is nothing about this practice that was unique to Jews. Christians\nwould have understood Jaco\u2019s talismans in much the same way he did, for the powers of\nstones and simple amulets of names and characters would have been part of the shared\ncommon traditions.\nHowever brief, such glimpses into this particular set of Jewish\u2013Christian contacts have\nmuch to teach us, such as the significance of the repeated references to physicians, which\n92\n\nPages 112:\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nI would argue is more a function of the social relations between Christians and Jewish\n\u00addoctors than evidence that the latter were particularly fond of magic, or the prominence of\nwax figurines that are much rarer in Jewish practice but, as noted above, were \u00adsignificant\nin the medieval Christian imagination. What I would like to stress here, however, is that\nthe practices described in these records would have generally been familiar to Jews and\n\u00adChristians alike. From the technical procedures to the simpler ones, the stamp of J\u00ad ewishness\nlies always in what we are told of the source, for even the incantations in \u00adHugues\u2019s trial are\nambiguously described as Hebrew or Greek. If these procedures were read out of context\nor compiled together into a manual of magic, on what basis would we ever suspect Jewish\ninvolvement? This is the fundamental problem of assessing the impact of Jewish magic in\nthe Latin Middle Ages. The more that Jews and Christians came to share specialized and\ncommon traditions, the less we can assess their respective contributions.\nFuture directions\nAlthough the preceding discussion has emphasized the methodological difficulties inherent in\nassessing the Jewish contribution to Latin Christian magic, I do not wish to suggest that it is a\nfruitless line of inquiry. On the contrary, an awareness of the difficulties is crucial for making\nprogress and avoiding pitfalls in the future. Research on both the Jewish and \u00adChristian sides\nhas and will surely continue to bring us closer to understanding the significance of contact\nbetween the Jewish and Christian magical traditions.\nThe comparative study of Jewish and Christian magic is hindered from the outset, b\n\u00ad ecause\nthere is no adequate survey of medieval European Jewish magic. Joshua \u00adTrachtenberg\u2019s\n\u00adJewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion (1939) remains the closest to such a study,\nand Trachtenberg even highlights points of contact between Jewish and \u00adChristian \u00adtraditions,\nbut the work presents problems for the understanding of medieval Jewish magic in several\nrespects. To name just a few of relevance to our discussion, Trachtenberg p\n\u00ad rioritized certain\nevidence \u2013 and especially that of the German Pietists \u2013 over other sources, his presentation offers misleading distinctions between popular and elite traditions, he relied almost\nexclusively on printed materials and secondary sources and he minimized the differences\nbetween widely different contexts. This work remains an important point of reference, but\nthere is better research that has been done and much more that remains to be done.\nThe contours of some of the Jewish specialized magical traditions are becoming clearer.\nThe most well-known example is the magic of the Hasidei Ashkenaz, the \u201cGerman Pietists\u201d\nof the Rhineland, who flourished at the end of the twelfth century and the first half of\nthe thirteenth. Their traditions serve as the foundation for much of the medieval material\ntreated in Trachtenberg\u2019s work. Their manuscripts provide the sole extant sources for much\nof the ancient Hekhalot mystical tradition, and their elaborate angelological and demonological speculations and associated magical practices owe much to the Hekhalot materials.\nThe content of Hasidei Ashkenaz writings has received a great deal of attention, but more\nknowledge of their circulation and influence is a great desideratum. Ephraim Kanarfogel\nhas shown that the magical and mystical traditions of the Haside Ashkenaz were influential\namong the Talmudic scholars of Northern France,34 but there is much more to learn about\nthe dissemination of these materials in Spain, Italy and elsewhere.\nAnother specialized tradition that has proven fruitful is astral magic. Dov Schwartz\nhas signalled the richness of intellectual engagement with astral and other kinds of\nmagic in medieval Jewish thought, perhaps most notably in supercommentaries on\n93\n\nPages 113:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nAbraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s biblical commentaries.35 The significance of Ibn Ezra\u2019s other astrological works has recently been highlighted thanks to Shlomo Sela\u2019s editions and translations.36 In addition, the broader terrain of Jewish astrology has been mapped with\nremarkable \u00adt horoughness by Reimund Leicht, whose Astrologumena Judaica (2006) identifies relevant texts and manuscripts, with notes on translation, circulation and reception.\nLeicht\u2019s work thus offers a solid foundation for the important textual work that remains\nto be done. These astro-\u00admagical writings are particularly important, because they figure\nprominently among the \u00adaforementioned shared texts, including the Book of Raziel, which\nwe have discussed as a rare translation of Hebrew magic into Latin.\nThe specialized tradition that raises the most difficult questions is the Kabbalah. \u00adScholars\nhave represented it as everything from an intellectual tradition devoid of magic to a system of thought and practice embedded in a fundamentally magical or theurgic \u00adworldview.\n\u00adFurthermore, the term \u201cKabbalistic\u201d has often been used as a generic designation for anything strange, obscure, magical or mystical, regardless of connections with Jewish traditions, let alone the Kabbalah. And so, there is much to disentangle when trying to assess the\nrelationship between Kabbalah (which, it must be stressed, was never a unified tradition)\nand magic.37 If we leave aside the larger theoretical issues, we can make several useful\nobservations. First of all, medieval Kabbalistic writings are not packed full of the kinds of\nrituals and techniques that Christian contemporaries would generally consider magical.\nInasmuch as many Kabbalistic treatises are devoted to theosophical speculation or midrashic exegesis, there is little room for instruction in practical magic. Second, \u00adKabbalists\ndiffered widely on their attitudes towards magic. Writers such as Abraham Abulafia and\nJoseph Gikatilla were very critical of magic, acknowledging the possibility that aspects of\nKabbalah could be misused in magical ways. Other writers like Nehemiah ben Shlomo\nand texts such as the Book of the Responding Entity offer elements that even more conservative\ndefinitions are likely to consider magical. Third, whatever we may say about the Kabbalah,\nit was common for magical writings to circulate alongside Kabbalistic writings in medieval\nmanuscripts. And finally, there are very few magical practices during our period that could\nbe considered Kabbalistic, if we limit our definition to magic that is fundamentally rooted\nin a Kabbalistic cosmology (for example, magic relying on the divine emanations known\nas the sefirot). In other words, the magical traditions found in and alongside Kabbalistic\nwritings are rarely unique to the specialized tradition of Kabbalah. Even the traditions\nsurrounding the Book of Creation and the Golem, which many would consider magical, did\nnot originate within nor are they exclusive to the Kabbalah.38\nA more self-conscious integration of magical and Kabbalah arguably begins in the late\nfifteenth century with Yohanan Alemanno, the teacher of Pico della Mirandola. Alemanno\u2019s\nwork, coupled with the translations that Flavius Mithridates produced for Pico (which\nincluded Kabbalah proper as well as German Pietist writings and other materials), and\nthe radical reinterpretation of Kabbalah by Pico himself created a much closer association\nbetween magic and Kabbalah in both the Jewish and Christians worlds, which has often\nbeen anachronistically applied to earlier traditions by both historians and by texts (such as\nthe aforementioned Book of Abramelin). The context of fifteenth- and sixteenth-\u00adcentury Italy\nhas been recognized as important for the study of Jewish magical traditions for reasons\nsuch as the translations of Hermetic writings and other notable magical texts, the influx of\nimmigrants from Spain and some remarkable extant compilations of magic. As research\nin fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Jewish magic in Europe continues, it is important to\n\u00adunderstand both the continuities and discontinuities of Jewish magical traditions.\n94\n\nPages 114:\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nMuch less work has been done on the common tradition among Jews than among C\n\u00ad hristians.\nOne exception is the tradition of the Use of the Psalms, which circulated widely in different\ncontexts, and was thus not limited to Kabbalists, those knowledgeable in astrology or any\nother specialized group. More aspects of the common tradition can be brought to light\nthrough the study of unpublished charms, recipes, marginalia and magical compilations.\nOf particular note are medieval prayer books, many of which were privately owned. These\nbooks frequently contain angelic invocations and apotropaic charms \u2013 not as marginalia\nas Eamon Duffy has highlighted in Books of Hours,39 but rather incorporated into text.\nIn \u00adaddition, the Cairo Geniza, a storeroom for discarded texts, has preserved a treasure\ntrove of magical writings from the medieval period, spanning the breadth of specialized\nand common traditions. Studies of the Geniza have revealed surprising parallels with\nChristian magic from Western Europe,40 and additional work on such parallels will surely\nincrease our understanding of the underlying contacts. If the common tradition is the point\nof greatest contact between Jewish and Christian magic, as I have suggested, then this kind\nof work may yield the most important results.\nThe Hebrew language can be a significant limiting factor for scholars of Christian magic.\nOnly a few relevant Hebrew texts are available in translation, much of medieval Jewish\nmagic remains unedited, and the existing secondary literature is insufficient for learning\nabout the varieties of Jewish magic. Nevertheless, the scholar who wishes to identify Jewish\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been\ntranslated. Under the guidance of Peter Sch\u00e4fer, several texts of mystical and magical significance have been edited and translated into German, including the major manuscripts\nof Hekhalot literature (Sch\u00e4fer), Tractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann), the Book of the Garment\n(Irina Wandrey), the Book of the Upright (Wandrey) and three volumes to date of magical texts\nfrom the Cairo Geniza (Sch\u00e4fer and Shaul Shaked). Sch\u00e4fer\u2019s team has also published the\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) and the Book of Secrets (Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer).41 The Hermes\nLatinus project has made the Hebrew versions of some Hermetic texts available, and a\n\u00adfuture volume is planned that will contain additional Hebrew texts. There is no translation\nor edition of the Book of Raziel as it existed in the Middle Ages, although some of its component pieces are included in the aforementioned publications, nor have the magical writings\nof Hasidei Ashkenaz been translated. An exception are those works translated by Flavius\nMithridates, which are being edited and translated as part of The Kabbalistic Library of Pico\ndella Mirandola. One of the most accessible texts is the Sword of Moses, which was edited and\ntranslated by Moses Gaster and again, more recently, by Yuval Harari.42 Unfortunately,\nthere is no evidence that this text was known in medieval Europe. Finally, medieval texts\ncontaining significant medical magic have been edited and translated, including The Book\nof Women\u2019s Love (Carmen Caballero-Navas) and both The Book of Medical Experiences and The\nBook of Segulot, that is \u201coccult virtues\u201d ( J.O. Leibowitz and S. Marcus).\nMethodologically, we are in need of innovative approaches to discern Jewish influence in\nChristian magical texts. As mentioned above, Kieckhefer proposed a conceptual approach,\nand I followed in his footsteps by drawing attention to the portrayal of angels.43 Similar\n\u00adconceptual comparisons could be carried out for numerous aspects of magic such as the\nrole of divine names, purity and impurity, rituals and invocations, relationships to source\nmaterial, underlying cosmological assumptions, the development of magical diagrams,\nthe power of the written word, the use of magical \u201ccharacters\u201d and more. Writing about\n\u00adJewish magic, Elliot Wolfson has drawn attention to the central concept of images, whether\n\u00admaterial, textual and onomastic or psychic.44 To my knowledge, no one has yet searched for\n95\n\nPages 115:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\ntraces of parallel concepts in Christian texts. In addition to conceptual approaches, there\nmay still be great value in simple textual and philological approaches. While I suggested\nabove that the appearance of a Hebrew divine or angelic name may not be an indication of\nany actual Jewish influence, the tracing of a cluster of such names might be more compelling. Both Jewish and Christian texts frequently list names in long series. If certain names\nappear together, we may discover unknown connections between texts. In addition, analysis\nof magical texts with respect to the liturgy is perhaps one of the most important desiderata\nfor the study of magic. The late Stephen Stallcup presented an example of such scholarship\nthat shed important new light on the Sworn Book of Honorius.45 Before we go \u00adseeking external\nsources, it is important to understand a text\u2019s relationship to its own tradition.\nFinally, we are faced with a difficult question, whose answer bears heavily on our\n\u00adapproach to this subject: how distinct was Jewish magic in the eyes of medieval Christians? The \u00adauthor of the Sworn Book of Honorius seems to suggest both possibilities: by\n\u00adexplicitly \u00adrepudiating Jewish magic, he seems to expect that his readers will recognize\nJewish \u00adinfluence on the text. And yet, by asserting that Jews lost the ability to use this\nmagic with their rejection of Christ, and that it is now the inheritance of Christians, he\nseems to suggest that there is no meaningful difference in form between Jewish and Christian magic. Given the exoticism of claiming foreign origins of texts, did Christian authors\never try to make the context of a magical text \u201clook Jewish\u201d? If so, what did that entail?\nThe evidence of sorcery trials presents Jewish magic with no distinguishing characteristics, besides the rare reference to Hebrew words. And the Techel/Azareus Complex, which\nin some manuscripts bears a preface attributing the text to an ancient Israelite, contains\nno obvious Jewish references, while one version does reference baptism. If we could be\ncertain that Christians would \u00adidentify specific elements as Jewish, we might be able to\nuse those elements as a starting point for assessing the underlying contacts. If Christians\nsaw the two traditions as fundamentally the same, what exactly should we expect Jewish\ninfluence to look like?\nNotes\n1 For a particularly interesting example, see Reimund Leicht, \u201cNahmanides on Necromancy,\u201d in\nStudies in the History of Culture and Science: A Tribute to Gad Freudenthal, ed. Resianne Fontaine, Ruth\nGlasner, Reimund Leicht and Giuseppe Veltri (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 251\u201364.\n2 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), esp.\nch. 4; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review\n99, no. 3 (1994): 833.\n3 On this text, see Reimund Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der astrologischen\nLiteratur der Juden (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 329\u201331.\n4 See, respectively, Moshe Idel, \u201cThe Study Program of R. Yo\u1e25anan Alemanno\u201d (Hebrew), \u00adTarbi\u1e93\n48, no. 3\u20134 (1979): 312; Moshe Idel, \u201cThe Magical and Neoplatonic Interpretations of the\n\u00adKabbalah in the Renaissance,\u201d in Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century, ed. Bernard Dov Cooperman (\u00adCambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 195; Harvey J. Hames, \u201cBetween the\nMarch of Ancona and Florence: Jewish Magic and a Christian Text,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic\nIdeas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState U\n\u00ad niversity Press, 2013), 294\u2013311.\n5 Mark Zier, \u201cThe Healing Power of the Hebrew Tongue: An Example from Late Thirteenth-\u00ad\nCentury England,\u201d in Health, Disease and Healing in Medieval Culture, ed. Sheila Campbell, Bert Hall\nand David Klausner (New York: St. Martin\u2019s Press, 1992), 103\u201318.\n6 Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, 331. My translation.\n96\n\nPages 116:\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\n7 On the Arabic translations attributed to John of Seville, see Charles Burnett, \u201cJohn of Seville and\nJohn of Spain: A mise au point,\u201d in Arabic into Latin in the Middle Ages: The Translators and Their Intellectual\nand Social Context (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), essay VI.\n8 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Medieval Lapidary of Techel/Azareus on Engraved Stones and Its Jewish\nAppropriations,\u201d Aleph: Historical Studies in Science and Judaism 14, no. 2 (2014): 88\u201391.\n9 The Latin text is printed in Valentin Rose, \u201cAristoteles de lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo,\u201d Zeitschrift\nf\u00fcr deutsches Alterthum 18, new ser. 6 (1875): 384\u2013423.\n10 On the complex textual history of the Book of Raziel, see Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, 187\u2013294,\n331\u201341.\n11 See esp. Flavia Buzetta, \u201cAspetti della magia naturalis e della scientia cabalae nel pensario di\n\u00adGiovanni Pico della Mirandola (1486\u20131487)\u201d (Ph.D. diss, Ecole pratique des hautes \u00e9tudes, Paris /\nUniversit\u00e0 degli studi, Palermo, 2011); Flavia Buzetta, \u201cIl simbolismo della \u2018scrittura ad occhi\u2019 nel\nLiber misteriorum venerabilium (Shimmushei Torah): Aspetti di un peculiare retagglio della magia ebraica\nmedievale,\u201d Aries 14 (2014): 129\u201364.\n12 See Ren\u00e9 Nelli, \u201cLa pri\u00e8re aux soixante-douze noms de Dieu,\u201d Folklore 8, no. 4 (issue 61) (1950):\n70\u201374, in which there is no sign of genuine Hebrew influence.\n13 See Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Three Magi and Other Christian Motifs in Medieval Hebrew Medical\nIncantations: A Study in the Limits of Faithful Translation,\u201d in Latin-into-Hebrew: Texts and Studies,\nvol. 1, ed. Resianne Fontaine and Gad Freudenthal (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 161\u2013218.\n14 See Michael D. Swartz, Scholastic Magic: Ritual and Revelation in Early Jewish Mysticism (Princeton, NJ:\nPrinceton University Press, 1996), 44\u201347 (\u201copening the heart\u201d), passim (\u201cprince of the Torah\u201d);\nJoseph Dan, \u201cThe Princes of Thumb and Cup\u201d (Hebrew), Tarbi\u1e93 32, no. 4 (1963): 359\u201369; Mark\nVerman and Shulamit H. Adler, \u201cPath Jumping in the Jewish Magical Tradition,\u201d Jewish Studies\nQuarterly 1, no. 2 (1993/94): 131\u201348.\n15 Karl Manitius, \u201cMagie und Rhetorik bei Anselm von Besate,\u201d Deutsches Archiv f\u00fcr Erforschung des\nMittelalters 12, no. 1 (1956): 55.\n16 Rome, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Camera Apostolica, Collectoriae 493, fols. 23v, 24r, 26v, 28r.\n17 Jean Marx, L\u2019inquisition en Dauphin\u00e9: Etude sur le d\u00e9veloppement et la r\u00e9pression de l\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie et de la sorcellerie du\nXIVe si\u00e8cle au d\u00e9but du r\u00e8gne de Fran\u00e7ois Ier (1914; Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 1978), 220.\n18 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Devil\u2019s Contemplatives: The Liber iuratus, the Liber visionum and Christian\nAppropriation of Jewish Occultism,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic,\ned. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 250\u201363.\n19 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Liber iuratus Honorii and the Christian Reception of Angel Magic,\u201d in Invoking\nAngels, ed. Fanger, 113\u201350.\n20 See esp. Claire Fanger, \u201cCovenant and the Divine Name: Revisiting the Liber iuratus and John of\nMorigny\u2019s Liber florum,\u201d in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger, 192\u2013216.\n21 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cLegends of Jewish Sorcery: Reputations and Representations in Late Antiquity\nand Medieval Europe\u201d (Ph.D. diss, Northwestern University, 2012); Eadem, \u201cAccusations of Jewish\nMagic and Sorcery in Premodern Latin and Greek Sources,\u201d in A Handbook of Ancient and Medieval\nJewish Magic, ed. Ortal-Paz Saar and Siam Bhayro (Leiden: Brill, forthcoming).\n22 Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, lat. 16558, fols. 33v\u201337r.\n23 Joseph Shatzmiller, La deuxi\u00e8me controverse de Paris: Un chapitre dans la pol\u00e9mique entre chr\u00e9tiens et juifs au\nMoyen Age (Paris: Peeters, 1994), 54 (French translation at 72).\n24 On the Jewish tradition, see Dov Schwartz, Studies on Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought, trans.\nDavid Louvish and Batya Stein (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 3\u20136, 16, 21\u201322, 97\u201398, 222\u201323.\n25 Kati Ihnat and Katelyn Mesler, \u201cFrom Christian Devotion to Jewish Sorcery: The Curious History\nof Wax Figurines in Medieval Europe,\u201d in Entangled Histories: Knowledge, Authority, and Jewish Culture in\nthe Thirteenth Century, ed. Elisheva Baumgarten, Ruth Mazo Karras and Katelyn Mesler (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017), 134\u201358.\n26 See esp. David Romano, \u201cLe opere scientifiche di Alfonso X e l\u2019intervento degli ebrei,\u201d in Oriente\ne Occidente nel Medioevo: Filosofia e scienze (Rome: Accdemia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1971), 677\u2013711;\nNorman Roth, \u201cLes collaborateurs juifs \u00e0 l\u2019oeuvre scientifique d\u2019Alphonse X,\u201d in Chr\u00e9tiens, musulmans et juifs dans l\u2019Espagne m\u00e9di\u00e9vale: De la convergence \u00e0 l\u2019expulsion, ed. Ron Barka\u00ef (Paris: Editions du\nCerf, 1994), 203\u201325; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance: Astrologie, divination et magie dans\nl\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 187\u201398.\n97\n\nPages 117:\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\n27 Idel, \u201cMagical and Neoplatonic Interpretations,\u201d 195.\n28 Joseph Shatzmiller, \u201cIn Search of the \u2018Book of Figures\u2019: Medicine and Astrology in Montpellier\nat the Turn of the Fourteenth Century,\u201d AJS Review 7 (1982): 383\u2013407.\n29 Mesler, \u201cThe Three Magi,\u201d 180\u201381.\n30 Jusep Maria Quadrado, \u201cProceso instruido en 1345 contra el Gobernador Arnaldo de Erill, su\nasesor Des Torrents y el Procurador Real Bernardo Morera, acusado de favorecer a los partidarios\ndel destronado Jaime III,\u201d Bollet\u00ed de la Societat Arqueol\u00f3gica Luliana 15, year 30, no. 406 (1914): 6.\n31 Johannes Vincke, Zur Vorgeschichte der Spanischen Inquisition: Die Inquisition in Aragon, Katalonien, Mallorca\nund Valencia w\u00e4hrend des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1941), 123.\n32 Mark D. Meyerson, \u201cSamuel of Granada and the Dominican Inquisitor: Jewish Magic and Jewish\nHeresy in post-1391 Valencia,\u201d in Friars and Jews in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Steven J.\n\u00adMcMichael and Susan E. Myers (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 161\u201389.\n33 David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ:\nPrinceton University Press, 1998), 163.\n34 Ephraim Kanarfogel, \u201cPeering through the Lattices\u201d: Mystical, Magical, and Pietistic Dimensions in the\n\u00adTosafist Period (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2000).\n35 Dov Schwartz, Amulets, Properties and Rationalism in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 2004) [Hebrew]; Idem, Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 1999). The latter has been partly translated as Studies on Astral Magic.\n36 Shlomo Sela, ed. and trans., Abraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s Astrological Writings, 5 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2007\u201317).\n37 The classic discussion is Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (Jerusalem: Keter, 1974), 182\u201389, where\nhe uses the term \u201cPractical Kabbalah\u201d in a very broad sense. See also 317\u201319. For a range of\n\u00adperspectives, see esp. Moshe Idel, \u201cOn Judaism, Jewish Mysticism and Magic,\u201d in Envisioning\nMagic: A Princeton Seminar and Symposium, ed. Peter Sch\u00e4fer and Hans G. Kippenberg (Leiden: Brill,\n1997), 195\u2013214; Jonathan Garb, \u201cMysticism and Magic: Opposition, Ambivalence, Integration,\u201d\n\u00adMahanaim 14 (2002): 97\u2013109 [Hebrew]; Yuval Harari, \u201cJewish Magic: An Annotated Overview,\u201d\nEl Prezente: Studies in Sephardic Culture 5 (2011): 50*\u201360* [Hebrew]; Gideon Bohak, A Fifteenth-Century\nManuscript of Jewish Magic (Los Angeles: Cherub Press, 2014), 1: 23\u201324 [Hebrew]; Josef H. Chajes,\n\u201cKabbale et magie juive,\u201d in Magie: Anges et d\u00e9mons dans la tradition juive, ed. Gideon Bohak and Anne\nH\u00e9l\u00e8ne Hoog (Paris: Flammarion, 2015), 105\u201312.\n38 On these traditions, see esp. Marla Segol, Word and Image in Medieval Kabbalah: The Texts, Commentaries,\nand Diagrams of the Sefer Yetirah (New York: Palgrave, 2012); Moshe Idel, Golem: Jewish Magical and\nMystical Traditions on the Artificial Anthropoid (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990).\n39 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c.1400\u2013c.1580 (New \u00adHaven:\nYale University Press, 1992), 266\u201387; Idem, Marking the Hours: English People and Their Prayers,\n1240\u20131570 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 81\u201396.\n40 E.g., Gideon Bohak, \u201cCatching a Thief: The Jewish Trials of a Christian Ordeal,\u201d Jewish \u00adStudies\nQuarterly 13 (2006): 344\u201362; Mesler, \u201cThe Three Magi,\u201d 182\u201384; Ortal-Paz Saar, \u201cA Genizah\n\u00adMagical Fragment and Its European Parallels,\u201d Journal of Jewish Studies 65, no. 2 (2014): 237\u201362.\n41 All of these works appear in the series Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism, published by Mohr S\n\u00ad iebeck.\nAn English translation of some of the Hekhalot materials is available in James R. Davila, Hekhalot\nLiterature in Translation: Major Texts of Merkavah Mysticism (Leiden: Brill, 2013).\n42 See Yuval Harari, \u201cThe Sword of Moses (\u1e24arba de-Moshe): A New Translation and \u00adIntroduction,\u201d\nMagic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7, no. 1 (2012): 58\u201398.\n43 See above, nn. 18\u201319.\n44 Elliot Wolfson, \u201cPhantasmagoria: The Image of the Image in Jewish Magic from Late Antiquity to\nthe Early Middle Ages,\u201d Review of Rabbinic Judaism 4, no. 1 (2001): 78\u2013120.\n45 Stephen Stallcup, \u201cAlma Chorus Domini: Divine Names in Religious and Magical Contexts,\u201d paper presented at The 43rd International Congress on Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, MI, May 9,\n2008.\n98\n\nPages 118:\n8\nM agic i n Rom a nce l a nguage s\nSebasti\u00e0 Giralt\nDuring the thirteenth century, the Romance languages of Western Europe began to convey\nsecular learned knowledge while expanding their audience to new social groups, such as the\nnobility or the bourgeoisie, after centuries of having been monopolized by Latin and by the\nclergy.1 Magic was one of the specialized fields in which Romance texts were translated and\nproduced earliest, as a result of rulers\u2019 and courtiers\u2019 ambition to dominate occult forces.\nHowever, although the origin of magical writings was at first related to those who held power,\nthese writings later suffered persecution and censorship on the basis of religious orthodoxy,\nand this made it difficult for them to be preserved, especially in the Iberian \u00adPeninsula. This\nchapter will focus on astral magic, which includes ritual and image magic that observed\nastrological conditions, and which poses specific problems regarding its illegitimacy and\ncirculation.\nCastile: learned magic in the vernacular for a learned king\nThe process of vernacularization began in thirteenth-century Castile and spread from there\nto the rest of the Romance-speaking world. The necessary condition for Castile\u2019s precocity\nwas the possibility of accessing the knowledge translated and produced by Islam, as a result of the Arabic manuscripts obtained in the territories taken from Muslims and of the\nArabic speakers who remained there, mainly Jews; however, the impulse came from King\nAlfonso X of Castile (1252\u201384), called the Learned precisely because of his ambitious intellectual \u00adprogramme. His aspiration to recover the sciences from Arabic sources for Latin\n\u00adChristendom, where they had deeply declined, is expressed in several prologues of the\n\u00adAlfonsine corpus. Different models of learned kingship, such as Solomonic or Platonic, have\nbeen proposed for Alfonso\u2019s decision to resort to intellectual activity in order to gain prestige\nand power for the monarchy, but it is difficult to deny the influence of the Islamic model of\nthe sovereign. Indeed, as was the case with many Muslim monarchs, one of his main interests\nwas the \u201cscience of the stars\u201d, which included astronomy, astrology and astral magic.\nAlthough other European monarchies also patronized the science of the stars and\n\u00adpromoted its vernacularization, especially from the fourteenth century onwards, \u00adA lfonso\u2019s\ncase is unusual not only because of its earliness or its use of direct sources in Arabic but\nalso because the Alfonsine corpus brings together a diversity of magical\u2013astrological traditions, including ritual and image magic addressed to the spirits of the stars. In addition, throughout the thirteenth century, the process of sifting out the texts translated from\n\u00adA rabic to Latin during the previous century, mostly in the Iberian Peninsula, took place\nin European universities, with the aim of rejecting those not considered compatible with\n99\n\nPages 119:\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\nthe Christian faith. Whereas natural magic and astrology that was not determinist were\nwidely accepted, ritual and astral magic addressed to angels, demons and other spirits were\ngenerally \u00adrejected as illicit by intellectual elites and categorized as necromancy.2 We should\ntherefore ask ourselves whether Alfonso had any scruples when it came to admitting such\npractices.\nAlfonso\u2019s position regarding the legitimacy of magic, sorcery and divination is \u00adexpressed\nin his legal code, the Siete Partidas (1254\u201365): Law VII, 23, 1, distinguishes between\n\u00add ivination performed by learned experts using astrological techniques and that conducted\nby sorcerers and diviners employing other techniques such as hydromancy, ornithomancy\nor chiromancy, with the latter divination being prohibited under penalty of banishment.\nThe following two laws forbid necromancy on pain of death, defining it as \u201cthe art of\n\u00adenchanting evil spirits\u201d, as well as the use of images, philtres and any witchcraft intended\nto bring about or break up love. In contrast, magical operations carried out with good\n\u00adintentions, such as protection from demons, breaking curses and avoiding storms or pests,\nwere worthy of reward.3\nNevertheless, Alfonsine compilations and translations include magical operations\n\u00addesigned to do both good and evil. Specifically, both necromantic practices and \u00adexperiments\nto bring about or break up love are found there. Hence, the basis for judging whether\nthe magic is acceptable or not must be other than a strictly moral one, with its learned\ntransmission, guaranteed by the Arabic sources, being a more determining factor. Thus,\n\u00adCastile, and particularly Alfonso\u2019s entourage, was yet to be reached by the condemnation of\n\u00adnecromancy expressed by European intellectual elite. It was possible to produce texts with\nsuch contents because their production was patronized by the king independently from the\nChurch.\nIf we compare the Alfonsine production in the sciences with the twelfth-century\n\u00adToletan versions, certain fundamental differences may be detected, especially the breadth\nof \u00adsubjects covered and the target language of the translations. Whereas Alfonso\u2019s scriptorium focused on the science of the stars, the translations of the previous century also\n\u00ad isciplines such as philosophy, natural philosophy, medicine, alchemy or\ncovered other d\nmathematics \u2013 all the branches of knowledge of Arabic origin that interested European\nintellectuals, both those who chose and translated the works and those who made up their\nreadership. By contrast, the intellectual activity of the thirteenth century was promoted and\ndirected by the king, and this is why it was mainly related to the needs of the monarchy and\nthe court, including the science of the stars, which could help the ruler to make decisions, as\nwell as historiography, musical compositions, chess and other board games \u2013 some of them\nastrological.\nThe choice of language can also be related to the courtly character of Alfonsine\n\u00adproduction, as well as to its independence from the Church, although other factors were\ninvolved. In twelfth-century Toledo, translation into the vernacular was used merely as a\nbridge between Arabic and Latin: the text was rendered orally into Castilian by an Arabic\nspeaker while at the same time a clericus (Latin scholar) wrote out the text in Latin.4 The\nuse of the vernacular was therefore instrumental and ephemeral, even though it may have\nbeen the first time the Castilian language was employed for an intellectual purpose. By\ncontrast, in Alfonso\u2019s scriptorium, Castilian was the final language. Alfonsine versions were\nalso the product of teamwork: sometimes not only the presence of two translators \u2013 a Jew\nand a Christian \u2013 is attested but also of a corrector. There are signs of both technical and\nlinguistic correction and successive later additions. The latter is the case of the Lapidario,\n100\n\nPages 120:\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\na book on the natural magical properties imbued by the stars in stones. Texts were often\nnot simply translated but often reworked with additions and omissions, as the Picatrix shows,\nand sometimes new treatises and compilations were created from Arabic sources.\nA lengthy debate has existed among scholars as to why Alfonso promoted the writing\nor the translation of astronomical-astrological-magical works in Castilian rather than in\nLatin. This has often been attributed to the fact that such activity was carried out mainly by\nJews, who did the bulk of the task because they knew Arabic and the science of the stars, but\nwere not familiar with Latin.5 Moreover, very few of the Iberian Christian scholars of the\nAlfonsine scriptorium demonstrated sufficient proficiency in Latin to write such works in this\nlanguage: uniquely, \u00c1lvaro de Oviedo is known to have translated Abenragel\u2019s Liber Conplido\ninto Latin, but his version was replaced some years later by a new one by Egidio de\u2019 Tebaldi\nand Pietro da Reggio. Alfonso resorted to his Italian chancellors, who were Ghibellines and\nwhose Latin complied with European standards, to produce the \u00adA lfonsine Latin translations from the previous Castilian versions, which demonstrates his aim to project them into\nWestern Europe while he was a pretender to the Holy Roman Empire (1257\u201375).\nHowever, the use of Castilian as a learned language seems to be related also to the\n\u00adreadership of the Alfonsine works. The main target audience was probably the court and\nthe nobles of Castile rather than European scholars as in the twelfth century, and hence\nCastilian was the most suitable language for reaching such a public. This is also why the\nworks written or translated in the royal scriptorium were copied in luxurious, beautifully\nillustrated codices.\nDifferent production periods for the science of the stars have been distinguished d\n\u00ad uring\nAlfonso\u2019s time. In the 1250s, particular works were translated from Arabic such as \u00adPicatrix.\nThen after a decade focused on observations and treatises about astronomical instruments, from the mid-1270s, a new encyclopaedic vision was added in the form of large\n\u00adcompilations, including the Libro de las formas and Astromagia.\nThe Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm or Picatrix, probably composed in al-Andalus in the tenth \u00adcentury,\nis one of the greatest manuals of talismanic magic. It was translated from Arabic to\n\u00adCastilian probably by Yehuda ben Moshe by order of Alfonso between 1256 and 1257, and\n\u00adsubsequently from Castilian to Latin.6 Only a few fragments of the Castilian version of the\nPicatrix are preserved in Astromagia. Picatrix (Picatriz in Castilian) is actually the author\u2019s\nname transmitted in the Latin (and Castilian) versions and, according to the Latin preface,\nthe title given by the author. However, there is evidence in Romance texts that it was still\nknown by its Arabic title \u2013 or approximate variants of this \u2013 until the fifteenth century,\n\u00adbeing indirectly cited in Enrique de Villena\u2019s Tratado de aojamiento o fascinaci\u00f3n (c. 1422), under\nthe title of Gayad Alhaqim,7 and directly by the Barberini codex (c. 1430) discussed below, under the names of Art de yayet alphaqui and Alfaqui gaihet. These are the first known references to\nthe Picatrix before it became one of the cornerstones of the Renaissance occultist flourishing.\nOne of the longest compilations produced by the royal scriptorium was the Libro de las\nformas y las im\u00e1genes [Book of forms and images], but the sole surviving codex of this book (MS El\nEscorial, Real Biblioteca, h-I-16) only transmits the preface and the table of contents with\na brief description of each part.8 It was an anthology composed between 1277 and 1279\nin order to provide a comprehensive overview of astral images, using extracts taken from\nearlier Alfonsine treatises such as Lapidario, Astromagia, Picatrix and Liber Razielis, in addition\nto other texts that were prepared especially for this volume.\nAnother compilation of mainly astral magic, dated c. 1280 and entitled Astromagia by\nits editor, is also partially preserved in the MS Vatican, BAV, Reg. Lat. 1283a.9 Again,\n101\n\nPages 121:\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\nit was composed by joining different parts of works which had been previously translated\nin \u00adA lfonso\u2019s scriptorium, and adding new texts. Some of the sources are well known \u2013\n\u00adA lbumasar, Picatrix, Liber Razielis \u2013 whereas others remain unidentified. Several extant\nfragments deal solely with purely astrological images but most of them include a number of\noperations addressed to angels or spirits.\nSome of the texts transmitted in Astromagia have been identified as parts of the Castilian\nversion of the Liber Razielis. This is one of the longest, most varied and most enigmatic medieval compilations on ritual and image magic, consisting of seven books, fully preserved\nonly in its Latin version and accompanied by a series of short treatises with related contents.10 In the prologue to the Latin version of the Liber Razielis, Iohannes Clericus provides\na semi-legendary account of how this corpus was formed: the work was initially a gift from\nthe angel Raziel to Adam, and subsequently compiled by Solomon. He also explains that\nthe whole compilation was collected and translated on the initiative of Alfonso, but he does\nnot specify the source language. Iohannes declares that his own tasks have been to select\nand translate the annexed treatises from Latin to Castilian. If this is true, the Castilian\nversion of these treatises has been lost, as has almost all of the Castilian translation of the\nLiber Razielis. Above and beyond this legendary Solomonic origin, the compilation in fact\nbrings together magical and astrological material from different origins: the largest number\nof works are Hermetic writings in their Latin versions, whereas the Hebrew tradition of the\nSefer Razi\u2019el paradoxically represents but a small part of the collection, even though it was\nresponsible for giving it its name.\nFrom its very prologue, the Liber Razielis and the treatises associated with it pose many\nspecific problems as an Alfonsine product, and specifically regarding the role of the\n\u00adCastilian version in its transmission. The first question is who was Ioannes Clericus and\nwhat was his task? He was identified by D\u2019Agostino with Juan d\u2019Aspa, who had rendered\ntwo treatises into Castilian together with ben Moshe in 1259, although this identification is\nnot demonstrated. Although his known translations are Arabic\u2013Castilian, being probably\nin charge of improving the final Castilian text, his title of cleric makes proficiency in Latin\nlikely. However, as seen above, when there is a double Alfonsine translation, the first version\nis always the Castilian one, with the Latin one coming afterwards; therefore, it is surprising that he says he has translated the treatises from Latin to Castilian, unless the Latin\nwas not the original version. Indeed, although some scholars, such as Alfonso D\u2019Agostino\nand Jean-Patrice Boudet, also consider Iohannes to be the translator of the Liber Razielis\nand while Damaris Gehr argues that Iohannes was in fact its real author, he actually only\nadmits to having edited and translated the treatises appended to it, and in my opinion it\nwould make no sense for him to have hidden in his prologue his main translation. Actually,\nwe cannot know for certain what the original language of the Liber Razielis was and when\nit was compiled. Since Hebrew sources seem to be in a minority, it is unlikely that it is a\ntranslation from Hebrew as has sometimes been deduced from the mention of the Hebrew\ntitle in the prologue. Scholars also disagree on when it was compiled: Reimund Leicht\nthinks that it was prior to Alfonso\u2019s time, Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s considers it an Alfonsine\ncreation and Gehr defends the hypothesis that it was composed in the late fourteenth century as a forgery, although there was an earlier two-part Latin version of the Liber Razielis\nused in Astromagia. In any case, we should consider that in Alfonsine works, the titles given\nto the king are a useful indication when it comes to dating them. In the prologue to the\nLiber Razielis, the series of titles used is identical to that of the Libro conplido, including that\nof King of Badajoz, which only appears in these two books. This fact may be interpreted\n102\n\nPages 122:\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\nas a hint that the Alfonsine attribution is a forgery (Gehr), or that the book was composed\nor translated earlier than the date proposed by D\u2019Agostino (c. 1259), since the Libro conplido\nwas translated in 1254.\nAt any rate, the editing and study of the Liber Razielis begun by Gehr will hopefully help\nto throw light upon its real origin, its sources and its relationship with Alfonso\u2019s corpus,\nwhich seems to be difficult to deny. In fact, she misses the overlap, discovered by Garc\u00eda\nAvil\u00e9s, between the second book of the Liber Razielis (Liber Alarum) and the eighth chapter of\nthe Libro de las formas concerning the properties of twenty-four gems under the attribution\nof Raziel.11 Another extant book related to Alfonso whose contents coincide with the Liber\nAlarum is the Livre des secrez de nature, discussed below.\nAs with the Picatrix, there are a few clear witnesses to the medieval reception of the Liber\nRazielis. It was one of the main sources of the Libre de puritats, as we will see. In the Tractado de\nla divinanc\u0327a (1449\u201353), Lope de Barrientos attests to the wide circulation of the Liber Razielis\nin the Iberian Peninsula and critically describes the book, whose copy from Enrique de\nVillena\u2019s library he declares to have burned in 1434, following the orders of King Juan II,\nin order to purge the library of magic books.12\nFrench reception of some Alfonsine works\nBoth Astromagia and the Libro de las formas were passed to the library of Charles V of France,\nas a significant example of the transmission of magic from court to court, either in their\noriginal form or in translation. By 1373, the Libro de las formas had been rendered into French\nby Pierre Lesant by order of the Duke of Berry, as shown by King Charles\u2019s inventory,\nsince many books belonging to the Duke were transferred to the royal library of the Louvre.\nThe same inventory also seems to indicate the presence of a copy of Astromagia in Charles\u2019s\nlibrary.13\nIn contrast to these two lost books, the Livre des secrez de nature sur la vertu des oyseauls et des\npoissons, pierres et herbes et bestes lequel le noble roy Alfonce d\u2019Espagne fit transporter de grec en latin,\nattributed to Aaron \u2013 a biblical character sometimes related to stones \u2013 is preserved in a\nfourteenth-century manuscript.14 It deals with the natural magical properties of animals,\nherbs and stones, including images engraved in these stones. Nevertheless, a direct Alfonsine origin, separated from the Liber Razielis, is doubtful since it does not correspond\nto any independent work in Alfonso\u2019s corpus. In addition, it is impossible to believe that\nthe Castilian king ordered it to be translated from Greek, when this language was alien to\nAlfonso\u2019s milieu. Finally, the vicissitudes of the book reported in its explicit are suspiciously\nlegendary.15\nMagic in Catalan: an almost vanished corpus\nIn inquisitorial records, there is evidence of the circulation of magic books in the Catalan linguistic domain, and witnesses of various and numerous vernacularized texts in Catalan on all\nbranches of knowledge remain from the mid-thirteenth century. Therefore, the existence of\na number of magic texts in this language seems probable. Unfortunately, there is apparently\nnothing extant. It has not been proven that the Picatrix is the basis for a Catalan version of De\nduodecim imaginibus Hermetis, a short writing on therapeutic astral images, contained in a manuscript from Andorra, together with other Catalan texts on medical astrology (1430\u201340).16\nIn fact, the Latin version not only circulated as an interpolation in the Picatrix but also as an\n103\n\nPages 123:\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\nindependent text. It was therefore most probably translated from an independent copy and\nnot from the Picatrix.\nAn important indication of the existence of such a corpus is the set of magical books\nbelonging to the mason Pere Marc, which were burned by the Inquisition in Barcelona in\n1440, according to the inquisitorial records.17 There were books in Latin and in Romance\nlanguages, different magical traditions and a variety of writings, namely treatises and experimenta, isolated or in collections. Marc\u2019s library included Catalan versions of an unknown\nKey of Semiphoras (Clau del Semiforas), the Liber Semiphoras, the Key of Solomon (Clav\u00edcula de Salom\u00f3),\nthe Liber orationum planetarum (Oracions dels set planetes), the astrological Liber similitudinum (Llibre de la semblan\u00e7a de tots els h\u00f2mens) and other writings on medical magic, astral magic, the\n\u00adconjuring of spirits, images to find stolen objects and operations to seduce women. Other\ntexts were in Latin and one in Castilian. Some scholars have assumed that there were\nalso extracts from the Liber Razielis. In fact, only some \u201cpieces of paper\u201d with operations\naddressed to Raziel are recorded, one of them bearing Marc\u2019s name, but they do not necessarily come from the Liber Razielis.\nSuch a library, in addition to his reputation and some objects found in his house \u2013 circles,\npieces of paper or parchment with characters, names and figures, pieces of glass, sulphur,\nwax, herbs, stones \u2013 suggests that Pere Marc had a deep dedication to magic. This is significant, since it demonstrates that in magic, as in other branches of knowledge, vernacularized\ntexts also reached an audience other than the courtly one: practitioners, that is, secular\nmagicians or necromancers, who had an irregular knowledge of Latin. However, any surviving texts used by magicians should be looked for in a closely related language: Occitan.\nOccitan texts by and for magicians\nIn contrast to Catalan, some witnesses to what seems to have been a splendid Occitan magic\ntradition survive. Surprisingly, rather than translations, what remain are treatises and compilations on ritual and image magic directly written in Occitan. In fact, to date, it is the only\nRomance language in which this phenomenon has been identified.\nA miscellaneous codex copied in the early fifteenth century, in Provence (MS Paris, BNF\nlat. 7349), contains numerous occultist and divinatory texts both in Latin and Occitan.\nOne of them is the Liber experimentorum (ff. 118v-5r), a booklet dealing mainly with planetary\nmagic.18 Several allusions to the \u201cmasters of necromancy\u201d \u2013 understood as both ritual and\nimage magic \u2013 indicate that the target audience was magicians. Contrary to what the title\nsuggests, it only gives general indications for experiments and does not describe any particular one in detail. In a fictional preface, Guillem de Perissa, who is probably the author\nof the work, presents himself as a simple translator from Latin to Occitan and attributes the\noriginal to Arnau de Vilanova, whom he claims to have served as a secretary. According\nto his account, after Arnau\u2019s death, he took refuge in the court of the Countess Sibilia de\nVentamilha, and at her request, he translated the Liber experimentorum into Occitan so that\nshe could read it and understand it. The core of the treatise is the indication of the days\nand hours that are astrologically suitable for various purposes, distributed according to the\nseven planets and concerning both everyday actions and actions related to different occult\narts. In many cases, these experiments are explicitly referred to as necromantic or are\naimed at subduing the spirits. The last part is devoted to the preparation of materials and\nprocedures for necromantic experiments. Although the dedication to Sibilia seems to be inauthentic, it might be a hint that was probably written in the fourteenth century in a courtly\n104\n\nPages 124:\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\nentourage, which also helps one to explain the use of a Romance language. The attribution\nto Arnau de Vilanova, who died in 1311 and was in fact an opponent of necromancy, is due\nto his legend as a magician and the desire to release the work under a prestigious name.\nA more outstanding testimony is the miscellaneous MS Vatican BAV, Barb. Lat. 3589,\ncopied c. 1430. It contains many texts belonging to different traditions of magic, although\nthe primary interest of the compiler, who should be identified with the copyist, proves to be\nritual and image magic. The texts are incompletely or only partially copied, most of them\nin Occitan \u2013 with a strong Catalan influence \u2013 but some of them are in Latin. The use of\nboth languages gives us the opportunity to examine the interaction of Romance languages\nwith Latin.19\nThe most remarkable work is the anonymous Libre de puritats [Book of secrets], which occupies the first two-thirds of the codex (ff. 3r-51v). It supposedly consisted of three sections.\nThe first section, based above all on Book VI of the Liber Razielis and some of the treatises\nassociated with it, teaches how to control angels, demons and other spirits by reciting the\nrelevant Psalms and performing rites, suffumigations and animal sacrifices in suitable astrological conditions in order to achieve the magician\u2019s aims. The second section, the only\none copied by another hand, seeks to explain a treatise entitled Art de caractas [Art of characters], attributed to Theberiadi (Omar Tiberiades?) focused on characters, namely combinations of stars that correspond to beings of the universe. The core of this part are ten tables\ngiving the value of the characters and letters. Almost all these come from another treatise\nappended to the Liber Razielis (Liber quorundam sapientum) but here they are accompanied by\nexplanations and examples of the rites associated with them. Finally, the third section, completely lost, aimed to explain the Art de ymages [Art of images] attributed to Hermes.\nThe third and final part of the codex (ff. 52r-79r) consists of a series of anonymous or\napocryphal extracts, experiments and brief treatises in Latin and Occitan. They belong\nto several magical traditions, but a clear predominance of interest in astral images, especially planetary ones, and a noteworthy presence of the Hermetic corpus can be observed.\nThe longest text in this part is the Occitan Libre de ydeis [Book of images], ff. 65r-77r), which\nis merely a poorly assembled compilation of materials derived from a large number and\na wide variety of texts, even though the majority apparently fall within the Hermetic tradition. However, it is only possible to have an approximate idea of the original collection\nbecause the compiler of the codex only copied a small part of it. A number of general rules\nare followed by repertoires of images and prayers: images of Saturn, images of the Moon,\nprayers to the seven planets and images of Venus.\nAnother untitled, brief and unfinished Occitan text aims to show where treasures can be\nfound in Spain (f. 59r-v). The starting point is said to be the Libre del rey Peyre de Aragon [Book\nof King Peter of Aragon], translated by order of the monarch in order to show the location in\nthe Iberia\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 111 to page 124 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=112\nPages: 112,113\nAnother specialized tradition that has proven fruitful is astral magic. Dov Schwartz\nhas signalled the richness of intellectual engagement with astral and other kinds of\nmagic in medieval Jewish thought, perhaps most notably in supercommentaries on\n93\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nAbraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s biblical commentaries.35 The significance of Ibn Ezra\u2019s other astrological works has recently been highlighted thanks to Shlomo Sela\u2019s editions and translations.36 In addition, the broader terrain of Jewish astrology has been mapped with\nremarkable \u00adt horoughness by Reimund Leicht, whose Astrologumena Judaica (2006) identifies relevant texts and manuscripts, with notes on translation, circulation and reception.\nLeicht\u2019s work thus offers a solid foundation for the important textual work that remains\nto be done. These astro-\u00admagical writings are particularly important, because they figure\nprominently among the \u00adaforementioned shared texts, including the Book of Raziel, which]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=117\nPages: 117\n\u00adTosafist Period (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2000).\n35 Dov Schwartz, Amulets, Properties and Rationalism in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 2004) [Hebrew]; Idem, Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 1999). The latter has been partly translated as Studies on Astral Magic.\n36 Shlomo Sela, ed. and trans., Abraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s Astrological Writings, 5 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2007\u201317).\n37 The classic discussion is Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (Jerusalem: Keter, 1974), 182\u201389, where\nhe uses the term \u201cPractical Kabbalah\u201d in a very broad sense. See also 317\u201319. For a range of\n\u00adperspectives, see esp. Moshe Idel, \u201cOn Judaism, Jewish Mysticism and Magic,\u201d in Envisioning\nMagic: A Princeton Seminar and Symposium, ed. Peter Sch\u00e4fer and Hans G. Kippenberg (Leiden: Brill,\n1997), 195\u2013214; Jonathan Garb, \u201cMysticism and Magic: Opposition, Ambivalence, Integration,\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=116\nPages: 116\nMoyen Age (Paris: Peeters, 1994), 54 (French translation at 72).\n24 On the Jewish tradition, see Dov Schwartz, Studies on Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought, trans.\nDavid Louvish and Batya Stein (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 3\u20136, 16, 21\u201322, 97\u201398, 222\u201323.\n25 Kati Ihnat and Katelyn Mesler, \u201cFrom Christian Devotion to Jewish Sorcery: The Curious History\nof Wax Figurines in Medieval Europe,\u201d in Entangled Histories: Knowledge, Authority, and Jewish Culture in\nthe Thirteenth Century, ed. Elisheva Baumgarten, Ruth Mazo Karras and Katelyn Mesler (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2017), 134\u201358.\n26 See esp. David Romano, \u201cLe opere scientifiche di Alfonso X e l\u2019intervento degli ebrei,\u201d in Oriente\ne Occidente nel Medioevo: Filosofia e scienze (Rome: Accdemia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1971), 677\u2013711;]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nIn the case of other shared texts, the relationship between the Latin and Hebrew versions\nhas not yet been established. These include On the Twelve Images and the Use of the Psalms\n(though in one specific case a Christian appropriated a Hebrew psalter to produce a hybrid\nset of magical Psalms).5 As for astral magic, Reimund Leicht has observed,\nBy the Renaissance at the latest, various basic teachings of astrology and astral\nmagic had become the common property of Jews and Christians so thoroughly that\nin most cases a direct source can be determined only with great difficulty, if at all.6\nBut there are also instances in which the texts provide their own claims of provenance.\nA \u00adHermetic text known as On the Stations for the Cult of Venus includes the detail that it was translated from Hebrew by John of Seville, a statement that raises some doubt since the translator]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264,265\ntheories summarized by al-Kind\u00ee in De radiis can be individuated.61 The core of the astro-\u00ad\nmagical tradition transmitted in the Magica has though most likely Jewish rather than Arab\n\u00adorigins.62 Unsurprisingly, Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim, who shows knowledge of the\n245\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\ntradition transmitted in the Magica, ascribes the invention of the astral alphabet, which he\ncalls scriptura coelestis, to the Jews.63\nFrom the semamphoras tradition, the Magica also took over the technique of the so-called\nmagical tables (tabule magicales). These tables were formed with the letters of the Hebrew,\nArabic, Greek and Latin alphabets disposed like the numbers of the Pythagorean table, but\nwith the letters proceeding from right to left (Figure 18.2).\nIn the Magica, as in the case of the astral alphabets, the Hebrew table was declared to be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105\nIn his work on medieval Christian magic, Richard Kieckhefer developed a distinction\n\u00adbetween the common tradition and specialized traditions of magic.2 The latter refer to magical\npractices, often represented in learned treatises, that are accessible only to certain specialized\ngroups, generally limited by education, profession or other social factors. Astral magic, for\nexample, often required not only Latin literacy but enough training in astrology to identify the\nrelevant astrological conditions. The common tradition, in contrast, incorporates those areas\nof magical practice that cannot be limited to a specific group or milieu such as the wearing of\namulets. If we expand Kieckhefer\u2019s framework to encompass both Christian and Jewish traditions, we could separate out specialized traditions unique to Christians, specialized traditions\nunique to Jews and shared specialized traditions that are accessible to a subset of both Jews and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=110\nPages: 110\nthat they sometimes turned to their Christian colleagues in order to keep up to date in\nmedical developments. Indeed, medicine is remarkable for being an area of knowledge \u2013 in\ncontrast to philosophy and other sciences \u2013 in which Jews quickly came to rely on the\nLatin tradition more than the Arabic one. Collaborative translations from Latin to H\n\u00ad ebrew\nare thus particularly prominent in medicine. Furthermore, there were not merely friendly\n\u00adcontacts between Christian and Jews, but there is even evidence that they practised medicine \u00adtogether on occasion. Given these circumstances, medieval medicine can offer important insights into the transmission of medical and even astral magic \u2013 for a working\n\u00ad hristian\nknowledge of astrology was an essential tool for doctors. For example, Jewish and C\n\u00ad ontpellier both shared an interest in the astro-medical talismans of On the\ndoctors of M\nTwelve \u00adImages.28 In addition, two medical manuscripts of fifteenth-century Spain reveal that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=117\nPages: 117\n1997), 195\u2013214; Jonathan Garb, \u201cMysticism and Magic: Opposition, Ambivalence, Integration,\u201d\n\u00adMahanaim 14 (2002): 97\u2013109 [Hebrew]; Yuval Harari, \u201cJewish Magic: An Annotated Overview,\u201d\nEl Prezente: Studies in Sephardic Culture 5 (2011): 50*\u201360* [Hebrew]; Gideon Bohak, A Fifteenth-Century\nManuscript of Jewish Magic (Los Angeles: Cherub Press, 2014), 1: 23\u201324 [Hebrew]; Josef H. Chajes,\n\u201cKabbale et magie juive,\u201d in Magie: Anges et d\u00e9mons dans la tradition juive, ed. Gideon Bohak and Anne\nH\u00e9l\u00e8ne Hoog (Paris: Flammarion, 2015), 105\u201312.\n38 On these traditions, see esp. Marla Segol, Word and Image in Medieval Kabbalah: The Texts, Commentaries,\nand Diagrams of the Sefer Yetirah (New York: Palgrave, 2012); Moshe Idel, Golem: Jewish Magical and\nMystical Traditions on the Artificial Anthropoid (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990).\n39 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c.1400\u2013c.1580 (New \u00adHaven:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=115\nPages: 115\nLiteratur der Juden (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 329\u201331.\n4 See, respectively, Moshe Idel, \u201cThe Study Program of R. Yo\u1e25anan Alemanno\u201d (Hebrew), \u00adTarbi\u1e93\n48, no. 3\u20134 (1979): 312; Moshe Idel, \u201cThe Magical and Neoplatonic Interpretations of the\n\u00adKabbalah in the Renaissance,\u201d in Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century, ed. Bernard Dov Cooperman (\u00adCambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 195; Harvey J. Hames, \u201cBetween the\nMarch of Ancona and Florence: Jewish Magic and a Christian Text,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic\nIdeas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState U\n\u00ad niversity Press, 2013), 294\u2013311.\n5 Mark Zier, \u201cThe Healing Power of the Hebrew Tongue: An Example from Late Thirteenth-\u00ad\nCentury England,\u201d in Health, Disease and Healing in Medieval Culture, ed. Sheila Campbell, Bert Hall\nand David Klausner (New York: St. Martin\u2019s Press, 1992), 103\u201318.\n6 Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, 331. My translation.\n96]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=112\nPages: 112\nof the Rhineland, who flourished at the end of the twelfth century and the first half of\nthe thirteenth. Their traditions serve as the foundation for much of the medieval material\ntreated in Trachtenberg\u2019s work. Their manuscripts provide the sole extant sources for much\nof the ancient Hekhalot mystical tradition, and their elaborate angelological and demonological speculations and associated magical practices owe much to the Hekhalot materials.\nThe content of Hasidei Ashkenaz writings has received a great deal of attention, but more\nknowledge of their circulation and influence is a great desideratum. Ephraim Kanarfogel\nhas shown that the magical and mystical traditions of the Haside Ashkenaz were influential\namong the Talmudic scholars of Northern France,34 but there is much more to learn about\nthe dissemination of these materials in Spain, Italy and elsewhere.\nAnother specialized tradition that has proven fruitful is astral magic. Dov Schwartz]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=118\nPages: 118\nproduced earliest, as a result of rulers\u2019 and courtiers\u2019 ambition to dominate occult forces.\nHowever, although the origin of magical writings was at first related to those who held power,\nthese writings later suffered persecution and censorship on the basis of religious orthodoxy,\nand this made it difficult for them to be preserved, especially in the Iberian \u00adPeninsula. This\nchapter will focus on astral magic, which includes ritual and image magic that observed\nastrological conditions, and which poses specific problems regarding its illegitimacy and\ncirculation.\nCastile: learned magic in the vernacular for a learned king\nThe process of vernacularization began in thirteenth-century Castile and spread from there\nto the rest of the Romance-speaking world. The necessary condition for Castile\u2019s precocity\nwas the possibility of accessing the knowledge translated and produced by Islam, as a result of the Arabic manuscripts obtained in the territories taken from Muslims and of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=563\nPages: 563\nJewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion\n(Trachtenberg) 93\nJews 77, 78, 79, 85, 86\u201393, 95, 96, 99, 101, 244,\n246, 404\nJoan I of Navarre 91\nJohannes Lasnioro (John of Laz) 118\nJohn of Burgundy 338\nJohn of Dacia 409\nJohn of Morigny 22, 27, 31\u20133, 62, 64, 89, 113,\n115, 191, 194, 201, 212\u201322, 339, 442\u20134, 447;\ncomposition of the Liber florum and 213\u201315;\nreception and use of the Liber florum 219\u201321;\nshape of the Liber florum and how it worked\n216\u201319\nJohn of Rupescissa 118, 277\nJohn of Seville 74, 77\u20139, 87, 155, 157\nJolly, Karen 477\nJones, Peter Murray 5, 8\nJones, William R. 339\nJosephus, Flavius 435\nJung, Carl Gustav 116\nThe Kabbalistic Library of Pico della Mirandola 95\nKabbalistic writings 94\nKamerick, Kathleen 7, 346\nKampfbegriffe 34\nKelleher, Richard 390\nKey of Semiphoras (Clau del Semiforas) 104\nKey of Solomon see Clavicula de Salom\u00f3, Clavicula di\nSalomone, Clavicula Salomonis\nKieckhefer, Richard 1, 4, 48, 50, 51, 54, 57\u201360,\n64, 86, 108, 124, 192, 201, 205, 206, 208,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=512\nPages: 512,513\nSolomon, as well as Picatrix, a famous text of astral magic that had originated in the Muslim\nworld and passed into Europe through Spain.61 These texts described rites that, to critics,\ndemonstrated blatant worship to demons. As the inquisitor Eymerich wrote:\nIn the aforesaid and some other books \u2026 it appears indeed that invokers of demons\nmanifestly exhibit the honor of worship to the demons they invoke, especially by\nsacrificing to them, adoring them, offering up execrable prayers \u2026 by genuflecting,\n493\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\nby prostrating themselves, by observing chastity out of reverence for the demon or\nby its instruction, by fasting or otherwise afflicting their flesh \u2026 by lighting candles, by burning incense or spices or other aromatics, by sacrificing birds or other\nanimals.62\nSuch notions, including animal sacrifice, were not far-fetched, because necromantic texts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\nrectangle enchanting a wax figure in Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, where he ordered\nthe reader to gather several Arabic texts of astral magic mainly devoted to giving detailed instructions for the construction of talismans through prayers and suffumigations, pouring the spirits of the celestial bodies into stones inscribed with images and\ncharacters. In these magically vivified sculptures and talismans, we find a mixture\nof the ancient \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d \u2013 attributed to the Egyptians in the ancient\nworld \u2013 and Arabic astral magic, whose origins were in the Ancient Near East. In both\nthe case of the vivification of statues and that of the creation of talismans, this art of\nimbuing spirits in images to imprint them with life was attributed in the Middle Ages\nto Hermes Trismegistus. Since in his City of God Augustine quoted the words in the\nhermetic Asclepius about the \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d, Trismegistus was considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=265\nPages: 265\nIn the Magica, as in the case of the astral alphabets, the Hebrew table was declared to be\nmore original than the others. From the tables, the magicians would extract (extrahere) magical names or semamphoras. Each letter bore a numerical value and the extraction was carried\nout through combinatory procedures based on mathematical principles. This technique was\ncentral in the Magica, but Ganellus also quotes other versions of the same theory \u00adattributed\nto Toz Grecus and minor authors not mentioned by name. He writes that the \u00adtables lay at\nthe core of magical science and that the advanced magician can reduce his entire practice\nto their use, since from them can be extracted not only the semamphoras but every type of\nword.64 The theory of the tables is directly linked to the Jewish prophetic kabbalah. One\ntable similar to those in the Magica can be found for example in the Sefer ha-tseruf or Book]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=108\nPages: 108\nWhile translated elements usually provide the clearest evidence of transfer, the i\u00admpact\nof Jewish magic can occasionally be discerned through more general, conceptual \u00adelements.\nTwo treatises from the early fourteenth century, John of Morigny\u2019s Book of Flowers and the\nSworn Book of Honorius, both present connections between magic and visionary \u00adexperience\nthat find no precedent in Latin sources but strongly resemble concepts found in contemporary\nJewish sources.18 In the case of the Sworn Book, the angels described in the text exhibit roles\nand attributes characteristic of the Arabic and Hebrew magical traditions.19 These two\ntexts stand out as well for their explicit repudiations of Jewish magic, suggesting a c\u00ad ertain\nself-consciousness about the origins of the material.20 Unfortunately, Latin texts rarely\n\u00adaddress their relationship with Jewish magic as explicitly as these do.\nCondemnations of magic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=112\nPages: 112\ncommon traditions, the less we can assess their respective contributions.\nFuture directions\nAlthough the preceding discussion has emphasized the methodological difficulties inherent in\nassessing the Jewish contribution to Latin Christian magic, I do not wish to suggest that it is a\nfruitless line of inquiry. On the contrary, an awareness of the difficulties is crucial for making\nprogress and avoiding pitfalls in the future. Research on both the Jewish and \u00adChristian sides\nhas and will surely continue to bring us closer to understanding the significance of contact\nbetween the Jewish and Christian magical traditions.\nThe comparative study of Jewish and Christian magic is hindered from the outset, b\n\u00ad ecause\nthere is no adequate survey of medieval European Jewish magic. Joshua \u00adTrachtenberg\u2019s\n\u00adJewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion (1939) remains the closest to such a study,\nand Trachtenberg even highlights points of contact between Jewish and \u00adChristian \u00adtraditions,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion\nwould have been based on a cult given to the stars, but others do not agree with this hypothesis.4\nThus, several oriental astral-talismanic texts, often attributed to Hermes or to one of his\ndisciples, were translated into Latin. But besides the importance given to astrology, these\nworks displayed many rituals, invocations and prayers addressed to the planets or astral\nspirits. This is the reason why the \u201cMagister Speculi\u201d, the author of the Speculum astronomiae,\ncalls them \u201cabominable\u201d and firmly rejects them as evil and demonic. He also banned\nanother kind of image, \u201cless prejudicial\u201d but nevertheless \u201cdetestable\u201d, the figures from\nSolomonic ritual magic that make use of characters and unknown languages. This magic, a\nmain component of so-called European nigromancy, had various origins: Christian, Jewish\nand (more rarely) Muslim.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=118\nPages: 118,119\n\u00adpromoted its vernacularization, especially from the fourteenth century onwards, \u00adA lfonso\u2019s\ncase is unusual not only because of its earliness or its use of direct sources in Arabic but\nalso because the Alfonsine corpus brings together a diversity of magical\u2013astrological traditions, including ritual and image magic addressed to the spirits of the stars. In addition, throughout the thirteenth century, the process of sifting out the texts translated from\n\u00adA rabic to Latin during the previous century, mostly in the Iberian Peninsula, took place\nin European universities, with the aim of rejecting those not considered compatible with\n99\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\nthe Christian faith. Whereas natural magic and astrology that was not determinist were\nwidely accepted, ritual and astral magic addressed to angels, demons and other spirits were\ngenerally \u00adrejected as illicit by intellectual elites and categorized as necromancy.2 We should]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=218\nPages: 218\noperum; and MS Paris, BnF, N.A. lat. 1565 (c. 14), a glossed version (B) with figures.\n50 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins.\n51 F. Chave-Mahir et J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Rituel d\u2019exorcisme ou manuel de magie? Le manuscrit Clm 10085 de la\n\u00adBayerische Staatsbibliothek de Munich (d\u00e9but du XV e si\u00e8cle) (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015).\n52 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 15\u201330 and 75\u201392.\n53 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge, 25\u201327.\n54 B. Rebiger and P. Sch\u00e4fer, Sefer ha-Razim I und II. Das Buch der Geheimnisse I und II (T\u00fcbingen, 2009),\nvol. 1, 28 and 31\u201352; vol. 2, 82\u201385. On the different versions of the Latin Raziel, see S. Page,\n\u201cUplifting Souls: the Liber de essentia spirituum and the Liber Razielis\u201d, in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger,\n79\u2013112, especially 94\u2013105; J.-P. Boudet, \u201cAdam, premier savant, premier magicien,\u201d in Adam, le\npremier homme, ed. A. Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 277\u201396,\nespecially 286\u201391.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=121\nPages: 121\na semi-legendary account of how this corpus was formed: the work was initially a gift from\nthe angel Raziel to Adam, and subsequently compiled by Solomon. He also explains that\nthe whole compilation was collected and translated on the initiative of Alfonso, but he does\nnot specify the source language. Iohannes declares that his own tasks have been to select\nand translate the annexed treatises from Latin to Castilian. If this is true, the Castilian\nversion of these treatises has been lost, as has almost all of the Castilian translation of the\nLiber Razielis. Above and beyond this legendary Solomonic origin, the compilation in fact\nbrings together magical and astrological material from different origins: the largest number\nof works are Hermetic writings in their Latin versions, whereas the Hebrew tradition of the\nSefer Razi\u2019el paradoxically represents but a small part of the collection, even though it was\nresponsible for giving it its name.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=354\nPages: 354\nand thirteenth centuries.\nAs for the Liber Razielis, inspired by the Sefer Raziel ha-Malach (the Book of the Angel\n\u00adRaziel), it is preserved in two main versions: a version in two books, translated from H\n\u00ad ebrew,\nseems the oldest but is only preserved in a manuscript of the mid-fifteenth century (Paris,\nBNF, MS lat. 3666); and a version in seven books placed under the patronage of \u00adA lfonso\nX and whose translation seems to have been done by a cleric of his entourage called in the\nprologue \u201cIohannes clericus\u201d and identified by Alfonso d\u2019Agostino as Juan d\u2019Aspa. The\nversion in seven books is preserved in two main manuscripts: in the oldest, an Italian codex\nof the second half of the fourteenth century, the Liber Razielis is isolated, while in the second\none, which dates from around 1500, the treatise is accompanied by ten appendices, whose\ntranslation seems to have also been commissioned by Alfonso X.15 According to Alfonso]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106,107\nArabic roots \u2013 that began to circulate together in manuscripts, forming a textual complex\nthat included works such as the Book of Secrets (Sefer ha-Razim), the Book of the Garment and the\n87\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nBook of the Upright. By the time the Hebrew text was printed \u00ad(Amsterdam, 1701), it contained\ntexts and textual fragments including ancient mystical cosmology, amulets and writings of\nthe medieval German Pietists. In the thirteenth century, however, a version of the Raziel\ncomplex was translated into Latin under the auspices of Alfonso X of Castile. The translated work gives the impression of a coherent treatise. In addition, the translator claims to\nhave also translated a dozen related texts. Some of these texts have been found in a single\nLatin manuscript of Raziel, while others remain to be identified. Only a few titles have thus\nfar been matched to known Hebrew sources. Finally, in a remarkable demonstration of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nGalluzzo, 2012), for example 134; Liber Razielis \u2013see, exemplarily, book 7 entitled Liber magice (Halle\nMS 14 B 36, fol. 178r: \u201cHic incipit liber qui dicitur Flores Mercurii de Babilonia super opera artis\nmagice\u2026\u201d) in Ms. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reginense MS Lat. 1300; see also Sefer ha-Razim,\ned. Bill Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebek, 2009), Vol I, 28; Picatrix: The Latin Version\nof the G\u1e25\u0101yat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 83, 87, 96 and so on;\nBerengarius Ganellus\u2019 Summa Sacre Magice (self-evident due to the title, but see also further instances\nin Ms. Kassel university library 4\u00b0 astron. 3, for example fol. 13r); Liber Iuratus Honorii, ed. G\u00f6sta\nHedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), for example 60, 66; Ms. Munich Clm 849, ed.\nRichard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 1998), for example pp. 211, 221; \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=212\nPages: 212\ndiagrams, reflecting the ambition of establishing the ultimate means of privileged access\nto wisdom and of being the quintessence of scholarly magic. 53 The Liber Razielis, which\ncirculated in two or in seven books (the version attributed to Alphonse X of Castile) from\nat least the mid-thirteenth century, took as its model the Sefer ha-Razim from late antique\nJewish tradition, which inspired the Liber Samayn, the first or sixth book, respectively,\nof the two Latin versions of the Raziel.54 The Clavicula Salomonis, which appears for the\nfirst time in 1310, maintains links with the Greek tradition of the Hygromantia Salomonis\nwhose true nature has yet to be determined.55 This diversity, which applies equally to the\nmore and the less subversive texts and to their modus operandi, may explain the specific modes\nof circulation in the manuscripts and their differing fortunes, even if, owing to the state\nof the \u00addocumentation, our understanding remains very fragmentary. The Ars notoria thus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=354\nPages: 354,355\ntranslation seems to have also been commissioned by Alfonso X.15 According to Alfonso\nD\u2019Agostino, this version of the Liber Razielis was established from a Castilian translation\nmade around 125916; according to Damaris Gehr, the attribution of this version to the patronage of Alfonso is a fiction that does not predate the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries.17\nIn fact, we are probably dealing not with a translation from Hebrew into Latin through\nthe Castilian, but with a Latin compilation of which the Castilian version is lost, coming\nperhaps partly from Hebrew via the version in two books.\n335\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nAnyway, the basic theme that unites the pieces of this puzzle is the secret initiation, essential to the exercise of power. Raziel (\u201csecret of God\u201d in Hebrew) is an angel who appeared to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=107\nPages: 107\nfar been matched to known Hebrew sources. Finally, in a remarkable demonstration of\nshared magical traditions, the Latin Raziel was soon translated back into Hebrew. Only\nin the late fifteenth century was there a concerted effort to translate Hebrew texts with\n\u00admagical contents. The convert Flavius Mithridates supplied Pico della Mirandola with\ntranslations of works such as Elazar of Worms\u2019s commentary on Sefer Yetsirah, a compilation\nof German Pietist magic (Book of Man) and the Uses of the Torah.11\nIf it was rare for a Hebrew text to be translated into Latin, we might still investigate\nwhether smaller elements of Hebrew magic, such as divine and angelic names, appear\nin specialized Latin traditions. But here too there are difficulties. Latin Christians could\nlearn about certain Hebrew divine names from Jerome, Isidore of Seville and other early\nauthorities. Thus, the use of Hebrew names such as El, Eloim, Eloe, Elion, Ia, Adonai,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=272\nPages: 272\nMoyen \u00c2ge 41 (1974).\n62 In chapter 70 of the Summa, exposing the magical properties of the four alphabets, the Arabic,\nGreek and Latin sections appear to have been modelled on the Hebrew section.\n63 Cornelius Agrippa, De occulta philosophia libri tres, ed. Vittoria Perrone Compagni (Leiden, New York\nand K\u00f6ln: Brill, 1992), 491\u201392.\n64 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fol. 600r.\n65 Abraham Abulafia, Sefer ha-tseruf, vol. 13, ed. Amnon Gros (Yerushalayim, 2003), 48.\n66 Cornelius Agrippa, De occulta philosophia libri tres, 475.\n67 Al-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, 234.\n68 Rationes Libri semiphoras, ms. Ha, fols. 245v\u2013246r.\n69 Liber Razielis, Citt\u00e0 del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. Reg. Lat. 1300, see for instance at the fol. 11v.\n70 Ganellus cites the sections on the instruments mainly in book II. On the material instruments, see\nGehr, \u201cLuxus und Luxusdiskurse\u201d.\n71 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fols. 265r\u201366r/ms. Ka, fols. 97r\u2013100r, and ms. Ka, fols. 9v\u201328r.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29\n\u201cLate Antique and Medieval Latin Translations of Greek Texts on Astrology and Magic,\u201d in The\nOccult Sciences in Byzantium, ed. Maria Mavroudi and Paul Magdalino (Paris: La Pomme D\u2019Or,\n2007), 325\u201359. Although several magic texts claimed to have Hebrew origins, the Book of Raziel\nrepresents the only confirmed translation of learned magic from Hebrew into Latin during the\nMiddle Ages; see Katelyn Mesler\u2019s chapter in this volume.\n8 See Charles Burnett\u2019s chapter in this volume. See also David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic\nMagical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel Medio Evo Europeo (Roma,\n2\u20134 ottobre 1984) (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987), 57\u2013102; \u201cLearned Magic in the Time\nof Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance; Charles Burnett,\nMagic and Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian Worlds (Aldershot:\n\u00adAshgate, 1996).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nArabic are only a few of many such examples. Such claims surely serve to add a mysterious,\nexotic or even authoritative element to a text, but they tell us little about transmission.\nFinally, there are a few texts that derive directly or indirectly from Hebrew sources. One\nLatin version of the Pseudo-Aristotelian lapidary retains traces of Hebrew names for stones\nand bears some important similarities to two Hebrew manuscripts of the text, but the details of transmission have yet to be determined.9 More notably, the Book of Raziel represents\nthe most extensive translation of learned magic from Hebrew to Latin during the Middle\nAges.10 This work of astral and angel magic was not originally produced in Hebrew as a coherent treatise but rather as a series of magical, mystical and astrological texts \u2013 some with\nArabic roots \u2013 that began to circulate together in manuscripts, forming a textual complex]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nbeen traced, but some revisions of its text are preserved. Among these, the closest to the Liber\nsemamphoras are likely to be the still unpublished Rationes Libri semiphoras. In the anonymous\nRationes one reads that Solomon, encouraged by an old sage called Zebraymayl, opened the\nArk of the Covenant and found several media inscribed with names called \u201csemiphoras\u201d.\nTogether with objects such as the rod of Moses, the tablets of the Ten Commandments\nand twenty-four magical rings, the Ark is said to have contained a \u201cbook called Razyel\u201d\n(one text of the Liber Razielis corpus) and, what mostly interests us here, a tripartite \u201cbook\nSemiphoras\u201d that Moses received from God on Mount Sinai. The Rationes expose several\nsemiphoras that derive from the latter book and that are said to have been pronounced by\nAdam, Noah, Moses, Aaron and Joshua when performing their miracles mentioned in the\nScriptures.58\nThe Magica and the Rationes shared the idea that the semamphoras have been revealed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=115\nPages: 115,116\n6 Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, 331. My translation.\n96\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\n7 On the Arabic translations attributed to John of Seville, see Charles Burnett, \u201cJohn of Seville and\nJohn of Spain: A mise au point,\u201d in Arabic into Latin in the Middle Ages: The Translators and Their Intellectual\nand Social Context (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009), essay VI.\n8 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Medieval Lapidary of Techel/Azareus on Engraved Stones and Its Jewish\nAppropriations,\u201d Aleph: Historical Studies in Science and Judaism 14, no. 2 (2014): 88\u201391.\n9 The Latin text is printed in Valentin Rose, \u201cAristoteles de lapidibus und Arnoldus Saxo,\u201d Zeitschrift\nf\u00fcr deutsches Alterthum 18, new ser. 6 (1875): 384\u2013423.\n10 On the complex textual history of the Book of Raziel, see Leicht, Astrologumena Judaica, 187\u2013294,\n331\u201341.\n11 See esp. Flavia Buzetta, \u201cAspetti della magia naturalis e della scientia cabalae nel pensario di]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=214\nPages: 214,215\ndated to 1446 and linked to the court at Milan.73 On the other hand, the manuscripts are\nmuch more numerous when it comes to the modern era. The edition of the Latin text must\ntherefore take into account certain versions from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries\nthat are close to the medieval version.74 With regard to this topic, Odile Dapsens, under\nthe direction of Jean-Patrice Boudet and Paul Bertrand, is undertaking a doctorate devoted\nto the Liber Razielis, particularly the version in two books preserved in MS Paris, BnF, lat.\n195\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\n3666, whose importance has been well noted by Sophie Page75; this study is expected to be\npart of a research project built around the Liber Razielis and its appendices which, in view of\nits difficulty and scale, could only be a collective endeavour, bringing together specialists in\nLatin and Jewish magical traditions.\nIf editions of texts continue to be indispensable, their drawback is that they does not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=112\nPages: 112,113\nAnother specialized tradition that has proven fruitful is astral magic. Dov Schwartz\nhas signalled the richness of intellectual engagement with astral and other kinds of\nmagic in medieval Jewish thought, perhaps most notably in supercommentaries on\n93\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nAbraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s biblical commentaries.35 The significance of Ibn Ezra\u2019s other astrological works has recently been highlighted thanks to Shlomo Sela\u2019s editions and translations.36 In addition, the broader terrain of Jewish astrology has been mapped with\nremarkable \u00adt horoughness by Reimund Leicht, whose Astrologumena Judaica (2006) identifies relevant texts and manuscripts, with notes on translation, circulation and reception.\nLeicht\u2019s work thus offers a solid foundation for the important textual work that remains\nto be done. These astro-\u00admagical writings are particularly important, because they figure\nprominently among the \u00adaforementioned shared texts, including the Book of Raziel, which]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=97\nPages: 97\nworks could have already belonged to the Jewish culture in Spain. The Arabic texts were\ntranslated into Castilian, and from that language into Latin. Alfonso was particularly interested in astronomy, astrology and magic, for all of which he commissioned translations and\noriginal works to form large and beautiful manuscripts. To complement his Libro del saber de\nastrolog\u00eda (astronomical instruments), he commissioned Libro de las formas et las ymagenes and\nLibro de astromag\u00eda, in which several works of spiritual and talismanic magic were collected\ntogether (unfortunately these have only survived incomplete), and the Liber Razielis and\nits appendices, for natural and Solomonic magic (first translated 1259).43 To complement\nthe large single-volume books on astrology by \u2018Al\u012b ibn Ab\u012b-l-Rij\u0101 l (Kit \u0101b al-B \u0101ri\u2019) and \u2018Al\u012b\nibn Ri\u1e0dw\u0101n (his commentary on Ptolemy\u2019s Tetrabiblos), he commissioned the translation of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been\ntranslated. Under the guidance of Peter Sch\u00e4fer, several texts of mystical and magical significance have been edited and translated into German, including the major manuscripts\nof Hekhalot literature (Sch\u00e4fer), Tractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann), the Book of the Garment\n(Irina Wandrey), the Book of the Upright (Wandrey) and three volumes to date of magical texts\nfrom the Cairo Geniza (Sch\u00e4fer and Shaul Shaked). Sch\u00e4fer\u2019s team has also published the\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) and the Book of Secrets (Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer).41 The Hermes\nLatinus project has made the Hebrew versions of some Hermetic texts available, and a\n\u00adfuture volume is planned that will contain additional Hebrew texts. There is no translation\nor edition of the Book of Raziel as it existed in the Middle Ages, although some of its component pieces are included in the aforementioned publications, nor have the magical writings]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=110\nPages: 110\nastrology, medicine and magic. Jewish translators were employed most notably at the court\nof Frederick II in Sicily and the court of Alfonso X in Castile. At Alfonso\u2019s court, Jews played\nan important role in translating Arabic astro-magical works such as the Picatrix, as well as\nthe Hebrew the Book of Raziel.26 We can only imagine what kinds of conversations may\nhave accompanied these contacts. Other sources may offer suggestions, such as Yohanan\n\u00adAlemanno\u2019s descriptions of various conversations about magic that he had with Christians,27\nbut we must also be cautious in overgeneralizing from his interactions.\nPerhaps no specialized context entailed more personal contact between Jews and\n\u00adChristians than the medical profession. Jewish doctors, who were not permitted to learn\nat the medical faculties, came to hold Latin medicine in high esteem; there is evidence\nthat they sometimes turned to their Christian colleagues in order to keep up to date in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=121\nPages: 121\nresponsible for giving it its name.\nFrom its very prologue, the Liber Razielis and the treatises associated with it pose many\nspecific problems as an Alfonsine product, and specifically regarding the role of the\n\u00adCastilian version in its transmission. The first question is who was Ioannes Clericus and\nwhat was his task? He was identified by D\u2019Agostino with Juan d\u2019Aspa, who had rendered\ntwo treatises into Castilian together with ben Moshe in 1259, although this identification is\nnot demonstrated. Although his known translations are Arabic\u2013Castilian, being probably\nin charge of improving the final Castilian text, his title of cleric makes proficiency in Latin\nlikely. However, as seen above, when there is a double Alfonsine translation, the first version\nis always the Castilian one, with the Latin one coming afterwards; therefore, it is surprising that he says he has translated the treatises from Latin to Castilian, unless the Latin]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=121\nPages: 121\nwas not the original version. Indeed, although some scholars, such as Alfonso D\u2019Agostino\nand Jean-Patrice Boudet, also consider Iohannes to be the translator of the Liber Razielis\nand while Damaris Gehr argues that Iohannes was in fact its real author, he actually only\nadmits to having edited and translated the treatises appended to it, and in my opinion it\nwould make no sense for him to have hidden in his prologue his main translation. Actually,\nwe cannot know for certain what the original language of the Liber Razielis was and when\nit was compiled. Since Hebrew sources seem to be in a minority, it is unlikely that it is a\ntranslation from Hebrew as has sometimes been deduced from the mention of the Hebrew\ntitle in the prologue. Scholars also disagree on when it was compiled: Reimund Leicht\nthinks that it was prior to Alfonso\u2019s time, Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s considers it an Alfonsine]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273,274\ncategory of talismans.2 The general term \u201ctalisman\u201d can be applied to every artificial object\n(hence bearing a certain form or figure such as a seal or a figurine) endowed with a magical\npower. Within this comprehensive definition, a subcategory has to be singled out: the \u201castrological talisman\u201d, namely a talisman in the making of which astrology plays a certain role;\nits figure represents a star or a constellation or it was made at a certain astrological moment.\nTwo different kinds of astrological talisman should be distinguished: on the one hand, a\n\u201csource-figured talisman\u201d, whose figure represents the alleged main source of its power, that\nis a planet, a star or a constellation (for example, a seal of Leo represents the zodiacal sign of\nLeo); on the other hand, a \u201ctarget-figured talisman\u201d, whose figure represents the goal of the\n254\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=283\nPages: 283\nnot fit with the original definition by the Magister Speculi. The magician-philosopher Agrippa\nof Nettesheim writes about different kinds of astrological talismans, but with an approach\nthat subverted the criterion of \u201caddressativity\u201d. Lapidaries such as those of Camillo \u00adLeonardi\n(1502), Petrus Constantius Albinius de \u00adVillanova or \u00adFranciscus Rueus also make room for astrological seals and display a knowledge of the \u00adMagister Speculi\u2019s concept of \u201castrological\nimages\u201d. Giambattista Della Porta in the first edition of De magia naturali (1558) also deals with\nastrological engravings of stones. Modern scholars still do not agree about the interpretation\nof the frescoes of the so-called \u201cSalone dei Mesi\u201d of the Palazzo Schifanoia in Florence (1469\u2013\n70): are they a painted talisman just like the \u201c\u00adfigura universi\u201d described later in Ficino\u2019s De vita\ncoelitus comparanda? On the other hand, \u00adTommaso Campanella, following Ficino\u2019s direction, was\nalso a supporter of \u201castrological images\u201d.26]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nand (more rarely) Muslim.\nThe Magister Speculi distinguishes these two condemned kinds of images from the\ncategory of the \u201castrological image\u201d. An \u201castrological image\u201d is defined as a talisman\nwhose power comes only from the natural powers of the stars. In its making, there are no\nprayers, no invocations, no inscriptions of any characters and no other sign addressed\nto a superior Intelligence. We can call a magical practice that contains these signs \u201caddressative\u201d, because they are directed to an addressee, an Intelligence able to understand\nthem; thus, the \u201castrological image\u201d is a \u201cnon-addressative\u201d, or naturalistic, astrological\ntalisman. The Magister Speculi created the category of \u201castrological images\u201d in order to\nfulfil the requirements of both science and theology; he calls himself a man \u201czealous for\nfaith and philosophy, each one in its own order\u201d (zelator fidei et philosophiae utriusque scilicet]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=249\nPages: 249\nto the sign of Lion.26 This talismanic text describes how to make astrological seals for\neach of the twelve zodiacal signs. The figures that are to be engraved into the metal are\nnot always the traditional figures of the zodiacal signs, and the aim of each seal does\nnot really square with the usual zodiacal melothesia (that is, the influence of each zodiacal sign on a specific part of the human body). Anyway, one of the main distinctive\nfeatures of this short work is the complete lack of any \u201caddressative\u201d practices: there are\nno prayers, invocations, inscriptions or other signs addressed to an Intelligence (angels,\ndemons, other spirits). This is a very exceptional situation in a talismanic text. Hence,\nthe efficacy of talismans is seemingly supposed to derive only from the natural power of\nthe constellations under which they are built. If we refer to the typology invented by the\nMagister Speculi, the anonymous author of Speculum astronomiae (by the middle of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=190\nPages: 190\nshow clear antique and Eastern influence. The most famous of these astrological lapidaries\nis the work of the Jew Zael, known under the name of Thetel\u2019s De sigillis in the versions\ntransmitted by Arnoldus Saxo and by Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9\u2019s De natura rerum (and consequently by Konrad von Megenberg and Camille Leonardi). In these astrological lapidaries,\nthe physical, medicinal and magical virtues of the stones are connected to a \u201cseal\u201d which is\nengraved, and which is supposed to strengthen the stone\u2019s basic virtue by making a connection to the celestial power (virtus celestis). To this category of astrological lapidaries, we can\nadd \u201cmagical\u201d lapidaries, where stones are treated as talismans that should be worn in order to benefit from their powers, and sometimes consecrated with incantations as well. The\nmineral section of the Kyranides collection,7 first written in Greek in the Alexandrine period\nand attributed to Hermes-Harpocration, and then translated into Latin c. 1168\u201369, is an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273,274\n254\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\ntalisman (for example, a talisman for love shows two people embracing).3 Within the category\nof \u201castrological talismans\u201d, there is another subcategory of talismans, namely \u201castrological\nimages\u201d (although imago is no more than the most common translation of the Arabic word\ntilsam [talisman], which itself derives from the Greek \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1).\nThe concept of an \u201castrological image\u201d was coined in a theological and philosophical\ncontext, in the mid-thirteenth-century work Speculum astronomiae (\u201cMirror of the science of\nstars\u201d), an anonymous book sometimes wrongly ascribed to Albert the Great. The book\nproposed a normative bibliography for each part of astronomy and astrology. After addressing astrological \u201celections\u201d \u2013 the part of astrology devoted to finding the right astrological\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\ndown into objects that had been inscribed at astrologically appropriate times, and that these\nobjects could be used to change the matter of the world.6 The Arabic magic texts that introduced astrological talismans to the Latin West in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries disseminated many influential magical terms and ritual instruments, especially the names, seals\nand characters of the celestial spirits.7 However, it was the authors of Christian magic texts\nwho drove the creative expansion of geometric figures to enclose powerful names and graphic\nmotifs, under the influence of ancient lamellae, circular apotropaic amulets, Solomonic seals\nand cosmological diagrams. The dual role of Christian magical figures as pictures and linguistic devices was recognized by Roger Bacon. His Opus maius of 1266\u20137 compared the way\nin which the makers of magical figures ( figurae) placed magical characters together in one]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=275\nPages: 275\novercome: man has not the demiurgic power to create new substantial forms. The answer\nconsists in putting the action of the craftsman within the causal connection between the\nstars and the seal. By choosing the appropriate astrological moment when such required\ninfluence is given by the stars, the craftsman makes himself an instrument of the stars and\nnature. Hence, the gap between art and nature is filled. 5\nOn the opposite side, Thomas Aquinas, in several works, firmly rejects the concept of the\n\u201castrological image\u201d. In his view, every kind of talisman derives its efficacy from demons.\nAll talismans are \u201caddressative\u201d, including the \u201cso-called astrological images\u201d: the only difference between these latter and the other nigromantical images is that their \u201caddressativity\u201d is implicit whereas that of nigromantical images is explicit. Thomas Aquinas\u2019s position]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273\nthe most comprehensive contribution to the debate about the so-called \u201castrological images\u201d,\na concept defining a certain kind of talisman that could be traced back to the mid-thirteenth\ncentury. Its author, Hieronymus Torrella (Jeroni Torrell, Jer\u00f3nimo Torrella, Jerome Torrella),\nwas born in Valencia in 1456. His father, Ferrer Torrella, a master of arts and medicine, had\nstudied at the University of Montpellier, whose school of medicine was celebrated; Jerome\ncalled him a \u201cvery famous physician and expert in the science of the stars\u201d. Jerome\u2019s brothers, Gaspar Torrella and one whose name could be Aus\u00eda, were also physicians. Gaspar was\na well-known physician of Pope Alexander VI who wrote several treatises notably on syphilis;\nthe other probably worked in Cagliari (Sardinia). Jerome, along with his brother Gaspar,\nstudied at the universities of Siena (1474) and of Pisa, where he graduated as a doctor of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=175\nPages: 175\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=283\nPages: 283\nalso a supporter of \u201castrological images\u201d.26\nTorrella\u2019s Opus gives fundamental evidence of the medieval and early Renaissance debates around astrological talismans or astral magic and sheds light on the status of natural\nmagic in a new context in which persistent scholastic thought was faced with new trends\nsuch as Neoplatonism. It therefore offers important clues for further research concerning\nthe inheritance and metamorphosis of the concept of \u201castrological images\u201d in late Renaissance times and modern esotericism, but also concerning the connection between learned\nmedicine and magical empirica (empirical processes). Moreover, Torrella\u2019s testimony, as one\nof the first introducers of Ficino\u2019s thought in Spain (although clandestinely), invites new inquiries concerning the influence of the philosophical theory of magic of Renaissance Italy\non Spain ruled by the most Catholic Kings.\nNotes\n1 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York: Columbia Press,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\nto bear when making the talisman. Above all, the right astrological conditions had to be\nobserved. A strong part of the \u201cspiritual\u201d element of the talismanic art is the influence of\nthe rays of the stars (described in the Ikhw\u0101n al-\u1e62af \u0101\u2019 as \u201cthe emanation of the powers of the\nuniversal soul\u201d).11 Hence, the talismanic art is considered as being part of the astrological\nart of elections: the choosing of the best time astrologically for undertaking any activity \u2013\nwhen the effluences from the stars are most supportive.12\nN\u012branj is a term taken from the Persian word for magic (n\u0113rank), but which was replaced\nby a variety of terms in Latin.13 It is a magical practice which includes a combination of\nmixing and processing ingredients, reciting magical words, burning incense (suffumigation) and making figurines in order to manipulate spiritual forces. A good example of the\nn\u012branj being the operation of spirit on spirit is given by a short work simply called \u201cThe book]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=280\nPages: 280,281\nfrom their free opinion and from their zealous faith than from the authorities in Sacred\nScriptures themselves.20\nThus, the \u201cAlbertist\u201d position can be defined as supporting a purely \u201castrological image\u201d, that\n(as the Magister Speculi had it) is a non-addressative talisman whose power comes only from\nthe natural power of the stars and not from a pseudo-divine or a demonic cause. But moreover\nanother restrictive condition is added: these talismans or seals have only a corporeal power\n(they cannot act upon the soul even through indirect means, by a corporeal \u201cinclination\u201d).\nFurthermore, their effect does not exceed what Nature itself can achieve. Finally, the only licit\n\u201castrological images\u201d are those whose power are therapeutic (curative and preventive).\n261\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nTorrella himself never says explicitly that he agrees with the \u201cAlbertist\u201d position, but repeatedly writes that the issue must be decided by the theologians. This very careful attitude stems]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,175\n156\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nthat can be brought to completion.28 The De imaginibus diei et noctis is an amplification of\nthe original \u00adA rabic version of De viginti quattour horis and indicates the rules and precepts for\nfabricating the talismans in a twenty-four hour period.29 Paolo Lucentini has transcribed\nthe Liber imaginum lunae and the De viginiti quattuor horis from the copy of the Liber introductorius\nin \u00adMunich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS CLM 10268.30 My final example from this\ngroup is the De imaginibus septem planetarum which describes the fabrication of planetary talismans made from the metal appropriate to each planet, and at an appropriate day and time.\nThe talisman must then be filled with spices, burned to create a mystical smoke, folded up\nin a cloth upon which a seal of the planet has been painted, and buried.31\nIn my third category, the amuletic writings attributed to Toz, the De lapidibus veneris lists]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\nthe talisman. The very practice of the talismanic art is a continuation of the late Antique\nart of vivifying statues or theurgy. A Latin text called Mercury of Babylon, i.e. Hermes of\nBaghdad\u2019s Flores super opera artis magice (\u201cAn anthology on the operations of the magical art\u201d)\nincludes a chapter on \u201cThe seven vivifications of each talisman\u201d (De vii vivificationibus cuiuslibet ymaginis).10 The talisman must be made in the appropriate shape: a serpent for binding\nsnakes, a woman for making a woman take off her veil, etc. They can be used against stings\nand bites, and for medical complaints such as gallstones. But, above all, they can be used\nfor having influence over other people, animals or objects, whether to harm them, or make\nthem well-disposed.\nIntense concentration with \u201ccorrect thought\u201d (\u1e0dam\u012br \u1e63a\u1e25\u012b\u1e25, intentio verax) must be brought\nto bear when making the talisman. Above all, the right astrological conditions had to be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nspirit allows one to see, the auditory spirit allows one to hear), and the n\u012branj\u0101t that follow the\none quoted here operate through being smelt and tasted by the victim; the wild animals have\nto eat the n\u012branj, the girl has to smell the n\u012branj. What n\u012branj\u0101t do not involve is any astrological\ninput. Spiritual forces coming from the heavens are completely lacking. The prayers are not\nto celestial spirits, but to the spirits of the animals, or of the woman whose love is sought. The\nmagician\u2019s spirit has the power to draw and bind.\nThe characterizing of talismans as bodies into which spirits have been drawn would\nseem to be questionable in the light of another tradition that divides talismans into two\nkinds, those in which spirits are addressed, and those in which natural forces alone\nare utilized.16 This division is most sharply made in the Speculum astronomiae of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173,174\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific\ninfluence of each celestial body on given aspects of worldly life and hence the possibility of establishing causal links by calculable laws [\u2026]; the texts include operative\nrituals such as prayers, suffumigations, and pronunciations and writing of mysterious names.9\nTalismanic magic uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, according\nto the principles of the universe. In the Picatrix, for example, planetary forces are used to\nperform spells, and to prepare poisons or medicines, with the aim (for example) of helping\n154\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nsomeone gain their beloved or have revenge on their enemy.10 The talisman acts as the connection between heavenly virtues and earthly virtues. One who wants to learn the system of\nmaking talismans has to know in depth the science of correspondences between the planets,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174\nmaking talismans has to know in depth the science of correspondences between the planets,\nand of constellations and conjunctions relating to movements in the heavens.11 He must\nensure that the Moon is in a favourable position. To harness the best of the talisman\u2019s power,\nthe enchanter should use a material which is suitable to receive the strength of the heavenly\nbodies, and wait for the right time and place. These two factors and the movements of the\nplanets are crucial to the success of the spell. It is also essential that the enchanter has confidence in himself. Then, he can add words and prayers. A good example is found in Picatrix,\nbook III chapters six and seven,12 but we can also find these concepts in the Hermetic Liber\norationum planetarum septem, which survives in three manuscripts and was edited by Perrone\nCompagni in 2001.13 The theoretical basis of these concepts lies in the art of animating]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 125 to page 139 out of a total of 569:\nPages 125:\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\nassessment of the experiments or the writings, usually comparing the text copied with others. In other marginal annotations, he corrects the organization or relates certain passages\nwith others. Therefore, the copy clearly reflects the compiler\u2019s own interests in a subject\nabout which he has in-depth knowledge and we catch a glimpse of what undoubtedly is the\nlibrary of a real magician, where the Picatrix and many other titles of magical literature are\nfound.\nOccitan is widely prevalent along the codex. Nevertheless, Latin emerges sometimes in\nthe vernacular texts, which demonstrates that the sources were in Latin. In the first section\nof the Libre de puritats, Latin appears especially in the Psalms employed in rituals, where only\ntheir first words are reproduced. In the second section, the tables and their titles are generally\nin Latin, while the explanations are in Occitan. In the third part of the manuscript, Latin\nand Occitan really alternate, which is understandable given the diversity of the collection\ncopied. Usually, both languages are kept separate from one work to the next, but there are\nsome exceptions. Occasionally, we find Latin in the Libre de ydeis: in a passage Occitan and\nLatin are mixed (f. 65r), and two other passages start in the vernacular and pass into Latin\n(f. 66v). Sometimes (e.g. f. 67v) Latin words or sentences emerge in the vernacular text, and\nare left untranslated. Furthermore, some prayers in Latin are included in the Occitan text\nor vice versa: a prayer to Saturn from the Liber orationum planetarum in Latin is inserted in\nanother text in Occitan (f. 68v); but on another occasion, the explanation and the ritual of\nthe image are translated into Occitan, while the prayer is maintained in Latin. In another\ncollection, titled Experimenta Salomonis, a prayer in Occitan to the \u00adEastern Star (f. 53v) is\nplaced among independent operations in Latin. However, in this case, the l\u00adanguage switch\nis less surprising on account of the heterogeneity of this particular collection.\nIn the preceding examples, the coexistence of both languages seems to be due to the\nsource of the text or of the translation. But interestingly, Occitan and Latin also coexist\nin the compiler\u2019s notes on the manuscript, which give us some clues that allow us to sketch\nhis profile and to understand the formation of the codex. First, both in the notes and in\nthe process of copying, the compiler demonstrates only elementary proficiency in Latin, as\ncan be deduced from his frequent grammatical errors, inconsistent spelling and Romance\ninterference. He also shows some knowledge of Hebrew when he rectifies the outline of the\nletters of the Hebrew alphabet. Such linguistic skills and especially the indications revealing the compiler\u2019s possession of an extensive magical library strongly suggest that he was a\nprofessional magician.\nAs to the origin of the codex, it is difficult to discern whether it originated in the \u00adOccitanor Catalan-speaking area. Logically, the language employed points to the first option.\nHowever, the Catalan imprint and the use of Iberian sources, such as the Libre del rey Peyre\nde Aragon, the Picatrix and the extended Liber Razielis, might indicate a relationship with the\nIberian Peninsula or at least an origin between Occitan and Catalan areas, closely connected as they were in the Middle Ages by linguistic and cultural ties. Another indication to\nbe considered is the use of the word puritat, from the Latin puritas \u201cpurity\u201d, to refer to secret\n(magical) experiments, which seems to have a Castilian origin, because in this language\nporidad meant \u201csecret\u201d in medieval times, as employed in Alfonsine texts, perhaps because\nof Arabic influence, whereas it does not occur in Occitan or in Catalan.21\nThe Barberini codex gives us an insight into two different profiles of individuals \u00addedicated\nto magic: the magician-author and the magician-compiler. We find the magician-\u00adauthor in\nthe Libre de puritats, although unfortunately his name is missing, probably because of the\nhazards of manuscript transmission. Despite following his sources accurately, he speaks in\n106\n\nPages 126:\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\nthe first person and demonstrates his ambition to create a digest of works with a planned\nstructure. In comparison, the also anonymous Libre de ydeis fails to be a well-organized\ncompilation. On the other hand, the formation of the codex has been done by an unnamed\nmagician-compiler, who limits himself to collecting materials for his repertoire of resources.\nThis second procedure evidences that magical knowledge is particularly prone to circulate\nfragmentarily.\nA courtier\u2019s manual from Milan?\nAnother miscellaneous codex, copied in Milan in 1446 (MS Paris, BNF, ital. 1524), c\u00ad ontains\na number of writings on astrology and magic ritual organized and rendered from Latin to\n\u00adTuscan by an anonymous translator who selected them from a set of manuscripts which he\nhad at his disposal. The part entitled Necromantia occupies most of the manuscript (ff. 69r-235r)\nand, among other texts, includes many magical operations, mostly related to love and sex, in\naddition to the Clavicula di Salomone [Key of Solomon]22 (179r-235r). This is the earliest witness\nto this work, although it is partial because the translator based it on an incomplete copy. The\ntranslator\u2019s notes allow us to gain some understanding of his editorial work and the problems\nwhich he faced, such as the damaged or missing parts detected in the original manuscripts\nand the difficulties of interpretation posed by certain texts. At one point (f. 80v), he apologizes\nfor not being able to copy some passages from the original due to its poor c\u00ad ondition and for\nnot being able to complete the text because he has not found another copy to compare it to.\nHe says that he only can try to correct what is wrong or supply what is missing as a grammarian but not as a necromancer. Therefore, this codex, unlike the Barberini, is not the work of\nan expert and practitioner of magic but someone simply commissioned to translate the texts\non account of his linguistic skills. This becomes more evident when the translator distances\nhimself from necromancy and warns that the subject of the book, which he qualifies as vile\nor something even more abominable, is not believable for Christians, although it may have\nsome effect in the eyes of people who believe in it or who are victims of false diabolical visions\n(ff. 69r and 73r). As in the Barberini codex, Christian Psalms and prayers are left in Latin.\nA number of passages are crossed out, although it is not clear what criteria pursued in such\ncensorship were. The contents and the beautiful workmanship of the book suggest that the\nrecipient was a man of high rank interested in love affairs and social promotion, and who,\naccording to Jean-Patrice Boudet, might have belonged to the court of the Visconti.\nCirculation, persecution and survival of Romance language\nmagic books\nMost of the magic texts studied here are translations from a learned language, namely A\n\u00ad rabic\nor Latin. However, at least one, the Liber experimentorum was written directly in a Romance\nlanguage, but presented as a translation, and the identity of its real author was hidden in\nfavour of a prestigious name. Therefore, false translation and false authorship were occasionally used as a means of dignifying texts written in a language considered inferior, and about\na subject such as magic, which was often stigmatized. Nevertheless, later on, in the fifteenth\ncentury, a small number of works seem to have been circulating as original texts such as the\nLibre de puritats and the Libre de ydeis transmitted in the Barberini codex.\nSome Castilian versions served as a means of projecting these texts into Western Europe\nvia Latin translation. Although it is not possible to affirm this in the specific field of magic\n107\n\nPages 127:\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\ngiven the few extant texts, in the vernacularization process, more generally Latin was often\nthe vehicle between a Romance language and another. However, there are exceptions, such\nas the French translation of the Libro de las formas e im\u00e1genes, and indications of a possible\ncirculation of Castilian texts in Catalan- and Occitan-speaking areas: the use of words such\nas puritats or calapech (cf. Cast. gal\u00e1pago \u201ctortoise\u201d) and some references to the Picatrix in the\nBarberini codex, as well as the Castilian book burned with Marc\u2019s library.\nFrom the extant evidence analysed here, the origin of most magic texts in Romance\n\u00adlanguages seems to be the court, which used to consume such literature in luxurious codices, but later their circulation expanded into other social groups, especially practitioners of\nmagic. Such dissemination led to poorer manuscripts and libraries containing mixed Latin\nand Romance texts. Therefore, their users \u2013 such as Marc or the compiler of the Barberini\ncodex \u2013 would have some proficiency in Latin, a fact which is not surprising in a domain in\nwhich this language was so overwhelmingly present.\nDifferent reasons can be considered for the absolute predominance of Latin and\nthe \u00adscarcity of texts written in all Romance languages in ritual and image magic, in\n\u00adcomparison with other branches of knowledge. As Richard Kieckhefer has stressed, most of\nits \u00adpractitioners were in fact clergymen, in the broad medieval sense of the term, and knew\nLatin.23 Furthermore, the rituals of the Christian religion must have served as a linguistic\nmodel for these other kinds of rituals. However, recognizing the prevalence of the clergy\ndoes not imply that magic did not expand its audience to lay people. The university and\nthe court have been shown to be contexts into which it permeated. Since Latin was also\nthe language of the university, magic\u2019s expansion to the courtly milieu is doubtless the most\nimportant factor in explaining the use of the vernacular, as we have seen in most cases.\nNevertheless, Marc\u2019s case demonstrates that there were also common people involved.\nBased on Marc\u2019s case, Llu\u00eds Cifuentes attributes the paucity of magic books preserved\nin Castilian and Catalan to a more intense persecution by defenders of the Christian faith\n\u00adbecause of the danger posed by them being available for the unlearned, an argument which\nis supported by two early modern testimonies.24 However, I suspect that there was no\nreal difference between the persecution of occultist books written in Latin and Romance\nlanguages in the Iberian Peninsula. Marc\u2019s books were all burned, without distinction of\nwhether they were in the vernacular or not. In the fourteenth century, the inquisitor \u00adNicolau\nEimeric set many magic books on fire in Catalonia; yet, he was apparently not c\u00ad oncerned\n\u00ad arrientos if the\nwhether they were in Latin or the vernacular. Neither do we know from B\ncopy of the Liber Razielis that he burned was in Castilian or Latin, although he complained\nthat the circulation of this book was more abundant in the Iberian Peninsula than elsewhere. The inquisitorial indexes of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries prohibited all\nbooks on occult arts, except those concerned with non-determinist astrology, without any\nconsideration of their language. Certainly, a more intense persecution in both the late medieval and early modern Iberian Peninsula than in other European areas might explain\nwhy so little of the magic written in Castilian and Catalan remains, but also why Latin\nmanuscripts of the great magic compendia produced in the Spanish kingdoms, such as\nthe Picatrix and the Liber Razielis, are not preserved in Spain. Actually, the remaining codices of both Castilian and Latin magic of Iberian origin have been conserved in other\ncountries. While none of the Alfonsine compilations on image and ritual magic have been\npreserved in their entirety in Castilian \u2013 two of them are conserved in Latin and two in\nCastilian are partially lost \u2013 only two of the twenty-six Alfonsine Castilian texts on astronomy and astrology have been disappeared and are only conserved in their Latin version.\n108\n\nPages 128:\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\nNevertheless, although medieval manuscripts on natural astrology are preserved more frequently, there is substantial evidence that they too were often censored in the early modern\nSpanish kingdoms, albeit not so systematically since it depended on the personal criteria\nof inquisitors. (Early modern printed works on astrology also suffered censorship but as\nthey were printed outside the Spanish kingdoms they are better preserved.) For example,\na Castilian copy of Abenragel\u2019s Libro Conplido (MS Madrid, BNE, 3065) was mutilated by\nthe inquisitorial expurgation, and two Latin copies of the same work were relegated to\nthe restricted room of f\u00adorbidden books in the monastery of El Escorial.25 Such censorship\ncan be regarded as one of the \u00adfactors that caused a scarcity of astrological manuscripts in\nSpanish libraries.\nFuture directions\nAlthough surviving astral and ritual magic writings in Romance languages are scarce, it\ndoes not mean that new texts cannot be found in libraries and catalogues. For instance,\nCastilian fragments of the Liber Razielis have been recently discovered in a fifteenth-century\ncodex (MS Frankfurt, Stadt- und Universit\u00e4tsbibliothek, Lat. Oct. 231, ff. 96r-97v)26 and\nthey deserve to be edited and studied. Moreover, some other Italian texts have been preserved in several Florentine manuscripts. In addition to a treatise on rings transmitted by a\nfifteenth \u2013 and sixteenth-century codex,27 Frank Klaassen\u2019s catalogue of medieval magical\n\u00admanuscripts \u00adincludes two texts conserved in two fifteenth-century manuscripts and which\nhave not been edited or studied: one is a manual with conjurations in the vernacular, sigils\nand a list of spirits; the other seems to be a collection of Solomonic images translated from\nLatin to \u00adTuscan.28 Another avenue of research worth exploring is to investigate archive\ndocuments such as inventories of properties or libraries, wills, and inquisitorial and judicial\nrecords that may provide new data on the circulation and persecution of magic in Romance\nlanguages.\nMany of the manuscripts or writings presented here require further research to a greater\nor lesser extent. One of the least studied and most promising is the Barberini codex, which\ndeserves attention from philologists and historians of medieval magic, even though it does\nnot provide us with an entire work but rather comprises incomplete texts or fragments.\nIt \u00ada llows us to see a magician at work and shows his access to contemporary magical\n\u00adliterature both in Latin and in Romance languages. It gives us evidence of the circulation\nand use of outstanding magic books, and provides relevant testimony about them. Critical\neditions of at least some of these works should take this witness into consideration. A special\nregard should also be paid to its major work, the Libre de puritats, a work of very considerable\nlength, which reflects an ability not only to rework texts with a high degree of technicality\nbut also to combine theory with practice. It can be considered the only ambitious work on\nritual and image magic so far known to have been written directly in a Romance language.\nWithout question, this outstanding treatise requires in-depth study and a critical edition.\nThe Libre de ydeis and the other minor Occitan writings are also worth studying. Linguistic\nanalysis on Catalan influence and Occitan dialectal bias can help us to understand where,\nhow and by whom the manuscript was composed. On the other hand, a great number of\ntexts and sources have still not been identified in this codex, because they are incomplete\nor partial copies, and are not well known to scholars or for other reasons. Nor have the\nsources of the Liber experimentorum (MS Paris, BNF lat. 7349) been analysed. The sources of\nAlfonsine magic compilations, despite the fact that their texts have thus far been well edited\n109\n\nPages 129:\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt\nand studied, especially by philologists, also remain only partially disclosed. Hopefully, as\nmagic works in Latin and Arabic are studied and edited, it will become easier to identify the\nsources of the Romance writings derived from them, but, considering the amount of magic\nliterature that has been lost, many of them will probably remain unknown.\nNotes\n1 On vernacularization, see Claude Thomasset, \u201cLes trait\u00e9s scientifiques,\u201d in Grundriss der romanischen\nLiteraturen des Mittelalters, VIII.1, ed. Hans Robert Jauss et al. (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universit\u00e4tsverlag, 1988), 306\u20139; William C. Crossgrove, \u201cThe Vernacularization of Science, Medicine,\nand Technology in Late Medieval Europe: Broadening Our Perspectives,\u201d Early Science and Medicine\n5 (2000): 47\u201363; Clara Floz, El Traductor, la Iglesia y el rey: la traducci\u00f3n en Espa\u00f1a en los siglos XII y\nXIII (Barcelona: Gedisa, 2000); Llu\u00eds Cifuentes, La ci\u00e8ncia en catal\u00e0 a l\u2019Edat Mitjana i el Renaixement\n(Barcelona \u2013 Palma: Universitat de Barcelona, 2006); Llu\u00eds Cifuentes, \u201cLa traducci\u00f3 i la redacci\u00f3\nd\u2019obres cient\u00edfiques i t\u00e8cniques,\u201d in Hist\u00f2ria de la literatura catalana, ed. \u00c0lex Broch (Barcelona: Enciclop\u00e8dia Catalana, 2014), II, 118\u201331. This contribution is a result of the research project funded\nby the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness FFI2014-53050-C5-2-P.\n2 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000),\n8\u201317, 151\u201375, 181\u2013201; Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la R\n\u00ad enaissance\n(XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002), 36\u201337; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et\nnigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (Paris: Sorbonne, 2006), 205\u201378;\n\u00adSebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cMagia y ciencia en la Baja Edad Media: la construcci\u00f3n de los l\u00edmites entre la\nmagia natural y la nigromancia (c. 1230-c. 1310),\u201d Cl\u00edo & Crimen 8 (2011): 15\u201372. On the evolution\nof the meaning of the word \u201cnecromancy\u201d, see Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cEstudi introductori\u201d, in Arnau de\nVilanova, Epistola de reprobacione nigromantice ficcionis, Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia (AVOMO),\nVII.1 (Barcelona: Universitat, 2005), 59\u201366.\n3 Alfonso X, Las siete partidas, III (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1807), 667\u201369.\n4 David Romano, La ciencia hispanojud\u00eda (Madrid: Mapfre, 1992), 128\u201358; Julio Sams\u00f3, \u201cTraducciones\ncient\u00edficas \u00e1rabo-romances en la pen\u00ednsula Ib\u00e9rica,\u201d in Actes del VII Congr\u00e9s de l\u2019Associaci\u00f3 Hisp\u00e0nica\nde Literatura Medieval, I, ed. Santiago Fortu\u00f1o - Tom\u00e0s Mart\u00ednez (Castell\u00f3: Universitat Jaume I,\n1999), 199\u2013231; Gerold Hilty, \u201cEl pluriling\u00fcismo en la corte de Alfonso X el Sabio,\u201d in Actas del\nV \u00adCongreso Internacional de Historia de la Lengua Espa\u00f1ola, I, ed. Maria Teresa Echenique and Juan\nS\u00e1nchez (\u00adMadrid: Gredos, 2002), 207\u201320; Laura Fern\u00e1ndez, Arte y ciencia en el scriptorium de Alfonso\nX el Sabio (Seville: Universidad, 2013).\n5 Am\u00e9rico Castro, Espa\u00f1a en su historia: cristianos, moros y jud\u00edos (Barcelona: Editorial Cr\u00edtica, 1983),\n454\u201364, in addition to Sams\u00f3 and Romano\u2019s publications cited above.\n6 The Picatrix was edited by David Pingree: Picatrix. The Latin version of the Gh\u0101yat al-hak\u012bm (London:\nWarburg Institute, 1986). On its Castilian fragments: David Pingree, \u201cBetween the Gh\u0101yat and the\nPicatrix. I: the Spanish Version,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 44 (1981): 27\u201356.\n7 Tratado de aojamiento, ed. Anna M Gallina (Bari: Adriatica, 1978), 109.\n8 Edited with the Lapidario in Alfonso X, Lapidario and Libro de las formas & ymagenes, ed. Roderic C.\nDiman and Lynn W. Winget (Madison, WI: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1980), and\nin Alfonso X, Lapidario, Libro de las formas y las im\u00e1genes que son en los cielos, ed. Pedro S\u00e1nchez-Prieto\n(Madrid: Fundaci\u00f3n Jos\u00e9 Antonio de Castro, 2014). See Anthony J. C\u00e1rdenas, \u201cAlfonso X\u2019s Libro de\nlas formas & de las ymagenes: Facts and Probabilities,\u201d Romance Quarterly 33 (1986): 269\u201374; Alejandro\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical Manuscripts of Alfonso X,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld\nInstitutes 59 (1996): 14\u201323.\n9 Edited in Alfonso X, Astromagia, ed. Alfonso D\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992). See also A\n\u00ad lejandro\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cAlfonso X y el Liber Razielis: im\u00e1genes de la magia astral jud\u00eda en el scriptorium\n\u00adalfons\u00ed,\u201d Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 74 (1997): 21\u201340.\n10 See Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cAlfonso X\u201d; Boudet, Entre science, 195\u201398, Reimund Leicht, Astrologumena\n\u00adJudaica. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der astrologischen Literatur der Juden (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebeck,\n2006), 257\u201394, and Damaris Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione del Liber Razielis in sette libri ad Alfonso\nX il Saggio e una nuova determinazione delle fasi redazionali del trattato, della loro datazione e\ndell\u2019identit\u00e0 dei compilatori coinvolti,\u201d Viator 43 (2012): 181\u2013210.\n110\n\nPages 130:\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\n11 Alfonso X, Lapidario and Libro de las formas, 151.\n12 Lope de Barrientos, Tractado de la divinanc\u0327a, ed. Paloma Cuenca (Madrid: Universidad Complutense,\n1992), 197 and 200.\n13 Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical\u201d.\n14 MS Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que de l\u2019Arsenal, manuscrits fran\u00e7ais, 2872, ff. 38r-57v. Edited in Louis Delatte,\nTextes latins et vieux fran\u00e7ais relatifs aux Cyranides (Li\u00e8ge-Paris: Universit\u00e9 de Li\u00e8ge, 1942), 291\u2013352. See\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cAlfonso X\u201d.\n15 \u201cYci fenist le livre des secr\u00e9s de nature, lequel fit Aaron, et apr\u00e8s vint a Kirem le roy de Perse, et\napr\u00e8s fu port\u00e9 a Athenes et u sac de vie fu mis pour tresor, dont il vint a la notice du noble roy Alfons\nd\u2019Espaigne, lequel le fit translater de grec en latin et chier le tint et garda\u201d (f. 57v).\n16 MS Andorra, Arxiu Nacional, Arxiu de les Set Claus, 1, ff. 70r-2r. See Susanna Vela, Tencar: una\nmiscel\u00b7l\u00e0nia d\u2019astrologia del s. XV a Andorra (Andorra: Consell General, 1996), 105\u2013216, 201\u201317, where\nthe relationship with the Picatrix is defended. On the original Latin text, see Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages\nastrologiques,\u201d 477\u201396.\n17 Josep Hernando, \u201cProcessos inquisitorials per crim d\u2019heretgia i una apel\u00b7laci\u00f3 per maltractament\ni parcialitat per part de l\u2019inquisidor (1440): documents dels protocols notarials,\u201d Estudis Hist\u00f2rics i\nDocuments dels Arxius de Protocols 23 (2005): 75\u2013139. Also analysed in Cifuentes, La ci\u00e8ncia, 224\u201327.\n18 Edited and studied in Katy Bernard, Compter, dire et figurer: \u00e9dition et commentaire de textes divinatoires et\nmagiques en occitan m\u00e9di\u00e9val, I (Bordeaux: Universit\u00e9 Michel de Montaigne, 2007), 99\u2013119; 645\u201359.\nSee also Antoine Calvet, \u201cLe Liber experimentorum attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Arnaud de Villeneuve,\u201d in Alchimies\n(Occident-Orient), ed. Claire Kappler and Suzanne Thiolier-M\u00e9jean (Paris: Association Kubaba L\u2019Harmattan, 2006), 127\u201336, and Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cLiber experimentorum, un llibre de m\u00e0gia en occit\u00e0 falsament atribu\u00eft a Arnau de Vilanova,\u201d Medioevo romanzo 41 (2017): 188\u201393.\n19 See a complete description of this codex and a discussion of its composition and contents in\n\u00adSebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cThe manuscript of a medieval necromancer: magic in Occitan and Latin in MS.\nVaticano, BAV, Barb. lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019Histoire des Textes n. s., 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\n20 Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cAstrology in the Service of the Crown: Bartomeu de Tresbens, Physician and\nAstrologer to King Pere the Ceremonious of Aragon,\u201d Journal of Medieval History 44 (2018): 104\u201329.\n21 Cf. Astromagia, 142 and 228. The title of one of the Castilian versions of the Secretum secretorum was\nPoridat de las poridades. On the hypothesis of an Arabic influence, see Castro, Espa\u00f1a, 623\u201326, and\nGilbert Fabre, \u201cL\u2019expression en poridad, modalit\u00e9 d\u2019un \u2018arabe silencieux\u2019,\u201d Cahiers de linguistique et de\ncivilisation hispaniques m\u00e9di\u00e9vales, 27 (2004), 159\u201370. See other possibilities in Pseudo-Aristotle, Secreto\nde los secretos, Poridat de las poridades: versiones castellanas del Pseudo-Arist\u00f3teles Secretum secretorum, ed.\nHugo O. Bizzarri (Valencia: Universitat de Val\u00e8ncia, 2010), 331.\n22 I have consulted the manuscript through a microfilmed copy. See Boudet, Entre science, 366\u201368.\nSince writing this chapter an edition has been published: Vedrai mirabilia! Un libro di magia del Quattrocento, ed. Florence Gal, Jean-Patrice Boudet and Laurence Moulinier-Brogi (Rome: Viella, 2017).\n23 Kieckhefer, Magic, 153\u201356.\n24 Cifuentes, La ci\u00e8ncia, 223\u201327.\n25 Fern\u00e1ndez, Arte, 124\u201329.\n26 Jos\u00e9 Rodr\u00edguez Guerrero, \u201cLos manuscritos alqu\u00edmicos de Juan de Selaya (fl.1450\u20131490): m\u00e9dico, astr\u00f3nomo\ny profesor de l\u00f3gica en Salamanca,\u201d Azogue, 9 (forthcoming).\n27 Edited in Stefano Rapisarda, \u201cIl Trattato degli anelli attribuito a Pietro d\u2019Abano: volgarizzamento\nitaliano del ms. Palatino 1022 della Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze\u201d in M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie\nentre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance: autour de Pietro d\u2019Abano, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet et al. (Florence, Sismel\nEdizioni del Galluzzo, 2013), 287\u201392.\n28 MSS Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. 89, Su38, ff. 35r-51r, and Plut. 89, Su36, ff.\n213r-4v: Frank Klaassen, Societas Magica Catalogue of Manuscripts and Early Printed Books < http://\nhomepage.usask.ca/~frk302/MSS >, 2002 [consulted on 14/9/2015].\n111\n\nPages 131:\n9\nCe ntr a l a n d E a st e rn Eu rope\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\nIntroductory considerations on territorial and\nperiodization issues\nThe first general statement on the dissemination of magic texts in Central and Eastern\n\u00adEurope was put forward by David Pingree, who claimed that copies of such texts \u201cfound an\nattentive audience only after about\u2026 1400 in Central Europe.\u201d1 As a matter of fact, scholars\ndid find sporadic traces of learned magic from earlier periods, for example, an illustrated\ncopy of the Secretum secretorum was part of the royal library of Angevin Louis the Great,\nKing of Hungary (1342\u201382) and Poland (1370\u201382).2 However, Pingree\u2019s claim proved to be\nlargely true. This seemingly belated arrival of the genre of learned magic to the Central and\nEastern European area relates to several factors, among which three should be emphasized\nhere: the relatively late institutionalization of universities (the first ones funded in the mid-\u00ad\nfourteenth century, but reorganized and stabilized only around or after 1400); the late rise of\ngeneral literacy in the royal courts; and the poor survival rate of earlier medieval codices in\nthe libraries. As a consequence of the phenomenon pointed out by Pingree, this chapter will\ncover by and large one single century, the period between 1400 and 1500. Nevertheless, some\ngeographical territories will be missing almost altogether from the survey. Bulgaria, Serbia\nand Russia for example have become favourite fields of magic scholars; their source material,\nhowever, almost completely lacks pre-1500 texts.\nBy Central and Eastern Europe, we understand two large areas of Europe: the Central\nEuropean countries that joined European Christianity around the year 1000, that is the\nPolish, the Czech and the Hungarian kingdoms (the last including Croatia in a personal\nunion), and the Eastern European countries belonging to Orthodox Christianity (sharply\ndiffering \u2013 both politically and culturally \u2013 from the Catholic Slavs), that is Muscovite\n\u00adRussia, the Kievan Rus, Serbia, Bulgaria and the Moldavian and Wallachian principalities. This very large area is cut into two not only on religious grounds but also on the basis\nof the number of surviving sources. While 1400 can be well chosen as a starting date for the\narrival of magic texts to Poland, Bohemia and Hungary, 1500 would be its equivalent for\nthe countries east of these three kingdoms.\nHighlights of the Central and Eastern European region\nVarious major topics related to magic have become popular research fields in the local\n\u00adsecondary literature (by authors such as Alexandre Birkenmajer, Jerzy Zathey, Ryszard Gansziniec, \u00adMieczys\u0142aw Markowski, Krszystof Bracha and Benedek L\u00e1ng). Many of these have at\u00ad illiam Ryan,\ntracted considerable interest on an international level, too (by William Eamon, W\n112\n\nPages 132:\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\nJean-Patrice Boudet, Daryn Hayton). Among these \u201chighlights\u201d, the following issues are included: the golden age of astronomy and astrology in the University of Krakow; the hermetic\ninterest in the royal court of Matthias, King of Hungary (1458\u201390); and the astronomical\u2013\u00ad\nastrological collection in the library of King Wenceslas IV (King of B\n\u00ad ohemia 1378\u20131419). To\nthese general issues, particular authors and magician figures can be added, such as the engineer-\u00ad\nmagician Conrad Kyeser, the crystal gazer and treasure hunter Henry the Bohemian, and the\n\u00adMontpellier-trained medical doctor Nicolaus, who shocked his \u00adpatients with his bizarre curative\nmethods using snake and frog flesh. Besides the general issues and the magician authors, a few\nparticular \u2013 and fairly enigmatic \u2013 texts can be listed: the prayer book of King Wladislas that\nserved for crystal gazing and angel summoning while also incorporating long paragraphs from\nthe Liber visionum of John of Morigny; the Alchemical Mass of Nicolaus Melchior written, again,\nfor a king and merging two remote literary genres; the description of the alchemical transmutation and the text of the Christian Mass; and the beautifully illustrated, colourful handbook of\ndivination and talismanic magic, the MS Biblioteca Jagiellonska 793 that preserved \u2013 among\nothers \u2013 the first long surviving version of the Picatrix. Let us review briefly these highlights!\nAstrology in Krakow\nThe University of Krakow enjoyed a real golden age in the fifteenth century. Founded in 1364,\nand \u2013 thanks to royal support \u2013 reorganized in 1400, its faculties (Theology, Law, \u00adMedicine and\nLiberal Arts) provided training for a great number of Polish, German, B\n\u00ad ohemian, \u00adHungarian\nand other students in arts, medicine, philosophy, astronomy and astrology. A specific chair had\nbeen devoted to masters pursuing mathematical and astronomical studies since the beginning\nof the fifteenth century, to which another \u2013 particularly astrological \u2013 chair was added in the\nmiddle of the century. The classics of astrology (Ptolemy\u2019s Opus Quadripartitum, Centiloquium\nand Almagestum; Albumasar\u2019s De coniunctionibus maioribus, Johannes de \u00adSacrobosco\u2019s De sphaera,\nand the Tabulae Alphonsi) formed the basis of the \u00adtraining. The concentration of astrologers\ngrew quickly in the city (according to some contemporaries, Krakow was \u201cstuffed with astrologers\u201d), many of whom peregrinated to various Central European and Italian \u00adpolitical centres to serve as court astrologers. The intellectual heritage (activity, travels, fame and library)\n\u00ad urawica, Johannes \u00adGlogoviensis,\nof the Krakow masters and students (Marcin Kr\u00f3l de Z\n\u00adWojciech de Brudzewo, Marcin Bylica de Olkusz) has become a \u00adrecurrent \u00adsubject in the publications of the best historians of science, including Aleksander Birkenmajer3 and Mieczys\u0142aw\nMarkowski.4 For any further research, particularly useful are the catalogues and reference\nworks of the large literary production of the Krakow masters.5\nThe court of Matthias Corvinus\nJust as crucial as Krakow University for late medieval Polish history is the Renaissance court\nof King Matthias for Hungarian culture. Considered to be the first Renaissance court north\nof the Alps, strongly patronizing Platonic and Hermetic philosophy, corresponding with or\ninviting Italian philosophers and historians such as Marsilio Ficino, Galeotto Marzio and\n\u00adAntonio Bonfini, and heavily interested in astrology, divination and physiognomy, the court of\nMatthias has enjoyed constant academic interest both inside Hungary (Jol\u00e1n Balogh, Csaba\nCsapodi, Tibor Klaniczay)6 and outside (Darin Hayton, Valery Rees, Jean-Patrice Boudet).7\nThe appreciation of astrology and Platonism was motivated not only by the king\u2019s support,\nbut somewhat preceding this came from his master, Johannes Vit\u00e9z, first Bishop of V\u00e1rad\n113\n\nPages 133:\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\nand later Archbishop of Esztergom, and from Vit\u00e9z\u2019 nephew, Janus Pannonius, the \u201cfirst\n\u00adHungarian poet\u201d.8 Another intellectual centre for a very short period (1467\u201372) was the university founded in Bratislava (Pozsony, Pressburg) by the king and his archbishop, where the\nquadrivial arts were particularly strong. Astronomers and astrologers such as \u00adJohannes Regiomontanus (1436\u201376), Martin Bylica de Olkusz (1433\u201393), Georgius \u00adPeuerbach (1423\u201361)\nand perhaps even Galeotto Marzio (1427\u201397) might have been among the professors \u2013 though\nall this is quite uncertain due to the scarcity of the sources.9 Astrological symbolism played\na central role in the decorations of both Vit\u00e9z\u2019 and Matthias\u2019 libraries, and horoscopes were\nused to determine the right moment for the foundation of the university, and also for certain\nmilitary actions.10 As in the case of Krakow, cataloguing the codices has been crucial for any\nserious scholarship: some of this kind of effort was concentrated around Johannes Vit\u00e9z\u2019\nbooks, but most of it around the Corvinian Library \u2013 the representative book collection of\nthe king, comprising texts by Ptolemy, Firmicus Maternus, Pseudo Dionysios \u00adAreopagita,\nChalcidius, Theophrastus, Regiomontanus, Peuerbach and Ficino. Unfortunately, only onetenth of the books have actually been identified.11 Matthias and his court were respected\nhighly in Hermetic intellectual circles, a sign of which appreciation is that Marsilio Ficino\ndedicated a copy of his Commentary to Plato\u2019s Symposium to Janus Pannonius12 and Books III\nand IV of his collected letters,13 and the third book of his De vita libri tres (Three Books of Life),\nentitled De vita coelitus comparanda (On Obtaining Life from the Heavens), to the Hungarian king.14\nThe library of King Wenceslas IV\nSignificantly scarcer but not less relevant is the survived source material of another representative\nroyal book collection, that of Wenceslas IV, \u201cKing of the Romans\u201d and King of \u00adBohemia. As few\nas eight manuscripts of the library can be identified today. The content and the illuminations of\nthese codices express the high esteem astrology was paid to in the court, and to a lesser extent\nthey contain alchemical and magical symbolism in the illuminations, and divinatory and ritual\nmagic texts as well. The emperor\u2019s court astrologer, Christian de Prachatitz (1368\u20131439), was a\nwell-known master and Rector of the University of Prague. Various scientific practitioners of\nthe court (Conrad de Vechta and Albicus de Uniczow, subsequent Archbishops of Prague) had\ncertain alchemical and even necromantic fame among their contemporaries. Magic as a means\nof accusation appeared in high politics \u2013 at least on the level of rumours.15\nThe Bellifortis of Conrad Kyeser\nOne of the beautifully illustrated codices that certainly belonged to Wenceslas\u2019s library was\nthe famous Bellifortis, a curious handbook on military technology in which magical means\nof aggression are frequent. Combining engineering with astrology and magic was natural\nrather than exceptional in the late Middle Ages; yet, the extent to which Kyeser merges these\nfields is noteworthy \u2013 and has always been worth of research indeed (Lynn White, William\nEamon). A representative and highly illustrated handbook offering detailed descriptions of\nreal and imaginary martial instruments and methods (siege ladders, catapults, rockets, arrows, arbalests, scissors, clasps and horseshoes), the Bellifortis also contains descriptions of\nmagical objects (rings and amulets), recipes, astrological symbols and demons. Besides the\ngenre of military handbooks, it is heavily indebted to medieval experimenta literature, a crucial\ntype of natural magic text often attributed to Albert the Great. In spite of its appearance as\na handbook, the literary, weird and fantastic elements (pictures of a female chastity device,\n114\n\nPages 134:\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\na tool for castrating men, the black queen of Sheba, a goose fastened to an anchor and a\nfew further pictures on how to prepare a bath appropriately) make historians assume that\nthe book served representative and entertaining goals in the court rather than real military\npractices on the battlefield. The Bellifortis might have also served to construct its author\u2019s\nimage as an experienced court magician. It sounds fairly plausible that this magician image\nmight have been used against Kyeser as a charge when he was finally forced into exile from\nthe court. His book, however, enjoyed considerable success. Several early illustrated copies\nsurvived from the years following 1400 from the collections of not only Wenceslas IV but also\nhis brother, Sigismund, Holy Roman Emperor and Hungarian king, and, a few decades later,\nfrom the Corvinian library of King Matthias.16\nHenry the Bohemian\nAnother \u201cmagician figure\u201d of the area, Henricus Bohemus, was active in Krakow in the first\nhalf of the fifteenth century. From the documentation of his court case in 1429, an exciting\nstory of ritual magic and treasure hunting emerges. As with the career of Kyeser, Henry\u2019s\nstory is closely related to the royal court: he was a court astrologer under Wladislas Jagiello\nbetween 1423 and 1427, he was allowed to be present at the birth of the three sons of the\nking and he cast their nativities. Yet, he could not avoid his destiny, and was finally accused of\nfollowing the ideas of Hussitism, doing demonic magic in order to find treasure in the earth,\nand consulting necromantic books. For various reasons, scholars agree that the charges must\nhave been grounded in reality and in all probability Henry did indeed pursue magical practices, performed conjurations, invocations, crystallomancy and treasure hunting with three\nmasters of the university in the royal garden in Krakow. Being a heretic and practising illicit\nmagic, he was probably \u201csaved\u201d by the royal family \u2013 that is, merely imprisoned.17\nThe prayer book of King Wladislas and crystallomancy\nThe most enigmatic source from late medieval Poland, Wladislas\u2019s prayer book (Modlitewnik\nW\u0142adys\u0142awa) is surprisingly close to the court case of Henry both thematically and \u00adtemporally.\nIn the centre of this long repetitive text, there is again a crystal, with the help of which the\npraying king turns to Christ, the Virgin Mary, the Holy Spirit and the angels and asks them\nto reveal the hidden intentions of his subjects and the past and future secrets. As \u00adphilological\n\u00adinvestigations have pointed out, the prayer book incorporates text fragments from such\n\u00admagical genres as the Ars notoria and \u2013 to a larger extent \u2013 the Liber visionum of John of\nMorigny, a derivative of the Ars notoria tradition particularly popular in the Central European\n(Austrian and German) areas. Comparing the content of the prayer book and the details\nof Henricus Bohemus\u2019s court case, it is plausible to suppose that the Hussite magician \u2013\nexperienced in crystallomancy and in demonic magic \u2013 was the author of the text, though\nit should be \u00ademphasized that the identification of the \u201cWladislas\u201d in the prayer book as the\nKing Wladislas whose birth had been assisted by Henry is far from being certain. Other\nJagiello kings called Wladislas are also possible contestants.18\nNicholas of Montpellier\nAn eccentric medical practitioner caused no little shock in southern Poland in the last decades of the thirteenth century: Nicholas of Poland (Nicolaus de Polonia) also named as\n115\n\nPages 135:\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\nNicholas of Montpellier recommended that patients should consume snakes, lizards and\nfrogs in pulverized form. Two of his writings survive: a more theoretical work, the Antipocras, and a rather practical text, the Experimenta. Nicholas\u2019s main argument was that the\n\u00adconventional Hippocratic methods should be rejected, and alternative practices \u2013 cures\nusually involving snake and frog flesh \u2013 should be favoured. In spite of the shock of some\npeople, \u00adothers \u2013 including a local duke \u2013 became enthusiastic about this alternative medicine and started collecting and consuming reptiles and amphibians. Nicholas was not an\nuntrained charlatan; he studied in the best medical school of his day, in Montpellier, and\nhis texts demonstrate good mastery of the Latin idiom. His ideas were by no means mainstream in medieval medicine, but they were not as unrealistic as they may seem today: they\nare well rooted in the natural magic of the \u201cexperimenta\u201d literature and in the medieval\ngenre of \u201csnake-tracts\u201d (Schlangentraktate) that were popular in the medical circles at the time.\nThis literature explained the occult virtues of animals in general and of snakes and frogs in\nparticular.19\nThe alchemical mass\nNicolaus Melchior\u2019s early sixteenth-century alchemical text, the Processus sub forma missae\n(\u00adProcess in the Form of the Mass), dedicated to Wladislas, King of Hungary and B\n\u00ad ohemia,\nreceived particular attention in early modern and modern times, and was \u2013 among\nothers \u2013 a \u00adfavourite example of Carl Gustav Jung when elaborating on his analogy between\nthe lapis philosophorum and Jesus Christ. The alchemical mass incorporates the stages and\nmaterials of the alchemical process (vitriol, saltpetre, the philosopher\u2019s stone, the sperm of\nphilosophers and others) into the framework of the Holy Mass (Introitus Missae, Kyrie, Graduale,\nVersus, Offertorium, Secretum and so on). The text equilibrates between being a practical alchemical text and a prayer rich in alchemical symbolism. Both the circumstances of the birth of\nthis text and the life of its author are enigmatic. Melchior has not left much further trace\nin historical documents. It has long been supposed that the author was an otherwise known\nactor of the time (perhaps Nicolaus Olah (1493\u20131568), Archbishop of Esztergom, \u00adcounsellor\nof Queen Mary of Habsburg) hidden under a pseudonym. Although not \u00adnecessarily the\narchbishop himself, Nicolaus Melchior Cibiniensis was probably an intellectual born in\n\u00adCibinium (Nagyszeben, Hermannstadt, Sibiu, today in Romania) who played some undefined role in the Hungarian royal court in the first decades of the sixteenth century.20\nThe MS BJ 793 and the Picatrix\nThe most focused handbook of talismanic magic and divination from the area is \u00adprobably\nthe beautifully illustrated manuscript once belonging to the Polish astronomer-astrologer-\u00ad\nphysician, three times rector of the University, Petrus Gaszowiec (before 1430\u201374): the MS\nBiblioteca Jagiellonska 793. Besides a representative selection of scientific (mostly \u00adastrological\n\u00ad ractically\nand medical) texts of Polish interest, it contains a richly cross-referenced and p\n\u00adoriented anthology of geomantic divination (methods of answering everyday questions with\nthe help of a partially random, partially algorithmic procedure). The number of multicoloured full page charts, point diagrams, squares and combinatorial wheel systems helping\nthe user follow the divinatory practices is also exceptional. Besides divination, talismanic\nmagic is the other main focus of the handbook, including the famous talismans of the seven\nmagic squares (also appearing in Agrippa, Cardano and even on D\u00fcrer\u2019s engraving, the\n116\n\nPages 136:\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\n\u201cMelancolia I\u201d), the practices of which involved suffumigations and other ritual magic elements. Besides that, the codex comprises such \u201cclassics\u201d as Thebit ibn Qurra\u2019s popular De\nimaginibus (On talismans), Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Opus imaginum, similar in nature to the previous\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable\nrole in the survival of magic texts. As a consequence of this pattern, namely that books belonging to professorial libraries enjoyed the highest survival rate, the codicological context of\nthe majority of the texts is scientific: astronomical\u2013astrological or medical.\nMany classic texts, widespread and popular in the region, were simple imports that were\nwidespread and popular in the West as well. Most of these belonged to the field of natural\nmagic \u2013 the Pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum secretorum, the Pseudo-Albertian Experimenta, the\nKyranides and some lesser known magico-therapeutic \u201cherbaria\u201d and \u201clapidaria\u201d that explained the occult properties and hidden virtues of animals, vegetables and other items.\nThe textual import from the West took place almost exclusively in Latin; for the emergence\nof vernacular versions, we have to wait until the sixteenth century. However, interestingly,\nthe Secretum secretorum had a Russian translation (from Hebrew) already in the late fifteenth\nor early sixteenth century.21 Probably, as a result of the peculiarities of the politico-cultural\nhistory of Bohemia and the rise of Hussitism, vernacularization was more advanced in this\nregion and natural magic recipes survived in Czech as well. A local peculiarity is that an\ninteresting lapidary on the magical properties of the stones and talismans was claimed to\nhave been composed in honour of Wenceslas II, King of Bohemia (1278\u20131305).22\nMany such texts found a natural place thematically in the medical context of the codices in which they survived (texts by or attributed to Hippocrates, Galenus, Philaretus and\nArnau de Villanova, as well as anonymous works on the inspection of urine, the pulse, the\ninterpretation of dreams, human anatomy, or the therapeutic properties and astrological\ncorrespondences of specific plants). But discussions of astrology and divination were also\nfrequently found in natural magic texts.\nThe latter category, that is divinatory texts, was rather widespread in medieval manuscripts throughout Western and Eastern Europe. Geomancy (telling the future on the basis\nof randomly marked dots in the earth) and the onomantic device, called the Rota Pythagorae,\nwere probably the most widespread, and were so common (and generally so short) that manuscript catalogues rarely even mention them. The easy availability of such divinatory texts\nexplains why theologians kept worrying about and prohibiting divination as an abuse of the\ndivinatory privilege not shared with humankind. Chiromancy (palmistry) also appeared\nin the manuscripts but to a much smaller extent, while treasure hunting \u2013 the bestseller of\nsixteenth- and seventeenth-century magic \u2013 was rare in the fifteenth century.\n117\n\nPages 137:\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\nDivination is the category where the Southern and Eastern Slavs proved to be the\nmost interested. Primarily importing from Greek but also recombining and recontextualizing the translated materials, Bulgarians, Serbians and Russians took over a wide\nrange of Byzantine methods. These included prognostications on the basis of meteorology\n(Gromnik, that is thunder divination), on the basis of the calendar (Koliadnik) and other\nmethods involving geomancy (Rafli) and scapulimancy (Lopatochnik: divination from\nthe signs on a sheep\u2019s shoulder blade), as well as astrological almanacs based on the theory\nof lucky and unlucky days. Particularly interesting is the early sixteenth-century Rafli\nattributed to the Russian Ivan Rykov (probably a cleric from the court of Ivan IV), which\nis a long and elaborate text on geomancy, originally Byzantine but rewritten for Russian\nChristians.23\nBesides divination, the usually short talismanic magic texts were also popular in the\n\u00adcodices of Central European university masters, court intellectuals and monks. The c\u00ad lassics\nof Thebit ibn Qurra and Ptolemy (De imaginibus and Opus imaginum), the Picatrix, the Seven\nmagic squares of the planets and some Hermetic texts have already been mentioned. The\nemergence of this genre seems to be almost exclusively imported from the West, with one\n\u00adpossible exception: two of the four surviving Libri runarum (a particular text combining\n\u00adhermetic talismanic magic with Scandinavian runes) have come to us from the Krakow\nregion. A considerable number of survived talismanic objects testify that the methods put\nforward in these texts were not only consulted but also followed and taken seriously.\nIn contrast to divination, natural magic and talismanic magic, alchemy provided a\n\u00adterritory for the authors of the region to prove their originality. While many were copies\nof Western texts (theoretical works by John of Rupescissa and Arnau de Villanova as well\nas recipes attributed to Albert the Great, Raymund Lull, Roger Bacon and others), this is\nthe genre in which the most numerous texts of local origin were produced. The Alchemical\nMass of Nicolaus Melchior is certainly the most exceptional among them, to which one\ncan add the first genuine alchemical tract from Bohemian territories, the Processus de lapide\nphilosophorum (On the Philosopher\u2019s Stone) and the Aenigma de lapide (Enigma on the Stone) both\nwritten by a monk named Johannes Ticinensis ( Jan T\u011b\u0161\u00ednsk\u00fd),24 and another treatise written in the vernacular in 1457, entitled Cesta spravedliv\u00e1 (The Rightful Way) attributed later to\na certain Bohemian alchemist, Johannes Lasnioro ( John of Laz). These sources show that\ninterest in alchemy exceeded the circle of those who were able to read Latin. Archaeological\nevidence, for instance the retorts, vessels, trays, alembics, phials, and other glass, wooden\nand metal objects excavated from the alchemical-metallurgical laboratory of Oberstockstall (forty miles north-west from Vienna, not far from the Bohemian lands), testifies that\nthis interest was not only theoretical.25 It is hard to tell how many laboratories functioned\nin monasteries and aristocratic courts in the fifteenth century. Oberstockstall was active in\nthe mid-sixteenth century and the real boom in such practices took place around the end\nof the sixteenth century in the region, related to the court of Rudolf II. Nevertheless, one\ncan plausibly suppose that they were not born out of nothing. The southern frontier of the\nCentral European region, the town of Pula gave birth to the famous alchemical text, the\nPretiosa margarita novella by Petrus Bonus, a native of Ferrara.26\nThe situation is not much different with ritual magic: besides a few \u2013 not too \u00adnumerous \u2013\ntextual borrowings from the West (mainly shorter Ars notoria texts), a few original\n\u00adrecontextualizations of classic ritual magic texts took place in the region (the author\u2019s\n\u00adfamiliarity with the Ars notoria is obvious in the Bellifortis, and the Liber visionum is extensively\nused in the prayer book of King Wladislas).\n118\n\nPages 138:\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\nFuture directions\nExploration and analysis of the Eastern and Central European magical source material have\njust begun in the past decades, and more research will probably follow in the \u00adcoming \u00addecades.\nOne starting point for any further investigation is certainly a more accurate \u00adcataloguing\nof the sources. The catalogue series of the Biblioteca Jagiellonska is exemplary; it should be\na model for other libraries. Those manuscripts that fall into the scope of this series are\nadequately described, including a summary of their contents, owner, provenance and so\non.27 Several indices have been edited to help historians of science, astrology and magic28\nand many smaller ecclesiastical libraries also possess sufficiently reliable catalogues, but a\nfew larger libraries, however rich their collections, obtained their last descriptions a century\nago.29 The longer texts contained in the codices are more or less identified, but many shorter\npieces will be explored in the future when professional interest turns to these manuscripts.\nA particularly useful \u2013 but very slow \u2013 process is the cataloguing of manuscript fragments.\nIn Hungary, for example, the major part of the written source material has perished, but\nsmall fragments survive in manuscript bindings. Taking them from their preserving books\nand identifying their contents and origin will add a lot to our understanding of the history\nof the region.30\nOn the basis of the appropriately identified and described source material, three fields\nseem to me to deserve particular attention in the future \u2013 all three are connected in one way\nor another to the issue of knowledge transfer. One is the relationship of \u201clearned\u201d, or textual, magic to \u201cpopular\u201d magic and folk practices. Learned magic survived in the libraries\nin the manuscripts once copied by university magistri. Folk practices, in contrast, are often\n\u00adreconstructed indirectly, on the basis of the usually condemnatory and only partially reliable sermons of preachers, episcopal visitation documentations, confessors\u2019 manuals and\ntracts of theologians (for example the theologian Stanislas de Skarbimierz in Poland, the\npreacher Jan Milicz in Bohemia and the confessor Rudolf in thirteenth-century \u00adSilesia).\nThese texts often describe \u201cpopular superstitions and divinations\u201d, the practices of the\n\u00advetulae and incantatrices, folk curing habits and inscriptions, and the \u201cpagan rites\u201d of the\npeasants.31 Mapping the mutual influences these fields exercised on each other \u2013 or the lack\nof such influences \u2013 is one of the areas where scholarship can offer new perspectives.\nThe second knowledge transfer issue concerns the direction of the importation of\nlearned magic. Scholars have a relatively rich picture of the reception of Western Latin\nmagical manuscripts in Central and Eastern Europe. Somewhat less rich, but still detailed,\nis the picture of the reception of non-literary Greek texts among the Eastern Slavs, including the translation activity in Bulgaria (tenth century) or Serbia (fourteenth and fifteenth\ncenturies). Studies have been written on how until the sixteenth century the influence of\nByzantium on the Orthodox Slavs was stronger than the influence of Islam or Western\nChristianity, but the relative scarcity of Slavonic translations in the field of scientific, technical, philosophical and magical texts in this knowledge transfer channel has also been\npointed out.32 Much less is known about the importation and source of Jewish and Turkish\nmagic texts, even though in the fifteenth century Eastern and Central Europe was already\na frontier zone between the Latin and Ottoman cultures, where large Jewish populations\nwere intellectually active. While it is possible that there was neither need nor room in the\nsharp military situation for an appropriation of Arabic\u2013Turkish magic, it is much harder to\nimagine that Jewish magic played only a minor role in the region. This question deserves\nfurther research.33\n119\n\nPages 139:\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\nFinally, I would see as particularly fruitful any systematic analysis of how science and\nmagic interacted. A lot has been written on the relationship between late medieval astrology, astronomy and philosophy.34 To a smaller extent, the scientific embeddedness of\nlearned magic has also been explored.35 However, this is a vast field and much remains to\nclarify. As was emphasized above, the primary context of fifteenth-century magic \u2013 at least\nas far as we can reconstruct it on the basis of the surviving sources \u2013 was the university.\nThe codicological context of magic texts consisted of astrology, astronomy, medicine and\nother fields of science, while philosophy was rare and theology even rarer. It is reasonable\nto suppose \u2013 and easy to confirm \u2013 that medicine had a profound impact on natural \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 125 to page 139 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468\non magic, the Opus de magia disciplina.86 Anselmi\u2019s magic circles for evil demons include the\nsame circulus invocationis divided in four and inscribed with the names Mesyas, Sother, Eloy,\nSabbaoth for the practitioner, and, at nine paces away, a concave circle into which demons\nwere summoned.\nThe De circulis proposes that circles have four general purposes: for self-defence, to accomplish the goal of the operation, to obtain love and to consult spirits.87 The text notes\nthat the practitioner (artifex) should usually have four companions, although one will suffice\nfor the first or fourth goal.88 The emphasis on love and speaking to spirits in this text is supported by the popularity of these types of experiments in necromantic manuals. The author\nof De circulis places the circle to provoke love (circulus ad amorem) in a separate category from\nothers because it relies on sympathetic magic as well as conjuring spirits. The practitioner]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=126\nPages: 126\nsome effect in the eyes of people who believe in it or who are victims of false diabolical visions\n(ff. 69r and 73r). As in the Barberini codex, Christian Psalms and prayers are left in Latin.\nA number of passages are crossed out, although it is not clear what criteria pursued in such\ncensorship were. The contents and the beautiful workmanship of the book suggest that the\nrecipient was a man of high rank interested in love affairs and social promotion, and who,\naccording to Jean-Patrice Boudet, might have belonged to the court of the Visconti.\nCirculation, persecution and survival of Romance language\nmagic books\nMost of the magic texts studied here are translations from a learned language, namely A\n\u00ad rabic\nor Latin. However, at least one, the Liber experimentorum was written directly in a Romance\nlanguage, but presented as a translation, and the identity of its real author was hidden in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=476\nPages: 476\n88 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cIn unoquoque istorum circulorum generalium sunt necessarie quattuor persone cum artifice, praeter in primo in quo sufficit una tamen eandem rem postulantes, In\nquarte tamen etiam potest una vel quattuor cum artifice, et sunt isti circuli totales.\u201d\n89 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cItem est circulus ad amorem qui est circulus per se. Nec sequitur\nordinem aliorum circulorum, sed sit per hunc modum: fiunt duo circuli ut dictum est in principio\noperis, tamen habeat aliquid artifex in circulo amoris de illa vel de illo pro quo intrat, ut crinem vel\naliquid tale: et semper secum etc. Et semper invocationes faciendo dicat ut superius dictum.\u201d\n90 Clm 849, fols. 8r\u201311v, ed. Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 199\u2013203 and Florence, Biblioteca Laurentiana, MS Plut. 89, sup. Cod. 38, fols. 284v\u2013287.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475,476\n456\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\n80 For a complex zonal circle to summon the spirits of the air, see the copy of the Liber iuratus in BL\nSloane 3854 at fol. 133v.\n81 Antonio da Montolmo, De occultis et manifestis, ch. 6, ed. Nicolas Weil-Parot [with collab. Julien\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se], in Fanger, ed., Conjuring Spirits (1994), 282\u201385.\n82 Each experiment has a figure attached to it: 38 (fol. 99v), 39 (fol. 103), 40 (fol. 105v). The only other\ncircular figure with orthodox elements in this manuscript (experiment 16, fols. 35v\u201336) is intended\nto be written on vellum and placed under the head while sleeping.\n83 The Pylgremage of the Sowle, lines 18471\u2013924. Lydgate\u2019s work is a translation (with some significant\nchanges) of Guillaume de Deguilleville\u2019s fourteenth-century Old French La P\u00e9lerinage de l\u2019\u0202me.\n84 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cCirculorum triplex est ordo: est enim circulus discretionis, circulus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=476\nPages: 476\ninvocationis, circulus provocationis. Circulus discretionis sit autem nominibus descendere volentibus, ut sunt nomina principium. Circulus invocationis sit ut spiritus invocati qui iuvare possunt et\nnocere. Circulus provocationis sit ad provocandu spiritus in virtute superiorum, ut compellantur ad\naliquid operandum.\u201d\n85 BL Sloane MS 3854, fol. 137.\n86 Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Plut. 44, cod. 35 (1501\u201310), fols. 58r\u201360v. This\nsixteenth-century manuscript is the only surviving copy of this text and has three spaces where the\nfigures for the chapter on magic circles were intended to be drawn.\n87 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cSuperius dictum est de circulis in speciali nunc dicendum est de eis in\ngenerali. Quattuor enim sunt circuli in generali necessarii. Primus ad defensionem propriam. Secundus ad impetrandum sibi vel alius. Tertius ad amorem obtinendum. Quartus ad consulendum.\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=466\nPages: 466,467\n447\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFigure 30.9 T\n\u0007 he pilgrim and the student of necromancy from John Lydgate\u2019s Pilgrimage of Man. \u00adLondon,\nBritish Library, MS Cotton Tiberius AVII, fol. 44r.\nRitual magic texts were less concerned with the orthodoxy of magic circles, however,\nthan with advising the practitioner on how to construct them and which spirits they were\nmost suitable for. A chapter on magic circles (De circulis) attributed to Virgil divides them\naccording to their use: identifying the spirits who are willing to descend (circulus discretionis),\ninvoking spirits who can help and harm (circulus invocationis) and summoning spirits by the\nvirtue of their superiors to help with the goal of the operation (circulus provocationis).84 The\ncosmology implicit in these instructions relates more closely to the spirit hierarchies of astral magic than Christian demonology and this impression is reinforced by the fact that the\ntext appears in a collection of works of image magic and astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\nThe surviving manuscripts betray origin or circulation in various literate environments.\nStudies drawing on such evidence could help to situate necromantic practice more fully in\nparticular settings, monastic, clerical, university or bourgeois. This is especially the case\nwhere it is possible to supplement this with evidence from court cases involving necromantic magic. Looking at such locations is important for another reason. Studies of ritual\nmagic often give the impression that necromantic magic was the product and practice of\nsingle isolated users and have often been treated that way rather than as the products of\ncommunities, despite the fact that many necromantic rituals explicitly involve several people performing a variety of roles. Studies of this kind would thus not only help us to better\nunderstand how necromancy related to particular social settings but also how necromantic\nrituals were developed, conceived and performed by groups of people.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison\nto other works, explicitly necromantic works make up a substantial proportion of sixteenthand seventeenth-century manuscripts. Whether this is due to a relatively high attrition rate\nin the medieval period or a sudden growth in interest after 1500 remains unclear.10 Certainly, together with medieval references to circulating conjuring works, it suggests that\nmedieval versions were considerably more numerous than the surviving witnesses suggest.\nThese texts have a relatively high level of textual variance that was at least in part the result of the intellectual culture that surrounded them, including a kind of \u201cmix-and-match\u201d\napproach to operations. Ritual magic texts in general tended to promote a view of the\nmagician as a kind of divinely guided editor who discovered the ancient truths hidden in\nmagic texts through long practice and could be expected to create a new book of magic at]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=467\nPages: 467,468\ntext appears in a collection of works of image magic and astrology.\nThe adaptation of magic circles to different kinds of spirit was important in Christian\nritual magic too, perhaps under the influence of magic texts like De circulis. The Liber iuratus\n448\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nrecommends constructing different kinds of circles for the helpful spirits of the air and the\nmalign spirits of earth. The malign spirits are summoned into a concave circular pit dug in\nthe ground (called a circulus in quo apparent spiritus), while the practitioner stands in a separate\ncircle, the \u201ccircle of invocation\u201d (circulus invocationis) at a safe distance of nine feet to invoke\nthem.85 The magic circles of the Liber iuratus were taken up by Giorgio Anselmi, a professor\nof medicine at the Universities of Parma and Bologna, in his mid-fifteenth-century treatise\non magic, the Opus de magia disciplina.86 Anselmi\u2019s magic circles for evil demons include the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226,227\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum\n\u00adSalomonis. At this point, it is not even clear whether these texts have a real textual tradition\nor whether there are numerous texts circulating under their names, the writing of which\nwas prompted by the fact that another text cited them. Undoubtedly, there are also other\ntexts yet to be identified among the great variety of anonymous and untitled material.\n207\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nAs a literature characterized by regular textual pillaging, transformation, and reinvention, a good deal can be gleaned about the intellectual culture of magic from the ways in\nwhich necromancy changed over time. Such studies will be increasingly possible as more of\nthis literature is published in scholarly editions. In addition to examining the ways in which\nthe texts themselves were transformed, such studies can look at three issues: relations with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=451\nPages: 451\nwas teeming with vast numbers of invisible and mostly unknowable spirits. Manoeuvring\nabstract cosmological ideas in their minds, the users of figures had to trust that a certain\ncharacter belonged to Saturn or that an unfamiliar name referred to an entity inhabiting\nthe cosmos. The meanings of some elements in figures may have been more obvious to their\ndesigners than users, but magical figures could still be effective: human brains are naturally\ninclined to make connections that generate meaning even when the visual information supplied is simplified, abstract or obscure.4\nThe place of figures within the magician\u2019s ritual toolkit was set out in one of the most\nsophisticated theoretical works on magic circulating in medieval Europe, the De radiis or\nTheorica artium magicarum, a Latin translation of a ninth-century Arabic text attributed to AlKind\u012b.5 According to the De radiis, the ritual actions that the magical practitioner performed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=5\nPages: 5,6\naccordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.\nAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any\nform or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,\nincluding photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,\nwithout permission in writing from the publishers.\nTrademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,\nand are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.\nBritish Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data\nA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library\nLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data\nA catalog record has been requested for this book\nISBN: 978-1-4724-4730-2 (hbk)\nISBN: 978-1-315-61319-2 (ebk)\nTypeset in Baskerville\nby codeMantra\nC o nt e nt s\nList of figures\nAcknowledgements\nList of contributors\nix\nxi\nxii\nIntroduction\n1]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=483\nPages: 483\nhas called for attentiveness to magic as it is found in actual manuscripts and provided a\nseminal example in his study of a fifteenth-century necromancer\u2019s manual. Another example can be pointed to in Benedek L\u00e1ng\u2019s explanation for the place of magic in the intellectual life of Central Europe through close examination of texts entering and circulating\nwith that region. Owen Davies isolated a genre of book, the grimoire, and traced its production and dissemination from the Middle Ages to the modern era. Sophie Page\u2019s innovative work on a collection of magic texts in a single monastic library in Britain charts yet\nanother way of accessing and assessing sympathy towards magic in the C\n\u00ad hristian West\u2019s\nlearned, religious mainstream. The common denominator to these scholars\u2019 efforts is the\nconviction that medieval attitudes towards magic can be discerned from the books that\ncompiled diverse texts of magic and the library that compiled diverse books of magic. This]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=214\nPages: 214\ncertain point, they represent the expression of a form of individual piety, more or less\nwithin the framework of Christian liturgy.65 The former are, on the whole, more likely\nto transgress from the religious norm (the Clavicula, for example, demands that one make\nsacrifices to the spirits), while the latter integrate it to a greater degree \u2013 although, by\ndefinition, never completely \u2013 which eventually renders them more pernicious in the\neyes of some theologians. This line of schematic demarcation between necromancy and\ntheurgy (\u00adi ncidentally a category that the Latin West scarcely knows) can nevertheless be\nfaint, even ineffective, as several specific cases show. The same tradition can shift over\ntime from one category to the other and circulate in parallel in its different forms, as in\nthe case of the Almandal/Almadel.66 Some experimenta founded on conjurations or exorcisms can be destined for angels, which are constrained by them, like demons are in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=324\nPages: 324\napplied like bandages to wounds. Verbal devotions to each of Christ\u2019s wounds, known as the\ncharm of Saint Susanna, reputedly delivered in a letter from heaven by the Angel Gabriel,\ncould be recited over a wound so that like Christ\u2019s wounds it would not be painful or the\nflesh become corrupted.33\nFevers were diagnosed according to their intensity and recurrence. Those lasting more\nthan one day could be treated with ritual administrations of holy words to be consumed\non leaves or apples or communion hosts over three days.34 Sleep could be induced in a sick\nperson through writing the name Ishmael on a leaf and laying it under the restless person\u2019s\nhead. Childbirth was an ever-present condition fraught with the possibility of suddenly going wrong at any time with life-threatening consequences to the child and the mother. An\nAnglo-Saxon woman concerned about bringing her child to term might have warded off]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=223\nPages: 223\nschool teachers and itinerant clerics who had deserted their posts or had never held an\necclesiastical income. The texts demanded at least a close association with the clerical\nworld because they required functional Latinity, some knowledge of the liturgy and often\nthe services of an ordained priest. However, as the literature slowly filtered into vernacular\nversions and as the learned world itself became less overtly clerical, the social coherence\nof this group began to break down and a growing group of lay and non-Latinate practitioners took it up. This in part explains why the vernacular texts evince significant transformations. This process began in the fifteenth century, but became significant only in the\nearly modern period.\nAlthough necromancy was condemned repeatedly and with increasing sophistication,\nand despite being in some ways the least defensible form of learned magic, there was little]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=510\nPages: 510,511\nparticularly to protect crops in the fields. Peasants might erect crosses to ward off storms\nor employ the Eucharist or ring church bells to the same end.40 People apparently also\ngathered special herbs on Saint John\u2019s Day and burned them in their fields, invoked Christ\nagainst coming storms or hurled stones into the air to quell tempests.41 Other rites simply\n491\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\naimed to increase the general health and fertility of crops.42 Again we see how many of\nthese rites were rooted in clearly Christian practices. What worried churchmen was the tenuous boundary between legitimate devotional behaviour and erroneous superstition, which\neven they often had trouble demarcating precisely.\nBeyond active rites intended to achieve some specific end, medieval people took numerous occurrences as signs or omens, to the consternation of clerical authorities. Animal\nomens in particular appear to have abounded. Crows landing on a roof, an owl flying over a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=232\nPages: 232\nJohn\u2019s soul depicted in this vision allows it to function as a thematic key to the book.10 Five\nyears later, he entered the Benedictine Abbey of Morigny, a few kilometers from \u00c9tampes\n(south of Paris) and thirty north of Autruy. Within four years of his entry into the order,\nprobably in 1300 or 1301, he was sent to Orl\u00e9ans, where he eventually took a degree in\ncanon law.11\nSoon after arriving at Orl\u00e9ans, John encountered two books: first a ritual compilation\n\u201cin which there were contained many nefarious things of the necromantic art\u201d, which he\nborrowed from \u201ca certain cleric\u201d, copied in part, then had to return; and the Ars notoria, a\nglossed manuscript of which he found in the library after being directed there by Jacob,\na \u201cmedical expert\u201d from Bologna, with the assurance that he would find in it the means\nto master not only necromancy but also \u201call forms of knowledge\u201d.12 The twin desires for\n\u00addangerous knowledge and for comprehensive knowledge and the relationship between these]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488\nthe dominant understanding of how the natural world worked was shifting in this period\ntowards an Aristotelian model; second, as mentioned above, because although Aristotle\u2019s\nwritings little addressed topics that explicitly or directly might be considered magic by\n\u00adthirteenth-century lights, his Arab and Jewish commentators did, and an important aspect\nof the high medieval reception of Aristotelianism was figuring out whether and how to sieve\nthe Arab and Jewish accretions out of the Aristotle. Albert, with the encouragement of his\nDominican superiors, set about the unprecedented task of paraphrasing all known works\nof Aristotle, and commenting on many as well. In consequence, he was drawn to address\ntopics such as astrology, divination, alchemy, etc., fields that the Mediterranean commentators had addressed extensively even if Aristotle had not, and were of broader contemporary\ninterest to medieval Christian society.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=358\nPages: 358\nthe Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti, differentiates between the spheres of public and\nprivate in the upper classes of the city states of the peninsula in a manner that is more pronounced than usual elsewherein Europe. This manuscript includes an anonymous Necromantia containing nearly 250 experimenti, and an Italian translation of the Clavicula Salomonis\ntaken very probably from a copy of the Latin text that was in the library of the Duke Filippo\nMaria in Pavia in 1426. An original thematic feature of this codex, probably related to its\nbeing in Italian and to the fact that the recipient was a lay member of the ducal court, lies\nin the balance of love and sex magic. This is especially so in the Necromantia, of which twothirds of the experimenti concern secret love and sexuality.\nThe position of learned magic in the East-Central European royal courts is more uncertain.35 Wenceslas IV, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Bohemia (1361\u20131419), possessed]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=125\nPages: 125,126\nof Arabic influence, whereas it does not occur in Occitan or in Catalan.21\nThe Barberini codex gives us an insight into two different profiles of individuals \u00addedicated\nto magic: the magician-author and the magician-compiler. We find the magician-\u00adauthor in\nthe Libre de puritats, although unfortunately his name is missing, probably because of the\nhazards of manuscript transmission. Despite following his sources accurately, he speaks in\n106\nM a g i c i n Ro m a n c e l a n g ua g e s\nthe first person and demonstrates his ambition to create a digest of works with a planned\nstructure. In comparison, the also anonymous Libre de ydeis fails to be a well-organized\ncompilation. On the other hand, the formation of the codex has been done by an unnamed\nmagician-compiler, who limits himself to collecting materials for his repertoire of resources.\nThis second procedure evidences that magical knowledge is particularly prone to circulate\nfragmentarily.\nA courtier\u2019s manual from Milan?]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=376\nPages: 376\nenchantresses from different traditions \u2013 from classical legend, Medea, Calypso and Circe;\nfrom natural philosophy, Hermes Ballenus, disciple of the founder of magic, Hermes Trismegistus; from Biblical tradition, Simon Magus. They also include what seems to be a reference\nto an English magician, \u201cColle tregetour\u201d (1277), apparently one \u201cColin T.\u201d, mentioned in\na French conversation manual (c.1396) and said to have practised in Orl\u00e9ans, \u201can Englishman who was a powerful necromancer \u2026 who knew how to create many marvels by means\nof necromancy\u201d.13 Chaucer\u2019s description, however, portrays him as more of an entertainer\nthan a necromancer, producing a windmill from under a walnut shell. Magicians accompany\nmusicians in the house of Fame, their arts of illusion sharing the power to entertain. This\nperception is sustained in Chaucer\u2019s Franklin\u2019s Tale. The lovesick knight Aurelius\u2019s brother\nhas the idea of consulting a learned magician to help Aurelius win his beloved Dorigen, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nsuch as those who, according to Herodotus, accompanied Xerxes on his visit to Greece.8\nThe Ancient Greek word for sorcery, goeteia, was joined by mageia, a word that described\nactivities, usually of a ritual nature and alien to the official religion, that were designed to\nconfer powers or benefits upon the magician or his client. Most medieval representations\nof magicians allude to the Persian origins of the word magus. In these images, magicians\nare simply identified as Persian priests, distinguished only by their readily identifiable\n\u00adPhrygian cap, as for example on a twelfth-century capital from Nazareth or in the mosaics\nof St Mark\u2019s, Venice of ca. 1200.9 These images of magicians therefore lack any peculiar\nfeatures that would reveal a particular attitude towards magic. In some other representations, the magicians are depicted with no identifying attributes other than being shown to\nbe engaged in the practice of magic itself. So, for example, their privileged relationship to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152\nthe case of Brian); both are magicians; both are conspicuously skilled as poet-storytellers.\nAt present, the similarities between the characters are unexplained, and my suspicion is\nthat \u201casking the right questions\u201d would involve thinking about what cultural forces might\nlead such ambivalent figures \u2013 for Brian and Gwydion are both heroic and anti-heroic\n\u00adsimultaneously \u2013 to be depicted as magicians; after all, magic is a signally flexible symbol\nfor the double-edged nature of power and self-will.\nIn terms of areas of research which are small enough for doctoral dissertations, one especially rich subject to look at would be the relationship between magic and animals, in both\nIreland and Wales. We need a more synoptic understanding of the Irish literary druid, as\nindicated above; a gendered analysis of magic in both countries would also be desirable.\n(Does women\u2019s magic differ from that of men in the Celtic literatures, and, if so, how? So]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=156\nPages: 156\nthat from them, it is possible to develop an accurate image of Icelandic practitioners of\nmagic (i.e. their social standing, origins, gender, occupations), and of the prevailing attitudes towards these people and the forms of power they are represented as controlling.16\nA further key concern about the socio-historical outlines of pre-Christian Nordic magic\nhas been the role of gender in the practice and representation of Norse magic.17 Although\nthe number of magical actors in surviving saga literature is roughly equal as regards gender, some scholars argue that the situation might in reality have been quite different in\nearlier times. One noted historian, for example, concludes, \u201cwomen were the original and\nremained the most powerful magicians, whereas men gained access only later and never\nattained parity with women, either in numbers or power\u201d.18]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=144\nPages: 144,145\nmost subsequent literary representations of male enchanters.15 Accordingly, it would be\ndesirable to have a cultural history of the stereotype.\nThe study of magical materials from medieval Wales is at an early stage, partly because there seems not to be very much to examine. There is evidence from the late twelfth\n125\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\ncentury for a kind of prophecy by ecstatic trance, performed by persons termed awenyddion\nin Welsh, \u201cthose inspired\u201d. It is striking that Gerald of Wales, the Cambro-Norman cleric\nwho describes the awenyddion\u2019s obscure utterances, is prepared (after some debate) to assign\ntheir gifts to divine grace.16 In contrast, a fourteenth-century Latin tract condemning divination refers \u2013 as an example of the illicit petitioning of evil spirits \u2013 to Welsh soothsayers\nwho invoke Gwynn ap Nudd, king of the fairies, with the formula: \u201cGwynn ap Nudd, you\nwho are yonder in the woodland, for the love of your bedmate, allow us to come into the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=131\nPages: 131,132\nVarious major topics related to magic have become popular research fields in the local\n\u00adsecondary literature (by authors such as Alexandre Birkenmajer, Jerzy Zathey, Ryszard Gansziniec, \u00adMieczys\u0142aw Markowski, Krszystof Bracha and Benedek L\u00e1ng). Many of these have at\u00ad illiam Ryan,\ntracted considerable interest on an international level, too (by William Eamon, W\n112\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\nJean-Patrice Boudet, Daryn Hayton). Among these \u201chighlights\u201d, the following issues are included: the golden age of astronomy and astrology in the University of Krakow; the hermetic\ninterest in the royal court of Matthias, King of Hungary (1458\u201390); and the astronomical\u2013\u00ad\nastrological collection in the library of King Wenceslas IV (King of B\n\u00ad ohemia 1378\u20131419). To\nthese general issues, particular authors and magician figures can be added, such as the engineer-\u00ad\nmagician Conrad Kyeser, the crystal gazer and treasure hunter Henry the Bohemian, and the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nconfident enough to put their real names to works of magic is a striking development, and\nis evidence of a gradual shift towards more positive attitudes towards certain magical texts\nand ideas in Western Europe. The second half of this section examines the work that has\nbeen done on these important \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d.\nThe fourth section, \u201cThemes\u201d, looks beyond the traditions, genres and authors of medieval magic to explore the ways in which magic interacted with other aspects of medieval\nculture. Several of the chapters in this section highlight areas that have seen exciting scholarship in recent years such as Jean-Patrice Boudet\u2019s chapter on magic at court, or Peter\nMurray Jones and Lea T. Olsan\u2019s chapter on magic and medicine. Others discuss important issues that would benefit from more research, for example Robert Goulding\u2019s chapter\non conjuring and illusion, and Catherine Rider\u2019s chapter on magic and gender (a topic that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nhuman corpse. Again, it is their nefarious activity plundering a corpse to use his remains\nfor the sake of necromancy that identifies them, rather than the attributes of their clothing\nor their appearance.12 In other instances, the scene illustrated is clear and the magicians\ndo not need further attributes to be recognized, as is the case in the Old English illustrated\nHexateuch, which twice depicts Jannes and Jambres together with Moses and Aaron in the\npresence of Pharaoh.13\nJesus the magician?\nOnly in the legal language of Late Antiquity was a concrete name, maleficus, used to specify the difference with the more common term \u201cmagus\u201d, which would be used throughout\nthe Middle Ages.14 The most famous Persian magicians in the Christian West are the Wise\nMen who came to pay tribute to the newly born Christ Child. The story is familiar, and\nis frequently represented in Christian art as an illustration of the superiority of Christ\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=132\nPages: 132\nmagician Conrad Kyeser, the crystal gazer and treasure hunter Henry the Bohemian, and the\n\u00adMontpellier-trained medical doctor Nicolaus, who shocked his \u00adpatients with his bizarre curative\nmethods using snake and frog flesh. Besides the general issues and the magician authors, a few\nparticular \u2013 and fairly enigmatic \u2013 texts can be listed: the prayer book of King Wladislas that\nserved for crystal gazing and angel summoning while also incorporating long paragraphs from\nthe Liber visionum of John of Morigny; the Alchemical Mass of Nicolaus Melchior written, again,\nfor a king and merging two remote literary genres; the description of the alchemical transmutation and the text of the Christian Mass; and the beautifully illustrated, colourful handbook of\ndivination and talismanic magic, the MS Biblioteca Jagiellonska 793 that preserved \u2013 among\nothers \u2013 the first long surviving version of the Picatrix. Let us review briefly these highlights!\nAstrology in Krakow]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nHostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum\nEgyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian\nBible moralis\u00e9e. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v\nCyprian as a magician from Gregory Nazianzen, Homilies,\nParis, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS Gr. 510, fol. 332v\n\u201cPhilosophus\u201d and \u201cMagus\u201d. Sculptures on Chartres Cathedral\n\u201cMagus\u201d. Chartres Cathedral (detail of Fig. 29.4)\nNigromance from Brunetto Latini, Tr\u00e9sor, London, British Library,\nAdditional MS 30024, fol. 1v\nMonk inside a magic circle, El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio\nde San Lorenzo, MS T.I.1, fol. 177v\nSorcerers with a clay magic figurine and the shepherd Menalcas, Dijon,\nBiblioth\u00e8que municipale, MS 493 fol. 15v\nHermes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle. Engraving attributed\nto Baccio Baldini or Maso Finiguerra. British Museum\nTree with male sexual organs being harvested by women (Wunderbaum).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18,20\nStudies at Jesus College, Oxford. He is a Darby Fellow and Tutor in English at Lincoln\n\u00adCollege, Oxford, and currently works in the Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse, and Celtic\nat Cambridge, where he teaches medieval Irish. He is the author of Fiery Shapes: Celestial\nPortents and Astrology in Ireland and Wales, 700\u20131700 (2010), and Ireland\u2019s Immortals: A History of\nthe Gods of Irish Myth (2016). He is currently working on a monograph on magic in medieval\nIrish and Welsh literature.\nxvii\nIntroduct ion\nSophie Page and Catherine Rider\nThe study of medieval magic has seen a great deal of important work in recent decades.\nSince the 1990s, scholars have demonstrated that a wide range of people were engaged in\nmagical activities from all groups in society, and that a great variety of magical texts were\nin circulation. In addition to this, they have continued to explore topics that have long attracted attention, such as the relationship between medieval magic and the witch trials of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by\nwitches. In the centre of the scene, a male magician is dressed in ritual garb in the middle\nof a magic circle with a book and sword in his hands, symbolizing the knowledge needed\nto perform ritual magic and the power it confers. Around Sch\u00e4ufelein\u2019s magician, there are\ndifferent forms of sorcery and magic carried out by old women, two among them riding\ngoats and another having sexual intercourse with a devil. Below is the final outcome of all\nthese activities, eternal punishment in the fires of hell. We find in these pictures an iconography of the witch finding its way, as well as an already established figure of the magician as\na wise man who stands inside a magic circle for the sake of protecting himself from the evil\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=374\nPages: 374\nagency and empowerment \u2013 and they present extraordinary challenges to power. While\nmagic figures across a range of literary forms, it is most prominent in the genre of romance.\nMagic occurs in the earliest instances of the genre \u2013 the romances or novels of antiquity \u2013\nand retains a strong hold on it, as is evinced by the Harry Potter and Lord of the Rings fever\nthat has swept the world. Merlin, Morgan le Fay, the Lady of the Lake, Prospero: such figures, with their special powers, hold an enduring fascination. It is easy to dismiss magic as\nescapist, attractive in its exoticism, sometimes fearful, perhaps expressive of unspoken desires\nand fears. I have argued for a more realist approach to medieval writing, for looking beyond\nescapism and exoticism to the intellectual contexts of magic, and to the seriousness with\nwhich supernatural possibilities were taken in this period.1\nFrom the later twentieth century onwards, scholars have traced a rich cultural history of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=255\nPages: 255\n2003), 545\u201368.\n24 Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 605\u201322.\n25 Ibid., 492\u201395 and 602ff. A previous example of an author magician could be found: B\n\u00ad erengario\nGanell and his Summa sacre magice (1347). See in addition to Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this\n\u00advolume, Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 398 and Carlos Gilly, \u201cTra Paracelso, Pelagio e Ganello:\n\u00adL\u2019ermetismo di John Dee,\u201d in Magia, alchimia, scienza dal\u2019400 al\u2019700: L\u2019influsso di Ermete Trismegisto, ed.\nCarlos Gilly and Cis van Heertum, 2 vols. (Florence: Centro Di, 2002), 1, 275\u201385.\n26 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrologie, m\u00e9decine et art talismanique \u00e0 Montpellier: les sceaux astrologiques pseudo-arnaldiens,\u201d in L\u2019Universit\u00e9 de M\u00e9decine de Montpellier et son rayonnement (xiiie-xve\nsi\u00e8cles), ed. Daniel Le Bl\u00e9vec, with collab. Thomas Granier (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 157\u201374.\n27 On the angels moving the celestial spheres: Tiziana Suarez-Nani, Les Anges et la Philosophie. S\u00ad ubjectivit\u00e9]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=366\nPages: 366\nand engaging in love magic on behalf of a male client. Among the many studies of this\ncomplex text are several that have sought to relate de Rojas\u2019s powerful depiction of a female\nmagical practitioner to contemporary stereotypes of the female witch.21 There is more that\ncan be done, however. As with ecclesiastical writing, male magical practitioners deserve\nmore attention, and so, too, do the differences between different texts, places and periods.\nThe ways in which these literary images of magicians \u2013 male and female \u2013 interacted with\nstereotypes found in other sources, such as ecclesiastical texts, also deserve further study.\nThe gendering of magical practices\nIn addition to discussions of whether medieval magic was generally associated with women,\nscholars have also asked whether certain types of magic were especially likely to be associated\nwith either women or men. Recent scholars have varied in the extent to which they have seen]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=350\nPages: 350,351\nthe area of clerical magic and miracle to the fictional universe in the vernacular aims \u201cto\nchallenge the clerics\u2019 monopoly of the sacred and to affirm the legitimacy of the supernatural domination claimed by the aristocracy\u201d.3 But it is more generally a phenomenon of\nacculturation between \u201cclergy\u201d and \u201cchivalry\u201d that is taking place here, a phenomenon\n331\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nbetter observable in the court societies of the three last centuries of the Middle Ages.4 In\nany case, the fact that the character of the court magician is often more positive than negative in the vernacular literature confirms the importance of social demand in this area.\nIn German romance, for example, \u201cmagicians were not just fringe figures, representatives\nof superstition and low culture, but elegant, learned and powerful courtiers, whose services\nwere valued in the center of power.\u201d5 Courtly literature has probably done more to inspire]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=424\nPages: 424,425\nexamples such as St Lazare, Autun, V\u00e9zelay or the mosaics of Norman Sicily such as those\nin the cathedrals of Monreale or Cefal\u00fa.17 In Romanesque Art, in the context of Gregorian\nReform, Simon the Magician represents the sin of Simony as opposed to the figure of Saint\nPeter:18 a well-known example is that of the Porte Mi\u00e8geville in Saint-Sernin of Toulouse,\nFigure 29.2 \u0007Egyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian Bible moralis\u00e9e.\nOxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v.\n405\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nwhere Simon is identified as \u201cMagus\u201d by an inscription, while another inscription below\nhis feet reads: \u201cArte furens magica Simon in sua occidit arma\u201d (Misled by his magical art,\nSimon succumbs to its own weapons).\nIt was suggested by Thomas Matthews that Jesus was characterized as a magician by his\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=425\nPages: 425\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which\nis also said to identify pagan magicians.19 Magic was a concept that Christians associated\nwith their religious enemies, so it is unlikely they would have imagined the son of God as a\nmagician who competed with pagan ones. Rather, they would see him as a worker of wonders, of miracles, who outdid all pagan magic in the name of the Holy Father.20 The staff\ndoes eventually become an element in the visual representation of practitioners of magic\nand divination. This is an attribute of the magician and the sorcerer that appears relatively\nlate in the history of the iconography, 21 but we can still find it in the late Middle Ages.22\nAn exceptional early example is the depiction of the sorceress Circe (Kirke) transforming\none of Odysseus\u2019s sailors into a pig, painted on a Greek amphora now in Berlin.23 On other]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=420\nPages: 420,421\nAges. Discovering the Real Medieval World (Stroud: Sutton, 2002); Gemma Watson, \u201cMedieval Mentalities and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Courtly Love, Gender and Sexuality in London, c.\n1100\u20131500\u201d (MA dissertation, University of Reading, 2007).\n85 http://finds.org.uk/.\n401\n29\nT h e v isua l cu lt u r e of m agic\ni n t h e M i ddl e Age s\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nMagicians as wise men\nWhen in the 1470s the artist of the Florentine Picture Chronicle depicted the sorcerer Hostanes \u2013\na follower of Zoroaster \u2013 (see Figure 29.1), he had no doubts that the magician should \u00adappear\nin the guise of an oriental wise man inside a magic circle with several burning censers, invoking demons, book in hand, with some of the demons and evil creatures around also holding\nbooks and rolls.1\nSome years later, in 1511, a woodcut by Hans Sch\u00e4ufelein conflated ritual magic, in the\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 140 to page 153 out of a total of 569:\nPages 140:\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\n65\u201393; Tibor Klaniczay, \u201cDas Contubernium des Johannes Vit\u00e9z: Die erste ungarische Academie,\u201d in Forschungen \u00fcber Siebenb\u00fcrgen und seine Nachbarn: Festschrift f\u00fcr Attila T. Szab\u00f3 und Zsigmond Jak\u00f3,\ned. K\u00e1lm\u00e1n Benda (Munich: Trofenik, 1988), 241\u201355.\n9 Leslie S. Domonkos, \u201cThe Origins of the University of Pozsony,\u201d The New Review: A Journal of\nEast-European History 9 (1969): 270\u201389; Asztrik Gabriel, The Medieval Universities of P\u00e9cs and Pozsony:\nCommemoration of the 500th and 600th Anniversary of Their Foundation, 1367-1467-1967 (Frankfurt am\nMain: University of Notre Dame, 1969); Tibor Klaniczay, \u201cEgyetem Magyarorsz\u00e1gon M\u00e1ty\u00e1s\nkor\u00e1ban\u201d (University in Hungary in the age of Matthias), Irodalomt\u00f6rt\u00e9neti K\u00f6zlem\u00e9nyek 94 (1990):\n575\u2013612.\n10 Boudet, Hayton, \u201cMatthias Corvin;\u201d Andr\u00e1s V\u00e9gh,\u201d Egy Renesz\u00e1nsz felirat t\u00f6red\u00e9kei \u00e9s a budai\nkir\u00e1lyi palota csillagk\u00e9pei,\u201d (Fragments of a Renaisssance insciption and the celestial signs of the\nBuda Palace) M\u0171v\u00e9szett\u00f6rt\u00e9neti \u00e9rtes\u00edt\u0151, (2010): 211\u201332.\n11 Csaba Csapodi and Kl\u00e1ra Csapodin\u00e9 G\u00e1rdonyi, ed. Bibliotheca Corviniana: The Library of King\n\u00adMatthias Corvinus of Hungary (Budapest: Helikon, 1990); Kl\u00e1ra Csapodin\u00e9 G\u00e1rdonyi, Die Bibliothek\ndes Johannes Vit\u00e9z (Budapest: Akad\u00e9miai Kiad\u00f3, 1984); Katalin Barlai and Boronkai \u00c1gnes, \u201cAstronomical codices in the Corvinia Library,\u201d Mem. Soc. Astron. Ital. 65 (1994): 533\u201346.\n12 MS Vienna, \u00d6NB, Cod. 2472, M. C. 38.\n13 MS Wolfenb\u00fcttel, Cod. Guelf. 12, Aug. 4\u00b0.\n14 MS Florence, Bibliotheca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. 73. Cod. 39.\n15 Kr\u00e1sa, Die Handschriften, Milena Bartlov\u00e1, \u201cThe Magic of Image: Astrological, Alchemical and\nMagical Symbolism at the Court of Wenceslas IV,\u201d in The Role of Magic in the Past: Learned and\nPopular Magic, Popular Beliefs and Diversity of Attitudes, ed. Blanka Szeghyov\u00e1 (Bratislava: Pro Historia,\n2005), 19\u201328. Among the eight extant codices written in the last years of the fourteenth century for\nthe emperor, three are devoted specifically to astrology: MS \u00d6NB cod. 2271; MS \u00d6NB 2352; MS\nMunich, CLM 826. Divinatory and ritual magic texts can be found in Vienna, \u00d6NB 2352.\n16 Conrad Kyeser, Bellifortis, 2 vols., ed. G\u00f6tz Quarg (D\u00fcsseldorf: Verlag des Vereins Deutscher\n\u00adIngenieurie, 1967); William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early\nModern Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 68\u201371; Lynn White, \u201c\u00adKyeser\u2019s\n\u2018Bellifortis\u2019: The First Technological Treatise of the Fifteenth Century,\u201d Technology and Culture 10\n(1969): 436\u201341; Lynn White, \u201cMedical Astrologers and Late Medieval Technology\u201d Viator: Medieval\nand Renaissance Studies 6 (1975): 295\u2013307; Rainer Leng, Ars belli: Deutsche taktische und kriegstechnische\nBilderhandschriften und Traktate im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag, 2002), 19\u201321\nand 109\u201349.\n17 Aleksander Birkenmajer, \u201cSprawa Magistra Henryka Czecha\u201d (The Case of Master Henry\nthe \u00adBohemian), Collectanea Theologica 17 (1936): 207\u201324; Aleksander Birkenmajer, \u201cHenryk le\n\u00adBohemien,\u201d in Aleksander Birkenmajer \u00c9tudes d\u2019histoire des sciences en Pologne (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad\n\u00adNarodowy im. \u00adOssoli\u0144skich, 1972), 497\u201398. Stanis\u0142aw Wielgus, \u201cConsilia de Stanislas de \u00adScarbimiria\ncontre l\u201d\u00adastrologue Henri Bohemus,\u201d Studia Mediewistyczne 25 (1988): 145\u201372; Benedek L\u00e1ng,\n\u201c\u00adAngels around the Crystal: the Prayer Book of King Wladislas and the Treasure Hunts of Henry\nthe Czech,\u201d Aries: Journal for the Study of Western Esotericism 5 (2005): 1\u201332.\n18 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson liturg. d. 6. Ryszard Ganszyniec and Ludwik Bernacki,\ned. Modlitewnik W\u0142adys\u0142awa Warne\u0144czyka w zbiorach Bibljoteki Bodleja\u0144skiej (Wladislaw Warnenczyk\u201ds\nPrayer Book Kept in the Bodleian Library) (Krakow: Anczyc i Sp\u00f3\u0142ka, 1928); see also Ryszard\nGanszyniec, \u201cKrystalomancja\u201d (Crystallomancy). Lud 41 (1954): 256\u2013339.\n19 Ryszard Ganszyniec, Brata Miko\u0142aja z Polski pisma lekarskie (The Medical Writings of Brother\n\u00adNicholas of Poland), (Pozna\u0144: Czcionkami Drukarni Zjednoczenia, 1920); William Eamon and\nGundolf Keil, \u201cPlebs amat empirica: Nicholas of Poland and His Critique of the Medieval Medical\nEstablishment,\u201d Sudhoffs Archiv 71 (1987): 180\u201396; Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature, 76\u201379.\n20 \u201cProcessus Sub Forma Missae a Nicolao Melchiori Cibinensi Transiluano, ad Ladislaum Ungariae\net Bohemiae Regem olim missum,\u201d Theatrum Chemicum, vol. III (Ursel: Lazarus Zetzner, 1602),\n758\u201361; Carl Gustav Jung, Psychology and Alchemy (London: Routledge, 1968), 397; G\u00e1bor Farkas\nKiss, Benedek L\u00e1ng and Cosmin Popa-Gorjanu, \u201cThe Alchemical Mass of Nicolaus Melchior\nCibinensis: Text, Identity and Speculations,\u201d Ambix 53 (2006): 143\u201359.\n21 William Francis Ryan, \u201cMagic and Divination: Old Russian Sources,\u201d in The Occult in Russian and\nSoviet Culture, ed. Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997),\n35\u201358.\n121\n\nPages 141:\nBenedek L\u00e1ng\n22 MS BJ 778, f. 200r-209r. Maria Kowalczyk, \u201cWr\u00f3\u017cby, czary i zabobony w \u015bredniowiecznych\nr\u0119kopisach Biblioteki Jagiello\u0144skiej\u201d (Divinations, Superstitions and Sortileges in the Medieval\nManuscripts in the Jagiellonian Library), Biuletyn Biblioteki Jagiello\u0144skiej 29 (1979): 5\u201318, especially\n16\u201317.\n23 William Francis Ryan, The Bathhouse at Midnight: An Historical Survey of Magic and Divination in R\n\u00ad ussia\n(Stroud: Sutton, 1999), Ryan, \u201cMagic and Divination: Old Russian Sources;\u201d Ihor \u0160ev\u010denko,\n\u201c\u00adRemarks on the Diffusion of Byzantine Scientific and Pseudo-Scientific Literature among the\n\u00adOrthodox Slavs,\u201d Slavonic and East European Review 59 (1981): 321\u201345; Mirko Dra\u017een Grmek, Les\nsciences dans les manuscripts slaves orientaux du Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Universit\u00e9 de Paris, 1959); Robert\nMathiesen, \u201cMagic in Slavia Orthodoxa: The Written Tradition\u201d, Byzantine Magic, ed. Henry\nMaguire (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1955), 155\u201377.\n24 These two texts have not survived in their original copies, nor in their sixteenth-century Czech\ntranslation; they have come to us in a seventeenth-century German version. Drei vortreffliche chymische\nB\u00fccher des Johann Ticinensis, eines b\u00f6hmischen Priesters (Hamburg, 1670).\n25 Sigrid von Osten, Das Alchemistenlaboratorium Oberstockstall: Ein Fundkomplex des 16. Jahrhunderts\naus Nieder\u00f6sterreich (Innsbruck: Universtit\u00e4tsverlag Wagner, 1998); Rudolf Werner Soukup and\n\u00adHelmut Mayer, Alchemistisches Gold \u2013 Paracelsistische Pharmaka: Laboratoriumstechnik im 16. Jahrhundert\n(\u00adVienna-K\u00f6ln-Weimar: B\u00f6hlau, 1997).\n26 Chiara Crisciani, \u201cThe Conception of Alchemy as Expressed in the Pretiosa Margarita Novella of\nPetrus Bonus of Ferrara,\u201d Ambix 20 (1973): 165\u201381.\n27 W\u0142odek, Zathey and Zwiercan, ed. Catalogus codicum, 10 vols.\n28 Markowski, Astronomica et astrologica; Rosi\u0144ska, Scientific Writings.\n29 Josef Truhl\u00e1\u0159, ed. Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum latinorum, qui in c. r. bibliotheca publica atque universitatis Pragensis asservantur, 2 vols. (Prague: Regia Societas Scientiarum, 1905\u20131906); Anton\u00edn Podlaha,\ned. Soupis rukopis\u016f knihovny metropolitn\u00ed kapituly pra\u017esk\u00e9 (Catalogue of Manuscripts of the Metropolitan\nChapter Library of Prague) (Prague: \u010cesk\u00e1 akademie v\u0115d, 1922).\n30 See Edit Madas, ed. Fragmenta et codices in bibliothecis Hungariae series (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz,\n1983\u2013).\n31 Stanis\u0142aw Bylina, \u201cLa Pr\u00e9dication, les croyances et les pratiques traditionelles en Pologne au Bas\nMoyen Age,\u201d in L\u2019\u00c9glise et le peuple Chr\u00e9tien dans les pays de l\u2019Europe du Centre-Est et du Nord (XIVe-XVe\nsi\u00e8cles) (Rome: \u00c9cole Fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 1990), 301\u201313; Stanis\u0142aw Bylina, \u201cMagie, sorcellerie et\nculture populaire en Pologne aux XVe et XVIe si\u00e8cles,\u201d Acta Ethnographica, A periodical of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences 37 (1991): 173\u201390; Beata Wojciechowska, \u201cMagic in Annual Rites in Late\nMedieval Poland,\u201d in Religion und Magie in Ostmitteleuropa (Spielr\u00e4ume theologischer Normierungsprozesse\nin Sp\u00e4tmittelalter und Fr\u00fche Neuzeit), ed. Thomas W\u00fcnsch (Berlin: LIT Verlag, 2006), 225\u201338; Ryan,\nThe Bathhouse at Midnight, Chaps. 2 and 4; Kowalczyk\u00f3wna, \u201cWr\u00f3\u017cby, czary i zabobony\u201d; Krszystof\nBracha, \u201cMagie und Aberglaubenskritik in den Predigten des Sp\u00e4tmittelalters in Polen,\u201d in Religion\nund Magie in Ostmitteleuropa, ed. W\u00fcnsch, 197\u2013215; idem, \u201cKatalog magii Rudolfa\u201d in Cystersi w spo\u0142ecze\u0144stwie Europy \u015arodkowej. (Poznan: Wydawnictwo Pozna\u0144skie, 2000), 806\u201320; Krszystof Bracha,\nTeolog, diabe\u0142 i zabobony: \u015bwiadectwo traktatu Miko\u0142aja Magni z Jawora De superstitionibus (The Theologian,\nthe Devil and the Superstitions: The Testimony of the Treatise of Nicolaus Jawor, De superstitionibus)\n(Warsaw: Instytut Historii PAN, 1999).\n32 \u0160ev\u010denko, \u201cRemarks on the Diffusion.\u201d\n33 Franti\u0161ek \u0160mahel, \u201cSt\u00e4rker als der Glaube: Magie, Aberglaube und Zauber in der Epoche des\nHussitismus,\u201d Bohemia: Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Geschichte und Kultur der b\u00f6hmischen L\u00e4nder 32 (1991): 316\u201337; Ryan\n\u201cMagic and Divination: Old Russian Sources,\u201d 57; Ryan, The Bathhouse at Midnight, 16 and 394.\n34 Mieczys\u0142aw Markowski. \u201cAstronomie und der Krakauer Universit\u00e4t im XV. Jahrhundert,\u201d in Les\nuniversit\u00e9s \u00e0 la fin du Moyen Age, Actes du congr\u00e8s international du Louvain (26\u201330 mai, 1975), ed. Jozef\nIjswijn and Jacques Paquet (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1978), 256\u201375; Markowski, \u201cDie\nAstrologie an der Krakauer Universit\u00e4t in den Jahren 1450\u20131550,\u201d 83\u201389.\n35 Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books, Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe,\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008).\n122\n\nPages 142:\n10\nM agic i n Ce lt ic l a n ds\nMark Williams\nResearch into literary and historical magic in the Celtic countries is at an early stage, so much\nso that even the scale and parameters of the problem remain unclear. This state of affairs\nis a legacy of the early days of Celtic Studies, in which Victorian critics took the view that\nthe fantastic and supernatural were defining characteristics of the literatures of medieval\nWales and Ireland, and that the \u201cCeltic race\u201d (so called) possessed an essential kinship with\nthe \u00adirrational.1 In counter-reaction to excitable notions of this kind, Celtic scholarship has\ntraditionally focused on empirical linguistic, historical and textual issues. The production\nof literary criticism per se has been spasmodic, and as a result the analysis of the Celtic\n\u00adsupernatural \u2013 potentially spectacularly rich \u2013 is one area among many that have lain in\nneglect.\nIt is necessary to begin with some problems of definition and evidence. \u201cCeltic\u201d is a difficult term, precise only when deployed in a linguistic context: it is used in a parallel manner\nto \u201cRomance\u201d and \u201cGermanic\u201d to denote a major branch of the Indo-European language\nfamily. Thus, while popular usage allows Scotland, for instance, to be referred to as one of\nthe \u201cCeltic lands\u201d, scholarship reserves the term only for material produced in one of the\nCeltic vernaculars: Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Manx (which together form one linguistic\nsubgroup), and Welsh, Cornish and Breton (which form another). Such is the scale of the\nmaterial to be covered, however, that only Ireland and Wales \u2013 the regions with the richest\nsurviving bodies of medieval literature \u2013 can be considered in this chapter.\nIt should also be stressed here that many scholars no longer share previous generations\u2019\nconfidence that Irish and Welsh literature can be lumped together under the \u201cCeltic\u201d heading; it is increasingly acknowledged that similarities between the two countries\u2019 literary\ntraditions \u2013 formerly taken as evidence for a shared cultural inheritance \u2013 may in fact be\nmedieval borrowings or independent innovations.2 Still less clear is the relationship between magical traditions represented in the Celtic vernaculars and those current in medieval Europe more generally, especially as regards the question of the interplay between\nancient, native elements on the one hand and classical and biblical models on the other\nhand. The question of what medieval Irish literature in particular owes to the Bible and to\nthe wider European world was a controversial area of critical debate for much of the second\nhalf of the last century, and the examination of magic is likely to constellate the issue once\nagain in significant ways.\nThe field of Irish and Welsh magic is therefore excitingly wide open, and a reconsideration of all the surviving records and representations of magical practices is badly needed.\n(That two recent symposia on Irish magic have been held at the National University of\nIreland, Maynooth, is highly encouraging). This is as true of the early Middle Ages as it\n123\n\nPages 143:\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\nis of the half-millennium under consideration in this volume, which brings me to a final\npoint before we turn to the material itself: though this is a companion to late medieval\nmagic, \u201cearly\u201d and \u201clate\u201d are not particularly useful descriptors when dealing with the\nCeltic material. For the Irish language, for example, there was no decisive morphological\ntransformation of the sort that English underwent; the language of Beowulf would have\nbeen incomprehensible to Chaucer, but Irish scribes of the later Middle Ages were able to\nread and transmit texts composed seven centuries before. It is likely in many cases that we\npossess the literary monuments of the early Middle Ages thanks to the tastes of the copyists\nand compilators of the twelfth to fifteenth centuries.\nIn contrast, no body of sagas has been preserved from early medieval Wales; the first\ndepiction of a magic-worker in the literature probably dates from the mid-eleventh century.\nThe greatest literary depictions of enchantment \u2013 the prose Four Branches of the Mabinogi and\nthe \u201clegendary poems\u201d in the voice of the \u00fcber-bard Taliesin \u2013 probably date to the period\nbetween 1100 and 1225. Once again these have come down to us in later manuscripts,\nthe most important of which date to the fourteenth century. In the case of both Wales and\n\u00adIreland, therefore, any discussion of \u201clate medieval magic\u201d must really turn on the manner\nin which earlier \u2013 sometimes much earlier \u2013 material was received, remembered and revised.\nHistorical magical practices in Wales and Ireland\nMy focus below is on magic in literary narrative, but first something must be said about our\nknowledge of historical magic in the regions under discussion. Richard Kieckhefer has emphasized that medieval magic is a \u201ccrossing-point\u201d between fiction and reality, and cautions\nagainst artificially separating the magic of literature from the magical activities that medieval\npeople actually undertook.3\nBut for Ireland and Wales, there does seem to have been a genuine gulf between the two,\nin so far as the evidence allows us to tell. Certainly, the literary magic of medieval Irish saga\nbears scant relation to the information we possess about practice. From the early Middle\nAges, our data for the latter \u2013 elliptical as it is \u2013 derives mainly from legal texts.4 This is one\narea in which excellent work has already been done.5 As elsewhere in medieval Europe,\nthe evil eye was feared, and taken seriously at law; Jacqueline Borsje has been the key voice\nhere, producing a full-length study of the motif.6 The early Hiberno-Latin penitentials condemn both ars diabolica and maleficia, meaning the laying of curses and other attempts to cause\nharm by magical means. There is some evidence that these powers were thought to belong\nespecially to women, but also to smiths and those who clung to pagan beliefs during the conversion period: an early prayer for protection placed in the mouth of St Patrick asks for protection from \u201cthe spells of women and smiths and druids\u201d, though we have no clear sense of\nwhat kind of magical techniques might be implied by this phrase.7 An early ecclesiastical text\nknown as \u201cThe Synod of Patrick\u201d notes the presence in Irish society a kind of woman it calls\na lamia or striga, and clearly meaning workers of negative magic. My suspicion is that the Latin\nterms correspond to the native words t\u00faaithech or bant\u00faathaid, \u201csorcerer, witch\u201d, but not enough\nwork has been done as yet to determine the semantic ranges of the various descriptors.8\nLess sinisterly, the perennial human endeavour of love magic has recently been examined. Once again there is clear evidence from the early penitentials; we also have charms\nagainst impotence.9 Finally, charms \u2013 a notoriously difficult category of text, both semantically and sociologically \u2013 have begun to receive major attention.10 Many of them are for\nhealing or protection, and though they postdate the island\u2019s conversion, some interestingly\n124\n\nPages 144:\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\nmention Irish pagan deities in the same breath as Christian powers, in ways that have not\nas yet been sufficiently theorized or explained. Recent work on them provides a model for\nhow the responsible investigation of \u201cCeltic magic\u201d might be undertaken, and once again\nJacqueline Borsje has led the way. Her work is characterized by a sophisticated grappling\nwith the meaning of the Old Irish texts and a wide comparative knowledge of the charm\ntradition as a major European magical genre, not least in Old English.\nWe also have evidence for the existence of forms of divination, likely of pre-Christian\n\u00adorigins, into early Christian Ireland. Visiting an augur is condemned in early law tracts,\nand this was undoubtedly a historical phenomenon. Elsewhere, we hear of forms of prophecy proper to professional poets ( fili, pl. filid) some of which were supposedly adjudged licit\nby Patrick, while one was forbidden, because it involved chewing on the flesh of a cat or dog,\nwhich was too reminiscent of pagan animal sacrifice. How literally these accounts should\nbe taken is a matter of dispute. There is evidence that in the ninth and tenth centuries some\nprofessional poets were keen to emphasize the archaic mystique of their profession, and this\nmay have led them to play up their supposed connections with a lost paganism.11 There\nneeds to be a reassessment of the whole issue of the magic powers associated with learned\npoets in Irish tradition \u2013 including the ability to unman individuals or even raise blisters\nupon the face with a kind of extempore satire known as gl\u00e1m dicend.\nAll this evidence for historical magic is essentially early, mainly from before the year\n1000. For the later Middle Ages, the data is thin. There is, as far as I know, no manuscript\nevidence for learned ritual magic of the high medieval grimoire tradition; among the occult\nsciences, astrology was certainly known in Ireland from the very late Middle Ages, largely\nand perhaps exclusively in the context of medicine.12 Mention should be made here of\nmedieval Ireland\u2019s earliest and most famous witchcraft trial, that of Dame Alice Kyteler,\nin 1324. The case is telling, precisely because its background was conspicuously European\nand not Irish: the trial was in response to papal concerns about heresy, and the wealthy and\nwell-connected Kyteler was accused of consorting with demons in the classic late medieval\nand early modern conception of witchcraft. This had little to do with Gaelic folk custom,\nstill less with the representation of female magic-workers in Irish vernacular literature:\nthe Kyteler trial shows that the extension of Anglo-Norman power to Ireland eventually\nbrought with it a new and international set of medieval conceptions about magical practice,\nwhich were to become very common in the later European witch craze of the sixteenth and\nseventeenth centuries.13\nSo much for Ireland. In Wales, the popular and enduring imaginative link between the\ncountry and magic has a long history. It was crystallized in the early modern period: one\nthinks not only of John Dee, astrologer to Elizabeth I, who made much of his Welsh connections, but also of Shakespeare\u2019s Glendower (Owain Glynd\u0175 r), who like any Renaissance\nmagus boasts of his ability to \u201ccall spirits from the vasty deep\u201d.14 Very little of this stereotypical association had older roots. From the late twelfth century, we have Gerald of Wales\u2019s\nstory of a Welsh magician (maleficius) whose spirit continued to work evil magic beyond the\ngrave, until destroyed by an English knight. Much more famously, the figure of Myrddin \u2013\na crazed poet-prophet in Welsh tradition \u2013 entered the European mainstream thanks to\nGeoffrey of Monmouth\u2019s twelfth-century Historia regum Britannie; he became the basis for\nmost subsequent literary representations of male enchanters.15 Accordingly, it would be\ndesirable to have a cultural history of the stereotype.\nThe study of magical materials from medieval Wales is at an early stage, partly because there seems not to be very much to examine. There is evidence from the late twelfth\n125\n\nPages 145:\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\ncentury for a kind of prophecy by ecstatic trance, performed by persons termed awenyddion\nin Welsh, \u201cthose inspired\u201d. It is striking that Gerald of Wales, the Cambro-Norman cleric\nwho describes the awenyddion\u2019s obscure utterances, is prepared (after some debate) to assign\ntheir gifts to divine grace.16 In contrast, a fourteenth-century Latin tract condemning divination refers \u2013 as an example of the illicit petitioning of evil spirits \u2013 to Welsh soothsayers\nwho invoke Gwynn ap Nudd, king of the fairies, with the formula: \u201cGwynn ap Nudd, you\nwho are yonder in the woodland, for the love of your bedmate, allow us to come into the\nhouse!\u201d17 The words were used before entering the home of a sick person \u2013 perhaps in an\neffort to keep malevolent spirits away and thus help the person\u2019s recovery. In the folklore\nof the Middle Ages, Gwynn is a supernatural hunter and fairy king, but he has long been\nthought to be the afterimage of a Celtic god: this passage may therefore represent one of the\nmost persuasive pieces of evidence for the survival of a pagan deity into medieval folk magic\nin the whole of the British Isles. That it is not well known among folklore specialists is down\nin large part to it having only been edited and discussed in Welsh.\nIn general, the best that can be said is that the social background to late medieval magic\nin Wales is currently unclear. Thanks to Richard Suggett, we have a secure sense of the terminology and evidence for magical practices in Wales in the early modern period: in particular his analysis of the 1595 anti-witchcraft tract Dau Gymro yn Taring (\u201cTwo Welshmen\nTarrying\u201d) reveals a rich landscape of enchanters and folk magicians with various different\nnames and specialities. Suggett points out that the advent of transparent English borrowings such as wits (\u201cwitch\u201d) suggests a degree of transformation among the ranks of Welsh\nmagical practitioners in the period, on the principle that a word is likely to be borrowed for\na concept for which native terminology is not sufficient. Hence, the extent to which these\nearly modern attitudes and their associated terminology represented continuations from\nthe late Middle Ages is an open question.18\nLiterary magic in medieval Irish literature\nWhy is there such a gulf between sparsely attested historical magic and richly evidenced literary magic? (By \u201cliterary magic\u201d, I mean explicit instances of spells and enchantment, not\na non-specific atmosphere of the marvellous, miraculous or supernatural.) The crucial factor\nis that literary magic in the Celtic world is usually set in the past, never in the contemporary\nmedieval world. We might contrast Middle English romance: Havelok the Dane, for example,\nwas written c.1290 and is set in the Anglo-Danish world of three hundred or so years before. In Irish terms, this would be a very piddling time-depth, for by the turn of the twelfth\ncentury, the island\u2019s men of learning had woven an intricate web of story which detailed\nthe native past all the way back to the time of Noah. Magic \u2013 meaning transformations of\nshape, deceptive illusions, distortion of the elements and the conjuring of beings or objects\nout of nothing \u2013 was used to round out a richly imagined vision of a pre-Christian world.\nThat world might in some sense be thought to have been both unclean and inadequate, but it\ncould nonetheless be used to emblematize the triumphant progression of the medieval Irish\ntowards a Christian present.\nSetting stories in the island\u2019s ancient past brought with it certain complications, and for\nour purposes the major one concerns the ontology of magical personnel. According to the\nnational backstory described above, the island had once been ruled by the T\u00faatha D\u00e9, the\n\u201cgod-peoples\u201d, also known (though more rarely) as the \u00e1es s\u00edde, \u201cthe people of the hollow\nhills\u201d, for which \u201cfairies\u201d is the conventional but not very satisfactory English term. In\n126\n\nPages 146:\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\norigin, at least some of the T\u00faatha D\u00e9 were former Celtic gods, and there was never full\nagreement on how they should be fitted into a Christian cosmos: serious suggestions referred to them as angels, devils, \u201chalf-fallen\u201d angels, human beings who were invisible and\nimmortal because they had somehow avoided original sin, and (last but not least) an entire\nrace of pagan magicians who had augmented their powers through occult knowledge.19\nIt will be clear that the Irish material has a way of complicating categories that are much\nclearer in other medieval literatures. To take a familiar example, the lack of ontological\nclarity characteristic of Morgan la Fay (a goddess, learned enchantress, or fairy?) is shared\nby a vast number of magic-users in Irish medieval literature, enveloping them in an atmosphere of luxuriant ambiguity. This very ambiguity had high aesthetic value to Irish saga\nauthors, and they were perfectly able to choose whatever explanation of the god-people\u2019s\nnature best suited their literary purposes at the time.\nThis means that it is often difficult to draw a hard and fast distinction between ontologically magical immortals \u2013 otherworld beings for whom magic is an intrinsic part of their\n\u00adbeing \u2013 and mortal practitioners of the magical arts, especially as the social arrangements\nof the god-peoples were often imagined to mirror those of humans: in many texts, the societies of both the god-peoples and ordinary mortals are described as having professional\nclasses of spellcasters. Without a full survey of the material, it is hard to say whether the\nliterary magic of humans and that of otherworld beings differs in scope and technique: a\nsubjective assessment suggests that shape-shifting is a particular specialty of the \u00e1es s\u00edde.\nThe literary druid\nWith this background in mind, it will be apparent that a raft of basic questions about magic\nin Irish literature remains. Where does magical power come from? What are the imaginative\nconventions that govern its representation? What are the range of attitudes to its use, and\nhow do they differ by genre? Some sense of the complexity of the material can be gained if\nwe focus in on a crucial class of magic-worker, embodying all the various tensions \u2013 historical\nversus literary, human versus supernatural \u2013 identified above. I refer of course to the figure\nof the druid (Old Irish dru\u00ed, later draoi, Hiberno-Latin magus).\nWe know that historical druids existed; they acted as the magico-religious specialists of\nat least some Celtic speaking peoples in the centuries either side of the birth of Christ. It is\nnot clear, however, whether either the Graeco-Roman descriptions of Gaulish and British\ndruids (which may be very unreliable) or the fictional depictions of druids in Irish saga and\nhagiography in fact tell us anything about what the druids of pre- and partially Christian\nIreland actually got up to. For the druids of history, we have only very limited pointers from\nearly Irish legal texts, which tells us that they were originally of high status but lost that\nstatus with the conversion; that they may have witnessed oaths and acted as soothsayers;\nand that they ceased to be a going concern in Irish society during the early 700s. An eighth-\u00ad\ncentury law tract on church\u2013community relations lumps them, with distaste, together with\n\u201csatirists and inferior poets and farters and clowns and bandits and pagans and whores and\nother bad people\u201d.20\nRonald Hutton has pointed out that Ireland is the only region of Europe in which druids continued to be an object of interest during the Middle Ages, and this underscores\nhow badly we need a full investigation of the Irish literary druid.21 It is entirely possible\nthat many images of druids in the literature are textual stereotypes constructed centuries\nafter actual druids faded from the historical record, perhaps using non-native models. In\n127\n\nPages 147:\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\nMuirch\u00fa\u2019s late seventh-century Life of St Patrick, for example, the druids are clearly modelled\non the frenzied priests of Ba\u2019al in 1 Kings 18. Biblical prototypes were also at work in more\npositive ways too: magus was the normal Hiberno-Latin term for druid, and there is some\nevidence that the magi of the Bible influenced early Irish depictions of druids as wise foretellers of Christianity, illuminated by a certain measure of natural grace.\nCertainly, the medieval Irish never forgot that their pre-Christian ancestors had had\ndruids as an essential part of their society. As a result, any narrative set in the ancient past\nwas liable to feature them, including stories set in the ancient days when the \u201cgod-peoples\u201d\nwere supposed to have ruled over Ireland. Such a scenario was only possible because the\nIrish essentially cut out the priestly function of the druids. Graeco-Roman sources make\nplain that continental druids were involved in the worship of the gods, but this is something\nwe almost never see in Ireland, where there was a strong taboo against depicting pre-\u00ad\nChristian cult in saga, even in the depiction of an otherwise gorgeously imagined pagan\npast. (On this point, Irish tales contrast sharply with the literature of medieval Iceland,\nin which we see inside pagan temples and meet individuals devoted to particular deities.)\nInstead magic was what was stressed: the druid was primarily a magician. Hutton has argued that the term \u201cdruid\u201d became generalized in Irish, so that anyone who happened to\nbe doing magic at a given time could be referred to as a dru\u00ed while they did so.22 My own\nsense is that this has not yet been conclusively demonstrated; certainly, the abstract noun\ndru\u00eddecht (\u201cdruidism\u201d) became the standard Irish term for magic, but the related agent noun\ndru\u00ed seems to have retained a more precise sense, at least in the early period. The evolution\nof the terminology \u2013 and its symbiosis with the Hiberno-Latin term magus \u2013 encapsulates\nthe gap between historical and literary with which we are dealing.\nNonetheless, druids are depicted in the sagas in a considerable variety of ways. Almost\nalways they are men; they have pupils and (like any other early Irish person of substance)\nthey foster the children of nobles. They have their place in an imagined version of ancient\nIrish society, and can be envisaged as good, evil, skilled or foolish as anyone else. One saga,\nMesca Ulad, \u201cThe Drunkenness of the Ulstermen\u201d, written c.1100, makes them comic: it\nfeatures a pair of bickering druids who are so frightened by an approaching army that they\nfaint in terror and fall off a wall.23\nBroadly, it can be said that across both secular and religious narratives, druids seem to\nhave two main functions: clairvoyance or the power of prophesy on the one hand, and the\nability to induce or control natural phenomena on the other hand, especially the weather.\nOn the whole, the former talent seems to be regarded as essentially allowable, and those\nwho exercise it are viewed in a positive or at least neutral light. This mode of representation\nwas enabled not only by the Magi of the New Testament but also by the Old Testament\ntradition of the gentile prophet, directly inspired by God though not himself of the people\nof Israel, of which Balaam in Numbers 22 is the major example. Thomas Charles-Edwards\nhas drawn attention to the fact that the native and probably pre-Christian form of clairvoyance known as imbas forosnai (\u201cthe encircling knowledge which sheds light\u201d) is depicted as\nessentially identical to the miraculous insight born of grace which Christian holy persons\nmight enjoy, though this interestingly cuts across the hints in the literature that in the case of\npagan persons this capacity for vision was thought of as a technique that had to be formally\nacquired as a professional skill.24 The classic instance is in the saga Aided Conchobuir (\u201cThe\nViolent Death of Conchobor\u201d) in which the druids of a legendary king of Ulster are able to\nperceive and explain Christ\u2019s crucifixion in \u201creal time\u201d, thanks to their capacity for magical\nseership: the result is that king Conchobor becomes a kind of proto-convert to Christianity,\n128\n\nPages 148:\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\nmoments before he himself dies. An ambiguous case is provided by the druid foster father\nof Saint Brigit in the Vita Prima Brigitae \u2013 he is able to recognize the infant\u2019s sanctity with his\nprophetic powers but she is unable to keep down his food, implying that he and his household are in some sense unclean.25 Elsewhere in the literature, we find druids determining\ndays of good and ill omen, and conducting a plausibly pre-Christian prophetic ritual called\nthe tarbfheis (\u201cbull-sleep\u201d) which involves a dreamer going to sleep wrapped in the hide of a\nsacrificed bull.26 (It is clearly this visionary and prophetic capacity of the literary druid that\nforms the object of parody in Mesca Ulad, in which the two bickering druids cannot see what\nis in front of their faces until it is too late.)\nNegative or illicit druids are also widely attested in both hagiography and saga, and \u2013 as\nthe prime symbols of opposition to Christianity \u2013 their associations are essentially demonic.\nIn a range of early texts, druids cause magical snowstorms and fogs; they also invoke demons, whom we are clearly supposed to understand as the source of their power. The manipulation of natural phenomena, as noted, is key: they have the power to dry up lakes and\nrivers. They also curse or damage others magically, often using tools, sometimes including\nmagic wands made of yew or rowan. The wand is of course the standard accessory of the\nclassical magician, first attested in the Odyssey, where the enchantress Circe uses one to\ntransform Odysseus\u2019s men into pigs, but whether the Irish wand goes back to historical\ndruidism or is a medieval literary imitation of the classics is at present an open question.\nI would like to suggest here that this polarization of role stands personified in the two\nmost celebrated druids of Irish tradition, Cathbad and Mog Ruith, who \u2013 inexplicably \u2013\nhave never been properly compared. Cathbad is the chief druid of the Ulstermen and father of their king, Conchobor mac Nessa; he is a kind of recurring special guest star in the\nUlster Cycle, a collection of sagas set around the time of the birth of Christ. Mog Ruith\u2019s\nskills, in contrast, are pressed into service by Fiacha Muilleathan, a legendary king of the\nsouth-western province of Munster, in order to oppose the military ambitions of Cormac\nmac Airt, a likewise legendary overking of Ireland, who was supposed to have lived in the\nfourth century AD. Mog Ruith stars in a single saga telling the story of the clash between\nFiacha and Cormac, Forbuis Dromma Damghaire, \u201cThe Siege of Knocklong\u201d, which survives\nin two manuscripts, the Book of Lismore and the Yellow Book of Lecan, both compiled\nbetween 1400 and 1420. But the tale itself is clearly older, and existed in some form in the\ntwelfth century, as surviving Irish tale lists show.27 The tale is grouped into the so-called\n\u201cCycle of the Kings\u201d, another of the major subdivisions into which modern scholarship\ndivides Irish vernacular literature.\nThese two great druids of literary tradition, Cathbad and Mog Ruith, are therefore\nsupposed to have flourished some centuries apart, in opposite ends of Ireland, and the\nliterary cycles in which they appear were also basically Old Irish and basically Middle\nIrish. A comparison between the two would therefore be an excellent device for examining\nhow the Irish literary druid changed between the eighth century and the early fifteenth.\nCathbad is largely an exemplary and admirable figure: as father of Conchobor he is both,\nso to speak, a patriarch and prophet. In one of the most wrenching of all medieval Irish\nliterary works, Longes mac n-Uislenn, \u201cThe Exile of the Sons of Uisliu\u201d, he is described as\na fissid, a \u201csage\u201d or \u201cseer\u201d, literally, \u201cone who knows\u201d.28 The knowledge referred to is the\nclairvoyance identified above, for he is able to place his hand on a pregnant woman\u2019s belly\nand foretell in verse the catastrophic future appearance, name and career of the unborn\nheroine Derdriu. He therefore acts as the mouthpiece of fate, and his oracular utterance\nsets up the narrative.\n129\n\nPages 149:\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\nMog Ruith, in contrast, is a more morally ambiguous figure. In Forbuis Dromma Damghaire,\nhe is Fiachu\u2019s major secret weapon against the forces of Cormac (though Cormac has his\nown team of druids too), being a miracle-worker possessed of a spectacular repertoire. He\ncan alter his size at will, set things on fire with his breath, cause rains of blood, send people\nto sleep for long periods and create magical animals which go after enemy champions, all\nof which he does despite being blind. At one point, he puts on a cloak and \u201cbird-headdress\u201d\nand ascends into the air. The saga emerges as one of the most intense (and entertaining)\nattempts by a medieval Irish author to imagine the pagan magic of Ireland\u2019s ancient past.\nNotably, it is nearly the only place in Irish saga in which we see a non-Christian, though\ntactfully unnamed, deity invoked, for Mog Ruith calls upon his \u201cgod above all other gods\u201d.\nA medieval audience might well have taken to be a depraved reference to the devil. It is\nsimilar in this regard to other distinctively high medieval Irish productions, not least the\ncomplex prose-and-verse pseudo-history Lebor Gab\u00e1la \u00c9renn, \u201cThe Book of the Taking of\nIreland\u201d (late eleventh and twelfth century), which contains episodes in which warriors are\ncreated out of grass and an army summoned up by infusing demonic spirits into corpses.29\nIn other words, Ireland seems to have shared the characteristically high and late medieval interest in working fantastical and alarming sequences of enchantment into vernacular\nnarrative. In the case of Mog Ruith, there seems likely to have been influence from pious\nlegend as well; he is persistently associated in Irish tradition with the biblical figure of Simon Magus \u2013 known in Irish as S\u00edm\u00f3n dru\u00ed, \u201cSimon the druid\u201d \u2013 who fed into the circulating\nmedieval legend of Antichrist. I have argued elsewhere that many of the traits associated\nwith Mog Ruith\u2019s druidic magic can be traced to the \u201canti-hagiography\u201d which developed\naround Antichrist just before the turn of the first millennium.30\nDivine magic\nI want to leave druids behind at this point and turn to an example of the problems around\nmagic which are yet to be explored by critics of medieval Irish saga. One of the most spectacular instances of these is a fourteenth-century saga known as Altrom tigi d\u00e1 medar, \u201cThe\nFosterage of the House of Two Vessels\u201d, which amounts to a poignant mixture of theological\nspeculation and domestic drama.31\nThe story begins in the deep past of Ireland, when the island was ruled by the T\u00faatha D\u00e9\nDanann \u2013 as seen these were clearly in some sense after-images of Ireland\u2019s pre-Christian\ndivinities, but here they are imagined as a race of pagan magicians. They live within hollow\ns\u00edd-mounds \u2013the hills and Neolithic tumuli which dot the Irish landscape \u2013envisaged as\nsplendid royal dwellings whose inhabitants enjoy a life of blissful ease. The core of the story\ninvolves Eithne, a woman of the T\u00faatha D\u00e9 Danann, who experiences a mysterious interior\naccess of grace which allows her to separate from her pagan kin and become a saintly convert to the Christian religion.\nIt is in the earlier part of the saga, however, that we find our intriguing example of magic.\nAengus (usually known as the Mac \u00d3c, the \u201cYoung Son\u201d) desires the house of his foster father\nElcmar to be his own. Manann\u00e1n, the overking of the T\u00faatha D\u00e9, urges him to violate all\nties of loyalty to Elcmar and simply to eject him using a s\u00e9n \u2013 a \u201cspell\u201d, ultimately from Latin\nsignum \u2013 which cannot be withstood; this Aengus duly does.\nWhat is alarming is the origin of this spell, for Manann\u00e1n explains that it was the incantation which God himself used to eject Lucifer and his angels for heaven. We have\na situation, therefore, in which the overking of a race of magically augmented pagans is\n130\n\nPages 150:\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\nin possession of the irresistibly powerful word of God. The unknown author of the saga\nincreases the sense of unease by showing Manann\u00e1n, and later his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 Aengus too,\nas beings who possess genuine theological knowledge but are nonetheless unmoved by it.\nManann\u00e1n knows not only about Lucifer\u2019s fall but also about the Trinity; and yet such intellectual knowledge is not enough. It is, in fact, a kind of theological knowledge proper to\ndemons \u2013 as which the T\u00faatha D\u00e9 Danann were sometimes identified \u2013 for as James 2.19\ntells us, \u201cthe devils believe, and tremble\u201d: they know the theological facts intellectually, but\nare nonetheless damned.\nWhat I would suggest is that the knowledge of God\u2019s \u201cspell\u201d in this story can be seen in\nthe context of medieval learned magic. Power resides in the word of God itself \u2013 and that\npower is recognized by pagan magicians, even if they do not fully understand the implications of their knowledge. The saga suggests a view of magic as inappropriate knowledge\nof secrets of God, and as the use of God\u2019s word for base purposes of self-aggrandizement.\nManann\u00e1n\u2019s theological knowledge and yet absence of belief contrasts with the spiritual\ntrajectory of the woman Eithne, who knows nothing of Christianity to begin with but is\ntransformed by interior grace; the tale emerges as a subtle theological parallel in which\nmagic is envisioned as a force ultimately deriving its power from God, but inevitably perverting and perverse when used by lesser beings.\nMagic in medieval Welsh literature\nIn Wales too, literary magic was a phenomenon imagined to have belonged to the past.\nCertainly it plays a part in the Arthurian milieu of Culhwch ac Olwen \u2013 the earliest Arthurian\ntale to survive in any language \u2013 but the most spectacular instances of enchantment in the\ntradition are set even earlier, in the pre-Saxon, indeed pre-Roman world of the Pedeir Keinc y\nMabinogi, \u201cThe Four Branches of the Mabinogi\u201d, probably written around the year 1100.32\nElsewhere, I have argued that the author of the Four Branches \u2013 who has struck many\ncritics as bringing a striking mixture of compassion and sober thoughtfulness to bear upon\nhis often fantastical material \u2013 has a more coherent \u201ctheory of magic\u201d than has been realized.33 The Four Branches are filled with magical events, which include an appearing and\ndisappearing castle, a cauldron that functions as a \u201cresurrection device\u201d \u2013 bringing slain\nmen back to life but depriving them of the power of speech \u2013 and the reduction of Dyfed\nin south-west Wales to an empty wilderness. Most memorable, however, is the astonishingly rich and sometimes perverse collection of transformations in the four tales. Humans\ntake on the appearances of other humans; humans are changed into animals; animals are\nchanged into humans; plant matter is refashioned into shields and ships, and even \u2013 more\n\u00ada larmingly \u2013 into a woman, who later is turned into a bird.\nMy own view is that the unknown author of the Four Branches, writing somewhere in\nWales \u2013 we do not know where \u2013 at the turn of the twelfth century, managed to anticipate\nsome of the complex debates about shape-shifting that were to become part of the intellectual currency of European learning in the century or so after he wrote. He may well\nhave been the earliest European writer to be troubled by issues surrounding what Caroline\nWalker Bynum has called (in a now classic study) \u201cmetamorphosis and identity\u201d, a wave of\nintellectual anxiety in the wake of the twelfth-century rediscovery of Ovid\u2019s Metamorphoses.34 To take only one example, he seems prepared to ascribe to Math son of Mathonwy\nand his nephew Gwydion son of D\u00f4n \u2013 his prime pre-Christian enchanters \u2013 the power to\ncreate human souls from nothing. At one point in the Fourth Branch, Math uses his magic\n131\n\nPages 151:\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\nwand to transform a wolf cub, a fawn and a wild piglet into three boys, to whom he gives\nnames that memorialize their animal origins. Though they are the offspring of human\n\u00adbeings \u2013 a pair of brothers, no less \u2013 who have been transformed into pairs of male and female animals, these three have never been human themselves, and in terms of non-magical,\nnatural biology, their conception would have been an impossibility. And yet they seem to be\nas fully human and fully ensouled as any other characters in the stories: this represents an\nalarming degree of power to place at the disposal of a wizard.\nI think the author of the Four Branches meant us to notice and be inwardly troubled by\nthis usurpation of divine power, for he returns to the same theme later in the same story,\nwhen Math and Gwydion create a woman, Blodeuwedd, out of \u201cthe flowers of the oak and\nthe flowers of the broom and the flowers of the meadowsweet\u201d to be a wife for the hero\nLleu. Though exquisitely beautiful, the resultant woman, Delilah-like, soon betrays and\nattempts to murder her husband, and a medieval audience would very likely have assumed\na direct connection between her unorthodox mode of coming into being and her infidelity.\nOnce again, on the face of it, wizardry appears to have created a human soul (this time\nwith disastrous consequences), but I suspect that the incident is intended to leave open the\npossibility that Blodeuwedd is an evil spirit animating a temporary body. Her adultery and\nattempt on her husband\u2019s life would have aligned her with succubi, demonic spirits taking\nthe form of women and a demonstrable focus of concern at the time of the Four Branches\u2019\ncomposition.35\nFuture directions\nAs will be clear by now, magic in the Celtic lands is an area of research with great potential\nbut one currently dogged by a lack of conceptual precision, so that there is much ground\nclearing to be done. The following strike me as the most obvious priorities.\nFirst, we urgently need a full and theoretically sophisticated survey of historical magical\npractice in medieval Ireland and Wales, correlated and compared with that of related and\nparallel cultures (most obviously Anglo-Saxon and later medieval England). This is already\nbeing done for charms and in relation to legal texts.\nSecond, the literary magic of both countries needs to be surveyed and investigated methodically, in the manner that has been done for (say) kingship or landscape. This is a vast\ntask, problematized by issues of definition \u2013 take, for instance, the question of the difference\nbetween magic and miracle \u2013 but it would certainly be useful to have a database of every\nexample of the use of enchantment from both Irish and Welsh vernacular narratives and\nhagiography. This would enable article-length overviews of particular areas of magical\ntechnique. A simple example: universally in ancient and medieval Europe, the left side is\nassociated with ill-luck and malediction; but in Ireland, we find this taken further in that\na well-attested kind of cursing involves standing on one\u2019s left leg, with one\u2019s left hand out,\nand one\u2019s right eye closed, the native name for which was corrguinecht. Still later, we find\nthat the Fomorians \u2013 a malevolent race of beings in Irish mythology \u2013 are supposed to\nbe one-\u00adlegged, one-armed and one-eyed. This is presumably to underscore their blighting\npower, but the relationship between their corporeal semiology and corrguinecht is just one\narea among many that have not been sufficiently explored.\nThird, such surveys would allow for fruitful comparisons between magic in Irish, Welsh\nand other medieval literatures \u2013 and I emphasize that I think scholars should feel free to\nundertake such comparisons without feeling it necessary to justify them with reference to\n132\n\nPages 152:\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\na supposed shared Celtic inheritance. There is the potential for a new comparitivism between literatures in the Celtic languages which would focus on how things work in their\nsynchronic literary context. In some cases, there can be remarkably close resemblances\nbetween situations and characters when the possibility of one text having influenced another is remote. To give a simple example, the character of Brian son of Tuireann in the\nfourteenth-century Irish saga Oidheadh Chloinne Tuireann, \u201cThe Tragic Deaths of the Children of Tuireann\u201d, bears some striking similarities to one of the great enchanters of Welsh\nliterature, namely Gwydion son of D\u00f4n. Both disguise themselves as poets in order to obtain supernatural pigs; both are accompanied by a clearly junior brother (or brothers, in\nthe case of Brian); both are magicians; both are conspicuously skilled as poet-storytellers.\nAt present, the similarities between the characters are unexplained, and my suspicion is\nthat \u201casking the right questions\u201d would involve thinking about what cultural forces might\nlead such ambivalent figures \u2013 for Brian and Gwydion are both heroic and anti-heroic\n\u00adsimultaneously \u2013 to be depicted as magicians; after all, magic is a signally flexible symbol\nfor the double-edged nature of power and self-will.\nIn terms of areas of research which are small enough for doctoral dissertations, one especially rich subject to look at would be the relationship between magic and animals, in both\nIreland and Wales. We need a more synoptic understanding of the Irish literary druid, as\nindicated above; a gendered analysis of magic in both countries would also be desirable.\n(Does women\u2019s magic differ from that of men in the Celtic literatures, and, if so, how? So\nfar, the question has not even been asked.) Finally, the whole sphere of magical technology \u2013\nthe wand, for instance, or the plethora of \u201ctreasures\u201d and magical objects in both Irish\nand Welsh tradition \u2013 should be surveyed, and this would be particularly useful if done in\ncollaboration with an expert on the wider medieval romance tradition, so that such objects\ncould be seen in a European literary context.\nFinally, I would hope that the research directions suggested above might have a considerable secondary benefit, allowing medievalists from outside Celtic Studies to use Celtic\nevidence in building up wider arguments about medieval magic, rather than regarding\nIrish and Welsh vernacular literature as obscure backwaters filled with treacherously unpronounceable names. (An early modern example of how well this can work is the historian Ronald Hutton\u2019s recent demonstration that the witch craze was demonstrably less\nprominent in traditionally Gaelic-speaking areas, because in the folklore of such regions,\nthe malevolent activities ascribed elsewhere to witches were deemed to be the work of fairies, and therefore scapegoating was not extended to the same degree to human beings.)36\n\u00adMedieval scholarship \u2013 both in Celtic Studies and in the wider field \u2013 would be immeasurably enriched.\nThere is, it must be said, a long way to go. The reader would be justified in asking why\nthese Celtic texts \u2013 if they are truly so compelling \u2013 have been neglected to the extent that\nthey have in mainstream medieval studies. The answer lies in the difficulty of the languages: while medieval Welsh is easier than medieval Irish, the latter is among the most difficult languages of Europe: far harder than Latin, Old High German, Old English or Old\nFrench. Apprenticeships in the discipline are therefore long, and this fact \u2013 coupled with\nthe limited number of institutions in the world in which the languages are taught \u2013 means\nthat progress on editing, translating and assessing a vast body of material has been slow. It\nwould be highly desirable for Celticists to write not only for peers in their field but also for\nscholars of other medieval literatures; the study of magic and enchantment offers an ideal\narea in which such an outward-looking approach could be tested out.\n133\n\nPages 153:\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\nNotes\n1 Chief among them Matthew Arnold, on whose views see Rachel Bromwich, Matthew Arnold and\nCeltic Literature: A Retrospect, 1865\u20131965 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), and W.E. Buckler,\n\u201cOn the Study of Celtic Literature: A Critical Reconsideration,\u201d Victorian Poetry 27.1 (Spring, 1989):\n61\u201376. Also useful is Patrick Sims-Williams, \u201cThe Visionary Celt: The Construction of an \u2018Ethnic\nPreconception\u2019,\u201d Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 11 (1986): 71\u201396.\n2 See especially Patrick Sims-Williams, Irish Influence on Medieval Welsh Literature (Oxford: Oxford\n\u00adUniversity Press, 2011).\n3 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 1\u20132.\n4 John Carey, \u201cTe\u0301acsanna drai\u0301ochta in E\u0301irinn sa mhea\u0301naois luath\u201d [\u201cMagical texts in early medieval\nIreland\u201d], Le\u0301achtai\u0301 Cholm Cille 30 (2000): 98\u2013117.\n5 See Fergus Kelly, A Guide to Early Irish Law (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1997), 174\u201375.\n6 Jacqueline Borsje and Fergus Kelly, The Celtic Evil Eye and Related Mythological Motifs in Medieval Ireland\n(Leuven: Peeters, 2003).\n7 The term used for \u201cspell\u201d \u2013bricht in Irish \u2013 has a long history: an earlier form of the word (brictom)\nseems to be attested in a Gaulish lead-tablet inscription from Larzac which appears to describe\nthe casting of spells, again by women. The word\u2019s root seems to have meant \u201cglitter\u201d or \u201cshine\u201d,\nthough it has undergone considerable semantic change. See Pierre-Yves Lambert, Recueil des inscriptions gauloises: II.2 Textes gallo-latins sur instrumentum (Paris: \u00c9ditions du C.N.R.S, 2002), L-98, 251\u201366.\n8 The source for points on legal material and penitentials in this paragraph is Ludwig Bieler, The Irish\nPenitentials (Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Study, 1963), 56\u201357.\n9 See Jacqueline Borsje, \u201cLove Magic in Medieval Irish Penitentials, Law and Literature: A Dynamic\nPerspective,\u201d Studia Neophilologica 84, Supplement 1 (2012): 6\u201323, and her \u201cRules & Legislation on\nLove Charms in Early Medieval Ireland,\u201d Peritia 21 (2010 [2011]): 172\u2013190.\n10 A limited selection, the references of which lead to further discussion, includes: Ilona Tuomi,\n\u201cParchment, Praxis and Performance of Charms in Early Medieval Ireland,\u201d Incantatio: An International Journal on Charms, Charmers and Charming 3 (2013): 60\u201385; David Stifter, \u201cA Charm for\nStaunching Blood,\u201d Celtica 25 (2007): 258\u201361; Jacqueline Borsje, \u201cDruids, Deer and \u201cWords of\nPower\u201d: Coming to Terms with Evil in Medieval Ireland,\u201d in Approaches to Religion and Mythology in\nCeltic Studies, ed. Katja Ritari and Alexandra Bergholm (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008), 122\u201349.\n11 See John Carey, \u201cThe Three Things Required of a Poet,\u201d \u00c9riu 48 (1997): 41\u201358.\n12 The best example known to me is Corpus Christi College, Oxford, MS 129, which dates from the\nearly sixteenth century; it contains a number of medieval texts in Irish and Latin, and a spectacular pair of volvellae \u2013 rotating circles of parchment pinned into the manuscript \u2013 one of which was\nused to work out the zodiacal sign of the moon, which determined the advisability of blood-letting.\nImages reproduced in colour in the frontispieces to Brian \u00d3 Cu\u00edv, Catalogue of Irish Language Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford and Oxford College Libraries, 2 vols. (Dublin: Dublin Institute for\nAdvanced Studies, 2001\u20133), i., with the text discussed at 281\u201396.\n13 Bernadette Williams, \u201c\u2018She was usually placed wi\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 140 to page 153 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=414\nPages: 414\nwere organic materials \u2013 including textiles, bone, wood and even beeswax \u2013 and most would\nhave perished in the ground. Mortuary practices were highly localized, with significant variations observed between monastic and lay cemeteries, and customs varying chronologically\nand regionally.\nDespite these caveats, distinctive patterns can be detected in the selection of grave goods\nplaced with the dead in later medieval England. These included personal objects (dress\naccessories and grooming tools), domestic and devotional items, and natural materials and\nantique objects (or objets trouv\u00e9). Some of these objects were associated with magic in domestic contexts, such as spindle whorls, or connected with pilgrimage and rites in the fields\n(pilgrim signs and folded coins). Occult materials are relatively rare, but jet pendant crosses\nhave been recovered from graves in monastic cemeteries.73 A striking number of these]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=405\nPages: 405\nmalevolent spirits.22\nEleanor Standley has drawn attention to the use of personal objects of medieval dress\nsuch as buckles and brooches as deliberate deposits. She argues that items were specially selected for their apotropaic value: for example, at the village of West Hartburn (co. Durham),\na silver brooch inscribed with the Holy Name (IESUS NAZARET/IHUS REX IUDEO)\nwas recovered near a circular hearth within a structure (Figure 28.1). The context was\ndated to around the fourteenth century and Standley proposes that the deposit may have\nbeen made in response to the fourteenth-century crises of famine and plague.23\nRitual deposition in medieval England was not confined to domestic and religious buildings, but extended to the deliberate discard of certain types of object in the landscape.\nPilgrims\u2019 badges have been found in large quantities in rivers in England, France and the\nNetherlands, with particular concentrations recovered at the locations of bridges and river]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404,405\npractical purposes such as agriculture and technology.18\nMerrifield noted that animal skulls, pottery vessels, clothing and shoes were frequently\nfound in extant buildings of later medieval and early modern date, usually placed in the\nfoundations, walls or chimneys.19 Similar practices have since been detected in excavated\nstructures dating to the medieval period across Europe, and spanning domestic and ecclesiastical contexts. In medieval Sweden, for example, concealed deposits comprise animal\nremains, tools and utensils, pottery vessels, coins, personal items, prehistoric lithics and\nfossils; deposits of coins are particularly common finds in parish churches.20 Placed deposits\n385\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nidentified in medieval English churches include paternoster beads of bone and amber, silver\nspoons, pottery vessels, pilgrim badges and disused baptismal fonts.21\nIn medieval English houses, pottery vessels have been found buried near hearths and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=296\nPages: 296,297\n\u00ad hilosophers\u201d \u2013\nmean to collect his personal views but those of the physicians and the \u201csecret p\nwho are to him, in typically medieval fashion, the real \u201cauthors\u201d, i.e. authorities \u2013 against\nthe theologians and lawyers who refuse to acknowledge them. Therefore, his singularity lies\n277\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nmore in the way he puts together the authoritative bricks of his intellectual construction,\nand in the candor of his statements, often verging on heresy, than in some unheard of conception. Showing off originality would have been at odds with his focus on demonstrating\nthe consensus of the wise men of the past, be they natural philosophers or holy men: a\nconsensus so strong as to overwhelm the arguments of \u201cthose who oppose the secrets of\nthe philosophers\u201d \u2013 the paradox being that this consensus is in effect so weak that it needs\nto be supported by an array of apocryphal works to appear more legitimate. The focus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208,207\nto have passed over certain elements concerning this type of books in silence.15 It must finally\nbe taken into account that he makes his inventory without putting forward a Solomonic attribution for a text such as the Vinculum spirituum, even though we know that Solomon is well and\ntruly established as the \u201cauthor\u201d in certain manuscripts.16\n188\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nManuscripts from the end of the Middle Ages or the beginning of the modern era, though\nnot numerous, also illustrate this quantitative growth. Some combine several \u00adSolomonic\ntexts, in diverse proportions, alongside other traditions, notably astral magic.17 Others,\nmore rarely, maintain a clear or even an overwhelming majority of Solomonic texts and in\nthis way take on the appearance of collections, even if they are never exhaustive. The finest\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=492\nPages: 492\nDroz, 1980); Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998); Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts\nof Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe, Magic in History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008); Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (New York:\nOxfrod University Press, 2009), 6\u201392; Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and\nOccult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n\u00adFourteenth- and fifteenth-century books and collections are receiving more attention at this point\nthan earlier period. In part this is due to how much more material there is to work with. Transmission\nhistory from earlier centuries has concentrated on works of highest profile such as the Picatrix: David]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=223\nPages: 223\npenance and the destruction of the offending books and equipment rather than execution.\nSecular courts certainly had a growing concern with this sort of magic towards the end of\nthe Middle Ages, but similarly tended to deal with them on a case-by-case basis and only\ninflicted capital punishment when the offending party had committed or attempted to commit a felony such as murder or sedition.16\nState of the field\nThe scholarly study of necromantic magic began among practitioners and anti-magic writers\nsoon after its appearance. The book collections of people like John Erghome, the analysis of\ntexts in the Speculum astronomiae, the bibliographic work of Trithemius and the broad humanistic research of Henry Cornelius Agrippa are but a few examples of early explorations that\nultimately became fundamental tools for the historical bibliography of magic.17 Although\nscholarship motivated by anti-magic sentiments dropped off after 1600, nineteenth-century]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=367\nPages: 367\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474\n47 E. Bozoky, \u201cPrivate Reliquaries and Other Prophylactic Jewels,\u201d in The Unorthodox Imagination in Late\nMedieval Britain, ed. S. Page (Manchester: Manchester University Press), 115\u201330.\n48 This figure is illustrated in Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, 34.\n49 BL Sloane MS 3556, fol. 1v, and Cambridge, University Library, Additional MS 3544, p. 93v\u201394v,\ned. and trans. Francis Young, The Cambridge Book of Magic. A Tudor Necromancer\u2019s Manual (Cambridge:\nTexts in Early Modern Magic, 2015), 95\u201396. The Sloane MS text begins at the point where the\nmaterials to be suffumigated are described, then continues to the end of the instructions.\n50 For a medieval example, see the group of nine small figures and one large multipurpose figure\nin BnF, ital. 1524 (1446), fols. 185\u201385v, ed. Florence Gal, Jean-Patrice Boudet and Laurence\n\u00adMoulinier-Brogi, Vedrai Mirabilia: Un Libro Di Magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017), 268\u201370\nand plates IV\u2013VI.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=224\nPages: 224\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also\nmade the first attempt to treat the practice on its own terms and to develop ways of thinking\nabout it. He categorized the constituent operations and sought to connect the collection to\nthe intellectual, religious and social environment of fifteenth-century Germany. This remains the single most important publication on the topic. Perhaps the most interesting and\nvaluable feature of his work is his grappling with how to understand the relationship of this\nliterature to religious practice.\nSince that time a number of scholars have taken up the study of texts and manuscripts.\nWhile it does not add to our understanding of medieval material, Davies\u2019s book Grimoires\nprovides a remarkably broad survey of the magic books in general to the present day and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=133\nPages: 133\nmilitary actions.10 As in the case of Krakow, cataloguing the codices has been crucial for any\nserious scholarship: some of this kind of effort was concentrated around Johannes Vit\u00e9z\u2019\nbooks, but most of it around the Corvinian Library \u2013 the representative book collection of\nthe king, comprising texts by Ptolemy, Firmicus Maternus, Pseudo Dionysios \u00adAreopagita,\nChalcidius, Theophrastus, Regiomontanus, Peuerbach and Ficino. Unfortunately, only onetenth of the books have actually been identified.11 Matthias and his court were respected\nhighly in Hermetic intellectual circles, a sign of which appreciation is that Marsilio Ficino\ndedicated a copy of his Commentary to Plato\u2019s Symposium to Janus Pannonius12 and Books III\nand IV of his collected letters,13 and the third book of his De vita libri tres (Three Books of Life),\nentitled De vita coelitus comparanda (On Obtaining Life from the Heavens), to the Hungarian king.14\nThe library of King Wenceslas IV]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=407\nPages: 407\nThe most powerful objects combined both natural and sacred properties, for example\npaternoster beads made from amber or jet and blessed by the priest for use in personal devotion.33 Jet and amber share inherent physical properties that may have been perceived as\nevidence of occult power: when rubbed, both substances develop a static charge and emit\na smell. These characteristics were stressed in medieval lapidaries, alongside the powers\nof many minerals and gemstones including coral, rock crystal and sapphire, which were\nincorporated into jewellery for wearing as amulets or used to embellish reliquaries and\nother religious material culture.34 The most influential medieval lapidary was the late\n\u00adeleventh-century Book of Stones (De Lapidis) written by Bishop Marbode of Rennes, which\nformed the basis for many later texts. The particular materials revered by medieval people]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=459\nPages: 459\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.\nThe earliest surviving textual amulets with multiple figures date from the thirteenth\ncentury and are portable, densely written objects folded multiple times and intended to\nbe \u00adcarried on the body. The mid-thirteenth century Canterbury amulet (Canterbury\n\u00adCathedral Library, Additional MS 23) has over 40 figures on one folded piece of parchment, including some magic seals without geometric enclosures and figures shaped like a\nlozenge and a mandorla.41 The power of most of its figures was activated by the gaze and\nlasted only for a day. The figures that are interpretable (some have been partially erased by\nthe practice of folding this amulet) offer protection against many natural disasters: sudden\ndeath, demons, flying insects, fire, flooding, storms, consumption (presumably by a wild animal) and thunder. One figure reveals the cross-fertilization of protective and ritual figures.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=404\nPages: 404\ntake the form of deliberately made features that seem to defy any rational explanation such\nas whole pots or animals buried in ditches and pits, or objects placed at critical points in\nsettlements such as at boundaries, entrances or the corners of houses.15 Placed deposits were\nfirst discussed in relation to Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements but are now recognized to\nhave occurred in later prehistoric and classical contexts across Europe. It is only very recently\nthat archaeologists have identified the occurrence of such deposits in early and later medieval contexts, with similarities in the types of objects and materials selected for use across\nEurope, from pagan to Christian eras.16\nPlaced deposits in pagan Anglo-Saxon houses and settlements took the form of human\nand animal remains buried in buildings and at boundaries and entrances, although other\nobjects were also employed, including pottery vessels, brooches, beads, spindle whorls and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=5\nPages: 5,6\naccordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.\nAll rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any\nform or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,\nincluding photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,\nwithout permission in writing from the publishers.\nTrademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,\nand are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.\nBritish Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data\nA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library\nLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data\nA catalog record has been requested for this book\nISBN: 978-1-4724-4730-2 (hbk)\nISBN: 978-1-315-61319-2 (ebk)\nTypeset in Baskerville\nby codeMantra\nC o nt e nt s\nList of figures\nAcknowledgements\nList of contributors\nix\nxi\nxii\nIntroduction\n1]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=409\nPages: 409,410\n130 examples of folded coins.53\nThere is growing archaeological evidence that folk magic was performed in rural communities as part of agricultural practices linked to the fertility of fields. Later medieval\npractices extended traditions recorded in the aecerbot charm, dating to the late tenth or early\neleventh century, in which land believed to have been cursed by a sorcerer was cleansed\nthrough an elaborate ceremony involving the blessing of turves. 54 Recent archaeological\nstudy of metal-detected objects in England has identified a pattern in which ampullae were\ndeliberately damaged before being discarded in cultivated fields.55 Ampullae were pilgrim\nsigns in the form of miniature vessels used to contain water, oil or dust collected from\nsaints\u2019 shrines and holy wells. While pilgrim badges are more typically recovered from\n390\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nexcavated, urban contexts (including the watery contexts discussed above), ampullae are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98\nfew manuscripts contemporary with or closely following on their translation, and more\nopen and frequent copying only emerges in the Renaissance. When they are copied, they\ntend to be grouped together, often in large numbers, in one manuscript. Thus, we have\n(in approximate chronological order) the manuscripts Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 125\n(fourteenth century),49 Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I, Halle,\nUniversit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14. B. 36 (fourteenth century), Venice,\nMarciana lat. XIV. 174 (fourteenth century), Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Reg. lat. 1300 (fourteenth century), Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. ii. 214 (fifteenth century), Vatican, Vat.\nLat. 10803 (fifteenth century), Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I\n(sixteenth century) and British Library, Sloane 3850 (seventeenth century). Most of these\ncollections contain anonymous translations, and few clues as to whether the Latin texts rely]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=238\nPages: 238\nwhom it is intended to be used; operators were to petition the Virgin for visionary licence to\ncarry forward with the work and to consecrate the book once licence was granted. In practice, operators put names in the prayers as well. Consistent with a tradition of transmission\nby operators, the majority of manuscripts contain names in the prayers. So far all of these\nare men\u2019s names: Albert, Andreas, Bernard, Erasmus, Geoffrey, Jacob, Peter, Rupert, and\nUlric. Some copies that do not contain personal names are exemplars, in at least two cases\noriginating from religious houses, presumably made for monks to copy and personalize for\nthemselves.53 Two manuscripts contain erasures in the places where the names go, showing\nthat they were personalized once, in one case the erasures having clearly been done by a\nsecond operator in order to reuse the text.54 Strikingly, even the (so far) unique OC manuscript in Oxford, Bodleian Library Liturg. 160, is personalized for the use of one \u201cfrater]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=242\nPages: 242,243\nK\u00e4rnten, Austria) and Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Cod. 950. Other manuscripts\nwith no personalization include Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana MS Z.412 sup and Torino,\n\u00adBiblioteca Nazionale MS G. II. 25, likely made as exemplars also, though they cannot be traced to\nparticular religious houses.\n223\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\n54 The manuscript where names were erased for reuse is Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg Cod\nM I 24, and Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, MS Stolb.-Wernig. Za 74.\n55 For a fuller account, see Liber florum Introduction B, IV.2; see Table 13 for other manuscripts.\n56 \u201cQui liber est contra Artem notoriam compositus a Fratre Johanne, monacho ordinis sancti\n\u00adBenedicti de Moriginaco ex voluntate et informatione beate virginis Marie. Quia ipsa vidit quod\nmulti perierunt per eandem artem notoriam que est diabolica et plena nigromanticis experimentis.]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 154 to page 167 out of a total of 569:\nPages 154:\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\n21 R. Hutton, Blood and Mistletoe: The History of the Druids in Britain (London and New Haven, CT: Yale\nUniversity Press, 2009), 32\u201333.\n22 Hutton, Blood and Mistletoe, 32\u201333.\n23 Discussion in Ralph O\u2019Connor, The Destruction of Da Derga\u2019s Hostel: Kingship and Narrative Artistry in a\nMediaeval Saga (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 163\u201364.\n24 In T\u00e1in B\u00f3 Cuailnge, the great Irish epic, the female poet Fedelm remarks to Queen Medb of Connacht that she has come \u201cafter learning the art of poetry in Britain\u201d; Medb immediately asks her if\nshe possesses imbas forosnai, implying that this part of the repertoire which someone trained in such\na curriculum might command. See T\u00e1in B\u00f3 Cuailnge: Recension I, ed. and trans. Cecile O\u2019Rahilly\n(Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 1976), 2 (trans. 126).\n25 See Thomas Charles-Edwards, Early Christian Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,\n2000), 198.\n26 See O\u2019Connor, The Destruction of Da Derga\u2019s Hostel, 8, 62, 104\u20135, 285\u201386.\n27 The only edition is \u201cForbuis Droma Damhghaire,\u201d ed. and French trans. Marie-Louise Sjoestedt,\nLe si\u00e8ge de Druim Damhghaire, Revue celtique 43 (1926): 1\u2013123.\n28 Longes mac n-Uislenn: The Exile of the Sons of Uisliu, ed. and trans. Vernam Hull (New York: Modern\nLanguage Association of America, 1949), 43, l.20.\n29 Best introductions both by John Carey: The Irish National Origin-Legend: Synthetic Pseudohistory\n(\u00adCambridge: Quiggin Pamphlets on the Sources of Mediaeval Gaelic History 1, 1994), and \u201cLebor\nGab\u00e1la and the legendary history of Ireland,\u201d in Medieval Celtic Literature and Society, ed. Helen Fulton\n(Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005), 32\u201348. The (very problematic) edition is Lebor Gab\u00e1la \u00c9renn, 5\nvols., ed. and trans. Robert A.S. Macalister (London: Irish Texts Society, 1938\u201356, repr. 1993).\n30 Mark Williams, Fiery Shapes: Celestial Portraits and Astrology in Ireland and Wales, 700-1700 (Oxford:\nOxford University Press, 2010).\n31 Altrom tigi d\u00e1 medar, ed. and trans. Margaret. C. Dobbs, \u201cAltromh tighi da medar,\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr\nCeltische Philologie 18 (1930): 189\u2013230, and ed. and trans. Lilian Duncan, \u201cAltram Tige D\u00e1 M\n\u00ad edar,\u201d\n\u00c9riu 11 (1932): 184\u2013225. The major study so far is Cathinka Dahl Hambro, \u201cWaiting for \u00adChristian\nFish and Milk from India: A Textual and Contextual Analysis of Altram Tige D\u00e1 Medar (\u2018The\n\u00adNourishment of the House of Two Milk Vessels\u2019),\u201d unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of\nOslo, 2013.\n32 Standard edition remains Pedeir Keinc y Mabinogi: allan o Lyfr Gwyn Rhydderch, ed. Ifor Williams\n\u00ad(Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1930); see too The Mabinogion, trans. Sioned Davies (Oxford:\nOxford University Press, 2007).\n33 Mark Williams, \u201cMarvels and Magic in Medieval Wales,\u201d in The Cambridge History of Welsh Literature,\ned. Geraint Evans and Helen Fulton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 2019).\n34 Caroline Walker Bynum, Metamorphosis and Identity (New York: Zone Books, 2001).\n35 See Corinne Saunders, Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance (Cambridge: D.S.\nBrewer, 2010), 115, 156.\n36 Ronald Hutton, \u201cWitch-Hunting in Celtic Societies,\u201d Past and Present 212 (August, 2011): 43\u201371.\n135\n\nPages 155:\n11\nSc a n di nav i a\nStephen A. Mitchell\nMedieval Scandinavia comprised a vast geographic region, anchored culturally in modern\nNorway, Sweden, Denmark and Iceland, and with important outposts in the Faroes and other\nNorth Sea islands (i.e. Shetland and the Orkneys); southern Greenland; the Isle of Man,\nthe Hebrides, and other portions of Scotland; and areas within modern Germany, Finland\nand the Baltic states. Thus, although principally associated with North \u00adGermanic-speaking\n\u00adpeoples, Scandinavia of the Viking and Middle Ages was historically highly diverse as \u00adregards\npopulations and cultures (e.g. the indigenous S\u00e1mi), meaning that Nordic practices of magic\nhad over the centuries been shaped in contact with cultural traditions of many different sorts,\nincluding, after Christianization, Church thinking about magic.1 The Conversion process\nplayed out over some three centuries but is generally held to have had been accomplished,\nat least with regard to politically powerful segments of Norwegian, Danish and Icelandic\nsociety, by the millennium, whereas Sweden is considered to have been similarly converted\nby c. 1060.\nWhat we today label \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 especially when looking back at the pre-Christian era,\nwhose practices necessarily form the backdrop for this discussion \u2013 is in the words of one\n\u00adanthropologist, \u201cnot an entity distinct from religion but a form of ritual behaviour and thus\nan element of religion\u201d.2 Establishing the contours of the earlier pre-Christian beliefs is of critical importance in discussing Scandinavian magic in the period 1000\u20131500, as this \u00adheritage\nforms the bedrock on which the later Christian construction of magic in Scandinavia was\nlargely erected.3 Direct witness to such magico-religious practices in the pre-Conversion\nperiod is sparse, consisting mainly of commentary related to the missionary efforts, often\ngiven at second- and third-hand; the archaeological record; and, not least, much later written\nsources drawing on dynamic native cultural traditions.4\nOne of the most significant, and enigmatic, aspects of these earlier traditions is the practice of sei\u00f0r, a form of divination with frequently noted multicultural connections.5 The role\nof S\u00e1mi shamanism, noaidevuohta,6 or other techniques archa\u00efques de l\u2019extase \u201carchaic techniques\nof ecstasy\u201d, in Mircea Eliade\u2019s famous formulation,7 in the development of pre-Christian\nNordic religious and magical traditions has been the subject of much scrutiny, with some\nscholars favouring of its significance,8 and others viewing the relationship between the two\ntraditions more sceptically.9 Among scholars focused on the medieval literary evidence,10\nDag Str\u00f6mb\u00e4ck\u2019s 1935 classic, Sejd, merits special consideration for its early and comprehensive source-critical review of the data and for the book\u2019s methodology combining the\nfields of folklore and philology in its conclusion in favour of the S\u00e1mi connection. Just as\npre-Christian Nordic magic should be considered in the context of neighbouring Finnic\npeoples, Scandinavian practices also need to be viewed within the broader historical, and\n136\n\nPages 156:\nS c a n d i n av i a\npresumably inherited, Germanic context as well, especially as these magical traditions have\nbeen explored in Anglo-Saxon England and among continental Germanic peoples.11\nAlthough the sei\u00f0r issue has dominated scholarship on pagan Nordic magic, lively debates\nabound about other aspects, and understandings, of pre-Christian magical practices in the\nNorth.12 One approach interprets pre-Christian Nordic magic as a worldview and an alternative perception of reality: Regis Boyer, for example, accepts Norse magic as a refracted\nversion of Norse religion, le monde du double, of his study\u2019s title.13 Catherine Raudvere\u2019s excellent considerations of medieval Scandinavian magic also highlight perception, occult\nknowledge and insight, noting that divination rituals and other magical performances\n\u201cwere expressions of ways of finding the keys to hidden parts of reality and measuring what\nwas given\u201d.14\nSociological interpretations of magic in the pre-Christian Nordic world, for example, within the context of cultic practices,15 represent another important line of inquiry.\nFran\u00e7ois-Xavier Dillmann\u2019s remarkably detailed Les magiciens dans l\u2019Islande ancienne. \u00c9tudes\nsur la repr\u00e9sentation de la magie islandaise et de ses agents dans les sources litt\u00e9raires norroises provides\nthe most comprehensive investigation to date of the surviving Icelandic texts, suggesting\nthat from them, it is possible to develop an accurate image of Icelandic practitioners of\nmagic (i.e. their social standing, origins, gender, occupations), and of the prevailing attitudes towards these people and the forms of power they are represented as controlling.16\nA further key concern about the socio-historical outlines of pre-Christian Nordic magic\nhas been the role of gender in the practice and representation of Norse magic.17 Although\nthe number of magical actors in surviving saga literature is roughly equal as regards gender, some scholars argue that the situation might in reality have been quite different in\nearlier times. One noted historian, for example, concludes, \u201cwomen were the original and\nremained the most powerful magicians, whereas men gained access only later and never\nattained parity with women, either in numbers or power\u201d.18\nThese areas of investigation represent only a few of the most significant issues in an increasingly robust research field focused on the complex systems of religious belief of pagan\nScandinavia. It is important to recognize, of course, that given a region stretching from\nGreenland to Finland, in societies with diverse demographic compositions, a cultural realm\nlacking anything like a central controlling religious hierarchy, there would never have existed anything like a uniform understanding of that part of religious and social life believed\nto allow those with special knowledge to communicate with, and acquire the supernatural\nassistance of, otherworldly powers, i.e. \u201cmagic\u201d. That pre-Christian Scandinavian religions\ninherited, borrowed and developed techniques that were understood to allow particularly\nactive tradition bearers and other specialists to look into the future, protect, charm, heal,\nemploy supernatural aggression and so on, that is, to make manifest the practitioner\u2019s volition on the environment and on others, can be and has been adduced from the surviving\nmaterial and textual cultural monuments, bolstered by cultural analogies.\n\u201cMagic\u201d in Medieval Christian Scandinavia\nIt is on this variegated pre-Christian magico-religious situation that the Catholic church began to impose its own complex and evolving positions about \u201cmagic\u201d following the Christianization of the Nordic region. As detailed elsewhere in this volume, the Church had by the\nmillennium formulated the view that the user of magic commanded dark, powerful forces,\nwith the corollary that since God and the angels cannot be compelled to do a ritual actor\u2019s\n137\n\nPages 157:\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\nbidding, magic must therefore derive from diabolical forces. In time, this view led to the\nconcept of the Satanic pact (pactum cum diabolo), views which inevitably flavoured how the traditions of pagan Scandinavia, both those bygone and those still living, were received and interpreted by authorities in the Christian Middle Ages. A later development in elite circles was\nan interest in so-called \u201cnatural magic\u201d, a branch of science looking for \u201coccult virtues\u201d or\nhidden powers within nature. What the authorities viewed, by contrast, as so-called \u00ad\u201cdemonic\nmagic\u201d was not really distinct from religion, \u201cbut rather a perversion of religion. It was religion that turned away from God and toward demons for their help in human affairs\u201d.19\nA modern typology of magic in the Nordic Middle Ages thus suggests a division between\nthe traditions practiced by non-elites and the \u201cnatural magic\u201d of elites \u2013 on the one hand,\nthere were various forms of charm magic and witchcraft-related activities; on the other\nhand, there existed a growing interest in, for example, alchemy and what might be termed\nChristian \u201cmagic\u201d, that is, practices that operationally resemble charm magic but which\nwere carried out with the tacit, sometimes explicit approval of Church authorities.20\nMagic is categorized differently in the medieval Nordic sources themselves, however,\na bifurcation that mainly concerns itself with the effects of such practices. Here, working\nwithin the world of living traditions of charms and other practical applications of inherited\nand borrowed magic, medieval Scandinavian ecclesiastical and secular authorities periodically established carefully wrought typologies of magic. Thus, for example, the medieval\nIcelandic laws known collectively as Gr\u00e1g\u00e1s begin one section by condemning the veneration\nof \u201cheathen beings\u201d (hei\u00fenar v\u00e6ttir), and go on to prohibit the use of spells, witchcraft and\nlesser forms of magic (galldra e\u00fea g\u00f8rningar. e\u00fea fiolk\u00fdngi). The law then notes what constitutes\nthis sort of magic, for which the penalty is lesser outlawry ( f iorbavgs Gar\u00fe): \u201che uses magic\nif he utters or teaches someone else or gets someone else to utter words of magic over himself or his property\u201d ( \u00fea ferr hann me\u00f0 fiolkyngi ef hann que\u00f0r \u00feat e\u00fea kennir. e\u00fea l\u00e6tr que\u00f0a. at ser\ne\u00fea at fe sinv). The law then details the contrasting, darker kind of magic, that is, words or\nmagic that lead to the sickness or death of men or cattle ( \u00feat ero ford\u00e6s skapir. ef ma\u00fer g\u00e9rir i\nor\u00f0vm sinvm. e\u00fea fiolkyngi sott e\u00fea bana. fe e\u00fea mavnnvm). This more serious form of magic is punishable by banishment ( \u00feat var\u00fear scogGang).21 Among the observations to be made about\nthis and similar documents are: the association authorities were keen to make between\nmagic and the pagan past and its heathen deities; the distinction the laws imply between\ngeneral and specialist users of magic; and their acceptance of the reality of magic.\nThe sources for researching magic \u2013 whether theoretical, fanciful or real \u2013 in medieval\nScandinavia are mainly textual (e.g. runic inscriptions, chronicles, synodal statutes, letters,\nskaldic poems, episcopal edicts, sermons) and, to a lesser degree, material (e.g. amulets, house\ndeposits). All of them contribute importantly to our understanding but every source must\nbe examined for its so-called \u201ctruth value\u201d, a point of special significance when dealing\nwith the Icelandic sagas and eddas, given their alluringly realistic presentations of magic,\nespecially when dealing with much older traditions. Some of their reports may fairly represent empirical reality; others, mere borrowing from foreign models; still others, fantasies\ncut from whole cloth. The principal sources of information about magic in the medieval\nNorth are here for ease of presentation divided into the following categories: normative texts;\nnarratives; vocabulary; charms, including runic inscriptions; and material culture.\nThe common thread among normative texts, such as the Nordic law codes, synodal statutes, homilies, penitentials and so on, is that they all reflect the authorities\u2019 overtly negative assessments of magical behaviours and frequently detail appropriate sanctions against\npractitioners. Another commonly shared feature is that they often refer only in passing,\n138\n\nPages 158:\nS c a n d i n av i a\nsometimes even obscurely, to the practices they condemn; in some instances, this tendency\nmay be supposed to depend on the fact that these phenomena were widely known and\nrequired no explanation or detailed description, but in other instances, perhaps such treatment should be understood to suggest that novel concepts are being introduced.\nSo, for example, the Norwegian law codes periodically condemn and prohibit the practice of \u201csitting out\u201d (utiseta, sitja \u00fati): the Older Law of Gula\u00feing sanctions capital punishment\n\u201cfor [deeds of ] murder or for [the practice of ] witchcraft or for going abroad at night [lit.,\nsitting out] to call forth evil spirits and to promote heathendom thereby\u201d (oc sva firi mor\u00f0 oc\nford\u00e6\u00f0o skape. oc utisetu at vekia troll upp. at fremia hei\u00f0rni me\u00f0 \u00fevi).22 Set against the various surviving references to this practice, \u201csitting out\u201d appears to be a divinatory custom whereby\nthe practitioner \u201csits out\u201d on a grave mound, where the reference points to an old custom\noften mentioned, but, so far as we know, never fully described, in surviving texts. On the\nother hand, something novel, and apparently eminently traceable, occurs when there are\nreports of magical flights: \u201c\u2018evening-riders\u2019 or \u2018shape-shifters\u2019 believe themselves to travel\nwith Diana the goddess and Herodias quickly over great oceans, riding whales or seals,\nbirds or wild animals, or over great lands\u201d (kveldri\u00f0ur e\u00f0a hamleypur \u00feykkiaz me\u00f0 Diana g y\u00f0iu\noc Herodiade a litilli stundu fara yfir stor h\u1ecff ri\u00f0andi hvolum e\u00f0a selum, fuglum e\u00f0a dyrum, e\u00f0a yfir stor\nlond).23 The context and references make it clear that this saint\u2019s legend has been written\nunder the influence of the materials also reported in the Canon episcopi; yet, this image also\ndovetails with traditional Nordic perspectives on magical abilities of this sort.24\nOther instances related to magical transvection can be considerably more opaque, as\nwhen the thirteenth-century Swedish Older Law of V\u00e4sterg\u00f6tland (\u00c4ldre V\u00e4stg\u00f6talagen) states that\namong the felonious, actionable insults about a woman is to say, \u201cI saw that you rode on the\npen-gate, with your hair loose, and in a witch\u2019s shape, when all was equal between night\nand day\u201d (Iak sa at \u00feu reet a quiggrindu l\u00f6shar\u00e6\u00fe. ok i trols ham \u00fea alt var iamrift nat ok dagh\u00e9r).25 Yet,\nthis case too can be placed within known belief systems;26 much more perplexing are references to charm magic such as the following from \u00c6ldre Borgarthings Christenret, a Norwegian\nlaw code, \u201cBut if a woman bites off a finger or toe from her child and does that [in order to\nsecure] long life, she is fined three marks\u201d (En ef kona bitr fingr af barne sinu eda to ok gerer \u00feat til\nlanglifis hon er s\u00e6ck.iij. morkum).27\nOne early Norwegian church law declares simply that people should \u201cnot pay heed to\nsoothsaying, incantation, or wicked sorcery\u201d [eigi ly\u00f0a sp\u00e1m ne golldrum ne gerningum illum] and\ndetails the penalties for such acts (loss of property and outlawry), as well as the procedures\nfor defence against the charge.28 Taken as a group, the medieval Nordic laws treat magic\nand those who practice it in ways that appear to reflect changes in perspectives over time. In\nthe case just cited for the laws of Gula\u00feing, these statutes are located amid the law sections\ntreating religious and moral topics, such as heathenism, incest and bestiality: (28) Um sp\u00e1r\noc um galldra [Concerning Sorcery and Soothsaying]; (29) Um blot [Concerning heathen sacrifice]; (30) Um uda\u00f0a menn [Concerning evildoers]).29 The earliest Old Swedish provincial\nlaws (e.g. \u00c4ldre V\u00e4stg\u00f6talagen, Upplandslagen), by contrast, tend to situate magical practices and\ntheir practitioners in the narrowly relevant parts of the code; thus, statutes about superstition find a home among the Church Laws, those about poisoning \u2013 widely believed to be\na witchcraft-related crime \u2013 among the criminal statutes and so on. Over time, however,\nthese offences are increasingly situated amid high crimes threatening social order such\nas perjury and treason. By Magnus Eriksson\u2019s mid-fourteenth-century codification of the\nSwedish laws (Magnus Erikssons Landslag), witchcraft is placed in the following series: different forms of murder (of spouses, children and so on); murder through trulldom \u201cwitchcraft\u201d;\n139\n\nPages 159:\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\nthe death of stepchildren; traitors who would raise an army against the king; those who\nwould bring a foreign army against their homeland and rightful lord; the murder by servants of their masters; arson; rape; and poisoning (again, usually understood as a witchcraft\nstatute).30 That the use of trulldom should now be placed together with topics concerned with\nthe preservation of the state, such as treason and armed rebellion, as well as with important\ncivil crimes that also threaten social order, like murder and rape, represents, one suspects,\nmore than simple reorganization of the codes, and something more like a re-evaluation\nabout just what the entire magical arena was understood to be.\nThe rich stock of native and imported Nordic medieval narratives too often offer detailed\nand valuable opportunities to get a purchase on the evolving character of magic \u2013 presumably\nalso both native and imported \u2013 in the Scandinavian Middle Ages. Among the most\nwell-regarded traditional sources are the skaldic and eddaic poems that were preserved in\nthe \u00adIcelandic Middle Ages, many of which presumably hark back to the era before the\n\u00adConversion and the use of the Latin alphabet in Scandinavia. The surviving texts include\nnumerous, albeit often obscure, suggestions about the range of pagan Nordic magic. The\nmaster of magic within the pre-Christian Nordic Pantheon, \u00d3\u00f0inn, claims in H\u00e1vam\u00e1l st.\n146-st. 163, for example, to know many different charms \u2013 although he makes this claim\nwithout revealing their secrets. The character says that he know, for example, charms\nagainst \u00adsorrows; medical charms; charms to dull an enemy\u2019s weapons; charms to escape\nfrom fetters; spells to stop arrows; magic that allows him to turn charms of hatred back\nagainst their conjurer; incantations against fire; charms to still hostility; spells to calm a\nwild sea; magic against witches; spells to protect others in battle; necromantic charms; spells\nfor victory in battle; incantations that allow him to know supernatural details; charms that\ngive strength, success and wisdom; charms that give him the pleasures of a woman; and\nspells for love, as well as a mysterious eighteenth charm.31\nDetailed in its presentation of magical practices is the eddaic poem Sk\u00edrnism\u00e1l, which\nprovides a comprehensive image of a charm being worked. In the frame story, Sk\u00edrnir, the\nservant of the god Freyr, travels to the giantess Ger\u00f0r in order to acquire her for his master.\nAfter various bribes and threats fail, Sk\u00edrnir wins her hand for Freyr by engaging in a magical performance, a performance marked by Sk\u00edrnir\u2019s frequent references to a wand (called a\ntamsv\u01ebndr and gambanteinn in the poem); that this is a special part of the text is further marked\nby the fact that the meter of the poem goes over to galdralag (\u201cincantation meter\u201d, in which\nthe final line echoes the penultimate line), and by the content and wording of the poem, a\nportion of which reflects charm magic known from runic inscriptions.32 In B\u00f3sa saga, the\nwitch Busla similarly wields a versified charm against King Hringr, a further detailed, if\nincomplete, example of an incantation being performed.33\nGiven its functions, generally to offer praise and commemoration, skaldic poetry does not\nusually provide these sorts of detailed views of magic, although there are exceptions. In a\nsection of Snorri Sturluson\u2019s thirteenth-century Heimskringla called Ynglinga saga, and building on a skaldic poem known as Ynglingatal, believed to have been composed by \u00dej\u00f3\u00f0\u00f3lfr \u00far\nHvinir ca. 900, a \u201cwitch\u201d carries out an act of supernatural aggression that causes King\nVanlandi to be killed by a \u201ctrollwoman\u201d, who rides him to death (Ynglinga saga, ch. 13).34\nAmong the most intriguing presentations of traditional Nordic magic are such scenes in\nthe Icelandic sagas as the enumeration of the magical abilities of the pagan deity, \u00d3\u00f0inn, in\nYnglinga saga (Ynglinga saga, ch. 6\u20137; pp. 10\u201311); \u00deorbj\u01ebrg l\u00edtilv\u01eblva \u201clittle seeress\u201d (also referred\nto as v\u00edsendakona \u201cwise woman\u201d and as sp\u00e1kona \u201cprophetess\u201d) performing a sei\u00f0r ceremony\nin Eir\u00edks saga rau\u00f0a (ch. 4; pp. 81\u201383); Egill\u2019s performance of a curse to drive King Eir\u00edkr\n140\n\nPages 160:\nS c a n d i n av i a\nand Queen Gunnhildr from Norway through the use of a n\u00ed\u00f0st \u01ebng \u201cscorn pole\u201d and a verbal\ncharm in Egils saga Skalla-Gr\u00edmssonar (ch. 57; pp. 148\u201349); the so-called Bulsub\u00e6n \u201cBusla\u2019s\nprayer\u201d and Syrpuvers \u201cSyrpa Verses\u201d of B\u00f3sa saga (ch. 5; pp. 204\u201308); Gunnlaugr\u2019s attempt\nto learn witchcraft in Eyrbyggia saga (ch. 16; pp. 59\u201360); and \u00deur\u00ed\u00f0r\u2019s charm magic against\nGrettir \u00c1smundarson (Grettis saga \u00c1smundarsonar, ch. 78; pp. 161\u201362).35 The Icelandic sagas,\nas even this brief list makes clear, provide a treasure trove of materials, one carefully investigated over the decades for evidence of magical practices,36 although with as yet still much\ndebated results. Recent research has tended to underscore the tendentious character of how\nmagic is presented in these texts, which are literary productions of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, often treating topics from earlier eras.37\nVernacular Icelandic sagas and poetry, albeit by far the most renowned texts from the\nScandinavian Middle Ages, are by no means the only textual sources at our disposal as\nregards the question of magic in the medieval North \u2013 translations into the Nordic languages of foreign materials and Latin treatments of native traditions also provide important\nwindows. Thus, the process of turning large numbers of foreign texts, such as Legenda aurea,\nSeelentrost, and Historia de preliis Alexandri Magni, into various Nordic vernaculars, such as the\nOld Swedish Ett Forn-Svenskt Legendarium, Si\u00e6linna thr\u00f8st and Konung Alexander, often introduced alternative and evolving continental views of magic into Scandinavia.38 And local\ntraditions are frequently noted in Latin texts. So, for example, the history of Norwegian\nmonarchs from the ninth to twelfth centuries (Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium)\nof \u00adTheodoricus monachus speaks of idols and prophecies uttered by demons in connection with ritual specialists of both genders who are called seithmen (i.e. sei\u00f0menn) \u201csorcerers,\nwitches\u201d in the vernacular.39 The king has eighty of these sei\u00f0menn brought into a building\nand burned, a story also found in other texts.40\nGiven the often tendentious character of these sources, researchers are always at pains to\nexamine the texts\u2019 comments and contexts with care, a fact that complicates, but does not\nnecessarily prevent, analysis. The same source-critical problem applies, for example, to the\npresentation of magic and magicians in relation to the old heathen religion and godhead in\nthe Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus:\nAt one time certain individuals, initiated into the magic arts, namely Thor, Odin\nand a number of others who were skilled at conjuring up marvellous illusions,\nclouded the minds of simple men and began to appropriate the exalted rank of\ngodhead. Norway, Sweden and Denmark were ensnared in a groundless conviction,\nurged to a devoted worship of these frauds and infected by their gross imposture. 41\nGenerally, statements of this sort reinforce the association also found in the laws, namely, of\nmagic being understood to be pagan holdovers from before the Conversion. This view of\nmagic and superstition as \u201csurvivals\u201d is, of course, a perspective made famous by Edward B.\nTylor, who describes superstitious beliefs as \u201cfragments of a dead lower culture embedded in\na living higher one\u201d.42 Hardly a modern invention, the idea that magic represents the persistence of paganism and pagan beliefs is routinely woven into the medieval laws and sagas.\nThe vocabulary employed to describe the magical world, its possibilities, activities and\npractitioners, offers a rich opportunity for exploring what magic was thought to be in the\nNordic Middle Ages, although it must be borne in mind that Latin terms (e.g. maleficium\n\u201cwitchcraft\u201d, maleficare \u201cto bewitch\u201d, incantatio \u201cspell\u201d, sortilegium \u201cfortune-telling\u201d) are\nusually used in legal and ecclesiastical documents. Nevertheless, there exists a very large\n141\n\nPages 161:\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\ninventory of native terms from which it is possible to tease out what magic was thought\nto be in the North. Naturally, this magical vocabulary often derives from usages the\n\u00adScandinavian languages share with other Indo-European languages, making it important\nto review the Nordic terms against this key linguistic backdrop.43 A significantly richer\nstock of vocabulary items exists from medieval Icelandic texts than from the other Nordic\ntraditions, but whether this is due to the fact that there exist more, and more varied, surviving medieval Icelandic texts, or from the possibility that Iceland had a differing view of\nmagic, is unclear.\nThe very large Nordic inventory of words for magical acts and actors principally builds\non such concepts as: prophecy (e.g. sp\u00e1kona, v\u01eblva); wisdom (e.g. fj\u01eblkyngi, v\u00edsd\u00f3msmeistari);\ndeeds (e.g. ford\u00e6\u00f0uskap, firig\u00e6ra); performance (e.g. sei\u00f0a sei\u00f0, gala galdr, \u00fatiseta); transformations and transvection (e.g. renna g\u01eb ndum, hamfarir); the paraphernalia of magic (e.g. sei\u00f0hjallr, \u00adgambanteinn); charms (e.g. \u00e1lag, atkv\u00e6\u00f0i); and the heathen past (e.g. fornfr\u00f3\u00f0r, fornspj \u01ebll),\nas well as the abundant lexis connected to trolld\u00f3mr \u201cwitchcraft\u201d, terms derived from troll,\na monstrous being.44\nThere exists an impressive, and to a great extent as yet underexplored, body of N\n\u00ad ordic\ncharm magic from, or with roots in, the Middle Ages. Some of these are to be found in\nmedical treatises and other so-called leechbooks, some in the form of runic inscriptions. An\nearly tendency to over-interpret the connection between magic and runes led to the view\nthat runes are something other, or more, than an epigraphic system45; at the same time, of\ncourse, it must be borne in mind that runes are as capable of reflecting magic as any other\nwriting system.46 And naturally among the particularly important aspects of these records\nare the facts that they do not hazard being copies in the same way manuscripts often are\nand that knowledge of them does not require the agency of, for example, a church school.\nThus, we presumably have here opportunities to hear more directly the vox populi.\nThe early eleventh-century Kvinneby amulet from Swedish \u00d6land (\u00d6l 52) offers an intriguing example of heathen apotropaic magic in the context of a runic amulet.47 It was\nproduced from sheet copper, bears the image of a fish and bears a hole that is interpreted\nas indicating that it was worn as a periapt. There is little modern scholarship agrees on\nwith respect to the amulet apart from those details, and the text\u2019s use of a historiola, that is, a\nreference to a mythic narrative embedded in a magic formula, namely, the myth of \u00de\u00f3rr\u2019s\nfishing for the World Serpent and the appearance in it of his hammer, Mj\u01ebllnir. That central\nsection of the text reads, \u201c\u2026hold all evil away from B\u00f3fi. May \u00de\u00f3rr protect him with that\nhammer which came from out of the sea\u201d (En bra haldi illu fran Bofa. \u00deorr g\u00e6ti hans me\u00f0 \u00fe\u00e6im\nhamri sem uR \u00a7B hafi kom).\nWhere the Kvinneby amulet is heathen in its character, an example of a mixed\n\u00adheathen-Christian charm in runes, comes from medieval Norway (N B241). The charm\ninvokes not Christian powers in the first instance, but the pagan god, \u00d3\u00f0inn (ek s\u0153ri \u00feik,\n\u00d3\u00f0inn).48 On the other hand, the charm\u2019s broader Christian framework can be seen when\nthe text calls the old god \u201cthe greatest among devils\u201d (mestr fj\u00e1nda) and invokes Christianity\nas part of the charm as well ( fyr kristni). The full text is understood to read,\nI invoke you, \u00d3\u00f0inn, with (heathenism), the greatest among devils. Agree to it. Tell\nme the name of the man who stole. For Christianity. Tell me now (your) evil deed.\nOne I scorn, (the second) I scorn. Tell me, \u00d3\u00f0inn. Now (multitudes of devils?) are\ncalled forth with all (heathenism). You shall now acquire/raise for me the name of\nthe one who stole. (Amen).49\n142\n\nPages 162:\nS c a n d i n av i a\nAn early fifteenth-century Danish medical treatise, AM 187, 8\u02da,50 contains some obviously\nmagical and divinatory charms, when, for example, it offers methods to prognosticate death\n(Probacio galieni), determine the gender of an unborn child (Om thu wild\u00e6 wid\u00e6) and protect\n\u201cAgainst devil\u2019s arrows\u201d (Contra sagittas dyaboli). A Norwegian anthology of religious and other\nmaterials, Vinjeboka, written serially between ca. 1480 and the 1530s, contains a variety of\nmagical formulas, cures and remedies for men and animals, occasional verses in Latin, a\nMarian legend and nearly a dozen hymns to the Virgin by various hands. The text\u2019s editor\nestimates that roughly thirty per cent of the recipes in Vinjeboka contain powerful charms and\nsymbolic materials, e.g. \u201cTo blunt an enemy\u2019s sword\u201d, \u201cTo gain power over a woman\u201d, \u201cTo\nwin the love of a young woman\u201d, \u201cTo expose a thief \u201d.51 As is often the case, it is generally\nhow the remedies are thought to work, rather than the problem they are thought to work\non, that matters. For example, as a recipe, \u201cTo improve soil in fallow land\u201d may sound like\na simple matter of mucking the field or other practical bit of farming tradition, but instead\nthis recommendation depends entirely on ritual and spiritual matters:\nFor fallow land: Make the sign of the cross over the fallow land with your foot and\nsay thus, May the five holy wounds [of Jesus] heal this wounded [land] in the name\nof the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit.\nFinally, we have an important opportunity to recover medieval Nordic magical practices and\nbeliefs from material culture. Naturally, there can be no absolute divisions among the sources:\nrunic inscriptions and other written sources, for example, are in one sense, of course, forms\nof textual evidence that require philological expertise; at the same time, they are also preserved as, or on, physical objects \u2013 runestones, talismans, manuscripts and so on \u2013 and thus\nthe end products of procedures executed by human hands (i.e. manufactured in an etymological sense), where the kinds of information archaeological methods can glean are also\nfruitful. A prime example would be the large number of amulets that come from medieval\nScandinavia.52 Some of these amulets bear inscriptions, some not, but their interpretations,\nboth in the narrow and broad senses, will in almost all cases be improved from knowledge\nof their physical composition, their manufacture, the circumstances of their discovery and\nother empirical facts relating to their production and provenance.\nAnother kind of situation can also happen, that is, cases where we have only the material evidence and no surviving texts. Thus, for example, a series of studies, concerned with\nhouse floor assemblages and other ritual depositions in Scandinavia, variously referred to\nas \u201chouse deposits\u201d, \u201cfoundation sacrifices\u201d and so on, show both the critical importance\nof material data, as well as some of the problems that occur where there is no corresponding written information. Defining what such evidence represents \u2013 are they accidental deposits or intentional ones? are these depositions to be connected with magical, ritual and\nceremonial purposes or are they items hidden below ground in order to guarantee their\nsecurity? \u2013 let alone the specific spiritual purpose, if any, is not easy to know, all the more\nso given the complete absence of any contemporary commentary about the practice. In this\nregard, these physical echoes of bygone practices are of special interest since they provide\nevidence of traditional behaviours otherwise completely unnoticed and uncommented on\nby medieval legal, literary and historical writers.53 The work of Ann-Britt Falk,54 for example, demonstrates the dynamic continuity of such a tradition as part of south \u00adScandinavian\nsocial life into the Middle Ages. Falk traces the continuity of these and related practices\nthroughout the Middle Ages, with animal bones, especially skulls, and ceramics being\n143\n\nPages 163:\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\ncommon offerings. In the absence of evidence from such routine medieval sources as the\nlaws and the Icelandic sagas, we would, without the archaeological record (and much later\ntraditions observed by folklorists), simply have no knowledge of these practices or their\nlongevity.\nFuture directions\nResearchers have through many decades of scrutiny been able to reveal much about Nordic\nmagic both in the period before 1000 and the era after 1500 but the period in-between the\nConversion and the Reformation has generally been subject to less analysis, although there\nhave been a number of recent advances. There remain, however, desiderata. Thus, despite\nthe exhaustive attention given to the Icelandic family sagas, other literary resources, such\nas the Icelandic r\u00edmur, have been but little exploited and such \u201cnew\u201d, that is, underexplored,\nresources may, with more thorough examination, yield novel information about the nature\nof, and thinking about, magic in the medieval North. Similarly, the substantial work that\nearlier generations invested into assembling and publishing the various national traditions of\ncharm magic (e.g. Danmarks Trylleformler; \u00cdslenzkar \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0s\u00f6gur og \u00e6fint\u00fdri; Norske Hexeformularer; and\nSignelser ock besv\u00e4rjelser) has largely remained underexploited.55 Here is an area where there\nexist particularly exciting opportunities for new discoveries, work that can develop in tandem\nwith evolving methodological insights, as discussed below.\nIn addition to more thoroughly investigating the full range of medieval sources themselves,\nthere are some topics, such as \u201cnatural magic\u201d, towards which it seems far too little attention\nhas been paid with regard to the medieval Scandinavian situation, a bias that derives in part,\none suspects, from the tendency of scholars to shy away from the East Norse sources, that\nis, the Old Danish and Old Swedish materials, whose philological traditions tend to leave\nthe texts less accessible than are the West Norse, that is, Old Norwegian and Old Icelandic\nmaterials. Furthermore, expanding our understanding of \u201cnatural magic\u201d may require a\nbroader reach in other ways as well, such as a higher degree of cross-disciplinary work from\nsuch fields as the history of science and the history of ideas, than has thus far been the case.\nCertainly, the extent to which we understand an area like alchemy will prove central to\nproviding a clearer image of the degree to which elite concepts of magic from the Continent\npenetrated medieval Scandinavia.\nThis issue points to a further sphere where one senses more research could profitably\nbe invested, namely, Scandinavia\u2019s contacts with non-Scandinavian cultural traditions.\nThus, the relationships of Nordic magical traditions to those of their Baltic neighbours,\nand colonial possessions, are of great interest, and although important work has been done\nwith respect to the S\u00e1mi and adjacent Finnic peoples,56 there is undoubtedly more to be\naccomplished in investigating, for example, the degree to which the traditions of the various \u00adBalto-Slavic peoples with whom Scandinavians had routine contact before, during and\nafter the Age of the Vikings may have provided models and influenced the character of\nNordic magic in the medieval period.\nAlong similar lines, and perhaps of equal significance for our understanding of the\n\u00addevelopment of Nordic magic, are the various lines of communication that ran between\nspecific monasteries and seats of learning on the Continent such as the universities in Paris,\nOrl\u00e9ans and Bologna, and the ecclesiastical centres in Scandinavia (e.g. Ni\u00f0ar\u00f3s, Ribe,\nLund, Skara, Vadstena). Numerous multinational connections between and among the\nvarious European religious houses once existed,57 and investigating these pathways would\n144\n\nPages 164:\nS c a n d i n av i a\nsubstantially further our understanding of the medieval situation. Jan Wall, for example, 58\nmakes a credible case for British influence from the Handlyng Synne of Robert of Brunnes,\nor one of its models, on the Nordic tradition of the milk-stealing witch, arguing that the\nidea may have been introduced through the Homo conditus (1330\u201350) of Magister Mathias,\na Swedish theologian, who might have learned of it during his time in Paris. Likewise,\nthe well-established connections between Norway, Ni\u00f0ar\u00f3s in particular, and the Abbey of\nSt. Victor in Paris, where instruction in Hebrew was possible, might, for example, explain\nthe strain of Jewish magical traditions known to have existed in medieval Scandinavia.59 In\na similar fashion, the medical traditions of Salerno (Schola Medica Salernitana) are prominent in the works of Henrik Harpestreng, the most famous of medieval Nordic medical\nfigures, whose works in turn feed into late medieval Nordic charm traditions.60\nAs a disciplinary matter, it is almost certain that what some have termed \u201can archaeology of magic\u201d holds out tremendous promise for new information, a potential as yet largely\nunfulfilled, with some notable exceptions;61 whereas it is unlikely that large numbers of new\nmanuscripts relating to medieval magic will be discovered in Scandinavia, it is virtually\ncertain that over time researchers will discover, and recognize, new objects relevant to our\nunderstanding of medieval magic in the North. At the same time, new methodologies are\nallowing us to understand our copious written sources in new ways, theories concerned with\nrecontextualizing magical practices and understanding how such activities were actually\nperformed.62 Another, and related, approach that has come to prominence in recent years\nis so-called \u201cmemory studies\u201d, a field which has already begun to show promise with respect\nto the use and recollection of charms in other tradition areas.63\nAs has been noted in a context parallel to the present essay\u2019s concern with magic in the\nNordic Middle Ages,\n\u2026the situation in medieval Scandinavia, due to the unusual nature and richness\nof its textual and other sources of information, its geographical location and its\nconnections to adjacent cultures, represents a unique case, a tradition-rich area that\nmay hold unparalleled promise for future interdisciplinary efforts.64\nScholarship has come a long way towards fulfilling this promise; yet, despite significant advances in recent years, there remains much to be done if we are to understand fully medieval\nNordic magic.\nNotes\n1 See Thomas A. DuBois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania\nPress, 1999); Stephen A. Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011).\n2 Dorothy Hammond, \u201cMagic: A Problem in Semantics,\u201d American Anthropologist 72, no. 6 (1970):\n1355.\n3 With respect to magical practices in these earlier periods, cf. the reviews in, e.g. Peter Buchholz,\n\u201cSchamanistische Z\u00fcge in der altisl\u00e4ndischen \u00dcberlieferung,\u201d Inaugural-Dissertation zur \u00adErlangung\ndes Doktorsgrades, Westf\u00e4lischen Wilhelms-Universit\u00e4t M\u00fcnster (Bamberg, 1968); DuBois, Nordic\nReligions; Neil S. Price, The Viking Way: Religion and War in Late Iron Age Scandinavia, vol. 31, Aun\n(Uppsala: Institutionen f\u00f6r arkeologi och antik historia, Uppsala universitet, 2002); Catharina\nRaudvere, \u201cTrolld\u00f3mr in Early Medieval Scandinavia,\u201d in Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle\nAges, ed. Bengt Ankarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001),\n73\u2013171; Catharina Raudvere, Kunskap och insikt i norr\u00f6n tradition: Mytologi, ritualer och trolldomsanklagelser\n145\n\nPages 165:\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\n(Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2003); Fran\u00e7ois-Xavier Dillmann, Les magiciens dans l\u2019Islande ancienne.\n\u00c9tudes sur la repr\u00e9sentation de la magie islandaise et de ses agents dans les sources litt\u00e9raires norroises, vol. 92,\nActa Academiae Regiae Gustavi Adolphi (Uppsala: Kungl. Gustav Adolfs A\n\u00ad kademien f\u00f6r svensk\nfolkkultur, 2006); Clive Tolley, Shamanism in Norse Myth and Magic, vols. 296, 297, Folklore Fellows\nCommunications (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedakatemia. Akademia Scientarum Fennica, 2009);\nMitchell, Witchcraft and Magic; and Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cMagic and Religion,\u201d in Pre-Christian\nReligions of the North. Histories and Structures, ed. Anders Andr\u00e9n, John Lindow and Jens Peter Schj\u00f8dt\n(Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming).\n4 Concerning survivals, continuity and Nordic pre-Christian beliefs, see Andreas Nordberg, Fornnordisk religionsforskning mellan teori och empiri: Kulten av anf\u00e4der, solen och vegetationsandar i id\u00e9historisk belysning,\nvol. 126, Acta Academiae Regiae Gustavi Adolphi (Uppsala: Kungl. Gustav Adolfs Akademien f\u00f6r\nsvensk folkkultur, 2013), as well as Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cContinuity: Folklore\u2019s Problem Child?\u201d\nin Folklore in Old Norse \u2013 Old Norse in Folklore, vol. 20, ed. Daniel S\u00e4vborg and Karen Bek-Pedersen,\nNordistica Tartuensis (Tartu: Tartu University Press, 2014), 34\u201351.\n5 Early works in this area include Johan Fritzner, \u201cLappernes Hedenskab og Trolddomskunst sammen holdt med andre Folks, is\u00e6r Nordm\u00e6ndenes, Tro og Overtro,\u201d Norsk Historisk Tidsskrift 4\n(1877): 136\u2013217; Dag Str\u00f6mb\u00e4ck, Sejd. Textstudier i nordisk religionshistoria, vol. 5, Nordiska Texter\noch Unders\u00f6kningar (Stockholm: Hugo Gebers f\u00f6rlag, 1935); Walter Jaide, Das Wesen des Zaubers in\nden primitiven Kulturen und in den Islandssagas (Leipzig: Noske, 1937); and \u00c5ke Ohlmarks, \u201cArktischer\nSchamanismus und altnordischer sei\u00f0r,\u201d Archiv f\u00fcr Religionswissenschaft 36 (1939): 171\u201380.\n6 DuBois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, 122\u201338; Price, The Viking Way, 233\u201378; Tolley, Shamanism in\nNorse Myth and Magic, I:75\u20138 et passim.\n7 Mircea Eliade, Le chamanisme et les techniques archa\u00efques de l\u2019extase (Paris: Payot, 1951), 15.\n8 DuBois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age; Price, The Viking Way; Neil S. Price, \u201cThe Archaeology of\nSei\u00f0r: Circumpolar Traditions in Viking Pre-Christian Religion,\u201d Brathair 4, no. 2 (2004): 109\u201326.\n9 Dillmann, Les magiciens dans l\u2019Islande ancienne, 269\u2013308; Tolley, Shamanism in Norse Myth and Magic.\n10 E.g. Buchholz, \u201cSchamanistische Z\u00fcge\u201d; Hermann P\u00e1lsson, \u00dar landnor\u00f0ri: Samar og ystu r\u00e6tur \u00edslenskrar\nmenningar, vol. 54, Studia Islandica (Reykjav\u00edk: B\u00f3kmenntafr\u00e6\u00f0istofnun H\u00e1sk\u00f3la \u00cdslands, 1997).\n11 E.g. Godfrid Storms, Anglo-Saxon Magic (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1948); Audrey L. Meaney, Anglo-Saxon\nAmulets and Curing Stones (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1981); Karen Louise Jolly, Popular\nReligion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,\n1996); Alaric Hall, Elves in Anglo-Saxon England: Matters of Belief, Health, Gender and Identity (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007); Karl A. Wipf, \u201cDie Zauberspr\u00fcche im Althochdeutschen,\u201d Numen\n22 (1975): 42\u201369; and Verena Holzmann, \u201cIch beswer dich wurm vnd wyrmin--\u201d: Formen und Typen\naltdeutscher Zauberspr\u00fcche und Segen, vol. 36, Wiener Arbeiten zur germanischen Altertumskunde und\nPhilologie (Bern & New York: P. Lang, 2001).\n12 Reviewed in, for example, Price, The Viking Way, 76\u201389; Dillmann, Les magiciens dans l\u2019Islande ancienne, 6\u20139; Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic, 1\u201315.\n13 Regis Boyer, Le monde du double: la magie chez les anciens Scandinaves (Paris: Berg international, 1986).\n14 Raudvere, \u201cTrolld\u00f3mr,\u201d 96; Raudvere, Kunskap och insikt.\n15 E.g. Walter Baetke, Die Religion der Germanen in Quellenzeugnissen (Frankfurt am Main: M. Diesterweg,\n1937); \u00c5ke Ohlmarks, Studien zum Problem des Schamanismus (Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1939).\n16 Dillmann, Les magiciens dans l\u2019Islande ancienne.\n17 Morris, Sorceress or Witch?; Britt-Mari N\u00e4sstr\u00f6m, Freyja \u2013 The Great Goddess of the North, vol. 5, Lund Studies in [the] History of Religion (Lund: Department of History of Religions, 1995); Jenny Jochens,\nOld Norse Images of Women (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996); Brit Solli, Seid. Myter,\nsjamanisme og kj\u00f8nn i vikingenes tid (Oslo: Pax Forlag A/S, 2002); Helga Kress, \u201c\u2018\u00d3\u00fearfar unnustur \u00e1ttu\u2019:\nUm samband fj\u00f6lkyngi, kvennfars og karlmennsku \u00ed \u00cdslendingas\u00f6gum,\u201d in Galdramenn. Galdrar og samf\u00e9lag \u00e1 mi\u00f0\u00f6ldum, ed. Torfi H. Tulinius (Reykjav\u00edk: Hugv\u00edsindastofnun H\u00e1sk\u00f3la \u00cdslands, 2008), 21\u201349;\nJ\u00f3hanna Katr\u00edn Fri\u00f0riksd\u00f3ttir, \u201cWomen\u2019s Weapons. A Re-Evaluation of Magic in the \u00cdslendingas\u00f6gur,\u201d\nScandinavian Studies 81, no. 4 (2009): 409\u201336; Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic, 175\u2013200 et passim.\n18 Jochens, Old Norse Images of Women, 130\u201331.\n19 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 9;\nRichard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review 99\n(1994): 813\u201336; Michael D. Bailey, Magic and Superstition in Europe: A Concise History from Antiquity to the\nPresent (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007).\n146\n\nPages 166:\nS c a n d i n av i a\n20 Cf. Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cSpirituality and Alchemy in Den vises sten (1379),\u201d in L\u00e4rdomber oc sk\u00e4mptan:\nMedieval Swedish Literature Reconsidered, ed. Massimiliano Bampi and Fulvio Ferrari, vol. 5, Svenska\nFornskrift-S\u00e4llskapets Samlingar. Serie 3, Sm\u00e4rre texter och unders\u00f6kningar (Uppsala: Svenska\nFornskrift-S\u00e4llskapet, 2008), 97\u2013108; Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cLeechbooks, Manuals, and Grimoires.\nOn the Early History of Magical Texts in Scandinavia,\u201d Arv. Nordic Yearbook of Folklore 70 (2014):\n57\u201374.\n21 Gr\u00e1g\u00e1s. Konungsb\u00f3k, ed. Vilhj\u00e1lmur Finsen (1852; Rpt. Odense: Universitetsforlag, 1974), 22\u201323;\nLaws of Early Iceland: Gr\u00e1g\u00e1s. I. The Codex Regius of Gr\u00e1g\u00e1s, with Material from Other Manuscripts, ed. and\ntrans. Andrew Dennis, Peter Foote and Richard Perkins (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press,\n1980), 39. The translators\u2019 use of the terms \u201cblack sorcery\u201d and \u201cblack magic\u201d is not literal but is\nintended to sharpen the difference between galldra e\u00fea g\u00f8rningar. e\u00fea fiolk\u00fdngi \u201cspells or witchcraft or\nmagic\u201d for which lesser outlawry is appropriate and the more sinister form of magic, ford\u00e6\u00f0uskapr,\nfor which full outlawry is required.\n22 The Earliest Norwegian Laws, being the Gulathing Law and the Frostathing Law, trans. Laurence Marcellus\nLarson, vol. 20, Records of Civilization, Sources and Studies (New York: Columbia University\nPress, 1935), 58; Norges gamle Love indtil 1387, ed. R. Keyser and P. A. Munch (Christiania: Chr.\nGr\u00f6ndahl, 1846\u201395), I:19.\n23 Tolley, Shamanism in Norse Myth and Magic, 131\u201332; Postola s\u00f6gur. Legendariske fort\u00e6llinger om apostlernes\nliv, deres kamp for kristendommens udbredelse, samt deres martyrd\u00f8d, ed. C. R. Unger (Christiania: B.M.\nBentzen, 1874), 914.\n24 Cf. Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic, 131\u201336; and Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cKetils saga h\u00e6ngs, Fri\u00f0\u00fej\u00f3fs saga\nfr\u00e6kna, and the Reception of the Canon Episcopi in Medieval Iceland,\u201d in Skemmtiligastar Lygis\u00f6gur:\nStudies in Honour of Galina Glazyrina, ed. Tatjana N. Jackson and Elena A. Melnikova (Moscow:\n\u00adRussian Academy of Sciences. Dmitry Pozharskiy University, 2012), 138\u201347.\n25 Samling af Sweriges Gamla Lagar. Corpus iuris Sueco-Gotorum antiqui, ed. D. C. J. Schlyter [vols. 1\u20132 ed.\nwith D. H. S. Colin] (vols. 1\u20133, Stockholm; vols. 4\u201313, Lund: vol. 1, Z. Haeggstr\u00f6m; vols. 2\u20133,\nNorstedt & S\u00f6ner; vols. 4\u201313, Gleerups, 1822\u201377), I: 38. Important early discussions of this curious passage include Evald Lid\u00e9n, \u201cEtt par fornsvenska bidrag,\u201d in Svenska studier till\u00e4gnade Gustaf\nCederschi\u00f6ld den 25 juni 1914 (Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup, 1914), 413\u201318; Hugo Pipping, \u201cFornsvenskt\nlagspr\u00e5k. V. Studier \u00f6ver \u00c4ldre V\u00e4stg\u00f6talagen,\u201d Studier i nordisk filologi 7, no. 1 (1915): 68\u201371; Emanuel\nLinderholm, \u201cNordisk magi. Studier i nordisk religions- och kyrkohistoria,\u201d Svenska landsm\u00e5l och\nsvenskt folkliv B.20 (1918): 141\u201342; Svenska landskapslagar. ed. and trans. \u00c5ke Holmb\u00e4ck and Elias\nWess\u00e9n, 2nd unrev. edn. (1933\u201346; Rpt., Stockholm: AWE/Geber, 1979), V:xi-xxxvii.\n26 Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic, 150\u201352.\n27 Norges gamle Love indtil 1387, I:362.\n28 Norges gamle Love indtil 1387, I:17; The earliest Norwegian Laws, 56\u201357.\n29 Norges gamle Love indtil 1387, I:17\u201318; The earliest Norwegian Laws, 56\u201357.\n30 Samling af Sweriges Gamla Lagar, X:273\u201382.\n31 Edda. Die Lieder des Codex Regius nebst verwandten Denkm\u00e4lern. I. Text, 5th rev. edn., ed. Gustav Neckel\nand Hans Kuhn (Heidelberg: Carl Winter. Universit\u00e4tsverlag, 1983); The Poetic Edda, trans.\n\u00adCarolyne Larrington (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); John McKinnell, \u201cWisdom from\nthe Dead: The Lj\u00f3\u00f0atal section of H\u00e1vam\u00e1l,\u201d Medium Aevum 76, no. 1 (2007): 85\u2013115.\n32 On this aspect of the poem, see Konstantin Reichardt, \u201cDie Liebesbeschw\u00f6rung in F\u01ebr Sc\u00edrnis,\u201d\nJournal of English and Germanic Philology 38 (1939): 481\u201395; Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cAnaphrodisiac\nCharms in the Nordic Middle Ages: Impotence, Infertility, and Magic,\u201d Norveg 38 (1998): 19\u201342;\nStephen A. Mitchell, \u201cSk\u00edrnism\u00e1l and Nordic Charm Magic,\u201d in Reflections on Old Norse Myths, ed.\nPernille Hermann, Jens Peter Schj\u00f8dt and Rasmus Tranum Kristense, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007),\n75\u201394.\n33 Cf. Fornaldar S\u00f6gur Nordrlanda, eptir g\u00f6mlum handritum, ed. Carl C. Rafn, (Copenhagen: n.p., 1829\u201330);\nSeven Viking Romances, trans. Hermann P\u00e1lsson and Paul Edwards (Harmondsworth, England &\nNew York: Penguin Books, 1985); Claiborne W. Thompson, \u201cThe Runes in B\u00f3sa saga ok Herrau\u00f0s,\u201d\nScandinavian Studies 50, no. 1 (1978): 50\u20136; Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic, 190.\n34 Snorri Sturluson. Heimskringla I, ed. Bjarni A\u00f0albjarnarson, vol. 26, \u00cdslenzk fornrit (1941; Rpt., Reykjav\u00edk:\nHi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1962); Heimskringla. History of the Kings of Norway by Snorri Sturluson, trans. Lee\nM. Hollander (1964; Rpt., Austin: University of Texas Press for the American-Scandinavian Foundation, 2005).\n147\n\nPages 167:\nSt e p h e n A . M i t c h e l l\n35 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla; Heimskringla; Eyrbyggia saga. Brands \u00fe\u00e1ttr \u01ebrva. Eir\u00edks saga rau\u00f0a. Gr\u0153nlendinga\nsaga. Gr\u0153nlendinga \u00fe\u00e1ttr, vol. 4, ed. Einar \u00d3l. Sveinsson and Matth\u00edas \u00de\u00f3r\u00f0arson, \u00cdslenzk fornrit (1935;\nRpt., Reykjav\u00edk: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1957); The Vinland Sagas. The Norse Discovery of America.\nGr\u00e6nlendinga Saga and Eirik\u2019s Saga. trans. Magnus Magnusson and Hermann P\u00e1lsson (Hammondsworth: Penguin, 1965); Egils saga Skalla-Gr\u00edmssonar, Sigur\u00f0ur Nordal, vol. 2, \u00cdslenzk fornrit (1933;\nRpt., Reykjav\u00edk: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1979); Egil\u2019s Saga, trans. Hermann P\u00e1lsson and Paul\nEdwards (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1980); Fornaldar S\u00f6gur Nordrlanda; Seven Viking Romances, trans.\nHermann P\u00e1lsson and Edwards; Grettis saga \u00c1smundarsonar. Bandmanna saga. Odds \u00fe\u00e1ttr \u00d3feigssonar,\ned. Gu\u00f0ni J\u00f3nsson, vol. 7, \u00cdslenzk fornrit (1936; Rpt., Reykjav\u00edk: Hi\u00f0 \u00edslenzka fornritaf\u00e9lag, 1964);\nGrettir\u2019s saga, trans. Denton Fox and Hermann P\u00e1lsson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985).\n36 E.g. Str\u00f6mb\u00e4ck, Sejd; Dillmann, Les magiciens dans l\u2019Islande ancienne; Tolley, Shamanism; Mitchell,\nWitchcraft and Magic.\n37 E.g. Jochens, Old Norse Images; Fri\u00f0riksd\u00f3ttir, Women\u2019s Weapons, 409\u201336; Mitchell, Witchcraft and\nMagic.\n38 Ett Forn-Svenskt Legendarium, inneh\u00e5llande Medeltids Kloster-Sagor om Helgon, P\u00e5fvar och Kejsare ifr\u00e5n det 1:sta\ntill det XIII:de \u00c5rhundradet, vol. 7, Svenska Fornskrift-S\u00e4llskapets Samlingar, ed. George Stephens and\nF. A. Dahlgren (Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt och S\u00f6ner, 1847\u201374); Si\u00e6linna thr\u00f8st, ed. Samuel H\n\u00ad enning,\nvol. 59, Svenska Fornskrift-S\u00e4llskapets Samlingar (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri AB,\n1954); Konung Alexander. En medeltids dikt fr\u00e5n latinet v\u00e4nd i svenska rim omkring \u00e5r 1380 p\u00e5 f\u00f6ranstaltande af\nriksdrotset Bo Jonsson Grip efter den enda k\u00e4nda handskriften, vol. 12, Svenska Fornskrift-S\u00e4llskapets Samlingar, ed. Gustaf E. Klemming (Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt och S\u00f6ner, 1862).\n39 Theodorici Monachi Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium. In Monumenta Historica Norvegiae. Latinske\nKildeskrifter til Norges Historie i Middelalderen, ed. Gustav Storm (Christiania: A. W. Br\u00f8gger, 1880),\n18\u201319; Theodoricus Monachus. An Account of the Ancient History of the Norwegian Kings, vol. 11, Viking\nSociety for Northern Research Text Series, ed. and trans. David McDougall and Ian McDougall\n(London: Viking Society for Northern Research, 1998), 15.\n40 Cf. Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic, 33\u201334.\n41 \u201cOlim enim quidam magic\u0119 artis imbuti, Thor uidelicet et Othinus aliique complures miranda\npr\u0119stigiorum machinatione callentes, obtentis simplicium animis diuinitatis sibi fastigium arrogare\ncoeperunt. Quippe Noruagiam, Suetiam ac Daniam uanissim\u0119 credulitatis laqueis circumuentas\nad cultus sibi pendendi studium concitantes pr\u0119cipuo ludificationis su\u0119 contagio resperserunt.\u201d\nSaxo Grammaticus. Gesta Danorum. Danmarkshistorien, ed. Karsten Friis-Jensen and trans. (into Danish)\nPeter Zeeberg (Copenhagen: Det Danske Sprog- og Litteraturselskab / Gads forlag, 2005), 6.5.3;\nSaxo Grammaticus. The History of the Danes. I. Text, ed. H. R. Ellis Davidson and trans. Peter Fisher\n(Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1979), 170. Cf. the essays in Karsten Friis-Jensen, ed. Saxo Grammaticus: A\nMedieval Author between Norse and Latin Culture, vol. 2, Danish Medieval History & Saxo Gra\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 154 to page 167 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 168 to page 185 out of a total of 569:\nPages 168:\nS c a n d i n av i a\n47 Runes, Magic and Religion, 65\u201366; Runic Amulets, 27\u201329.\n48 This and other uses of the pagan gods in runic inscriptions from Bergen are addressed in James E.\nKnirk, \u201cTor og Odin i runer p\u00e5 Bryggen i Bergen,\u201d Arkeo 1 (1995): 27\u201330.\n49 This reading follows the interpretation suggested by Jonna Louis-Jensen and James Knirk.\n50 Det arnamagn\u00e6anske H\u00e5ndskrift Nr. 187 i oktav, indholdende en dansk L\u00e6gebog, ed. Viggo S\u00e5by (Copenhagen: Thieles Bogtrykkeri for Universitets-Jubil\u00e6ets danske Samfund, 1886).\n51 Vinjeboka. Den eldste svartebok fra norsk middelalder, ed. Oskar Garstein (Oslo: Solum, 1993), 26; nos. 7,\n12, 13 and 18.\n52 Cf. Erik Moltke, \u201cMedieval Rune-Amulets in Denmark,\u201d Acta Etnologica 3 (1938): 116\u201347; Signe\nHorn Fuglesang, \u201cViking and Medieval Amulets in Scandinavia,\u201d Fornv\u00e4nnen 84 (1989): 15\u201325;\nRunic Amulets.\n53 Cf. Anne Carlie, Forntida byggnadskult. Tradition och regionalitet i s\u00f6dra Skandinavien, vol. 57 Riksantikvarie\u00e4mbetet Arkeologiska unders\u00f6kningar, skrifter (Stockholm: Riksantikvarie\u00e4mbetets f\u00f6rlag,\n2004).\n54 Ann-Britt Falk, \u201cMy Home is My Castle. Protection against Evil in Medieval Times,\u201d in Old Norse\nReligion in Long-term Perspectives: Origins, Changes, and Interactions, ed. Anders Andr\u00e9n, Kristina Jennbert\nand Catharina Raudvere (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2006), 200\u201305; Ann-Britt Falk, En grundl\u00e4ggande handling: Byggnadsoffer och dagligt liv i medeltid (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2008).\n55 Major anthologies of Nordic charms, arranged by national tradition, include Danmarks Trylleformler,\nvol. 3, Folklore Fellows Publications. Northern ser., ed. Ferdinand Ohrt (Copenhagen & Christiania: Gyldendal and Nordisk Forlag, 1917\u201321); J\u00f3n \u00c1rnason, ed. \u00cdslenzkar \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0s\u00f6gur og \u00e6vint\u00fdri, 2nd\nedn., rev. \u00c1rni B\u00f6\u00f0varsson and Bjarni Vilhj\u00e1lmsson (Reykjav\u00edk: B\u00f3ka\u00fatg\u00e1fan \u00fej\u00f3\u00f0saga, 1954\u201361);\nNorske Hexeformularer og Magiske Opskrifter, vol. 1, Videnskabsselskabets Skrifter. II. Historisk-filos.\nKlasse, ed. A. Chr. Bang (Christiania: Jacob Dybwad, 1901); Signelser ock besv\u00e4rjelser fr\u00e5n medeltid ock\nnytid, vol. 41, Svenska landsm\u00e5l och svenskt folkliv. B, ed. Emanuel Linderholm (Stockholm: Norstedt, 1917\u201340).\n56 E.g. DuBois, Nordic Religions, Price, The Viking Way.\n57 Cf. Sten Lindroth, Svensk l\u00e4rdomshistoria. Medeltiden, reformationstiden (1975; Rpt. n.p.: Norstedt, 1989).\n58 Jan Wall, Tjuvmj\u00f6lkande v\u00e4sen, vols. 3, 5, Acta universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia ethnologia Upsaliensis\n(Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1977\u201378), I: 75\u201386.\n59 On these traditions, see Dror Segev, Medieval Magic and Magicians \u2013 in Norway and Elsewhere: Based\nupon 12th-15th centuries Manuscript and Runic Evidence, vol 2, Senter for studier i vikingtid og nordisk\nmiddelalder. Skriftserie (Oslo: Senter for studier i vikingtid og nordisk middelalder, 2001), and on\nthe Victorine connections, see David Br\u00e9gaint, Vox regis: Royal Communication in High Medieval Norway,\nvol. 74, The Northern World: North Europe and the Baltic c. 400\u20131700 AD. Peoples, Economics\nand Cultures (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 94\u20135; and especially, Richard Cole, \u201cThe Jew Who Wasn\u2019t\nThere: Studies on Jews and Their Absence in Old Norse Literature\u201d, (Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard\nUniversity, 2015), 75\u201395.\n60 Cf. Mitchell, \u201cLeechbooks, Manuals, and Grimoires,\u201d 57\u201374; and Sigvard Skov, \u201cHenrik Harpestreng og middelalderens medicin,\u201d Danske Studier 45 (1945): 125\u201339.\n61 E.g. Falk, En grundl\u00e4ggande handling; Price, \u201cThe Archaeology of Sei\u00f0r,\u201d 109\u201326; Leszek Garde\u0142a,\n\u201cThe Dangerous Dead? Rethinking Viking-Age Deviant Burials,\u201d in Conversions: Looking for Ideological Change in the Early Middle Ages, vol. 23, Studia Medievalia Septentrionalia, ed. L. S\u0142upecki and R.\nSimek (Vienna: Fassbaender, 2013), 99\u2013136.\n62 Mitchell, \u201cSk\u00edrnism\u00e1l and Nordic Charm Magic\u201d; Terry Gunnell, \u201c\u2018Magical Mooning\u2019 and the\n\u2018Goatskin Twirl\u2019: \u2018Other\u2019 Kinds of Female Magical Practices in Early Iceland,\u201d in Nordic Mythologies: Interpretations, Intersections, and Institutions, ed. Timothy J. Tangherlini (Berkeley and Los Angeles:\nNorth Pinehurst Press, 2014), 133\u201353. Here one should also acknowledge those modern heathens\nwho strive to develop performance practices appropriate to these older materials, whether one\nagrees with their results or not. Cf. Michael Strmiska, \u201c\u00c1satr\u00fa in Iceland: The Rebirth of Nordic\nPaganism?\u201d Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 4, no. 1 (2000): 106\u201332.\n63 Lea T. Olsan, \u201cCharms in Medieval Memory,\u201d in Charms and Charming in Europe, ed. Jonathan\nRoper (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 59\u201388.\n64 Stephen Mitchell, Neil Price, et al., \u201cWitchcraft and Deep Time \u2013 A Debate at Harvard,\u201d Antiquity\n84 (2010): 2.\n149\n\nPages 169:\n\nPages 170:\nPart III\nK ey ge nr e s a n d f igu r e s\n\nPages 171:\n\nPages 172:\n12\nFrom H e rm et ic m agic to t h e\nm agic of m a rv e l s\nAntonella Sannino\nHermetic magic and the magic of marvels are two of the most characteristic features of medieval and early modern magic. They did not form a single coherent genre, but rather were two\ndifferent sources of astrological techniques that were categorized frequently under the natural\nsciences and empirical and experimental approaches to nature. The magical texts associated\nwith the names Hermes, Belenus and Toz Graecus, which form the basis of Hermetic magic,\nhave been identified by modern scholars as a distinctive group, with a common origin.1 The\nmost significant magic text to treat marvels, the Book of the Marvels of the World (De mirabilibus\nmundi), has recently received detailed attention from scholars who have examined its sources.\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both\nare centred on how magic operates to create artificial life. The Hermetic image magic texts\ndeal with instructions for the drawing down of spiritual power or celestial virtue into objects, in\norder to transform them into instruments of magical action,2 whilst the magic of marvels represents an attempt to situate magical practices within a broader natural philosophical framework.\nDavid Pingree, in his essay From Hermes to Jabir, has shown that three cultural \u00adtraditions \u2013\nsymbolically represented in the legend of the \u201cthree Hermes\u201d (Egyptian, Harranian and\nMesopotamian) \u2013 contributed to the variety of Hermetic techniques for creating artificial\nlife. Here, we will deal with the first and second.3 The first cultural tradition contributing to\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the\nMarvels have been taken from the Liber vaccae or the Liber Aneguemis minor, a Latin translation\nof the Kit\u00e2b al-N\u00e2wam\u00ees. David Pingree has also suggested that the connection between the\nDe proprietatibus, a twelfth-century Latin translation of Ibn-al Jazzar\u2019s work Kit\u00e2b Al-Khawass,\nand the Book of the Marvels of the World needs further investigation:\nSome of the magical practices described in the De proprietatibus are attributed to\nnumerous Greek and Arab authorities. These are found also in Qust\u00e2 ibn L\u00fbq\u00e2\u2019s\n153\n\nPages 173:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nDe phisicis ligatures and in De mirabilibus mundi which is attributed to Albertus Magnus.\nThe interrelation of these and other texts on amulets remains to be investigated.5\nMaaike van der Lugt has analysed the Liber vaccae\u2019s manuscripts, examining the strong links\nbetween the Liber vaccae and the De proprietatibus, as well as the influence of these two works\non the Latin treatise, the Book of the Marvels of the World.6 The critical edition of the Book of\nthe Marvels of the World and the study of its sources and concepts have shown that the anonymous author of this text borrowed extensively from De proprietatibus and the Liber vaccae but\nalso from other sources, such as the Picatrix, the Latin translation of the Gh\u0101yat al-\u0127ak\u012bm,\nwhich draws on rituals originating in the practices of the Sabians of Harran; the De radiis of\n\u00adAl-Kindi, translated from Arabic before 1259; the Liber ignium of Marcus Graecus that mentions Hermes as an authority; and a Hermetic text, the Kyranides, which describes the magical\nand therapeutic properties of birds, fishes, plants and stones.\nThe Book of the Marvels of the World and the\nLatin Hermetic magic texts\nMy discussion of the relationship between the magic of marvels and the Latin Hermetic\ntexts is centred on two points: a) formal aspects; b) content aspects.\nThe Latin Hermetic texts deal with sympathetic, amuletic and talismanic magic, so\n\u00adHermetic magic can be divided into natural magic (for example, the Kyranides and the Liber\nde quattuor confectionibus ad omnia genera animalium capienda, discussed below) and ceremonial\nmagic. Almost all the Hermetic texts on ceremonial magic are as yet unpublished and they\ncan be classified according to the manuscripts\u2019 attributions to Hermes, Belenus, Toz \u00adGraecus\nand Toz Graecus \u2013 Germa Babilonensis.7 A study of the sources of the Book of the Marvels of the\nWorld showed the links in terms of content between this work and the sympathetic magic of\nthe Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. In particular, the manuscript Montpellier,\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the\ndifferent magical traditions that are found in the Book of the Marvels of the World.8\nIn contrast, we know less about the links within the Hermetic ceremonial magic corpus.\nAll of these writings were translated from Arabic to Latin over a century between the first\nhalf of the 1100s and the first decades of the 1200s, continuing to c. 1260. According to\nDavid Pingree and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, most of these texts reached the West from\nthe Muslim world between the end of the eleventh century and the first half of the twelfth.\nThese ceremonial writings present\nthemselves in the form of mere collections of precepts [\u2026]; like all learned magic,\nHermetic magic has its institutional basis in astrology. The direct relationship\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific\ninfluence of each celestial body on given aspects of worldly life and hence the possibility of establishing causal links by calculable laws [\u2026]; the texts include operative\nrituals such as prayers, suffumigations, and pronunciations and writing of mysterious names.9\nTalismanic magic uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, according\nto the principles of the universe. In the Picatrix, for example, planetary forces are used to\nperform spells, and to prepare poisons or medicines, with the aim (for example) of helping\n154\n\nPages 174:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nsomeone gain their beloved or have revenge on their enemy.10 The talisman acts as the connection between heavenly virtues and earthly virtues. One who wants to learn the system of\nmaking talismans has to know in depth the science of correspondences between the planets,\nand of constellations and conjunctions relating to movements in the heavens.11 He must\nensure that the Moon is in a favourable position. To harness the best of the talisman\u2019s power,\nthe enchanter should use a material which is suitable to receive the strength of the heavenly\nbodies, and wait for the right time and place. These two factors and the movements of the\nplanets are crucial to the success of the spell. It is also essential that the enchanter has confidence in himself. Then, he can add words and prayers. A good example is found in Picatrix,\nbook III chapters six and seven,12 but we can also find these concepts in the Hermetic Liber\norationum planetarum septem, which survives in three manuscripts and was edited by Perrone\nCompagni in 2001.13 The theoretical basis of these concepts lies in the art of animating\nstatues or rather the art of creating artificial life, as it is described in Asclepius.14 William of\nAuvergne in the thirteenth century was aware of these works and he made a classification of\nthem that constitutes a very important source.15\nHermetic ceremonial magic involves invoking intelligent spiritual essences (spiritus)\nlinked to the planets. These essences differ from Christian angels and they are invoked\nthrough an imago, in order to focus the action on the world, and to force, bend and dominate nature. The Hermetic spiritus represents an ordering principle, a quickening of reality and the merging of an astrological conception of the world with a spiritual one. In\nthis way, the kind of vivificatio found in these operational texts is not the sort that invokes\nthe soul of a demon to settle in the talisman. The idea of spiritus can be identified with\nvirtus or \u201cvirtue.\u201d: As a result of the encounter between correctly disposed matter and\nthe spiritus of a particular celestial body, the talisman receives its power. From Hermetic\nmagical texts therefore, there emerges a conception of magic that engages with practical aspects of knowledge of the world, based on the principle of experience. Similarly,\nin the Book of the Marvels of the World, magic is based on two principles: experience and\nauthority. The enchanter must have a good moral disposition, and follow the correct\ndiet and an appropriate lifestyle. In the Asclepius, for example, it is written that meat is\nprohibited.16\nVittoria Perrone Compagni has shown how two translators of Hermetic texts, Adelard\nof Bath and Herman of Carinthia, strove to present magic as a useful and powerful art in\nthe scientific curriculum. They strove to legitimize it as the operating side of astrolog y. \u201cAdelard\nrenders the Liber planetarum ex Scientia Abel into Latin,17 Herman refers to Iorma the Babylonian and Toz the Ionian as \u2018operators of talismans\u2019, thelesmatici\u201d.18 Other translators such\nas John of Seville and Daniel of Morley concurred, affirming talismanic magic as a science.\nThe problem with this approach to talismans was an ethical one, which put good Christians\nin a difficult position. Ultimately, magic was excluded from the philosophical curriculum\nnot for its content, because this was recognized to be ultimately founded on astrology, but\nfor its potential to be used for evil; indeed, it was described as the magistra omnis iniquitatis\n(the mistress of every iniquity). In Michael Scot, for example, the attitude to magic was\nsuspended between scientific recognition and religious condemnation.19 This ambivalent\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional\nculture. This situation continued into the fifteenth century, as can be seen by the Recommendatio astronomiae, an anonymous tract defending astrology and magic in which Hermetic\ntexts are related to the works of the accepted authority Claudius Ptolemaeus in an attempt\nto bring talismanic images back into the framework of science.20\n155\n\nPages 175:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nThe Hermeticism of the Latin Middle Ages represented Hermes Trismegistus as the mythical custodian of an ancient wisdom, a kind of prophet, but also as a philosopher in whose\nwritings Arabic, Latin and Hebrew thinkers had sought answers to questions relating to theology, cosmology, ethics and the natural and occult sciences (in particular, medicine, astral\nmagic and alchemy).21 Recent scholarship on medieval Hermeticism, and on the magical,\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will\ntherefore deal with ceremonial magic texts according to this useful distinction, beginning first\nwith the group of texts attributed to Hermes, and proceeding second to those attributed to\nBelenus and third to those attributed to Toz Graecus.\nFirst, I turn to an example from the group of texts attributed to Hermes, that is the De\nimaginibus sive annulis septem planetarum, which describes the manufacture of seven planetary\nrings. The enchanter sculpts the image of the planet on the appropriate gem, then embeds\nthe gemstone in a ring, which belongs to the appropriate planetary rulership. The ring will\nexert its influence only if the enchanter complies with precise sexual and dietary prohibitions and with certain rules of conduct. For example, the Venus Ring in this text is used to\narouse love, but it requires that the enchanter wears women\u2019s clothes and adorns his head\n\u201cut mulier\u201d.23 Another text in this group, the Liber Saturni, part of the Liber planetarum, describes the creation of ten rings of Saturn. The \u201cexcavator\u201d paints an image of Saturn on\nthe gem, encasing it in a ring of iron while his assistants, dressed in gowns of black, begin\nto sing a kind of dirge (lugubrus), wailing and shedding tears. Magical rites with smoke,\nexorcisms, prayers, animal sacrifices and the lighting of candles are then performed.24 Another of the books of the planets, the Liber Mercurii, describes how the craftsman should\nfabricate two rings in order to obtain scientific knowledge, memory and eloquence. As part\nof the ritual, he must ride a white mule (the sacred animal of Mercury) with a book in his\nhand and a crown on his head; he then recites a long prayer while an assistant performs a\nmagic rite with smoke and the burning of incense.25 My final example from this group of\nHermetic magic texts, the De imaginibus et horis, describes the talismans to be fabricated at\ndifferent times of the day, every day of the week.26\nMy second group of Hermetic magic texts on talismans are those attributed to Belenus,\namong which the most popular and well known was the Liber imaginum Lunae. This work\nlists the talismans to be created when the moon is in each of its twenty-eight mansions.\nThe mansions refer to a star or a group of stars in which the moon appears or rests every\nnight during its monthly orbit.27 This composite text includes the De viginti quattuor horis,\nwhich lists the names of each of the twenty-four hours, specifies the classes of bodies that,\nin every single hour, direct their prayers to God, and for each hour indicates the projects\n156\n\nPages 176:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nthat can be brought to completion.28 The De imaginibus diei et noctis is an amplification of\nthe original \u00adA rabic version of De viginti quattour horis and indicates the rules and precepts for\nfabricating the talismans in a twenty-four hour period.29 Paolo Lucentini has transcribed\nthe Liber imaginum lunae and the De viginiti quattuor horis from the copy of the Liber introductorius\nin \u00adMunich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS CLM 10268.30 My final example from this\ngroup is the De imaginibus septem planetarum which describes the fabrication of planetary talismans made from the metal appropriate to each planet, and at an appropriate day and time.\nThe talisman must then be filled with spices, burned to create a mystical smoke, folded up\nin a cloth upon which a seal of the planet has been painted, and buried.31\nIn my third category, the amuletic writings attributed to Toz, the De lapidibus veneris lists\nten stones belonging to the dominion of Venus. The occult properties described in this text\nare medical and there are no ritual elements. For this reason, the level of magic present\nin the text can be categorized as natural.32 A further text in this group, the De stationibus\nad \u00adcultum Veneris, according to the title which William of Auvergne cites, has many ties to\nthe Liber Veneris (that is the text on this planet that forms part of the Liber Planetarum) and\ntherefore is probably the same text. The version of this text in Marciana National Library\nof \u00adVenice, MS lat. XIV was translated by John of Seville.33 This Liber Veneris is attributed to\nToz Graecus and/or Germa Babilonensis, the \u201csecond Hermes\u201d who lived after the flooding of Babylon, and (in contrast to the De lapidibus veneris) presents a form of talismanic\nmagic with highly pronounced ceremonial components.34\nTurning now to the Hermetic texts belonging to the category of natural magic, the\n\u00adKyranides, referenced as an authority by the Book of the Marvels of the World, describes in alphabetical order the magical healing powers of plants, animals and stones, and their secret relationships.35 Also entitled The Book of Physical Virtues, Diseases and Treatments or Liber\nMedicinalis, this work is made up of two sections, the Kyranis attributed to the Persian king\nKyranus, and the Liber Therapeutikos by Harpokration of Alexandria. It was compiled by a\nByzantine author between the fifth and eighth centuries and was probably translated into\nLatin by the cleric Paschalis Romanus in 1169 at Constantinople. The first Kyranis, said to\nhave been carved in Syriac characters on an iron pillar, was given by Hermes Trismegistus\nto men so that they could be educated about the virtues of plants, fish, birds and twenty-four\nstones, alphabetically ordered according to the Greek alphabet. The treatise has three bestiaries in Greek alphabetical order, and instructions for preparing potions and talismans\nwith medicinal and magical properties.36\nA second significant work of natural magic attributed to Hermes is the Liber de quattuor\nconfectionibus ad omnia genera animalium capienda, the Latin translation of an Arabic treatise\nin the form of a dialogue. Preserved in a single manuscript, the text is mentioned by the\nauthor of the Speculum astronomiae and by William of Auvergne in his De universo. The dialogue between Hermes and Aristoas (Aristotle) in this text describes four confections for\ncatching wolves, wild beasts, birds and reptiles. Suffumigationes and prayers to the spiritus\nanimalium to obtain their obedience follow recipes using animal and plant substances. The\nsecreta of the confections was revealed by Arod, namely the archangel Gabriel, to Ismenus,\nthat is Adam. This kind of magic is very different from Hermetic ceremonial magic, and\nis much more similar to the magical procedures in the Book of the Marvels of the World.37 The\nrecipes are limited to using the occult properties of physical things, by means of a simple\npractical \u00adapplication of the knowledge of the relationships between the stars and the events\nof the sublunary world; therefore, it is a type of talismanic magic that includes only three\nelements: astrological knowledge, the figure to be engraved and the material used.\n157\n\nPages 177:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nPlatonic magic\nThe Liber Aneguemis (or Nemith or Neumich) also known as the Liber vaccae (from the first version)\nis the Latin translation, made in Spain in the thirteenth century, of an apocryphal Arabic\ntext from the ninth century. The Arabic version, the Kit\u0101b \u2018an-naw\u0101m\u012bs, today remains only\nin small fragments, preserved in a manuscript at the Biblioth\u00e8que National in Paris. This\ntext, attributed to Abu Zayd Hunanyn ibn Ish\u0101q Sulaym\u0101n ibn Ayy\u016bb \u2018al-\u2019Ib\u0101d\u012b, appears to\nbe a translation from the Greek of a work by Galen in which he comments on The Laws of\nPlato. The Liber vaccae has been considered \u201cthe dark side of Picatrix\u201d: if the Gh\u0101yat al-Hak\u012bm\nis concerned with the use and manipulation of celestial forces with the help of talismans in\norder to govern the world, the Liber vaccae contains recipes to create animals with the ability\nto reason, as well as recipes that enable the operator to speak with demons, become invisible\nand perform many other occult acts. It is a Hermetic text of natural magic that can also be\nlinked to alchemy. One indication of Hermetic origins is noted by David Pingree who, in\n\u201cFrom Hermes to J\u0101bir and the Book of the Cow\u201d, hypothesized that the word naw\u0101m\u012bs, transcribed namusa, and meaning \u201csecrets\u201d, is not in fact the Greek nomos, meaning law. Thus, the\nterm tegumentum, which is found in the Latin prologue and which means the hiding or keeping\nof secrets, can be explained. The original Syriac version would be the work of Thabit ibn\nQurra, and the Kit\u0101b \u2018an-naw\u0101m\u012bs attributable to the prophet Hermes.38\nThe Liber vaccae is divided into two books, the Aneguemis maior, with forty-six experiments\nand the Aneguemis minor with forty-one, introduced with a commentary by pseudo-Hunayn.\nThe contents of these two books are set out in the prologue. This refers to the preparation and\npreliminary study of the plants, stones, animals and tools required for the magical operation:\nIgnorance is not an excuse not to learn about this topic, neither for those who\nread it, nor for someone who already knows or meditates. It means that the lack of\nknowledge of the tool to be used in an operation, or the name of a species, mineral,\nvegetable, animal or some wonder results in failure. I have already spoken about it:\nthat first the operators should strive to identify the ingredients they do not know,\nidentifying them by their reputation, and only then [should they] begin to work.\nThis knowledge is what we can get from this work: so, you learn.39\nIn the recipes, the virtues of plants and stones, and the power of organs and parts of animals\nare used as tools that enable the operator to walk all over the globe, speak with demons,\ncreate rational animals or change the appearance of himself or the objects of his operations.\nThe first four operations are aimed at generating a rational animal, bees and oxen without\nmating, using in the first case an animal as artificial incubator.\nThe Book of the Marvels of the World\nThe Book of the Marvels of the World is an anonymous work, wrongly attributed to Albertus\nMagnus, and probably written between 1223 and 1273 in Paris. The work fits into the medieval discussion on Quid sit magia. Focusing on its contents, the Book of the Marvels of the World\nis a collection of extravagant prescriptions, framed within two discussions of philosophical\nand scientific theories. It can be subdivided into: a) Prologue; b) Experimenta and c) Epilogue.\nThe prologue has a theoretical\u2013philosophical emphasis and is the most original section of the\nwork. The Experimenta are precepts, formulas and mixtures. This is the prescriptive part of the\n158\n\nPages 178:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\ntext where the theory is put into practice. Here, the theoretical and speculative level of the previous pages is debased to the level of recipe and ritual, more typical of other hermetic magic\ntexts. In this middle section, the prescriptions for lamps and the fire derived from the work\nof Marcus Graecus, and experiments from the Aneguemis minor and the De proprietatibus come\ntogether. On the one hand, our author seems to deliberately ignore the Aneguemis maior, recognizing, in a sort of self-censorship, the danger of mixtures between humans and animals. On\nthe other hand, the debt of the De mirabilibus towards the Aneguemis minor or Liber vaccae is great,\nas has already been shown.40 In fact, the philosophical momentum of the first and third parts\nincludes a not insignificant percentage of originality. In the Epilogue, the reflection returns to a\n\u201clearned\u201d mode. The conclusion is almost symmetrical, even stylistically, to the Prologue.\nThe magic in the Book of the Marvels of the World can be located particularly:\na.\nb.\nIn the form of organic magic that originates in the Liber Aneguemis minor;\nIn the form of magic that works through the senses to bind men. The incantations,\norations and spoken formulas work through the sense of hearing. Characters that are\nfiguratively inscribed work through the sense of seeing. Veneficia, which can refer to poisons or potions, works through the sense of taste.\nThese different registers do not result in a stylistically crude attempt to hand down experimenta, derived from works that are part of the Hermetic and pseudo-Platonic traditions.\nRather, they reveal a conscious decision, a choice to highlight the non-abominable nature, praeter naturam, of mixtures of human and animal. These qualities had become more\ncredible during the thirteenth century because of the Liber vaccae, but were often viewed as\nabominable. By contrast, the author of the Book of the Marvels of the World decided to hand\ndown ancient teachings that revealed the extraordinary phenomena of nature, the secrets\nit hides and that scholars in turn concealed in order to excite the wonder of the common\npeople. The task of the wise man is presented in a clear and incisive way: to unpack and\nreveal the things that seem extraordinary to man, discovering the causes within an ordo\nrerum regulated by sympathetic principles. The author speaks in the first person and makes\nreference to the common people, and writes in a long-winded and formulaic style. The\nsecrets or experimenta are usually introduced by the formula: \u201cSi vis igitur experimentari\u201d.\nThe epistemological criteria identified by the author fall in two main areas: experience and\ntradition; in this way, the text has a double perspective, that of practice and that of theory.\nA significant example of this double perspective is the author\u2019s reference to the authority\nof Avicenna when he explains how ligatures work. Ligatures can be done:\na.\nb.\nWhen the human soul is affected by a great passion, whether this is love or hate. This\npassion can convert desire into action. For Avicenna, passion lies in the transitive and\ncreative imagination, and only the Prophet can convert this into action. In the Book of the\nMarvels of the World by contrast, it is extended to all kinds of souls.\nWhen the operator is able to use a sympathetic correspondence between things. This\nkind of ligature is based on the idea that one can influence something based on its relationship or resemblance to another thing.\nThis emphasis on a great emotional feeling or desire of the soul is a marker of the influence of Al-Kindi. The power of the imagination described by Avicenna is connected to the\nidea of desire as a force in the operation discussed by Al-Kindi.41 The author of the Book\n159\n\nPages 179:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nof the Marvels of the World does not worry about the free will of the recipient of the ligature,\nnor does he manifest concerns of a theological type; what matters is the strong imaginative\ndetermination of the operator. The recipient, who is naturally inclined or endowed with\ndetermination and passions just as the enchanter is, can, however, break the ligature, if he\nor she has the strength to do so.\nIn the Book of the Marvels of the World, some actions appear to be secret and mysterious\nbecause their causes are unknown. But these causes can be found in a doctrine of similarity\nand universal sympathy, which this text explains with reference to the authority of philosophers, doctors, alchemists and astrologers. All things attract things with like qualities, and\nthey repel things with opposite qualities. It is not secret \u2013 we read in the Book of the Marvels of\nthe World \u2013 and hidden from the people that every like thing suffers with the things it is like,\nor loves, moves and embraces them.\nEvery living thing has a natural inclination towards its own species, and has active and\nrational virtues that lead them to others like themselves. This virtue is a force that drives\nand infects things, depending on their species, but also depending on the individual. It is\ninteresting to note the use of two words in this magic text, \u201cpublicum\u201d (in the sense of known)\nand \u201cverificatum\u201d (verified and understood by all men), terms close to scientific \u00adlanguage,\nthat are used to attest the veracity of an action that seems far removed from modern standards of science. The ligature is also mysterious (secret) and can be explained by experience\nrather than science. Thus, this phenomenon still remains suspended between scientific\n\u00adlanguage and mystery, even though the text does not refer to either scientific demonstration\nor \u00admagic-philosophical revelation.\nThe similitudo between primary and secondary properties, innate and accidental properties, and the related antagonism between species demonstrates a cosmological conception\nthat revolves around the doctrine of specific form, \u201cvirtus activa rationabilis\u201d and that\nof natural images. According to this doctrine, every living thing has its own virtue that\n\u00adderives from the planets and is in accord with its own celestial image. This \u00adcorrespondence\nof \u00adimages between a created entity and an astrological figuration illustrates a sort of\n\u00adastrological determinism.42\nThe Book of the Marvels of the World therefore outlines a sympathetic Cosmos, in which\nevery living thing consists of different proportions of the elements, and where each species\nis endowed with an obscure virtus rationabilis determined by and dependent on the planets,\nin a world centred on correspondences between heaven and earth. Man is the final cause\nof the Universe. He is the end of natural things, and all natural things are for him.43 These\nphilosophical echoes of the anthropology of the Picatrix44 and of some passages in Asclepius\nVI,45 relating to man as minor mundi, contribute to the presentation of man as a great wonder in the Book of the Marvels of the World.46 No theological problems emerge: there is never\na reference to nature as created and man and his knowledge lose the sacral aura which\nthey possess in the Picatrix. The wise man is not a priest and the pursuit of knowledge and\nunderstanding does not have a soteriological and eschatological function here. In fact, the\nmagician-philosopher has a rather social role: he is a communicator of scientific knowledge,\nalthough at times he rises to the tone of a prophet, who appears to reveal secrets.\nAs in the Hermetic texts, here magic emerges as knowledge that gives power. Secrets and\nwonders, however, require a specific course of study that the author claims to have learned\nfrom Plato\u2019s Liber Regimentis, that is, the Liber vaccae. In the Book of the Marvels of the World,\nthe curriculum studiorum for students includes dialectic, natural philosophy, astrology and\nnecromancy.47 Man can achieve a deep knowledge of mirabilia, availing himself of an art of\n160\n\nPages 180:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nthe trivium, dialectic, a discipline of the quadrivium, astrology and necromancy, which is here\nunderstood as the knowledge of hidden things (scientia de rebus absconditis). However, in the\nBook of the Marvels of the World, the garb of the necromancer is not that of the makers of talismans portrayed in the Picatrix but rather the dress of the natural philosopher, who reveals\nthrough experience the causes of phenomena that only appear to be secret. In the Picatrix,\nnecromancy is a science and an art, the knowledge and practice of \u201cany fact concealed\nto the senses\u201d48 which involves operations drawing on intelligent spiritual essences linked to\nthe planets. But in the Book of the Marvels of the World, there are no prayers, suffumigations or\nthe pronunciation and writing of mysterious names, such as we find in the Picatrix, and also\nin Hermetic image magic texts.\nThe Book of the Marvels of the World also has some continuities with the traditions represented by the Hermetic Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. The vademecum of\nthe natural philosopher includes knowledge of the primary qualities, heat and cold, and\nof natural properties. So if you want to excite cool passions, heat can help. If you want to\ninstill courage in someone, you should advise them to carry a lion\u2019s organ, since the lion is\nbrave as a species, or they should wear the shirt of a courtesan, who is brave as an individual \u00ad(singulariter). Likewise, if you want to excite love, you should look for an animal that has\na loving nature such as the swallow or the dove. Continuing in the field of organic magic,\nif you want to make someone talkative, simply bring near them the tongue of a dog or a\nbird. Similarly, any living being has one natural property in excess, which could be used to\nstimulate the same virtues in another living being, as it is proven that \u201cevery virtue moves\ntoward what is similar\u201d.49 This knowledge is based on experience, and that which has no\nvisibly explicit cause is classified as a secret or a marvel.\nThe Epilogue of the Book of the Marvels of the World presents the following classification of\nmarvels:\n1.\n2.\n3.\nA rare and unusual phenomenon whose cause is unknown. This is an extraordinary\nmanifestation of the highest grade;\nA phenomenon that is not new or uncommon, but whose cause is unknown. The\n\u00adextraordinary nature of this phenomenon is of medium grade;\nA phenomenon that is not uncommon, but whose identified cause is not in itself sufficient to provide a complete explanation for it. This phenomenon is exceptional but not\nin a significant way.\nAll these phenomena, and the actions, agents and subjects they encompass, eventually\ncome to an end, meaning that they are brought back within the natural order.\nIn the final section of my discussion of the Book of the Marvels of the World, I discuss the\norigin and classification of the c. 167 recipes it contains that take up the largest portion of\nthe text.\nThirty recipes were excerpted from the Liber vaccae (or Aneguemis minor), and others derive\nfrom Jabir\u2019s De proprietatibus, fPliny\u2019s Naturalis Historia, Albertus Magnus\u2019s De animalibus, the\nEpistula de secretis operibus artis et naturae attributed to Roger Bacon, and Marcus Graecus\u2019s\nLiber ignium.\nThe recipes can be classified with respect to their purpose, ingredients and method.\nSympathetic magic in its simplest form is the basis of many recipes that are founded on\nthe natural qualities of stones, plants and animals. In the Book of the Marvels of the World,\nthere are many recipes designed to cause birds, animals or fishes to congregate. These have\n161\n\nPages 181:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\na natural, magical character such as we can also find in the Hermetic Liber de quattuor confectionibus and in the Kyranides. The precepts in these three texts are greatly simplified and do\nnot involve any of the ritualistic complications associated with Hermetic talismanic magic.\nOther recipes in the Book of the Marvels of the World deal with medicinal magic to heal men\nand stimulate the fertility of women, as well as early methods of Viagra; others deal with\nmagic candles and lamps. Some of the first group of recipes are for familiar purposes: to\ncatch birds in the hand, to ward off dogs and snakes, to catch a mole, to break charms and\nloose bonds, to see the future in one\u2019s sleep, to make a chicken or other animal dance in a\ndish and so on.\nThese recipes operate with regard to the following principles: an affinity or attraction between things with similar qualities or virtues; the association of second and third qualities\nwith first quality; a distinction between qualities innate to a whole kind (species) or to individual things and antagonism between things with opposite qualities. All these principles\nare listed in many popular recipes, collected from philosophers and ancient authors. For example, the lion\u2019s virtue gives boldness and magnanimity; the dove, swallow and sparrow\u2019s\nvirtue gives love; the magnet\u2019s virtue is attraction and so on. With regard to the recipes\ncollected from the De proprietatibus, many authorities are cited such as Mesue, Aristotle,\n\u00adGalen, Avicenna, Cleopatra and Tabariensis. As Sophie Page has shown: \u201cthey seem to\nrelate to the extraction of groups of recipes from a number of different sources which have\nbeen compiled together\u201d.50 The references to Aristotle come from the Arabic version of\n\u00adA ristotle\u2019s On Animals. Other recipes cite only \u201cPhilosophers.\u201d According to my research,\nthese are not only Aristotle and Pliny but also William of Auvergne, Albertus Magnus and\nRoger Bacon.51 A particularly clear example of these precepts is one which takes a part of\nthe mule or of the hare to incite carnal appetites. Other recipes are gathered from Archigenus\u2019s Liber de aegritudibus cronicis, and Qusta ibn Luqa, who prescribes several medical remedies using animal parts for conception, contraception, the acquisition of valuable qualities\nand playing tricks.\nThe recipes of the Book of the Marvels of the World, like their sources (not only the De proprietatibus), use the principles of sympathy and antipathy to create relationships between the\nanimal world and the human one.52 For example, animal parts and substances are used to\neffect a change in four of the human senses (touch, taste, hearing and sight); on the other\nhand, herbs, stones or even parts of the human body are used to affect animals. Touch and\ntaste are stimulated by proximity and contiguity. For example, touch is stimulated by contact with an object: if a woman is anointed with the urine of a wolf, she will not conceive; if\nyou grease the tongues of oxen with fat, they will starve. Other examples concern natural\nmedicine: the dress of a pregnant woman can cure someone suffering from quartan fever,\nif he wears it; the left canine tooth of a child, placed on the skin, acts as a contraceptive.\nTaste implies that someone drinks or eats something; for example, in the Book of Cleopatra,\nwhen the woman collects two samples of mule urine each month, and drinks them, she will\nnot conceive, and Galen says that when you eat sorrel leaves or drink its seeds mixed in a\npotion, this regularizes the bowels. 53 Sight and hearing imply action at distance. A good\nexample comes from the De Theriaca of Galen: the Serpent which is called Regulus in Latin\nis somewhat white, and upon its head there are three hairs. When any man sees them, he\nwill die soon.54\nAnimal substances and parts are used in the magical recipes: the ankle of a hare is said\nto cure colic, while sitting on the skin of lion cures haemorrhoids, etc. 55 Women are the\nprotagonists in the precepts linked to sexuality: she gives life and she is a loving woman.\n162\n\nPages 182:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nMany recipes are aimed at the acquisition of love, conception, increased fertility, birth and\ncontraception. The large numbers of precepts relating to female contraception using animal parts, as well as recipes aimed to induce women to fall in love or reveal secrets, reveal\na medieval point of view: woman is more imperfect than man, she is closer to animals and\nfor this reason is more affected by them. There are no recipes according to a female point of\nview: a woman cannot avoid the adultery of her husband nor increase his love.56\nSome recipes make references to Hermetic texts; the precepts describe how to transform\nwater into wine, and how a wet cloth placed in mercury will not burn in a fire so that the\noperator\u2019s hands will not burn when he touches it. This precept is ascribed to Belbinus, who\nis Belenus or Apollonius of Tyana (a Hermetic author), but it is not found in the De secretis\nnaturae nor in the De viginti quattuor horis or De imaginibus diei et noctis.57 In the Book of the Marvels\nof the World, Belbinus suggests taking the white of an egg and mercury and spraying a cloth\nwith it, and washing it off with sea water. When it is dry, the operator is instructed to throw\nit into the fire, and it will not burn.58 Another recipe says: when red arsenic and mercury\nare taken, and broken and confected with the juice of the herb sempervivum and the gall of a\nBull, and a man sprays his hands with it, he will not be burned. Another recipe prescribes\nthe use of the herb \u201cportaluca\u201d against visions.59 There are forms of sympathetic magic like\nthose found in the Kyranides.\nThe recipes that come from the Liber Aneguemis minor belong to a kind of magic totally\ndifferent from natural magic and the magical pharmacopeia of the texts that we have so far\nconsidered. This kind of magic appears to be more closely related to the alchemical theories\nof transformation and illusion. It includes recipes for changing the shape of a man into that\nof an elephant or horse by means of lamps; producing the illusions of specific shapes; getting\nvisions during sleep; making men invisible; inducing flooding in the house; and so on.60\nThe recipes at the end of the Book of the Marvels of the World are very similar to those in the\nLiber ignium of Marcus Graecus. They deal with magic candles and lamps, which make the\nhouse green and full of snakes, and men appear headless or with three heads, or black,\nor with animals\u2019 or angels\u2019 faces. There are recipes for making lamps to see something\nwonderful. The lamps are made from the skin of a snake, from the bile of a tortoise, from\nglow-worms, from the putrefied brain of a dead man, from yellow sulphur and so on. Some\nothers are pyrotechnic; for example, one recipe allows a man to carry fire in his hand and\nthe fire will not hurt him.61 At the end, recipes for alcohol and gunpowder (aqua ardens, ignis\ngraecus, ignis volans) are given.62\nMost of these precepts use the principle of affinity and the only \u201cimages\u201d are the shadows\non the walls. Only in two recipes are there references to the construction or fabrication of\nimages.\nThe first deals with producing the appearance of horrible men to scare away demons;\nthe second deals with an image of a man or any other thing which, when it is put in\n\u00adwater, \u00adbecomes inflamed.63 The absence of the operative rituals, typically associated with\n\u00adHermetic magic, assured the appeal of the Book of the Marvels of the World from the Middle\nAges into the modern age.\nFuture directions\nA new research project, addressing the interrelations of the manuscript traditions of the\nfollowing texts: Book of the Marvels of the World, the Liber vaccae and the De proprietatibus, could\nprovide some interesting results. We also trust that the appeal of the Hermetic talismanic\n163\n\nPages 183:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nmagic texts and Book of the Marvels of the World in the Renaissance, for example in the works of\nGiovanni Battista Della Porta, Cornelius Agrippa of Nettesheim and John Dee will promote\na fruitful interchange between scholars of medieval and Renaissance magic.\nNew research could also highlight how the magic of marvels employs alchemy and herbal\nmedicine. Finally, a comprehensive historical census of the vernacular translations of the\nBook of the Marvels of the World, with particular attention on the sources and their arrangement, could help scholars to realize the potential of these projects.64\nNotes\n1 P. Lucentini and V. Perrone Compagni, I testi e i codici di Ermete nel Medioevo (with appendix byPaolo Lucentini and Antonella Sannino, Le stampe ermetiche) (Florence: Polistampa, 2001), 59\u201393;\nV. Perrone Compagni, \u201cI testi magici di Ermete,\u201d in Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism. La\ntradizione ermetica dal mondo tardo antico all\u2019Umanesimo, Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi Napoli,\n20-24 novembre 2001, ed. P. Lucentini, I. Parri and V. Perrone Compagni (Turnhout: Brepols,\n2004), 505\u201333. P. Lucentini, \u201cL\u2019ermetismo magico nel secolo XIII,\u201d in Platonismo, ermetismo, eresia, nel Medioevo (Louvain-La-Neuve: F.I.D.E.M., 2007), 264\u2013310; P. Lucentini and V. Perrone\nCompagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II. Latin Middle Ages,\u201d in Dictionary of Gnosis and Western\n\u00adEsotericism, ed. W.J. Hanegraaff, A. Faivre, R. Van den Broek and J.-P. Brach (Leiden: Brill, 2005),\n499b\u2013529a, in particular 517a\u201326b for Vittoria Perrone Compagni\u2019s contribution on Hermetic\nmagic. Translated into English with the help of Marianna Zuppieri, revision by Sophie Page.\nThanks to them.\n2 S. Page, \u201cImage-Magic texts and a Platonic Cosmology at St. Augustine\u2019s Canterbury in the Late\nMiddle Ages,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. C. Burnett and W.F. Ryan (London: Warburg\nInstitute, 2006) 70.\n3 The final tradition is the Mesopotamian ritual known as \u201cThe Washing of the Mouth\u201d, that according to Pingree influenced the practices of the Sabians of Harran.\n4 D. Pingree, \u201cFrom Hermes to J\u0101bir and the Book of the Cow,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed.\nBurnett and Ryan, 19\u201328.\n5 D. Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La Diffusione delle\nscienze islamiche nel Medio evo europeo, ed. B. Scarcia Amoretti (Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei\nLinceii, 1987), 71; D. Pingree, \u201cPlato\u2019s Hermetic Book of the Cow,\u201d in Il Neoplatonismo nel Rinascimento, ed. P. Prini (Roma: Istituto dell\u2019Enciclopedia Italiana Treccani, 1993), 144: \u201cMuch of the\n\u00ad agnus\u201d.\nsecond book was incorporated into the De mirabilibus mundi, falsely ascribed to Albertus M\nJ.P. Boudet, Entre science et nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-XVe\nsi\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 409\u201317; L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and\nExperimental Science, vol. 1 (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1923), 734: \u201cDe\nmirabilibus mundi seems to have copied from it, especially as its citations of Plato in libro Tegimenti (or\nRegiminis).\u201d\n6 M. Van der Lugt, \u201c\u2018Abominable mixtures\u2019: The Liber vaccae in the Medieval West, or the Dangers\nand Attractions of Natural Magic\u2019, Traditio 64 (2009): 249\u201351; Liber Aneguemis. Un antico testo ermetico\ntra alchimia pratica, esoterismo e magia nera, ed. P. Scopelliti and A. Chaouech (Milan: Mimesis Edizioni,\n2006), 46.\n7 Lucentini and Perrone Compagni, I testi e i codici di Ermete nel Medioevo, 59\u201393.\n8 A. Sannino, \u201cAltri due testimoni manoscritti del De mirabilibus mundi,\u201d Bruniana & Campanelliana 18\n(2012): 693\u201398.\n9 Lucentini and Perrone Compagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II. Latin Middle Ages,\u201d 517b.\n10 See, for example, \u201cCapitulum decimum. De demonstracione confectionum spirituum planetarum\net retrahendi damnamenta operum et effectuum, miraculorum nigromancie et cibariorum, suffumigacionum, unguentorum, odorum quibus uti debet operator spirituum planetarum; et effectus\nplanetarum proprios et opera que nisi visu operantur,\u201d Picatrix: the Latin Version of the \u0120h\u0101yat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm,\nBook III, c. 10, ed. D. Pingree (London: Warburg Institute: 1986), 146.\n11 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, c. 6, 51\u201357:\n164\n\nPages 184:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nDe virtutibus ymaginum, et cuius maneriei possunt haberi, et quomodo ymagines possunt\nrecipere vim planetarum, et quomodo opera fiunt per ymagines; et hec est radix scienciarum\nnigromancie et ymaginum. Et scias quod istud quod dicitur virtus est id quod natura et experimento comprobatur. Si illud agens quod in ipsa virtute agit habuerit naturam in illo\nopere manifestam. et maxime ut talis operacio sit virtutem habens in ipsis rebus. non natura\nmanifesta quam habeat in eis, tunc opus illud erit forcius et magis apparens. et quod ex eo\neffectualiter apparebit veracius et magis cognitum.\n12 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, c. 7\u20138, 112\u201366.\n13 V. Perrone Compagni, \u201cUna fonte ermetica: il Liber orationum planetarum,\u201d Bruniana & Campanelliana 7 (2001): 189\u201397, edition of the manuscript Darmstadt 1410.\n14 Asclepius 24, in Herm\u00e8s Trism\u00e9giste, Corpus Hermeticum, ed. A.D. Nock and A.-J. Festugi\u00e8re, Paris:\nLes Belles Lettres, 1960), 326, 11: \u201cstatuas animatas sensu et spiritu plenas tantaque facientes et\ntalia, statuas futurorum praescias eaque sorte, uate, somniis multisque aliis rebus praedicentes,\ninbecillitates hominibus facientes easque curantes, tristitiam laetitiamque pro meritis\u201d; Asclepius 38,\n348, 21\u2013349, 2: \u201cConstat, o Asclepi, de herbis, de lapidibus et de aromatibus diuinitatis naturalem\nuim in se habentibus\u201d; Asclepius 38, 349, 2\u20135: \u201cEt propter hanc causam sacrificiis frequentibus\noblectantur, hymnis et laudibus et dulcissimis sonis in modum caelestis harmoniae concinentibus\u201d.\nCf. I. Parri, La via filosofica di Ermete. Studio sull\u2019Asclepius (Florence: Polistampa, 2005), 180\u201381.\n15 P. Lucentini, \u201cL\u2019ermetismo magico nel secolo XIII,\u201d 274\u201381; A. Sannino, \u201cErmete mago e alchimista nelle biblioteche di Guglielmo d\u2019Alvernia e Ruggero Bacone\u201d, Studi Medievali 41 (2000):\n151\u2013209; D. Porreca, \u201cHermes Trismegistos: William of Auvergne\u2019s Mythical Authority\u201d, Archives\nd\u2019Histoire Doctrinale et Litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge 67 (2000): 143\u201358.\n16 Asclepius 41, 355, 13\u201314: \u201cHaec optantes convertimus nos ad puram et sine animalibus cenam\u201d.\n17 On Adelardus Bathensis, see Perrone Compagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II: Latin Middle Ages,\u201d 521:\nA fascination with knowledge, which is also power is evident throughout Adelard of Bath\u2019s\ncareer as a translator. In his Quaestiones naturales Adelard (ca. 1080\u20131155) unhesitatingly acknowledges his interest in magic and tells us how he took lessons from an aged expert in\nmagical operations. He is a true pioneer in exploring works on magic, and has the deliberate\ncultural objective of introducing this \u201cuseful\u201d and \u201cpuissant\u201d art into the scientific curriculum and legitimizing it as the operative branch of astrology.\n18 Hermannus de Carinthia, De essentiis II, 72vF, ed. Charles Burnett (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 182: \u201cthelesmatici Iorma Babilonius et Tuz Ionicus\u201d.\n19 Michael Scotus, Liber Introductorius, Prooem., ms. M\u00fcnchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm\n10268, fol. 1vb, quoted in Lucentini, \u201cErmetismo magico\u201d:\nscientia secretorum que exaltat hominem inter magnates et facit, eius quantum ad corpus,\nquasi habere iam principium paradisi\u2019; Introduct., dist. II, Clm 10268, fol. 116va: \u201cLicet autem\nhec et alia sint contradicta et vetita, possibilia tamen sunt, sed scientia talium sive actus perturbat fidem catholicam, que est mater nostra, et sic maculat puritatem anime hominum.\n20 P. Lucentini and A. Sannino, \u201cRecommendatio astronomiae: un anonimo trattato del secolo XV\nin difesa dell\u2019astrologia e della magia,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. Burnett and Ryan,\n190, \u201cSuper quod verbum fundantur multa secreta sapientum celantium artem de talis ymaginibus\nper multos libros qui ad nos non pervenerunt, et per ignaros et socios phylosophantium, qui tardi\nfuerunt ad perscrutandum secreta nature, attribuuntur nigromancie\u201d.\n21 A. Sannino, \u201cI ritratti leggendari di Ermete Trismegisto,\u201d Micrologus 21 (2013): 173\u201389.\n22 Lucentini and Perrone Compagni, I testi e i codici di Ermete nel Medioevo, 59\u201393.\n23 Ibid., 59\u201361.\n24 Ibid., 61\u201363.\n25 Ibid., 63\u201364.\n26 Ibid., 64\u201365.\n27 Ibid., 70\u201373.\n28 Ibid., 73\u201376.\n29 Ibid., 76\u201378.\n30 Lucentini, \u201cL\u2019ermetismo magico nel secolo XIII,\u201d 311\u201324.\n165\n\nPages 185:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\n31 Lucentini and Perrone Compagni, I testi e i codici di Ermete nel Medioevo, 80\u201383.\n32 Ibid., 83\u201384.\n33 Ibid., 84\u201386.\n34 Ibid., 86\u201389.\n35 Lucentini, \u201cL\u2019ermetismo magico nel secolo XIII,\u201d 268\u201369.\n36 Ibid., 34\u201337.\n37 Lucentini, \u201cL\u2019ermetismo magico nel secolo XIII,\u201d 49\u201350; A. Sannino, \u201cOro te, o spiritus qui lates\nin ill\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 168 to page 185 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=168\nPages: 168,172\n84 (2010): 2.\n149\nPart III\nK ey ge nr e s a n d f igu r e s\n12\nFrom H e rm et ic m agic to t h e\nm agic of m a rv e l s\nAntonella Sannino\nHermetic magic and the magic of marvels are two of the most characteristic features of medieval and early modern magic. They did not form a single coherent genre, but rather were two\ndifferent sources of astrological techniques that were categorized frequently under the natural\nsciences and empirical and experimental approaches to nature. The magical texts associated\nwith the names Hermes, Belenus and Toz Graecus, which form the basis of Hermetic magic,\nhave been identified by modern scholars as a distinctive group, with a common origin.1 The\nmost significant magic text to treat marvels, the Book of the Marvels of the World (De mirabilibus\nmundi), has recently received detailed attention from scholars who have examined its sources.\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174\nCompagni in 2001.13 The theoretical basis of these concepts lies in the art of animating\nstatues or rather the art of creating artificial life, as it is described in Asclepius.14 William of\nAuvergne in the thirteenth century was aware of these works and he made a classification of\nthem that constitutes a very important source.15\nHermetic ceremonial magic involves invoking intelligent spiritual essences (spiritus)\nlinked to the planets. These essences differ from Christian angels and they are invoked\nthrough an imago, in order to focus the action on the world, and to force, bend and dominate nature. The Hermetic spiritus represents an ordering principle, a quickening of reality and the merging of an astrological conception of the world with a spiritual one. In\nthis way, the kind of vivificatio found in these operational texts is not the sort that invokes\nthe soul of a demon to settle in the talisman. The idea of spiritus can be identified with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=175\nPages: 175\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\nMy discussion of the relationship between the magic of marvels and the Latin Hermetic\ntexts is centred on two points: a) formal aspects; b) content aspects.\nThe Latin Hermetic texts deal with sympathetic, amuletic and talismanic magic, so\n\u00adHermetic magic can be divided into natural magic (for example, the Kyranides and the Liber\nde quattuor confectionibus ad omnia genera animalium capienda, discussed below) and ceremonial\nmagic. Almost all the Hermetic texts on ceremonial magic are as yet unpublished and they\ncan be classified according to the manuscripts\u2019 attributions to Hermes, Belenus, Toz \u00adGraecus\nand Toz Graecus \u2013 Germa Babilonensis.7 A study of the sources of the Book of the Marvels of the\nWorld showed the links in terms of content between this work and the sympathetic magic of\nthe Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. In particular, the manuscript Montpellier,\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both\nare centred on how magic operates to create artificial life. The Hermetic image magic texts\ndeal with instructions for the drawing down of spiritual power or celestial virtue into objects, in\norder to transform them into instruments of magical action,2 whilst the magic of marvels represents an attempt to situate magical practices within a broader natural philosophical framework.\nDavid Pingree, in his essay From Hermes to Jabir, has shown that three cultural \u00adtraditions \u2013\nsymbolically represented in the legend of the \u201cthree Hermes\u201d (Egyptian, Harranian and\nMesopotamian) \u2013 contributed to the variety of Hermetic techniques for creating artificial\nlife. Here, we will deal with the first and second.3 The first cultural tradition contributing to\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the\ndifferent magical traditions that are found in the Book of the Marvels of the World.8\nIn contrast, we know less about the links within the Hermetic ceremonial magic corpus.\nAll of these writings were translated from Arabic to Latin over a century between the first\nhalf of the 1100s and the first decades of the 1200s, continuing to c. 1260. According to\nDavid Pingree and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, most of these texts reached the West from\nthe Muslim world between the end of the eleventh century and the first half of the twelfth.\nThese ceremonial writings present\nthemselves in the form of mere collections of precepts [\u2026]; like all learned magic,\nHermetic magic has its institutional basis in astrology. The direct relationship\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174,175\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional\nculture. This situation continued into the fifteenth century, as can be seen by the Recommendatio astronomiae, an anonymous tract defending astrology and magic in which Hermetic\ntexts are related to the works of the accepted authority Claudius Ptolemaeus in an attempt\nto bring talismanic images back into the framework of science.20\n155\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nThe Hermeticism of the Latin Middle Ages represented Hermes Trismegistus as the mythical custodian of an ancient wisdom, a kind of prophet, but also as a philosopher in whose\nwritings Arabic, Latin and Hebrew thinkers had sought answers to questions relating to theology, cosmology, ethics and the natural and occult sciences (in particular, medicine, astral\nmagic and alchemy).21 Recent scholarship on medieval Hermeticism, and on the magical,\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,175\nmagic rite with smoke and the burning of incense.25 My final example from this group of\nHermetic magic texts, the De imaginibus et horis, describes the talismans to be fabricated at\ndifferent times of the day, every day of the week.26\nMy second group of Hermetic magic texts on talismans are those attributed to Belenus,\namong which the most popular and well known was the Liber imaginum Lunae. This work\nlists the talismans to be created when the moon is in each of its twenty-eight mansions.\nThe mansions refer to a star or a group of stars in which the moon appears or rests every\nnight during its monthly orbit.27 This composite text includes the De viginti quattuor horis,\nwhich lists the names of each of the twenty-four hours, specifies the classes of bodies that,\nin every single hour, direct their prayers to God, and for each hour indicates the projects\n156\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174\nthe soul of a demon to settle in the talisman. The idea of spiritus can be identified with\nvirtus or \u201cvirtue.\u201d: As a result of the encounter between correctly disposed matter and\nthe spiritus of a particular celestial body, the talisman receives its power. From Hermetic\nmagical texts therefore, there emerges a conception of magic that engages with practical aspects of knowledge of the world, based on the principle of experience. Similarly,\nin the Book of the Marvels of the World, magic is based on two principles: experience and\nauthority. The enchanter must have a good moral disposition, and follow the correct\ndiet and an appropriate lifestyle. In the Asclepius, for example, it is written that meat is\nprohibited.16\nVittoria Perrone Compagni has shown how two translators of Hermetic texts, Adelard\nof Bath and Herman of Carinthia, strove to present magic as a useful and powerful art in\nthe scientific curriculum. They strove to legitimize it as the operating side of astrolog y. \u201cAdelard]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176\nmagic with highly pronounced ceremonial components.34\nTurning now to the Hermetic texts belonging to the category of natural magic, the\n\u00adKyranides, referenced as an authority by the Book of the Marvels of the World, describes in alphabetical order the magical healing powers of plants, animals and stones, and their secret relationships.35 Also entitled The Book of Physical Virtues, Diseases and Treatments or Liber\nMedicinalis, this work is made up of two sections, the Kyranis attributed to the Persian king\nKyranus, and the Liber Therapeutikos by Harpokration of Alexandria. It was compiled by a\nByzantine author between the fifth and eighth centuries and was probably translated into\nLatin by the cleric Paschalis Romanus in 1169 at Constantinople. The first Kyranis, said to\nhave been carved in Syriac characters on an iron pillar, was given by Hermes Trismegistus\nto men so that they could be educated about the virtues of plants, fish, birds and twenty-four]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=181\nPages: 181\nnot involve any of the ritualistic complications associated with Hermetic talismanic magic.\nOther recipes in the Book of the Marvels of the World deal with medicinal magic to heal men\nand stimulate the fertility of women, as well as early methods of Viagra; others deal with\nmagic candles and lamps. Some of the first group of recipes are for familiar purposes: to\ncatch birds in the hand, to ward off dogs and snakes, to catch a mole, to break charms and\nloose bonds, to see the future in one\u2019s sleep, to make a chicken or other animal dance in a\ndish and so on.\nThese recipes operate with regard to the following principles: an affinity or attraction between things with similar qualities or virtues; the association of second and third qualities\nwith first quality; a distinction between qualities innate to a whole kind (species) or to individual things and antagonism between things with opposite qualities. All these principles]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=182\nPages: 182,183\nMost of these precepts use the principle of affinity and the only \u201cimages\u201d are the shadows\non the walls. Only in two recipes are there references to the construction or fabrication of\nimages.\nThe first deals with producing the appearance of horrible men to scare away demons;\nthe second deals with an image of a man or any other thing which, when it is put in\n\u00adwater, \u00adbecomes inflamed.63 The absence of the operative rituals, typically associated with\n\u00adHermetic magic, assured the appeal of the Book of the Marvels of the World from the Middle\nAges into the modern age.\nFuture directions\nA new research project, addressing the interrelations of the manuscript traditions of the\nfollowing texts: Book of the Marvels of the World, the Liber vaccae and the De proprietatibus, could\nprovide some interesting results. We also trust that the appeal of the Hermetic talismanic\n163\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=177\nPages: 177,178\nwork. The Experimenta are precepts, formulas and mixtures. This is the prescriptive part of the\n158\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\ntext where the theory is put into practice. Here, the theoretical and speculative level of the previous pages is debased to the level of recipe and ritual, more typical of other hermetic magic\ntexts. In this middle section, the prescriptions for lamps and the fire derived from the work\nof Marcus Graecus, and experiments from the Aneguemis minor and the De proprietatibus come\ntogether. On the one hand, our author seems to deliberately ignore the Aneguemis maior, recognizing, in a sort of self-censorship, the danger of mixtures between humans and animals. On\nthe other hand, the debt of the De mirabilibus towards the Aneguemis minor or Liber vaccae is great,\nas has already been shown.40 In fact, the philosophical momentum of the first and third parts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=202\nPages: 202\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cNatural Magic, Hermeticism, and Occultism in Early Modern Science,\u201d in\nReappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. David Lindberg and Robert Westman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 261\u2013301; Keith Hutchison, \u201cDormitive Virtues, Scholastic Qualities, and the New Philosophies,\u201d History of Science 29 (1991): 245\u201378; Gundolf Keil, \u201cVirtus occulta:\nDer Begriff des empiricum bei Nikolaus von Polen,\u201d in Die okkulten \u00adWissenschaften in der Renaissance,\ned. August Buck (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1992) 159\u201396; Graziella \u00adFederici \u00adVescovini, \u201cLa\nconcezione della virtus occulta nella dottrina medica di Arnaldo di Villanova e di Pietro d\u2019Abano,\u201d in\nEcriture et r\u00e9\u00e9criture des textes philosophiques m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse and Olga Weijers (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 107\u201335; Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cProprietas: las propriedades ocultas seg\u00fan Arnau\nde Vilanova,\u201d Traditio 63 (2008): 327\u201360; N. Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrology, Astral Influences and Occult]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\n\u201c\u00adHermetic\u201d idolatry and \u201cSolomonic\u201d figurae to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s harsh response to the\nfigures in the Ars notoria.10 These condemnations and the figures\u2019 associations with demonic\nsigns and idolatry hampered efforts by some authors to establish the orthodoxy of their\ntexts. Nevertheless, they became significant ritual instruments, in part because of already\nexisting traditions of amulets with visual motifs. Simpler kinds of instrumental figures such\nas the \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d charm, laminas to heal wounds or aid with conception, and small\ncircular apotropaic figures copied onto folded parchments preceded and influenced the\ntraditions of learned magic, but were, in turn, transformed by them.\nMagical figures of all types were drawn by scribes rather than specialized illustrators.\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=184\nPages: 184\n151\u2013209; D. Porreca, \u201cHermes Trismegistos: William of Auvergne\u2019s Mythical Authority\u201d, Archives\nd\u2019Histoire Doctrinale et Litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge 67 (2000): 143\u201358.\n16 Asclepius 41, 355, 13\u201314: \u201cHaec optantes convertimus nos ad puram et sine animalibus cenam\u201d.\n17 On Adelardus Bathensis, see Perrone Compagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II: Latin Middle Ages,\u201d 521:\nA fascination with knowledge, which is also power is evident throughout Adelard of Bath\u2019s\ncareer as a translator. In his Quaestiones naturales Adelard (ca. 1080\u20131155) unhesitatingly acknowledges his interest in magic and tells us how he took lessons from an aged expert in\nmagical operations. He is a true pioneer in exploring works on magic, and has the deliberate\ncultural objective of introducing this \u201cuseful\u201d and \u201cpuissant\u201d art into the scientific curriculum and legitimizing it as the operative branch of astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nGod to the transgressive pursuit of knowledge from demons.19 Significant work in this field\nhas investigated the hermetic roots of ritual magic, and more recent scholarship has focused\non unpacking the \u201cSolomonic\u201d tradition and its influence.20\nIn addition to discovering and editing learned magic texts, historians in this field have\nbegun exploring their readership and circulation among physicians and in the clerical\nunderworld, competitive court circles and the monastic cloister.21 Our knowledge of the\nroutes of transmission of magic texts is still patchy, and it is hard to bring individual practitioners to rounded life based on the surviving sources, but it has become increasingly\nclear that manuals of ritual magic were tailored to the individual interests of their owners,\nwhether this was talking to spirits or having success in love.22 The circulation of ritual\nmagic texts among physicians and in universities is less well studied, and research into the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,177\nanimalium to obtain their obedience follow recipes using animal and plant substances. The\nsecreta of the confections was revealed by Arod, namely the archangel Gabriel, to Ismenus,\nthat is Adam. This kind of magic is very different from Hermetic ceremonial magic, and\nis much more similar to the magical procedures in the Book of the Marvels of the World.37 The\nrecipes are limited to using the occult properties of physical things, by means of a simple\npractical \u00adapplication of the knowledge of the relationships between the stars and the events\nof the sublunary world; therefore, it is a type of talismanic magic that includes only three\nelements: astrological knowledge, the figure to be engraved and the material used.\n157\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nPlatonic magic\nThe Liber Aneguemis (or Nemith or Neumich) also known as the Liber vaccae (from the first version)\nis the Latin translation, made in Spain in the thirteenth century, of an apocryphal Arabic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\ndoing he brought together the terminology from the Latin and the Arabic traditions.\nImage magic texts detail rituals to be performed over an image to imbue in it the powers of spirits or heavenly bodies, or to say it with the words of William of Auvergne,\nthey purport to fabricate images \u201cin which a kind of splendour of divinity and power\nof spirit (numen) was poured in\u201d.75 This mixture of two different \u201chermetic\u201d traditions,\nthe ancient \u201cEgyptian\u201d one and the Arabic astral magic rooted in the Ancient Near\nEast \u2013 to which it contributed the translation of the Arabic word for talisman as \u201cimage\u201d (imago)76 \u2013 often derived in confusion between both traditions. In his De vita coelitus\ncomparanda, Marsilio Ficino discusses the use of talismans in medicine, and again he\nrelates Arabic astral magic to the hermetic tradition:77\nYet the Arabs and the Egyptians ascribe so much power to statues and images fashioned by astronomical and magical art that they believe the spirits of the stars are]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174,175\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional\nculture. This situation continued into the fifteenth century, as can be seen by the Recommendatio astronomiae, an anonymous tract defending astrology and magic in which Hermetic\ntexts are related to the works of the accepted authority Claudius Ptolemaeus in an attempt\nto bring talismanic images back into the framework of science.20\n155\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nThe Hermeticism of the Latin Middle Ages represented Hermes Trismegistus as the mythical custodian of an ancient wisdom, a kind of prophet, but also as a philosopher in whose\nwritings Arabic, Latin and Hebrew thinkers had sought answers to questions relating to theology, cosmology, ethics and the natural and occult sciences (in particular, medicine, astral\nmagic and alchemy).21 Recent scholarship on medieval Hermeticism, and on the magical,\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\nMy discussion of the relationship between the magic of marvels and the Latin Hermetic\ntexts is centred on two points: a) formal aspects; b) content aspects.\nThe Latin Hermetic texts deal with sympathetic, amuletic and talismanic magic, so\n\u00adHermetic magic can be divided into natural magic (for example, the Kyranides and the Liber\nde quattuor confectionibus ad omnia genera animalium capienda, discussed below) and ceremonial\nmagic. Almost all the Hermetic texts on ceremonial magic are as yet unpublished and they\ncan be classified according to the manuscripts\u2019 attributions to Hermes, Belenus, Toz \u00adGraecus\nand Toz Graecus \u2013 Germa Babilonensis.7 A study of the sources of the Book of the Marvels of the\nWorld showed the links in terms of content between this work and the sympathetic magic of\nthe Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. In particular, the manuscript Montpellier,\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nrecent historiography of late medieval magic: learned magic texts. These texts circulated in\nmanuscripts, described complex rituals and often drew on the same cosmological concepts\nas more scientific works such as ideas about the influence of the stars on earth, or the nature and powers of spirits. More than one hundred distinct texts and several hundred surviving manuscripts with magical contents have now been identified by scholars, although\nmany remain hardly studied and new copies of magic texts are frequently being identified.\nIn the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, some authors of magical texts also, for the first\ntime, allowed their works to circulate under their own name rather than ascribing them\nto \u00adlegendary figures such as Hermes or Solomon. Since theological condemnation made\nit dangerous to claim authorship of a magical text, the fact that authors were becoming\nconfident enough to put their real names to works of magic is a striking development, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=175\nPages: 175\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222,223\nspirituum, for example, contains a ritual for conjuring spirits that are clearly fairies and\nthat corresponds to the traditions represented in medieval fairy literature.15 Finally, as this\nmaterial spread into vernacular languages starting in the fifteenth century, the texts also\nchanged under the influence of its new middlebrow transmitters. As a result, the history of\nthe texts is difficult to trace, and this process is made more difficult by the fact that most\nof the surviving manuscripts post-date 1500, when major shifts in social, intellectual, and\nreligious conditions were underway.\nNecromantic texts travelled in a relatively stable social context through the medieval period, although that began to break down in the fifteenth century. The clerical underworld described above had ragged edges and included educated courtiers, grammar\n203\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nschool teachers and itinerant clerics who had deserted their posts or had never held an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been\ntranslated. Under the guidance of Peter Sch\u00e4fer, several texts of mystical and magical significance have been edited and translated into German, including the major manuscripts\nof Hekhalot literature (Sch\u00e4fer), Tractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann), the Book of the Garment\n(Irina Wandrey), the Book of the Upright (Wandrey) and three volumes to date of magical texts\nfrom the Cairo Geniza (Sch\u00e4fer and Shaul Shaked). Sch\u00e4fer\u2019s team has also published the\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) and the Book of Secrets (Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer).41 The Hermes\nLatinus project has made the Hebrew versions of some Hermetic texts available, and a\n\u00adfuture volume is planned that will contain additional Hebrew texts. There is no translation\nor edition of the Book of Raziel as it existed in the Middle Ages, although some of its component pieces are included in the aforementioned publications, nor have the magical writings]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the\ndifferent magical traditions that are found in the Book of the Marvels of the World.8\nIn contrast, we know less about the links within the Hermetic ceremonial magic corpus.\nAll of these writings were translated from Arabic to Latin over a century between the first\nhalf of the 1100s and the first decades of the 1200s, continuing to c. 1260. According to\nDavid Pingree and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, most of these texts reached the West from\nthe Muslim world between the end of the eleventh century and the first half of the twelfth.\nThese ceremonial writings present\nthemselves in the form of mere collections of precepts [\u2026]; like all learned magic,\nHermetic magic has its institutional basis in astrology. The direct relationship\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=184\nPages: 184\n151\u2013209; D. Porreca, \u201cHermes Trismegistos: William of Auvergne\u2019s Mythical Authority\u201d, Archives\nd\u2019Histoire Doctrinale et Litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge 67 (2000): 143\u201358.\n16 Asclepius 41, 355, 13\u201314: \u201cHaec optantes convertimus nos ad puram et sine animalibus cenam\u201d.\n17 On Adelardus Bathensis, see Perrone Compagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II: Latin Middle Ages,\u201d 521:\nA fascination with knowledge, which is also power is evident throughout Adelard of Bath\u2019s\ncareer as a translator. In his Quaestiones naturales Adelard (ca. 1080\u20131155) unhesitatingly acknowledges his interest in magic and tells us how he took lessons from an aged expert in\nmagical operations. He is a true pioneer in exploring works on magic, and has the deliberate\ncultural objective of introducing this \u201cuseful\u201d and \u201cpuissant\u201d art into the scientific curriculum and legitimizing it as the operative branch of astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=249\nPages: 249\nassumption of magical authorship by Antonio da Montolmo gives clear evidence of a fundamental change of context that was going on at this time in the northern part of Italy.25\nIn the Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum Hermetis, Antonio acquires the status of\nauthor as a \u201cglossator\u201d. Furthermore, his additions to this traditional magical hermetic\ntext are daring enough to reveal the new intellectual framework of magic. The \u00adYmagines\nduodecim signorum Hermetis, also known as Liber formarum duodecim signorum or Liber electionum secretorum superiorum, is a talismanic text that is extant in several manuscripts and\nalso in a section of the Latin version of Picatrix (Ghay\u00e2t al-hak\u00eem). Amongst them, the\n\u00adabove-mentioned ms. Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, latinus 4085 contains this opuscule, and the name of Antonio da Montolmo is mentioned within the section devoted\nto the sign of Lion.26 This talismanic text describes how to make astrological seals for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=216\nPages: 216\n18 This manuscript is the former MS 114 of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica in Amsterdam.\nSee the note in V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 119\u201321. One could also cite MS Halle,\nULSA, 14.B.36 (late c.15): cf. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 122\u201325.\n19 See, for example, a collection of experimenta from the fifteenth-century Suppr. 15, MS Oxford,\nBodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252, fol. 87v\u201389v.\n20 See, for example, for the Italian region, MS Paris, BnF, ital. 1524, dated 1446, which notably preserves\nan Italian version of the Clavicula Salomonis: cf. F. Gal, J.-P. Boudet and L. Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia.\nUn libro di magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017); and for the Occitan region, MS Vatican, BAV, Barb.\nLat. 3589 (c. 15): cf. S. Giralt, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and\nLatin in MS Vatican BAV, Barb. Lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes, 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\n21 See below.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=168\nPages: 168,172\n84 (2010): 2.\n149\nPart III\nK ey ge nr e s a n d f igu r e s\n12\nFrom H e rm et ic m agic to t h e\nm agic of m a rv e l s\nAntonella Sannino\nHermetic magic and the magic of marvels are two of the most characteristic features of medieval and early modern magic. They did not form a single coherent genre, but rather were two\ndifferent sources of astrological techniques that were categorized frequently under the natural\nsciences and empirical and experimental approaches to nature. The magical texts associated\nwith the names Hermes, Belenus and Toz Graecus, which form the basis of Hermetic magic,\nhave been identified by modern scholars as a distinctive group, with a common origin.1 The\nmost significant magic text to treat marvels, the Book of the Marvels of the World (De mirabilibus\nmundi), has recently received detailed attention from scholars who have examined its sources.\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nGod to the transgressive pursuit of knowledge from demons.19 Significant work in this field\nhas investigated the hermetic roots of ritual magic, and more recent scholarship has focused\non unpacking the \u201cSolomonic\u201d tradition and its influence.20\nIn addition to discovering and editing learned magic texts, historians in this field have\nbegun exploring their readership and circulation among physicians and in the clerical\nunderworld, competitive court circles and the monastic cloister.21 Our knowledge of the\nroutes of transmission of magic texts is still patchy, and it is hard to bring individual practitioners to rounded life based on the surviving sources, but it has become increasingly\nclear that manuals of ritual magic were tailored to the individual interests of their owners,\nwhether this was talking to spirits or having success in love.22 The circulation of ritual\nmagic texts among physicians and in universities is less well studied, and research into the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=182\nPages: 182,183\nMost of these precepts use the principle of affinity and the only \u201cimages\u201d are the shadows\non the walls. Only in two recipes are there references to the construction or fabrication of\nimages.\nThe first deals with producing the appearance of horrible men to scare away demons;\nthe second deals with an image of a man or any other thing which, when it is put in\n\u00adwater, \u00adbecomes inflamed.63 The absence of the operative rituals, typically associated with\n\u00adHermetic magic, assured the appeal of the Book of the Marvels of the World from the Middle\nAges into the modern age.\nFuture directions\nA new research project, addressing the interrelations of the manuscript traditions of the\nfollowing texts: Book of the Marvels of the World, the Liber vaccae and the De proprietatibus, could\nprovide some interesting results. We also trust that the appeal of the Hermetic talismanic\n163\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=269\nPages: 269\nLichtenhahn, 1985), 276\u201378; Sebastiano Gentile and Carlos Gilly, Marsilio Ficino and the Return of\nHermes Trismegistus (Florence: Centro Di, 1999\u20132000), 276\u201378; Carlos Gilly and Cis Van \u00adHeertum,\nMagic, Alchemy and Science Fifteenth-Eighteenth Centuries, The Influence of Hermes Trismegistus, vol. 1\n\u00ad(Florence: Centro Di, 2002), 286\u201394. On the Arbatel see Damaris Aschera Gehr, Magie und Alchemie\nin der paracelsistischen Schrift \u202b \u05d0\u05e8\u05d1\u05e2\u05ea\u05d0\u05dc\u202cArbatel De magia veterum (Basel, 1575), in: Petra Feuerstein-Herz\nand Ute Frietsch (eds.): Alchemie \u2013 Genealogie und Terminologie, Bilder, Techniken und Artefakte. Forschungen\naus der Herzog August Bibliothek, Wiesbaden 2019, forthcoming.\n3 Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, ms. 14 B 36, several sections from fol. 185r onwards\n(hereafter Ha).\n4 The Latin manuscripts are both fragmentary: four quires are missing in Ka, and Ha offers of the\nSumma only a selection of chapters. The gaps in the Latin manuscript tradition can be filled by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\n\u00adSociet\u00e0 italiana per lo Studio del pensiero medieval (SISPM) and the Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Internationale\npour l\u2019\u00c9tude de la philosophie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale (SIEPM). She is a Chief Editor of review \u201cStudi\nFilosofici\u201d and Director of \u201cBibliotheca Philosophica Virtualis\u201d (www.bph.eu). Her research\nfocuses on the appeal of the Hermetic and Neoplatonic tradition in the Latin Middle Ages.\nShe has also produced critical editions of some important hermetic texts and the famous\nmagic text De mirabilibus mundi.\nCorinne Saunders is a Professor of English and Co-Director of the Centre for Medical\nHumanities at Durham University, UK. She specializes in medieval literature and the history\nof ideas, and is Co-Investigator on the Hearing the Voice project and Collaborator on the Life\nof Breath project, both funded by the Wellcome Trust. Her third monograph, Magic and the\nSupernatural in Medieval English Romance, was published in 2010. Her co-edited books include]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=101\nPages: 101\nagainst them, and their imitations in Latin. While Greek and Hebrew sources contributed to\nthis body of literature, Arabic texts dominated the field, and determined the course of Western learned magic until the advent of the Christian kabbala in the fifteenth century.\nFuture directions\nThe authors of texts on magic tended to hide under the names of ancient sages (Hermes,\n\u00adApollonius, Enoch, etc.), and the translators of the texts were also wary about revealing their\n\u00ad idden\nidentities. Studies of style and vocabulary have helped, and will continue to help reveal the h\n\u00adauthors, or at least the context in which the works were written and translated. Such studies, in\nturn, should be based on reliable editions of the texts. The editions of the various medieval \u00adversions\nof Maslama\u2019s Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, closely connected with the history of the Warburg \u00adInstitute, should\nbe soon completed by an edition of the Hebrew versions by Reimund Leicht. Plans are afoot for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=447\nPages: 447\nal-bulhan di Oxford (Turin: Tirrenia, 1988). See also A. Caiozzo, \u201c\u00c9l\u00e9ments de rituels imag\u00e9s dans\nles manuscrits de l\u2019Orient m\u00e9di\u00e9val,\u201d in Images et magie. ed. Boudet et al., 57\u201375, esp. 67\u201378.\n74 Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius, trans. Brian P. Copenhaver\n(\u00adCambridge: Cambridge University Press 1995), 37.\n75 William of Auvergne, De legibus, 23, in id., Opera omnia, 66\u201367, trans. Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Establishment of Medieval Hermeticism,\u201d in The Medieval World, ed. Peter Linehan and Janet L. Nelson\n(London: Routledge, 2001). See also Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201c\u2018Falsas estatuas\u2019: \u00eddolos m\u00e1gicos y\ndioses artificiales en el siglo XIII,\u201d La Cor\u00f3nica, 36 (2007) (special issue on Magic in Medieval Spain,\ned. A. Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s), 71\u201396.\n76 Burnett, \u201cTalismans\u201d; Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cFalsas estatuas\u201d. See also The Talisman, ed. Benjamin\n\u00adAnderson and Yael Rice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nIn the case of other shared texts, the relationship between the Latin and Hebrew versions\nhas not yet been established. These include On the Twelve Images and the Use of the Psalms\n(though in one specific case a Christian appropriated a Hebrew psalter to produce a hybrid\nset of magical Psalms).5 As for astral magic, Reimund Leicht has observed,\nBy the Renaissance at the latest, various basic teachings of astrology and astral\nmagic had become the common property of Jews and Christians so thoroughly that\nin most cases a direct source can be determined only with great difficulty, if at all.6\nBut there are also instances in which the texts provide their own claims of provenance.\nA \u00adHermetic text known as On the Stations for the Cult of Venus includes the detail that it was translated from Hebrew by John of Seville, a statement that raises some doubt since the translator]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\nThe surviving manuscripts betray origin or circulation in various literate environments.\nStudies drawing on such evidence could help to situate necromantic practice more fully in\nparticular settings, monastic, clerical, university or bourgeois. This is especially the case\nwhere it is possible to supplement this with evidence from court cases involving necromantic magic. Looking at such locations is important for another reason. Studies of ritual\nmagic often give the impression that necromantic magic was the product and practice of\nsingle isolated users and have often been treated that way rather than as the products of\ncommunities, despite the fact that many necromantic rituals explicitly involve several people performing a variety of roles. Studies of this kind would thus not only help us to better\nunderstand how necromancy related to particular social settings but also how necromantic\nrituals were developed, conceived and performed by groups of people.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=238\nPages: 238\nand Spain, including more than one deluxe copy. 50 The tracing of manuscripts is still very\nmuch a work in progress and discoveries are ongoing (indeed, the most recent one turned\nup while we were writing this article),51 and all generalizations about reception will be subject to change based on future discoveries. Nevertheless, certain patterns are evident from\nthe manuscripts we have in hand. The earliest copies known to us are dated to 1374 and\n1377, a scant half century after the burning, and the latest to 1519 and 1522. 52 We know\ndates of inscription from colophons where individual copies are often signed by the scribe\nor operator.\nHowever, the personalization of manuscripts goes well beyond the colophon. John\u2019s book\ninstructs that all the images in the text should be inscribed with the name of the person by\nwhom it is intended to be used; operators were to petition the Virgin for visionary licence to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=162\nPages: 162\nrunic inscriptions and other written sources, for example, are in one sense, of course, forms\nof textual evidence that require philological expertise; at the same time, they are also preserved as, or on, physical objects \u2013 runestones, talismans, manuscripts and so on \u2013 and thus\nthe end products of procedures executed by human hands (i.e. manufactured in an etymological sense), where the kinds of information archaeological methods can glean are also\nfruitful. A prime example would be the large number of amulets that come from medieval\nScandinavia.52 Some of these amulets bear inscriptions, some not, but their interpretations,\nboth in the narrow and broad senses, will in almost all cases be improved from knowledge\nof their physical composition, their manufacture, the circumstances of their discovery and\nother empirical facts relating to their production and provenance.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=355\nPages: 355\ncommissioned by his uncle, John, Duke of Berry.18\nMagic and political affairs in the late middle ages\nIt is clear enough that the proliferation of texts and magical manuscripts that can be observed in Europe from the fourteenth century and even more in the fifteenth century may\nbe explained by a sociocultural demand concerning first some members of court society and\ntheir vicinity. This is particularly evident for magical tricks and illusionist performances as\npart of court entertainment, of which we can see some remarkable examples in manuscripts\ncoming from fifteenth-century military engineers, such as those of Conrad Kyeser\u2019s Bellifortis,\nof which the most beautiful specimen was sent in 1405 to Rupert, King of the Romans, or\nGiovanni Fontana\u2019s Bellicorum instrumentorum liber.19 But it is also the case for ritual magic treatises requiring the participation of clerics such as the Clavicula Salomonis (Key of \u00adSolomon),]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private\nFrench collection), which is of Germanic provenance and datable to the end of the fifteenth\ncentury. Its contents (the work of a single hand) indicate that certain late medieval scribes\nmight have been tempted to create a true Solomonic corpus, even if the general title given to\nthe book, Liber Hermetis sive de rebus occultis, appears from this perspective quite paradoxical\nand shows the limits of the exercise well, unless it is a camouflage strategy.18 Notably, this\nmanuscript includes two versions of the De quattuor annulis, of which one, ascribed to four of\nSolomon\u2019s disciples, Fortunatus, Eleazar, Macarius and Toz (those to whom the Speculum\nastronomiae alludes), mentions the Ydea Salomonis, two versions of the Vinculum spirituum (also\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nfifteenth \u2013 and sixteenth-century codex,27 Frank Klaassen\u2019s catalogue of medieval magical\n\u00admanuscripts \u00adincludes two texts conserved in two fifteenth-century manuscripts and which\nhave not been edited or studied: one is a manual with conjurations in the vernacular, sigils\nand a list of spirits; the other seems to be a collection of Solomonic images translated from\nLatin to \u00adTuscan.28 Another avenue of research worth exploring is to investigate archive\ndocuments such as inventories of properties or libraries, wills, and inquisitorial and judicial\nrecords that may provide new data on the circulation and persecution of magic in Romance\nlanguages.\nMany of the manuscripts or writings presented here require further research to a greater\nor lesser extent. One of the least studied and most promising is the Barberini codex, which\ndeserves attention from philologists and historians of medieval magic, even though it does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nrecent historiography of late medieval magic: learned magic texts. These texts circulated in\nmanuscripts, described complex rituals and often drew on the same cosmological concepts\nas more scientific works such as ideas about the influence of the stars on earth, or the nature and powers of spirits. More than one hundred distinct texts and several hundred surviving manuscripts with magical contents have now been identified by scholars, although\nmany remain hardly studied and new copies of magic texts are frequently being identified.\nIn the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, some authors of magical texts also, for the first\ntime, allowed their works to circulate under their own name rather than ascribing them\nto \u00adlegendary figures such as Hermes or Solomon. Since theological condemnation made\nit dangerous to claim authorship of a magical text, the fact that authors were becoming\nconfident enough to put their real names to works of magic is a striking development, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=26\nPages: 26\nmanuscripts, names erased, magical characters being altered to turn them into crosses and\nbooks being revised and burnt has yet to be written. When it is explored more fully, it is\nlikely that further lines of comparison and influence will be opened up with contemporary\nattitudes to heresy and witchcraft.\nImportant work has also been done on other kinds of source material. Some of this has\nsought to shed new light on genres of source which scholars have known about for a long\ntime. For example, texts produced as part of the activities of the medieval church have long\nplayed a central role in the history of medieval magic. Ecclesiastical sources have been\nespecially crucial to studies that focus on tracing the earlier medieval origins of fifteenth-\u00ad\ncentury ideas about diabolical witchcraft. Since, as Norman Cohn argued in the 1970s,\nthese ideas seem largely to have originated among the educated, 29 the writings produced]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=232\nPages: 232\nmanuscripts, \u201cThis page should go in the beginning of the book before the incipit No one\nlights a candle,\u201d6 that John sent out new sections to his readers with instructions about where\nthey should be placed in the copies his followers already had. The epistolary prologues offer\na guide to his process, sometimes including dates and other information about composition. Most of the liturgical sections7 were explicitly written in response to Marian visions,\nat least some of the time deliberately cultivated for the purpose of asking questions. At a\nfairly late stage of the project, he also decided to record the visions themselves, to a total of\nmore than fifty. Visionary evidence must always be assessed with caution. However, many\nof John\u2019s visions are closely linked to occasion, place and the stages of the writing and can\nthus be pieced together with surrounding materials to produce a conjectural account of\nhis life.8]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=216\nPages: 216\n18 This manuscript is the former MS 114 of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica in Amsterdam.\nSee the note in V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 119\u201321. One could also cite MS Halle,\nULSA, 14.B.36 (late c.15): cf. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 122\u201325.\n19 See, for example, a collection of experimenta from the fifteenth-century Suppr. 15, MS Oxford,\nBodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252, fol. 87v\u201389v.\n20 See, for example, for the Italian region, MS Paris, BnF, ital. 1524, dated 1446, which notably preserves\nan Italian version of the Clavicula Salomonis: cf. F. Gal, J.-P. Boudet and L. Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia.\nUn libro di magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017); and for the Occitan region, MS Vatican, BAV, Barb.\nLat. 3589 (c. 15): cf. S. Giralt, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and\nLatin in MS Vatican BAV, Barb. Lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes, 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\n21 See below.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211\non the one hand, influenced by each other (as the case may be) in the course of their often\ncollective manuscript dissemination, but also have, on the other hand, distinct histories,\nwhose tangled threads historiography has barely begun to untangle. Aside from the Ars\nnotoria, which possesses a solid independent manuscript tradition from early on, the fact that\nwe only have later witnesses that are, moreover, not numerous hardly facilitates the task of\nthe historian who hopes to determine the origin and original form of these frequently short\ntexts, which much of the time are derived from translations. Nevertheless, the specialist\nfinds himself in a situation that is a little more comfortable than that of his counterparts\nstudying the Greek Solomonic traditions, in as much as these, created in late antiquity,\nare for the most part known via the intermediary of manuscripts dating from the fifteenth\ncentury at best.44\nPrincipal historiographical advances and future\nfields of research]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=367\nPages: 367\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98\nfew manuscripts contemporary with or closely following on their translation, and more\nopen and frequent copying only emerges in the Renaissance. When they are copied, they\ntend to be grouped together, often in large numbers, in one manuscript. Thus, we have\n(in approximate chronological order) the manuscripts Oxford, Corpus Christi College, 125\n(fourteenth century),49 Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I, Halle,\nUniversit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14. B. 36 (fourteenth century), Venice,\nMarciana lat. XIV. 174 (fourteenth century), Biblioteca Vaticana, Ms. Reg. lat. 1300 (fourteenth century), Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. ii. 214 (fifteenth century), Vatican, Vat.\nLat. 10803 (fifteenth century), Darmstadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibl., 1410-I\n(sixteenth century) and British Library, Sloane 3850 (seventeenth century). Most of these\ncollections contain anonymous translations, and few clues as to whether the Latin texts rely]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison\nto other works, explicitly necromantic works make up a substantial proportion of sixteenthand seventeenth-century manuscripts. Whether this is due to a relatively high attrition rate\nin the medieval period or a sudden growth in interest after 1500 remains unclear.10 Certainly, together with medieval references to circulating conjuring works, it suggests that\nmedieval versions were considerably more numerous than the surviving witnesses suggest.\nThese texts have a relatively high level of textual variance that was at least in part the result of the intellectual culture that surrounded them, including a kind of \u201cmix-and-match\u201d\napproach to operations. Ritual magic texts in general tended to promote a view of the\nmagician as a kind of divinely guided editor who discovered the ancient truths hidden in\nmagic texts through long practice and could be expected to create a new book of magic at]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=516\nPages: 516\npractices can be approached in this way. A surprising number of textual amulets survive\nfrom the Middle Ages \u2013 bits of paper covered with written formulas and then worn on one\u2019s\nperson, usually to heal or protect from harm.88\nAmulets represent not just textual evidence of common practices that were frequently\nlabelled superstitious but also an aspect of material culture. The majority of physical items\nused in magical or superstitious rites that have survived from the Middle Ages are representative of elite forms of practice: rings, gems, mirrors or astrological images, often inscribed with symbols and writing. The herbs and roots that so many texts tell us were used\nin common rites have long since rotted into dust. Archeology might uncover other kinds\nof items, although scholars face enormous problems determining solely from archeological\nremains when or if common items might have been used for magical purposes.89 Relatively]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=138\nPages: 138\nA particularly useful \u2013 but very slow \u2013 process is the cataloguing of manuscript fragments.\nIn Hungary, for example, the major part of the written source material has perished, but\nsmall fragments survive in manuscript bindings. Taking them from their preserving books\nand identifying their contents and origin will add a lot to our understanding of the history\nof the region.30\nOn the basis of the appropriately identified and described source material, three fields\nseem to me to deserve particular attention in the future \u2013 all three are connected in one way\nor another to the issue of knowledge transfer. One is the relationship of \u201clearned\u201d, or textual, magic to \u201cpopular\u201d magic and folk practices. Learned magic survived in the libraries\nin the manuscripts once copied by university magistri. Folk practices, in contrast, are often]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=318\nPages: 318\nhistorians of medicine. But history itself changed as a discipline. With a new value attached,\nfrom the mid-nineteenth century onwards, to examining the manuscript records of medieval medicine by German scholars like Julius Pagel and Karl Sudhoff, and French scholars\nlike Charles Daremberg, magical healing began to seem a subject worthy of serious study.\nFrom another direction, national movements to collect and study folk traditions (in time to\nbecome the discipline of \u201cFolkloristik\u201d) were beginning to build national corpora of charms\nand rituals whose development was understood as a continuous process from an era before\nthe beginning of written records. The publications resulting from this scholarly mining of\noriginal sources for medicine and magic were impressive in their size and scope, and modern\nhistorical scholarship has still only partially digested these findings.1\nThere has been a strong temptation in twentieth-century scholarship on medicine and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=398\nPages: 398\nThis may help move us away from an older formalist view of works and authors to a broader\nview of these men and their works as the sum total of their medieval readers\u2019 interpretations. In an essay published a few years ago, I looked at a few manuscripts with this in\nmind.52 One, a collection used at the abbey of Saint Martial (Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale\nde France, fonds latin 3713), makes clear that monastic activities ranged widely, from esoteric writing and superstitious rituals to the music of the monochord found in Pseudo-Odo\u2019s\nDialogue on Music. Another, compiled for the monks at Bury St. Edmunds (London, British\nLibrary, Royal 12 C VI), contains various works on writing, including a quirky offshoot\nof the Ars notoria and the musical treatise by Anonymous IV.53 Such an approach, centred\non the transmission of texts, can be useful for the further study of music and magic in the\nMiddle Ages.]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 186 to page 200 out of a total of 569:\nPages 186:\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nadstringit; suspicit caelum. sic ergo feliciore loco medietatis est positus, ut, quae infra se sunt,\ndiligat, ipse a se superioribus diligatur. colit terram, elementis velocitate miscetur, acumine mentis maris profunda descendit. omnia illi licent, non caelum videtur altissimum; quasi e proximo\nenim animi sagacitate metitur. intentionem animi eius nulla aeris caligo confundit, non densitas\nterrae operam eius impedit, non aquae altitudo profunda despectum eius obtundit. omnia idem\nest et ubique idem est.\n46 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 95: \u2018sed non habet homo omnia secundum idem tempus, sed in\ndiversis temporibus et in diversis individuis, et in eo invenitur efficacia omnium rerum hypocritorum verborum vegetabilium\u2019.\n47 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 97\u201398: \u2018Plato vero dixit in Libro Tegimenti, quod qui non fuerit\nopifex dialecticae ex qua fit pronus et elevatus intellectus agilis et expeditus, et qui non est eruditus\nin scientia naturali in qua declarantur mirabilia calidi et frigidi et in qua aperientur proprietates\ncuiuslibet entis in se, et qui non fuerit doctus in scientia astrologiae et in aspectibus et figuris stellarum ex quibus est unicuique eorum quae sunt sublimia virtus et proprietas, et qui non fuerit\ndoctus in scientia nigromantiae in qua manifestantur substantiae immortales, quae dispensant\net administrant omne, quod est in rebus ex bono et malo, non poterit intelligere nec verificare\n\u00adomnia quae philosophi scripserunt, nec poterit certificare omnia quae apparebunt sensibus hominum, et invadet eum tristitia animi, quoniam in illis rebus est mirabilitas omnium quae videntur\u2019;\npp. \u00ad99\u2013100: \u2018Merito ergo Plato dixit, quod qui non fuerit valde solers in dialectica et doctus in\nvirtutibus rerum naturalium, similiter in signis stellarum et nigromanticarum virtutum, non videbit\nrationabilitatem mirabilium, nec ipse sciet ea, et non communicabit thesaurum philosophorum\u2019;\n48 See n. 44.\n49 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 93: \u2018Non est secretum neque occultum gentibus, quoniam omne\nsimile adiuvet et confirmet suum simile et diligat et moveat, et amplectatur illud\u2019.\n50 S. Page, \u201cMagic at St. Augustine\u2019s, Canterbury, in the late Middle Ages,\u201d Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Warburg Institute, London 2000, 57.\n51 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 46\u201350; 86, 91, 93, 95, 97, 102, 105, 108, 112, 120, 123, 124, 127,\n131 134, 147, 150.\n52 Page, \u201cMagic at St. Augustine\u2019s,\u201d 59.\n53 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 110: \u201cEt in libro Cleopatrae: quando mulier accipit omni mense de\nurina mulae pondera duo, et bibit ipsam, non concipit\u201d; 111: \u201cEt dixit Galienus, quod quando folia\nacetosae comeduntur, solvunt ventrem, et quando bibitur semen eius, solvunt ventrem\u201d.\n54 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 108: \u201cEt in libro de theriaca Galieni dicitur, quod serpens, qui dicitur\nregulus, est subalbidus, supra cuius caput sunt tres pili, et quando videt eum aliquis, moritur statim,\net quando audit sibilum eius aliquis vel aliquid moritur, et omnis bestia quae comedit ex eo mortuo\netiam moritur.\n55 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 112: \u201cEt dixit Aristoteles: qui sedet super pellem leonis, recedunt\nab eo haemorrhoidae.\u201d\n56 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 114: \u201cSi vis ut mulier non corrumpatur nec quaerat viros, accipe\npriapum lupi, et pilos palpebrarum eius, et pilos qui sunt sub barba eius, et combure illud totum,\net da ei in in potu ipsa nesciente et nullum alium volet. Et dixerunt: quando mulier non vult virum\nsuum, tunc accipiat vir eius aliquid de sepo hyrcorum mediorum inter parvos et magnos, et liniat\ncum eo priapum suum, et coeat, ipsa enim amabit eum, et non coibit postea cum aliquibus.\n57 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 118: \u201cEt dicitur in libro Hermetis: quando proiicitur semen porri\nsuper acetum, recedit acetositas eius.\u201d\n58 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, \u201cEt dixit Belbinus: quando accipis albumen ovi et alumen, et lenis\ncum eo pannum et ipsum abluis cum aqua salis, sicca eum, prohibet ignem comburere.\u201d\n59 Ibid.: \u2018Et dixit alius, quando accipitur arsenicum rubrum et alumen et teruntur et conficiuntur cum\nsucco sempervivae et felle tauri, et linit cum eo homo manus suas, deinde accipit ferrum ignitum,\nnon comburit ipsum.\u201d\n60 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 130: Ut homines videantur habere quorumlibet animalium\ncapita, accipe sulphur vivum et lythargirium, et istis simul pulverizatis sparge in lampade oleo\nplena, habeantque candelam de cera virginea, quae permixta sit cum felle illius animalis, cuius\ncaput vis ut videatur habere tenens candelam accensam de lampadis igne; 139\u201340: Licinium\naliud, quod cum accenditur, omnia videntur alba et argentea: accipe lacertam unam nigram et\nabscinde caudam eius, et accipe quod exit, quia est simile argenti vivi. Deinde accipe licinium,\n167\n\nPages 187:\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\net madefac cum oleo, et pone ipsum in lampade nova, et accende, domus eius videbitur splendida\net alba velut argentata; 143: Si vis facere contrarium, scilicet imaginem aliquam hominis aut\nalterius, et quando ponitur in aqua, accenditur, et si extraxeris eam, extinguitur, accipe calcem non\nextinctam, et permisce eam cum aliquantulo cerae, et oleo sesami et naphta, id est terra alba, et\nsulphure, et fac ex illo imaginem: nam quando tu roborabis aquam, accendetur ignis; 144: Si vis\nfacere, ut quando aperis manus tuas super lampadem, extinguatur lumen, et quando claudis eas\nsuper eam, accenditur, et non cessat illud facere, accipe speciem quae dicitur spuma India et tere\neam, deinde confice eam cum aqua camphorae et line cum ea manus tuas, deinde aperi eas in facie\nlampadis, delebitur lumen eius, et claude eas et reaccendetur.\u201d\n61 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 145\u201346: Si vis portare in manu tua ignem, ut non offendat, accipe\ncalcem dissolutam cum aqua fabarum calida et aliquantulum magranculis et aliquantululm malvaevisci et permisce illud cum eo bene, deinde line cum eo palmam tuam, et fac siccari, et pone in\nea ignem et non offendat et non nocebit; 149\u201350: Experimentum mirabile, quod facit homines ire\nin ignem sine laesione vel portare ignem vel ferrum ignitum in manu. Recipe succum bismalvae et\nalbumen ovi et semen psilii et calcem, et pulveriza et confice; cum illo albumine ovi succi raphani\ncommisce. Ex hac confectione illinias corpus tuum vel manum, et dimitte siccari, et postea iterum\nillinias, et post hoc poteris audactersustinere ignem sine nocumento. Si autem velis ut videatur\nardere, illud linitum asperge de sulphure vivo bene pulverizato, et videbitur comburi, cum accendetur sulphur, et nihil ei nocebit: si in flammam candelae, quam quis tenet in manu, colophoniam\nvel picem graecam insufflaveris subtilissime tritam, mirabiliter auget ignem, et usque ad domum\nporrigit flammam. Ut ignem illaesus portare possis, cum aqua fabarum calida calx dissolvatur, et\nmodicum terrae rubeae de Messina, postea parum malvavisci adiicias, quibus in simul coniunctis vel commixtis palmam illinias et desiccari permittas, sic eum ignem quolibet illaesus portare\npoteris.\n62 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 150\u201351:\nAquam ardentem sic facies: recipe vinum nigrum spissum potens et vetus, et in una quarta\nipsius distimperabis, sulphuris vivi subtilissime pulverizati, tartarum de bono vino et salis\ncommunis albi grossi, postea pone in cucurbita bene plumbeata et desuper posito alambico\ndistillabis aquam ardentem, quam servare debes in vase vitreo. Ignem Graecum sic facies:\nrecipe sulphurem vivum, tartarum, sarcocollam, picollam, sal coctum, petroleum et oleum\ncommune, omnia fac bullire invicem bene, et si quid imponitur in eo, accendetur, sive lignum\nsive ferrum, et non extinguitur nisi urina, aceto vel arena.\n63 J. Riddick Partington, A History of Greek Fire and Gunpowder, intr. B.S. Hall (Baltimore, MD and\n\u00adLondon: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), 85.\n64 On the Italian translations of the Book of the Marvels, see R. Tarantino, \u201cLe traduzioni italiane del De\nmirabilibus mundi: il caso di due redazioni singolari,\u201d Studi filosofici 35 (2012): 51\u201373.\n168\n\nPages 188:\n13\nT h e not ion of prope rt i e s\nTensions between Scientia and Ars in medieval\nnatural philosophy and magic\nIsabelle Draelants\nThis chapter looks at a central notion used in medieval natural philosophy and magic: the\nproperties of creatures and substances, called proprietas, vis, virtus (or virtus specifica), qualitas or\neven natura. The importance of this concept comes from its use both in traditional Western\nthought, in order to define the nature of a thing or physical action, and in Arabic medicine, as an essential concept to explain a transformation or an effect. The first half of the\nthirteenth century was the time when these disciplines came together most intensely, because it was the period when we see the assimilation of Aristotle\u2019s natural philosophy and\nits commentators, and of the works of Arab physicians and philosophers which had been\ntranslated into Latin during the last hundred and fifty years. We also see in thirteenth-century\nscholasticism a growing curiosity about nature and about the science of the soul\u2019s faculties\n(\u201cpsychology\u201d, coming from the De anima of Aristotle), and a growing importance given to\ncausation, all of which enhanced considerably theories of knowledge and the study of perceptions and sensations. In this period, the comprehensive notion of natural property served\nequally to describe and define nature for educational purposes, and to explain natural or\nmagical properties for therapeutic or prophylactic purposes. Therefore, it helps us to address\nthe intellectual context of the birth of natural magic in medieval Europe as a peripheral\nbranch of natural philosophy.\nThe concepts of proprietas and virtus were the basis of the traditional study of De rerum\nnatura (The Nature of Things) in the West. Medieval scholars read and interpreted the\nnatural features of a body or a creature in terms of properties that allowed them to define\nit unequivocally. In the early thirteenth century, various explanatory traditions relating to\nphysical dynamics in the world were connected under a common term, \u201cproperty\u201d: 1. The\nconcept of the \u201cproperty and nature of things\u201d that underlay the traditional description of\nthe universe, 2. The description of a sensible effect (i.e. one that could be seen or felt) of a\ntransformation in the physical world, following Aristotelian physics. 3. A therapeutic operation, according to Arabic medicine, 4. The virtue of magical action. The notion of natural\nproprietas/virtus was particularly convenient for learned medieval thought, which was increasingly interested in causality and sensation, and it seemed, therefore, that it would play\na central role in medieval physics. However, in its relationship with magic, the notion of\nproperties did not have the expected epistemological success, for reasons that are partly due\nto competition between classifications coming from the various inherited sciences. Indeed,\n169\n\nPages 189:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nthe various traditions (Latin, Greek, Arabic) for classifying knowledge did not find a durable way to coexist in the West, at this time. First, medicine was attempting to gain a more\nimportant place as an intermediary between art and science, and second, the theoretical\nbranches of natural philosophy were coming to be defined according to the Aristotelian\nbooks on nature.\nAmid these epistemological developments, \u201cnatural magic\u201d was a paradox that \u00adstruggled\nto find its place in the West: in both a theoretical and practical sense, it also sought to marry\nthe natural and the extraordinary, while at the same time avoiding the trap of superstition.\nOver the following centuries, as religious orthodoxy became increasingly defined, and scholarly disciplines increasingly professionalized, the \u201cnaturalistic bet\u201d of natural magic was not\nwon, although there were still numerous attempts to legitimize it during the Renaissance.\nThis chapter seeks to clarify the meaning of \u201cnatural magic\u201d by focusing on the notion\nof the natural property in the thirteenth century, and examining the significant intellectual\ntraditions and textual sources at this crucial moment in medieval thought. The chapter is\ndivided into five parts: the first part examines the areas where the concept of property was\napplied; the second recalls the legacies and origins of this concept; the third is about the\ndiverse vocabulary of medieval magic; the fourth argues that nigromancy was accepted as the\nscience of properties and the final part examines attempts to theorize this science. The chapter\nconcludes with some new research directions that could fruitfully develop from the current\nstate of research.\nProprietas, vis/virtus, natura: the ubiquity of the notion\nof property in medieval natura rerum literature\nTraditionally, the term \u201cnature\u201d, for a thing, covers its essence, that is the set of constant and\nuniversal characteristics that distinguishes it from other things and enables it to be defined.\nPhilosophically, the form of a living being becomes approximately identified with its nature\n(physis) in its etiological and essential characterization. As for the properties of a living thing,\nthey represent its internal and external characteristics that allow us to describe it as belonging\nto a given species, but also to explain how it can be the origin of a transformation, called\noperatio in medieval treatises.\nIn the Middle Ages, the quest for the nature of things and the conception of their properties was rooted in the long literary tradition of the Latin Natura rerum literature (for example,\nVarro, first century AD), and more distantly in the collections of physika and paradoxa in\nHellenistic \u00adliterature. In the twelfth century, the exegetical, tropological tradition, which\nwas based on seeing the constant correspondences between things in the lower world as a\nreflection of the divine one, greatly influenced by Augustine of Hippo, was merged with\na new philosophical conception influenced by Aristotelianism and the humoural theory\nof Galenic medicine. \u00adPhysis then came to be seen as a reality apprehensible by the senses\n(a sensu), and physical transformations were explained by the four fundamental elements\n(earth, water, fire and air). Indeed, the craze for texts on natura rerum increased at the beginning of the thirteenth century, under the influence of two related factors: a new interest in\nnature for its own sake, and an explosion of the former quadrivium, now widened to \u201cnatural\nphilosophy\u201d, thanks to the translations of philosophical and medical texts from Arabic and\nGreek made during the twelfth century.\nIn the thirteenth century, the literature on nature and on the properties of things provided\nan encyclopaedic description of the world, using the new concepts of materia and forma, and\n170\n\nPages 190:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\norganizing reality according to the four sublunary elements. This approach competed with\n\u00ad exaemeron\nthe previous naturalistic discourse that was built according to the sequence of the H\nand described biblical realities.1 An excellent example of this new \u00adliterature is the prologue\nof the De proprietatibus rerum (1230\u201340) of the Franciscan Bartholomeus Anglicus.2 All these\nmedieval works on nature divided up reality into short descriptive notes that tried to understand the essence of every thing according to a number of properties or, ideally, a unique,\nsymbolic property. This univocity is more convenient for allegorical thought, as every thing\ncould play the role of a symbol, following the example of the Physiologus\u2019 animal sections.\nAt the same time, in the natural philosophy of the thirteenth century, in Latin and in\nHebrew,3 every compound sublunary body, whether it is mineral, vegetal or animal, was\nconstituted of elements and primary qualities which together made up its complexion. This\nconcept of complexion was well understood only after the translation from Arabic, in c. 1230,\nof the Aristotelian work De generatione et corruptione.4 As a consequence, whether in the field\nof physics, medicine, physiology, zoology or alchemy, the cause of a transformation was\nexplained by the effect resulting from the property of the body at the origin of this action.\nThe lapidaries are another rich scholarly literature describing natural properties. Often\nincorporated into natural history, summae, or pharmacopoeias, some \u201cscientific\u201d or \u201cphilosophical\u201d lapidaries aimed at describing and classifying the mineral realm and at explaining its chemical transformations and therapeutic applications. Most often, they took their\nmain inspiration from the fifth book of the Greek herbal of Dioscorides (which had undergone several revisions in Greek, and then in Latin, before the twelfth century), and from\nBook 16 of Isidore of Seville\u2019s Etymologiae, which classifies stones by colours and has as its\nmain source Book 37 of Pliny\u2019s Naturalis historia. Another ancient source was the syncretic\nGreek\u2013Latin Damigeron-Evax lapidary. We tend to think that all these sources were gathered together in the environment of Montecassino c. 1100, along with some of the first\nArabic contributions that emphasized celestial influences such as the Liber de gradibus, the\nPractica Pantegni of Constantine the African and the De physicis ligaturis of Qust \u0101 ibn Luq\u0101.5\nWritten at the end of the eleventh century, the poem Liber lapidum by the bishop of Rennes,\nMarbode, remained the most significant testimony of this kind of philosophical lapidary until\nthe remarkable rise of encyclopaedic lapidaries between 1220 and 1260. The De mineralibus\n(1250\u201363) of the Dominican Albertus Magnus offers, in this regard, a textbook example,\naccumulating all previous knowledge on the subject.6 Like the encyclopaedic lapidary of\nArnoldus Saxo (c. 1230\u201345), which is the main source of the second and third tractatus of\nAlbertus\u2019s Book 2, it also integrates lapidaries that deal with astrological seals, and these\nshow clear antique and Eastern influence. The most famous of these astrological lapidaries\nis the work of the Jew Zael, known under the name of Thetel\u2019s De sigillis in the versions\ntransmitted by Arnoldus Saxo and by Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9\u2019s De natura rerum (and consequently by Konrad von Megenberg and Camille Leonardi). In these astrological lapidaries,\nthe physical, medicinal and magical virtues of the stones are connected to a \u201cseal\u201d which is\nengraved, and which is supposed to strengthen the stone\u2019s basic virtue by making a connection to the celestial power (virtus celestis). To this category of astrological lapidaries, we can\nadd \u201cmagical\u201d lapidaries, where stones are treated as talismans that should be worn in order to benefit from their powers, and sometimes consecrated with incantations as well. The\nmineral section of the Kyranides collection,7 first written in Greek in the Alexandrine period\nand attributed to Hermes-Harpocration, and then translated into Latin c. 1168\u201369, is an\nexample with which we may compare the later pseudo-Albertinian De virtutibus herbarum,\nplantarum et animalium, probably compiled c. 1240. The latter constituted the first part of the\n171\n\nPages 191:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nso-called Liber aggregationis, an extremely famous collection of texts of natural magic, which\nwas printed more than 300 times during the next two centuries, despite the fact that only a\nfew manuscript copies are preserved.8\nIn the middle of the thirteenth century, the border was thin and sometimes invisible,\nbetween the diverse types of literature on the properties of stones. They merge together\nin Book 3 of Albertus Magnus\u2019 De mineralibus, as is shown by the following excerpt, which\n\u00ademphasizes the value of nigromancy as the science of natural, astrological and magical\nproperties. This passage appears in the book dedicated to astrological seals that are supposed to strengthen the intrinsic virtue of the stone:\nAfter that, it is necessary to speak about lapidary images and seals: although this\nsection is a part of nigromancy, according to this sort of nigromancy which is subordinated to astronomy, and that we say concerns images and seals. However, because\nof the quality of this knowledge, and because our companions wish to learn it from\nus, reckoning as completely unfulfilled and false whatever we can find written about\nthat by numerous [authors], we shall say something about it here. Because few\nknow the writing of the ancient wise men concerning lapidary seals, and it cannot\nbe known, unless one knows at the same time, astronomy, and magic things, and the\nnecromantic sciences. [\u2026].9\nApart from the De virtutibus lapidum and the De virtute universali of Arnoldus Saxo, there is no\ndoubt that one source in particular influenced Albert in his conception of how the lapidary\nvirtue was connected with the celestial virtue: the letter De physicis ligaturis or Epistola de incantationibus of the Arabic mathematician and astronomer Q\u00fbst\u0101 ibn Luq\u0101 (830\u2013910),10 an author\nthat Albertus confuses with Constantine the African,11 as does Roger Bacon. This treatise is\ndedicated to talismans and ligatures, i.e. amulets made from natural substances, which are\nto be carried in order to achieve a therapeutic effect. Q\u00fbst\u0101 ibn Luq\u0101, who used a Syriac or\n\u00adArabic version of the pseudo-Aristotelian lapidary, considers that stones and animal substances worn as amulets act by means of an occult property that he does not want to conflate with\ntheir nature: \u201cEgo quoque in multis antiquorum libris legi, suspensa collo suffragari o\u00ad cculta\nproprietate, non sua natura\u201d.12 Certain causes of physical movement, or actions (operationes) or\nproperties generated by certain bodies have effects that can be observed by e\u00ad xperience, that\nis to say, by perception using the five senses. This effect is expressed in Q\u00fbst\u0101 ibn Luq\u0101\u2019s final\nwords, after mentioning magnetic attraction and the inflammability of saltpetre:\nAll of which things, if not seen, we do not believe, yet if they are tested [tentata],\nthey are confirmed [certificantur]; and perhaps the sayings of the Ancients are to be\nconsidered the same way. The action of these things is therefore of the order of\nproperties and not of reasoning [enim actio ex proprietate est non rationibus]: this is why\nit cannot be understood by this pathway. Indeed, reasoning leads to understanding\nonly of what is accessible to the senses. Certain substances therefore sometimes\nhave a property that cannot be understood by reason because of its subtlety, providing nothing to the senses because of its great elevation.13\nThe physician Arnau of Villanova would later attach great importance to this opuscule in his\nown treatise against nigromancy, Epistola de reprobacione nigromantice fictionis.14\n172\n\nPages 192:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nThe concept of natural properties: legacies from Hellenistic,\nHermetic and Arabic thought\nIn naturalistic, medical and more particularly pharmacological Arabic literature relating\nto properties, the notion of khaw\u0101\u1e63\u1e63 (Pl. of kh\u0101\u1e63\u1e63a, \u202b )\u0629\u0635\u0627\u062e\u202cdominates. This notion continues\nthe Hellenistic neo-Pythagorean tradition of the \u03a6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1 developed in Egypt and Syria. It\nexpresses the specific quality that characterises a compound natural body, that is to say a\nspecific property (mujarrab\u0101t) that allows the physical transformation defined by the medieval\nword operatio. This quality is expressed by its effect, often without the cause being detectable or demonstrable by the usual laws of natural science. In the collections of properties\nrooted in the Greek tradition, such as the Kyranides,15 the components of the mixed bodies\nthat demonstrate these qualities are often introduced as pairs or triplets of associated qualities, linked by correspondences or mysterious sympathies. A Latin version of Ibn al-Jazz\u0101r\u2019s\n(d. 1004) Kit\u0101b al-Khaw\u0101\u1e63\u1e63, entitled the De proprietatibus, also survives, and this text became\nthe main source of The Book of the Marvels of the World (De mirabilibus mundi), a work claiming\nto pertain to natural magic which was sometimes attributed to Albertus Magnus.16 Ab\u00fb\nl-\u2019Al\u0101\u2019 Zuhr ibn \u2018Abd al-Malik (d. 1131), a Cordovan physician, wrote another book on occult\nsympathies, classifying numerous qualities in alphabetical order, illustrated with quotations\nfrom Hermes, Razi, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Serapio, Johannes Mesue, Galen, Diascorides and\nother Persian and Roman authors; there is some evidence to suggest that the contents of this\nbook were also transmitted in Latin.\nThe basis of a substance\u2019s khaw\u0101\u1e63\u1e63 is the mixture of the primary qualities of the four\nelements (air, fire, water, earth) in proportions which are determined during the composition of a natural body. This corresponds with the teaching of Galenic medicine, in which\nthe proper complexion of every body is determined by medical tradition, but the way in\nwhich the primary qualities are compounded is nevertheless not enough to explain the\noperations that result from the constitutions of certain compound bodies, which are owed\nto their specific form. The specific form constitutes the fourth and last kind of quality that\nArabic physicians employed to characterize a medicinal action. The action (operatio) of the\nspecific form is an \u201cadded value\u201d that can only be determined by experience. Avicenna,\nin his Canon, delivered the most precise definition of the specific virtue emanating from a\nsubstance taken in its entirety (i.e. linked to the substantial form), in order to complement\nGalenic complexion theory.\nIn formulating a theory of compound medicines, Avicenna established the essential\nmeaning of forma specifica as \u201cthat by which a thing is what it is [for] when simple elements\nmix with one another and an individual thing is generated from them, preparation is thus\nmade for the reception of a species and a form is added to what its simple elements possess.\nA specific form therefore imbued the substance with particular occult powers. This form\nis \u201cnot from primary qualities \u2026 nor from the complexion generated from them, but is\nperfected more than acquired following the aptitude that [the form] acquired from [the\nmatter\u2019s] complexion, as in the attractive force of a magnet.\u201d17\nThis Avicennian quotation appeared for the first time in Latin c. 1235, in the preface\nof Part 4 of Arnoldus Saxo\u2019s natural encyclopaedia, a work dedicated to the properties of\nthe so-called \u201cuniversal virtue\u201d,18 and whose matter was afterwards reused in Book 2 of\n\u00adA lbertus Magnus\u2019 De mineralibus. In these works and in most others, the emblematic example of a specific virtue is the magnet\u2019s attraction to iron.19 At the end of the thirteenth\ncentury, the virtus specifica, connected with tota substantia, supported by the assimilation of\n173\n\nPages 193:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nAvicenna\u2019s Canon, had become a causal commonplace in medicine. It was used in particular\nto explain the so-called \u201coccult\u201d action of poisons, which had been proved by experience,\nfor example by Jean of Saint-Amand (d. 1303) in Paris; by Arnau of Villanova (d. 1311) in\nMontpellier; by Pietro d\u2019Abano (d. 1316) in his De venenis; and also by Bernard of Gordon\n(d. 1320) in his Lilium medicinae.20\nIn natural magic, as in other works which discussed nature, the properties called \u201coccult\u201d, because their causes are invisible, are always considered in relationship with their\nactions (operationes). In fact, the word occult is related both to the nature of the object being\nstudied and to the methods of investigation used in medieval natural science.21 Thomas\nAquinas (c. 1225\u201374) traced the origin of occult properties to the heavens, 22 while others\nattributed them to the \u201csubstantial form\u201d of the matter itself. The latter is defined as follows\nby Saint Bonaventure: \u201cThe substantial form of every thing, considered in itself, is called\nessence and, is considered with regard to the operation, its nature.\u201d23\nIn natural philosophy, the notion of the \u201cspecific property\u201d was spread from the beginning of the thirteenth century in the West because it was a useful concept for causal explanation. It was part of a typically medieval desire to explain everything in a rational way in\norder to reach the universal truth and extend the boundaries of the known. It seems that the\nspecific virtue, which was known to Arabic physicians as the \u201cfourth virtue\u201d, was not really\nidentified as such in the West, but it penetrated into the compilations of natural properties\nthat linked the fields of natural philosophy and medicine to magic.24 Between the Middle\nAges and the Renaissance, this virtue passed from being seen as natural to supernatural.\nLargely illustrated by the Speculum astronomiae\u2019s listing of astrological and Hermetic works\n(see below), the concept of nigromancia lays on the borders of natural philosophy; its magical\npart could also be considered as natural, if it did not use incantations and malefic powers.\nBut little by little, the part of nigromantia which came to be defined as not natural became\npart of illicit occultism.\nThe medieval understanding and vocabulary of natural magic\nThe difficulty of defining \u201cnatural magic\u201d lies especially in the evolution of intellectual\n\u00adcategories between the Middle Ages and the present day, because the limits of and relations\nbetween science, magic and religion have changed so much that neither the retrospective\nvision of the progress of the sciences away from superstition (which is often employed in an\nanachronistic way by historians) nor anthropological distinctions between science and magic\nas formulated by modern structuralists as Marcel Mauss or Claude Levy-Strauss are useful.\nThe claim of medieval magic to be considered as a natural discipline, that is one in\n\u00adaccord with nature, also renders inadequate the current definitions of medieval magic that\nemphasize the use of tricks and rites to provoke extraordinary effects.25 Only a precise investigation of this transitional stage in intellectual history, which seeks to define the contents\nand the characteristics of a natural discipline that acts as an intermediary between science\nand art(ifice) in the classification of natural philosophy, seems able to answer the following\nquestions: Did the theoretical and philosophical texts, which some scholastic authors used\nto explain magical operations, give magic, in any sense, the status of a learned discipline?\nAnd for how long was it able to maintain this learned status? The discipline that scholars of\nthe thirteenth century called the science of properties (see below) seems to be a valid candidate\nfor the scholarly natural discipline that was defined as the \u201cnatural\u201d part of nigromancy. In\nthe thirteenth century, this discipline, which was both theoretical and practical at the same\n174\n\nPages 194:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\ntime, not only distinguished itself from ancient necromancy (defined as divination using\ncorpses, according to the definition infinitely repeated since Isidore of Seville)26 but it also\nextended beyond the territory of natural magic into the pure study of nature.\nIn the history of scholarship on magic, Lynn Thorndike was the first, in 1923, to find\nan adequate way of conceptualizing the domain of natural medieval magic as Experimental\nScience, that is to say a branch of knowledge that concerned the testing of certain effects by\nthe senses,27 whose repercussions would eventually develop into modern experimentation. A\ndiscipline that focused on effective, natural magic was an objective magic, that is to say that it\nwas intended to have an effect on objects or people other than the operator. It is also worth\nhighlighting that the works that transmit natural magic or claim to belong to it are testimonies to a learned discipline, not a popular practice, and argued from the basis of rationality,\nan important justification for medieval scholars. Two central medieval criteria that define\nnatural magic are, on the one hand, natural causality, and on the other hand, the exclusion\nof rites, invocations or charms aimed at devils or spiritual entities, purely deceptive illusions, and \u201ccharacters\u201d. These criteria allow us to exclude from the field of natural magic\nthe \u00adfollowing arts: ritual magic, the so-called \u201csolomonic\u201d magic, which seeks to subdue\ndemons; \u201ctheurgic\u201d or angelic magic, which uses sacraments to let the operator contact\nGod through angels \u2013 like the Ars notoria, which aimed at mastering universal knowledge \u2013\nand also the forms of magic, which seek to increase the natural, physical efficiency of an\naction by using talismans (astral magic) or incantations (demonic magic). As regards textual\nsources, natural magic has a more \u201cnative\u201d heritage in the Latin world than Solomonic\nmagic, which has distant Jewish roots, or than Hermetic magic. In c. 1255, these demarcations clearly appear the first time in an essential repertory for the knowledge of works\nfocusing on astral sciences: the Speculum astronomiae (see below).\nTo avoid anachronism, it is important to build on key medieval concepts and terminology. Generally speaking, when talking about magic, medieval Latin authors do not use the\nnoun magia, which appears only in the fifteenth century at the time of Marsilio Ficino, but\nrather adjectives magica (feminine singular or neutral, plural) or magicalis. Particularly in the\ncanonical literature or the penitentials, references are made to words such as ars magica/\nartes magicae that emphasize processes, tricks, fabrication, and demonic intervention, which\nare all considered to be superstitious practices. For instance, the words of Augustine in De\ndoctrina christiana, taken up by Gratian\u2019s Decretum, speak of artes magicae28 and, among the\nworks translated from Arabic, the De radiis attributed to Al-Kind\u00ee \u2013 which tries to offer a\nuniversal theory of the celestial influence on naturalia \u2013 bears in manuscript copies the name\nof Theorica artium magicarum (the \u201ctheory of the arts of magic\u201d).29 But it was in c. 1230 that\nthe bishop of Paris, William of Auvergne, first used the term ars magica naturalis (considered\nbelow) to refer to the knowledge of surprising natural phenomena that we can experience.\nThe word prestigia, or rather the expression in prestigiis, appears also to underline the\n\u00adprodigious illusions worked by the magus. It is used, for instance, in Isidore\u2019s Etymologiae,30\nand in the prologue of Ps.-Appolonius of Tyana\u2019s De secretis creaturae, which begins: in prestigiis\net prodigiorum novitate anmirandus.31 It is also found in the mineralogical notes of the naturalistic compendia, which list, among others, the following property for iscustos in unnatural\ncircumstances: et prestigiis valet contra dolorem oculorum (Arnoldus Saxo);32 or describe how it\nacts as a natural protection against magical illusions: veneficiis resistit omnibus et precipue magorum prestigiis (Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9, Liber de naturis rerum, 14. 40).33\nIt is significant that in some theoretical and practical contexts, however, natural magic\nis related to nigromancia. This is the case, for example, in the important work of spiritual\n175\n\nPages 195:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nastral magic entitled the Picatrix, which has roots in Harranian doctrines and dedicates\na whole chapter to the question quid sit nigromancia.34 This last term is frequently used in\nthe thirteenth century, in the context of both natural magic and astral divination, and it is\noften associated with a Toledan origin,35 reflecting both the origin of the translations that\nintroduced it and the reputation of this Spanish city in the teaching of magic. Astrology\nand other divinatory or magical sciences may well have been the prime driving forces for\nthe translating activity in Spain, as Charles Burnett has argued.36 In this context, it is likely\nthat the term nigromantia was used to describe magic in a broad sense, from the beginning\nof the twelfth century, by translators and scholars in touch with Arab culture, such as the\nSpanish Jew Petrus Alfonsi, who converted to Christianity at the very beginning of the\ntwelfth century and lived in al-Andalus before spending some years in England as a magister\nof Arts. These translators began to use the term nigromantia to translate the Arabic word\nsihr, which has no real Latin equivalent. A crucial question is why this term prevailed over\nprestigium or magica, which were also recorded in the Latin tradition. Once again, the answer\nlies most likely in the fame of the Isidorian words (\u201c\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd means dead and \u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b1 divination\u201d) that were constantly reiterated. The transmission of this quotation led to a confusion\nbetween necros and nigrum to identify a sort of ancient divination through the animation of\nthe dead or the use of the blood of dead bodies that was no longer a well-known practice\nat the time of Arabic\u2013Latin translations.37 The Isidorian distinction provided the word\nnecromancy, inherited from the semantic field of the demonic, as the correct designation for a\nnew multifaceted science, and was used to cover the recently translated works that did not\nqualify for other categories of knowledge.\nExperimenta and the birth of nigromancy as the \u201cScience\nof Properties\u201d at the beginning of the thirteenth century\nIn his Disciplina clericalis on the training of clerks, Petrus Alfonsi lists the six main liberal arts\nas follows: (1) dialectic (standing in for the rest of the trivium), and then (2) arithmetic, (3) geometry, (4) medicine (i.e. phisica), (5) music and (6) astronomy. But he said the following about\nthe seventh art: \u201cThe philosophers who are adept at prophecies say that the seventh art is\nnigromancia; some of those who do not, say it is philosophy \u2026 and those who do not study\nphilosophy say that it is grammar.\u201d38 It can therefore be inferred that for Petrus Alfonsi philosophy stemmed from an extended quadrivium and that nigromancia became the science that\nheaded all the subdivisions of philosophy. Petrus Alfonsi was more precise about the \u201cart\u201d of\nnigromancia in his Dialogus contra Judeos, which subdivided this science into nine sections. The\nfirst four concern the study of the four elements, characterizing the content of what became\n\u201cnatural magic\u201d in the West during the thirteenth century. According to Alfonsi, the other\nfive sections of nigromancia operated by means of the invocation of evil spirits. As has been\nshown by Charles Burnett, the division in the Speculum astronomiae of nigromancia into three\n\u00addisciplines \u2013 two unlawful and one permitted, \u201cdepending on whether they operate naturally\u201d or not, was thus prefigured by Petrus Alfonsi.39\nIn Toledo in the mid-twelfth century, Dominicus Gundisalvi, a Spanish translator of\n\u00adtreatises on natural philosophy, adapted the classification of sciences set out by Alfarabi\n(d. 950). In his De divisione philosophiae, Gundisalvi separated humana scientia, or what he\ncalled \u201cuniversal natural science\u201d (scientia naturalis universalis) into eight parts: (1) m\n\u00ad edicine,\n(2) \u00ad(astrological) judgements, (3) necromancy (nigromancia), specifying secundum physicam \u2013\nwhich recalls the interpretation given by Petrus Alfonsi, (4) the science of images, that is\n176\n\nPages 196:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nto say talismans or astral magic in a more general sense, (5) agriculture, (6) navigation,\n(7) the \u00adscience of mirrors (catoptrics) and (8) alchemy.40 Charles Burnett has shown that\n\u00adGundisalvi\u2019s division was taken from the De ortu scientiarum, a work on the division of\nsciences that was adapted from an anonymous Arabic work.41 This text probably also influenced Daniel of Morley, an Englishman who said that he went to Toledo at the end of the\ntwelfth century to observe the dynamism of the new Arabic sciences. In his Liber de naturis\ninferiorum et superiorum (between 1175 and 1187), he mentioned \u201cthose who calumniate astrology\u201d (astronomia).42 He classifies nigromancia among the eight sciences that derived from\nastrology and benefited from it. For Daniel of Morley, in comparison with the writings of\nGundisalvi, the scientia de prestigiis replaced navigation, and astrology took the predominant\nplace in a universal natural science divided into the following hierarchy: (1) scientia de iudiciis\n(astrological judgements), (2) de medicina, (3) de nigromancia \u201csecundum physicam\u201d, (4) de agricultura, (5) de prestigiis (illusionism),43 (6) de alchimia, (7) de ymaginibus (astrological images) \u201cwhich\nthe great and universal book of Venus published by Thoz Grecus transmitted,\u201d and finally\n(8) de speculis, catoptrics.\nIn the same vein, the translator Michael Scot uses the term scientia de proprietatibus as an\nequivalent of nigromancia. Both a translator of Arabic to Latin and an original author, he\nworked as an astrologer in Toledo and then in Sicily at the Court of Emperor Frederick II\nHohenstaufen. These three features make him a close witness to the establishment of new\nnotions coming from Arabic science. Before 1237 (the presumed year of his death), he offered a division of the sciences that only Vincent of Beauvais passed on.44 There, he placed\nnigromancia within practical philosophy, which was not the usual position of the quadrivium\nin the tree of sciences:\nAlso the practical (part of) philosophy is divided into three parts, of which the first\nis that which was invented on the model of natural things and pertains to natural\nthings [ad similitudinem naturalium et quae pertinet ad naturalia], such as medicine, agriculture, alchemy, and also the science which is concerned with the properties of things\n[scientia quoque de proprietatibus rerum], which is called nigromancia; but also the science\nconcerning the significations of things, which is called the science of judgements;\nmoreover, the sciences of optics, navigation and many other sciences which have a\nrelation to that part of theory which is called natural [partem Theoricae quae dicitur\nnaturalis], belong to it as if to its practical (part).45\nThis division agreed fundamentally with what we have read in the works of Dominicus\nGundisalvi and Daniel of Morley. However, it stresses three linked aspects that enrich the\ndefinition of nigromantia. First, the fact that all these disciplines are practical; this option for\nthe new sciences at a time when the quadrivium had changed was probably influenced by the\nlast part of the Didascalicon (bef. 1137) of Hugh of St. Victor, where the passage involving\ndivination (ch. 15) makes astrology a part of the mechanical sciences, said to be adulterine, that\ncopy natural reality by art or artifice.46 Second, the fact that the disciplines formed part of\nphilosophia naturalis insofar as they involved resemblances to the products of nature, naturalia\n(referred to as mixed bodies, as seen above). In the third place, the fact that as a result, nigromancia is par excellence the science of the properties of natural things (resulting from occult\ncauses), referring presumably to the word kh\u0101\u1e63\u1e63a, pl. khaw\u0101\u1e63\u1e63 in Arabic. Therefore, the works\ncompiling and listing the properties of stones, plants and animals in order to form collections\nof experimenta are part of natural science.\n177\n\nPages 197:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nThe Parisian bishop William of Auvergne seems to have been the first person in the\nWest to talk of \u201cnatural magic\u201d in the form of ars magica naturalis, in which he sees the\nnigromancia secundum physicam found in the writings of Gundisalvi and Daniel of Morley\nas part of natural science or astrology.47 However, he says that it is wrong to describe it\nin this way: \u201cthe science of this kind of operation [wonders that have natural causes but\nthat are considered by ignorant people to be the work of demons] is natural magic, that\nphilosophers call \u2018nigromanciam according to physics\u2019, but in a very inappropriate manner,\nand that is the eleventh part of natural science.\u201d48 From the context, we can understand\nthat William includes in natural philosophy magic, alchemy and the knowledge collected\nin the books of experimenta, all of which are acceptable to the Creator as they are all natural\nthings coming from his beneficence, and because their operations have natural sources.\nHe says something similar in his impressive De universo (written c. 1220, with additions until\n1240), where he draws a parallel between the knowledge of how human and animal organs\ncan be linked with \u201cspiritual substances,\u201d and seemingly used as amulets or talismans, and\n\u201cmagica naturalis as a part of natural science.\u201d49 Like Michael Scot, he associates \u201cmagic\nworks\u201d (opera magica) with \u201cnecromantic\u201d works in his chapter devoted to the arts of illusion\n(ludificationes \u2013 p\u00ad raestigium) in the introduction to the third part of the second volume of De\nuniverso, but the part of necromancy that is related to apparitions and the summoning of\ndemons is not considered to be natural and tends towards idolatry. 50 It should be stressed\nthat in the same part of De universo, in a passage concerning libri experimentorum in the\nchapter De tribus generibus magicorum operum, et de mirificis virtutibus quarundam rerum, William\nlinks the notion of the art of natural magic (ars magica naturalis) with the natural properties\nof the plants listed in these books. He underlines that this art of natural magic is much\npractised \u201camong the Indians,\u201d who were to the Arabs what the Arabs were to the Europeans, 51 and that the libri naturalium narrationum aim at explaining the causes of wonderful\nphenomena. In these so-called books, we may see works on de natura rerum and compilations\nde proprietatibus:\nFrom all that and from similar things which can be read in the books of experimenta,\nand in many books on nature, you could in one way or another know the cause and\nthe reasons for certain magical acts which are proper to natural magic (ex arte magica\nnaturali).52\nAgain in 2, pars 3, c. 25, 1 (col. 1060aG-H), William gives examples of natural virtues arising\nfrom the properties of natural (animal and vegetal) bodies. It therefore seems that William of\nAuvergne did not always draw a clear distinction between the marvellous effects of natural\nsubstances that have natural and knowable causes, and the wonders that result from vivification caused in nature by the action of a demon. He keeps the former within natural science\nand condemns the latter but he seems to consider that the term nigromancia applies to both\npractices.\nMagic was a particularly rich discipline in the Iberian Peninsula, especially under\nKing Alfonso X, who encouraged, from 1250 to 1260 onwards, the translation of Arabic\nworks into the vernacular, and sometimes into Latin afterwards. Among other works, he\nordered in 1256 the Castilian translation of the Gh \u0101y\u0101t al-hak\u00eem, a work written in Arabic\nprobably in the eleventh century, whose Latin version, retranslated from Castilian, was\ntitled Picatrix. This work transmitted the idea that nigromancia was a science, and attributed\nto Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra, a Sabean of the eleventh century, the idea that \u201cthe most noble part\n178\n\nPages 198:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nof astrology is the science of (astrological) images\u201d. 53 The \u201cnatural\u201d part of nigromancia\ndealing with natural properties seems then to have disappeared, in favour of the science\nof talismans and prestigia. 54 Consequently, in the Book of Seven Parts that bears the name\nof Alfonso X, there is in the seventh part a chapter devoted to the \u201cnigromancers\u201d (VII,\ntitle 24, law 2 and 3), giving the following definition: \u201cNigromancia dicen en latin a un saber\nestra\u00f1o que es para escantar los espiritus malos.\u201d55 This knowledge became the prerogative of\na few, which somehow manifests how it had failed to be recognized as an \u201chonest\u201d and\nuseful science.\nTowards a Western \u201cNatural\u201d magic: philosophical theorization\nand problems of orthodoxy\nThe thirteenth century was a period of dynamic assimilation of new knowledge coming\nfrom competing and complementary traditions that saw important strides in the classification and subdivision of the sciences. Medieval authors working at the crossroads of Jewish,\nArabic and Latin influences extended the scope of nature, out of a desire to explain the\ntransformations of the world in a rational way, and the need to make a distinction between\nwhat was lawful and what was forbidden, in order to build religious orthodoxy and draw the\nboundaries of superstition.56 In the medieval debate about the interrelations of religion, science, magic and superstition, the scholastics revised the definition of superstition to include\nincorrect or improper Christian practice, usually on the basis of Gratian\u2019s Decretum. The final\nresult was that in the late Middle Ages, Christian thinkers endorsed the thoughtful deployment of natural and divinely aided magic.\nThe Speculum astronomie attributed to Albertus Magnus illustrates plainly the rational\npreoccupation to list works covering \u201castral science\u201d and to identify the works that were\nsuspected of employing demonic intervention.57 The author justifies the \u201cnaturalness\u201d of\ntalismans by arguing that the power that acts through them is a natural virtue used by man.\nHe succeeds in rendering the science of talismans compatible with Aristotelian science and\nChristian rational theology, by referring to the theory of the hierarchy of causes and subtracting phenomena from the devil, while preserving free will. 58\nThe animation of mixed bodies must be limited to recognizing or stimulating in them\nthe action of their specific virtue, as in encyclopaedic pharmacopoeias or lapidaries, and\nnot, in addition, employing the calling up of demons by invocations and inscriptions.\nWithin the broad field of scholastic natural philosophy, this limit marks the boundary of\nthe study of naturalia in the \u201cbooks of experiments\u201d mentioned several times by William\nof Auvergne;59 but natural properties are also described in the lists of stones, plants and\nanimals in thirteenth-century encyclopaedias. However, this did not make them worthy\n\u00ad igromantic works. The sources they use gather together various clasof being called n\nsical and patristic Latin authors of compilations about nature, such as Pliny the Elder,\nAmbrose of Milan, I\u00ad sidore of Seville, but also authorities coming from late Hellenistic\nAntiquity, such as Hermes, Evax and Aaron, Belbetus-B \u0101 linus (Apollonius of Tyana),\nPs-Aesculapius and Thetel the Jew, all these last close enough to the ancient tradition of\nphysika.\nWith Marsilio Ficino\u2019s translation of the Corpus hermeticum at the end of the fourteenth\ncentury grows a learned magic increasingly ruled by platonism and hermetism; the principle of universal animation spreads and magic is addressed as an anti-religion heresy,\ncausing a clearer and different split from the thirteenth century.60\n179\n\nPages 199:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nFuture directions\nDavid Pingree traced the routes of the spreading of magic as an independent art, surveying\nthe movement and transmission of magical texts.61 This initial mapping of the dissemination\nof magic (dealt with in more detail elsewhere in the volume) deserves to be put to the test\nand qualified, by an investigation dealing with the regional assimilation of the distinctive\ndoctrinal concepts of medieval physics such as specific \u201cforce\u201d, \u201cproperty\u201d and \u201cform\u201d, and\n\u201coccult virtue\u201d. Among the concepts that deserve to be explored more deeply, it seems that\nthe shared territory and the slight differences between \u201cuniversal virtue\u201d, virtus celestis, and\nthe platonic and neo-platonic doctrines of anima mundi should be further investigated to establish new definitions, bearing in mind both the importance of textual source transmission\n(Greek, Jewish and Arabic hermeticism) and all the areas in which these concepts were applied: medicine, astrology, sciences of the properties, mineralogy and talismans. It would also\nbe useful to further explore the doctrinal connections with the theory of rays that is found in\nthe works of Ps.-Al-Kindi, Roger Bacon or later Agrippa von Nettesheim.\nFurthermore, the importance of Toledo in the philosophical Arabic\u2013Latin translations\nhas been thoroughly studied for the twelfth century, to the extent of being overestimated at\nthe expense of other regions, but the map of the dissemination of knowledge through medieval translations has been extended and become far more diversified. Very recently, the\nscholarly gaze, criticized for being too Eurocentric, is starting to look not only at the original\nproductions in Greek, Syriac, Arabic and Hebrew but also towards the intellectual context of\nthe areas in which these texts were produced, and to retrieve them and assess their sources.\nThis trend must continue and should perhaps revisit nineteenth-century orientalism, which\nhad the advantage of considering various textual contents, without drawing an unnatural\nborder between the various civilizations and languages that produced or received them.\nTo give an example that probably led to the legend of the Faustian pact, it would be worth\nexamining in greater depth and on a comparative basis the recurring theme of the magus\u2019\ninitiation, crystallized in some medieval Western tales in the form of the meeting between\na member of a religious order and a Toledan necromancer which results, sometimes briefly,\nin an agreement giving privileged knowledge of magic. The pattern can already be identified in Syriac literature but also in the pseudo-Clementinian tradition in Ethiopian, Latin\nand Spanish, in the form of the teaching of magic to \u00cedh\u0101 sh\u00eer or Ardeshir (in the Syriac\nCave of Treasures)62 or to \u2018Esdzir (in the Ethiopic \u201cQalementos\u201d, the seven-book Revelation\nof Peter to Clement).63 It may be compared with the episode featuring the future pope\nGerbert of Aurillac64 (e.g. in William of Malmesbury\u2019s Gesta regum Anglorum, in the Chronicle\nof Pseudo-Turpin or in Michael Scot\u2019s Liber introductorius) and all its later variations (such as\nSalimbene de Adam\u2019s Chronicle).\nIn medieval scholasticism, a particular science is defined by its interest in the nature of a\nbeing and its properties. The concept of property and virtue, on which we have particularly\nfocused in this chapter, needs to be explored further as it became integrated into various\nphilosophical disciplines in the period by focusing on a single author, and on a comparative\nbasis by focusing on various medieval authors and various languages. In this way, the definition of property in Albertinian works on natural philosophy, such as the De mineralibus, De\nanimalibus and De vegetabilibus et plantis, should be investigated in comparison with the term\u2019s\nmeanings in his Logic, a work which was strongly influenced by the grammatical legacy of\nAvicenna, Al-Ghazz\u0101 li and Al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u00ee. This is shown for instance in this section of Albert\u2019s\ncommentary on Porphyrian Isagog\u00e8, dealing with the unequivocal property of \u201cbiting\u201d:\n180\n\nPages 200:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nThe various names of various things are equivocal, owing to the fact that the one\nwho imposes [these names] was influenced in instituting them, by the various properties of various things, like \u201chorse\u201d and \u201cdonkey\u201d. [Names] are equivocal when a\nname was imposed on various things, but according to a diversity of definitions,\nowing to the fact that some unique property found in these various things, influences the ones who name them; however, this property cannot be found in them\naccording to a single definition. For instance, \u201cdog\u201d: this name was imposed on [the\nanimal] able to bark, on a celestial star, and on a sea fish because of a single property found in them, which is that all these things can bite, although they do so not\naccording to a single definition.\u201965\nThis chronological horizontal approach will also provide a better and more detailed appreciation of the difference of the treatment of the physical concept in pseudepigraphic works\nattributed to a key author such as Albert us Magnus. But the concept should a\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 186 to page 200 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 201 to page 213 out of a total of 569:\nPages 201:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\n2 Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum, vol. I, Prohemium, ed. H. Meyer; Libri I-IV, ed. M.W.\nTwomey (book 1); B. Roling (book 2); R.J. Long (books 3\u20134) De diversis artibus 78 (Turnhout:\nBrepols, 2007).\n3 The notion of segulah [property/virtue] is significant for the study of late medical Hebrew works,\nas noted by the way M. Steinschneider, giving the example of Meir Aldabi in 1360: M\n\u00ad auritz\n\u00adSteinschneider, Zur pseudo-epigraphischen Literatur, insbesondere ueber die geheimen Wissenschaften des\n\u00adMittelalters aus hebraeischen und arabischen Quellen (Berlin: 1862), 41.\n4 Giovanna R. Giardina, La Chimica Fisica di Aristotele. Teoria degli elementi e delle loro propriet\u00e0. Analisi\ncritica del De generatione et corruptione (Roma: Aracne editrice, 2008).\n5 The works of Qust\u0101 and Constantine were probably transmitted together when an alphabetical version of the mineralogical Book 5 of Dioscorides\u2019 lapidary was made. An alphabetical version of\nDioscorides\u2019 lapidary is attributed to Constantine the African in Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, MS Med.\n6, fol. 28v\u201329r: Incipit prologus sequentis libri per alfabetum transpositi secundum Constantinum. Ed. Colle, 1478\n(based on Ms. Paris, B.n.F. lat. 6820), also with Pietro d\u2019Abano\u2019s glosses, and \u00adLyons, 1512.\n6 Isabelle Draelants, \u201cLa science encyclop\u00e9dique des pierres au 13e si\u00e8cle: l\u2019apog\u00e9e d\u2019une veine\nmin\u00e9ralogique,\u201d in Aux origines de la g\u00e9ologie de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 au Moyen \u00c2ge. Actes du colloque international\n10\u201312 mars 2005, Paris Sorbonne (Paris IV), ed. C. Thomasset, J. Ducos, and J.-P. Chambon (Paris:\nChampion, 2010), 91\u2013139.\n7 Louis Delatte, Textes latins et vieux fran\u00e7ais relatifs aux Cyranides (Li\u00e8ge-Paris: Droz, 1942).\n8 Ed. and study of the sources: Isabelle Draelants, Le Liber de virtutibus herbarum, lapidum et\nanimalium (Liber aggregationis), Un texte \u00e0 succ\u00e8s attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Albert le Grand (Florence: Sismel \u2013Edizioni\ndel Galluzzo, 2007).\n9 Albertus Magnus, De mineralibus II, tr. 3, c. 1, ed. A. Borgnet, Opera omnia, V, 1895, 48b\u201349a.\nDe imaginibus autem lapidum et sigillis post haec dicendum est: licet enim pars ista sit pars\nnecromantiae [mss: nigromancia] secundum illam speciem necromantiae quae astronomiae subalternatur, et quae de imaginibus et sigillis vocatur: tamen propter bonitatem doctrinae, et quia illud\ncupiunt a nobis scire nostri socii, aliquid de hoc hic dicemus, omnino imperfecta et falsa reputantes quidquid de his a multis scriptum inuenitur. Antiquorum enim sapientium scripturam\nde sigillis lapidum pauci sciunt, nec sciri potest nisi simul et astronomia et magica et necromantiae\nscientiae sciantur. [\u2026] Volo autem primo narrare quae vidi, et expertus sum ego ipse, et postea\nostendere causam. [\u2026]\n10 Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, eds., \u201cQust\u0101 ibn L\u00fbq\u0101\u2019s Physical ligatures and the Recognition\nof the Placebo Effect,\u201d Medieval Encounters 1, no. 1 (1994): 1\u201350; Roberto Casazza, \u201cEl De physicis\nligaturis de Costa ben Luca: Un tratado poco conocido sobre el uso de encantamientos y amuletos\ncon fines terap\u00e9uticos,\u201d Patristica et Mediaevalia 27 (2006): 87\u2013113.\n11 \u201cCostabulence\u201d (cf. Albertus Magnus, De mineralibus, II, tr. 3, c. 6, De ligaturis et suspensionibus lapidum,\nin Borgnet, Opera Omnia, 55 and 56, where Q\u00fbst\u00e2 is mentioned with Hermes and Zeno from a quotation found in Arnoldus Saxo\u2019s De virtute universali). Cf. Isabelle Draelants, \u201cExp\u00e9rience et autorit\u00e9s\ndans la philosophie naturelle d\u2019Albert le Grand,\u201d in Expertus sum. L\u2019exp\u00e9rience par les sens en philosophie naturelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale. Actes du colloque international de Pont-\u00e0-Mousson, 5-7 f\u00e9vrier 2009, ed. Th. B\u00e9natou\u00efl\nand I. Draelants (Florence: Sismel \u2013 Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011) 89\u2013122, see 97.\n12 Wilcox and Riddle, \u201cQust\u0101 ibn L\u00fbq\u0101\u2019s Physical ligatures,\u201d 34.\n13 Wilcox and Riddle, \u201cQust\u0101 ibn L\u00fbq\u0101\u2019s Physical ligatures,\u201d 37\u201338.\n14 Arnaldi de Villanova opera medica omnia, VII.1, Epistola de rebrobacione ficcionis (De improbatione m\n\u00ad aleficiorum),\ned. Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt (Barcelona, 2006). See in particular the Commentary on occult property,\n153\u201359.\n15 Cf. Julius R\u00f6hr, Der okkulte Kraftbegriff im Altertum, Philologus, Supplementband 17,1 (Leipzig:\n\u00adDieterich, 1923), 96\u2013133, about ancient conceptions of dynamis, energeia, praxis, and potentia, potestas,\nefficacia, virtus.\n16 I.e. the second part of the Liber aggregationis. ed. Antonella Sannino, Il De mirabilibus mundi tra\ntradizione magica e filosofia naturale (Florence: Sismel \u2013 Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011), where the following manuscripts are not mentioned: Montpellier, \u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, H. 277, and Milano, Bibl.\n\u00adAmbrosiana, G. 89 sup.\n17 See Avicenna, Liber canonis, I, fen 2, doct.2, Sun.1, cap. 15, \u00e9d. Lyon, 1522, f. 29v\u201330r. On the\nconnections between specific qualities and the tota substantia made by Galen and his successors,\n182\n\nPages 202:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nsee Brian P. Copenhaver, \u201cThe Occultist Tradition and its Critics,\u201d in The Cambridge History of\nSeventeenth-Century Philosophy, vol. I, ed. Daniel Garber and Michael Ayers (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1998), 454\u2013512, esp. 459.\n18 Isabelle Draelants, \u201cLa virtus universalis: un concept d\u2019origine herm\u00e9tique? Les sources d\u2019une\n\u00adnotion de philosophie naturelle apparent\u00e9e \u00e0 la forme sp\u00e9cifique,\u201d in Hermetism from Late Antiquity\nto \u00adHumanism. La Tradizione Ermetica dal Mondo Tardo Antico all\u2019Umanesimo, Atti del Convegno Internazionale\ndi Studi (Napoli, 20\u201324 novembre 2001), ed. Paolo Lucentini, Ilana Parri and Vittoria Perrone\n\u00adCompagni (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 157\u201388.\n19 The virtus occulta is already used to mean the natural but extraordinary attractive power of a fish\ncapable of delaying a boat in Alexander Neckam\u2019s De naturis rerum (c. 1200), I, c. 43, ed. Thomas\nWright (London: Longman, 1863), 156.\n20 For these examples, see Frederick W. Gibbs, \u201cSpecific Form and Poisonous Properties: \u00adUnderstanding\nPoison in the Fifteenth Century,\u201d Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural 2, no. 1\n(2013): 19\u201346, esp. 24 and Le poison et ses usages au Moyen \u00c2ge, Cahiers de Recherches M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 17 (2009),\ned. Frank Collard, in particular the article by Jo\u00ebl Chandelier, 23\u201338.\n21 N. Weill-Parot has recently published on the concept of the \u201coccult\u201d in the Middle Ages and\nRenaissance. See especially, Points aveugles de la nature. L\u2019occulte, l\u2019attraction magn\u00e9tique et l\u2019horreur du vide\n(XIIIe-milieu du XV e si\u00e8cle), (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2013), 57, about the meaning of the \u201cspecific\nform\u201d and its confusion with the \u201csubstantial form\u201d: 64 ff., \u201cle terme occultus et ses emplois,\u201d and\n164 ff., \u201cNature et origine de la vertu magn\u00e9tique.\u201d\n22 On the discussion of the substantial form by Thomas Aquinas, see Paul Richard Blum, \u00ad\u201cQualitates\noccultae: Zur philosophischen Vorgeschichte eines Schl\u00fcsselbegriffs zwischen Okkultismus\nund \u00adWissenschaft,\u201d in Die okkulten Wissenschaften in der Renaissance, ed. August Buck (Wiesbaden:\n\u00adHarrassowitz, 1992), 45\u201364, esp. 50\u201351 and Sancti Thomae de Aquino, De operationibus occultis\n\u00adnaturae ad quendam militem ultramontanum, in Opera omnia iussu Leonis XIII P. M. edita, vol. 43: Opuscula\nIV, ed. H.F. Dondaine (Rome: Editori di San Tommaso, 1976), 159\u201386.\n23 Bonaventura, Commentaria in quattuor libros Sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi, I, dist. xxxi, pars 2,\ndub. 5, in Opera omnia, ed. studio et cura PP. Collegii a S. Bonaventura, vol. 1, 2 (Ad Claras Aquas,\nQuaracchi: ex typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, 1883), 551.\n24 There is a large scholarship on this. See, for example, Albert Heinekamp and Dieter Mettler, eds.,\nMagia naturalis und die Entstehung der modernen Naturwissenschaften, Studia Leibnitiana 7, \u00ad(Wiesbaden, 1978);\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cScholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic in the De vita of Marsilio\nFicino,\u201d Renaissance Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1984): 523\u201354; John Henry, \u201cOccult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy: Active Principles in Pre-Newtonian Matter Theory,\u201d History of Science 24\n(1986): 335\u201381; Brian P. Copenhaver, \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scientific Revolution,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas 52 (1991): 373\u201398;\nLorraine Daston and Katherine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature (New York: Zone Books, 1998);\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cNatural Magic, Hermeticism, and Occultism in Early Modern Science,\u201d in\nReappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. David Lindberg and Robert Westman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 261\u2013301; Keith Hutchison, \u201cDormitive Virtues, Scholastic Qualities, and the New Philosophies,\u201d History of Science 29 (1991): 245\u201378; Gundolf Keil, \u201cVirtus occulta:\nDer Begriff des empiricum bei Nikolaus von Polen,\u201d in Die okkulten \u00adWissenschaften in der Renaissance,\ned. August Buck (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1992) 159\u201396; Graziella \u00adFederici \u00adVescovini, \u201cLa\nconcezione della virtus occulta nella dottrina medica di Arnaldo di Villanova e di Pietro d\u2019Abano,\u201d in\nEcriture et r\u00e9\u00e9criture des textes philosophiques m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse and Olga Weijers (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 107\u201335; Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cProprietas: las propriedades ocultas seg\u00fan Arnau\nde Vilanova,\u201d Traditio 63 (2008): 327\u201360; N. Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrology, Astral Influences and Occult\nProperties in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,\u201d Traditio 65 (2010): 201\u201330.\n25 Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cMagie,\u201d in Dictionnaire du Moyen \u00c2ge, ed. Claude Gauvard, Alain De Libera\nand Michel Zinck (Paris: Quadrige/PUF, 2002), 863\u201364.\n26 Isidorus Hispalensis, Etymologiae 8, c. 9, 2\u20133 and 10\u201311, ed. Wallace M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911; 2nd\ned., 1957). The text is almost literally the same in Isidore\u2019s De natura rerum, 15, c. 4, De magis. On the\nsustained influence of this Isidorian definition, see Isabelle Draelants, \u201cMagica vero sub philosophia\nnon continetur: Statut des arts magiques et divinatoires dans les encyclop\u00e9dies et leurs auctoritates, c.\n1225\u20131260,\u201d in Geomancy and Other Forms of Divination, Micrologus\u2019 Library 87, ed. Irene Zavaterro\nand Alessandro Palazzo (Florence: Sismel \u2013 Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2017), 463\u2013518.\n183\n\nPages 203:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\n27 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University\nPress, 1923).\n28 Gratianus, Decretum, Pars 1, causa 26, qu. 2, in Corpus Iuris Canonici, vol. 1, ed. E. Friedberg (Leipzig,\n1879, repr. Graz, 1959).\n29 Al-kindi, De radiis, ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Fran\u00e7oise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du Moyen Age 41 (1974): 139\u2013260; Pina Travaglia, Magic, Causality and Intentionality.\nThe \u00adDoctrine of Rays in al-Kind\u00ee, (Florence: Sismel \u2013 Edizioni del Galluzzo, 1999). Transl. (French)\nAl-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, traduction, commentaire et notes par Didier Ottaviani (Paris: Allia, 2003).\n30 Isidore, Etymologiae 8. 9, \u00a7 3 (borrowed as well by Decretum, Pars 1, causa 26):\nApud Assyrios autem magicae artes copiosae sunt testante Lucano: Quis noscere fibra facta\nqueat, quis prodat aves, quis fulgura caeli servet, et Assyria scrutetur sidera cura? Itaque haec\nvanitas magicarum artium ex traditione angelorum malorum in toto terrarum orbe plurimis\nsaeculis valuit. Per quandam scientiam futurorum et infernorum et vocationes eorum inventa\nsunt aruspicia, augurationes, et ipsa quae dicuntur oracula et necromantia. Nec mirum de magorum praestigiis, quorum in tantum prodiere maleficiorum artes ut etiam Moysi simillimis signis\nresisterent, vertentes virgas in dracones, aquas in sanguinem.\n31 Ed. Fran\u00e7oise Hudry, \u201cLe De secretis nature du pseudo-Apollonius de Tyane, traduction latine par\nHugues de Santalla du Kit\u00e2b sirr al-hal\u00eeqa de Balinus,\u201d Chrysopoeia 6 (1997\u20131999): 1\u2013153.\n32 Arnoldus Saxo, De virtutibus lapidum, in an enlarged manuscript copy of Ms. Heidelberg, Pal. germ.\n263, fol. 165r.\n33 Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, Teil I: Texte, ed. Helmut Boese (Berlin and New York:\nDe Gruyter, 1973), 363.\n34 Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Gh\u00e2yat Al-Hak\u00eem. Text, Introduction, Appendices, Indices, ed. D\n\u00ad avid\n\u00adPingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986). See also Vittoria Perrone Compagni, \u201cPicatrix\n\u00adlatinus. \u00adConcezioni filosofico-religiose e prassi magica,\u201d Medioevo 1 (1975): 237\u201370; Images et magie:\n\u00adPicatrix entre Orient et Occident, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, A. Caiozzo, Nicolas Weill-Parot in Sciences,\n\u00adTechniques et Civilisations du Moyen \u00c2ge \u00e0 l\u2019aube des Lumi\u00e8res, ed. D. Jacquart and Cl. Thomasset (Paris:\nChampion, 2011).\n35 E.g. in the works of Anglo-Norman Benedictine William of Malmesbury c. 1120, Gesta rerum\n\u00adAnglorum, vol. 1, II, 168, 3, ed. and trans. R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 284,\nand N. Bubnov, Gerberti Opera mathematica (972\u20131003), (Berlin, 1899), 386\u201388); by Henry of Andeli,\nbefore 1229, in the satirical work Bataille des sept ars, ed. Alain Corbellari, Les Dits d\u2019Henri d\u2019Andeli,\nLes classiques fran\u00e7ais du Moyen \u00c2ge 146, (Paris: Champion, 2004).\n36 Charles Burnett, \u201cAstrology, Astronomy and Magic as the Motivation for the Scientific \u00adRenaissance\nof the Twelfth Century,\u201d in The Imaginal Cosmos: Astrology, Divination, and the Sacred, ed. Angela Voss\nand Jean Hinson Lall (Canterbury: University of Kent Press, 2007), 55\u201361.\n37 E.g. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae 2\u20132, qu. 95, art. 3, corpus. Literally translated by the Fathers\nof the English Dominican Province (London, 2nd and revised ed., 1920):\nWhen demons are expressly invoked, they are wont to foretell the future in many ways.\nSometimes they offer themselves to human sight and hearing by mock apparitions in order\nto foretell the future: and this species is called \u2018prestigiation\u2019 because man\u2019s eyes are blindfolded [ praestringuntur]. Sometimes they make use of dreams, and this is called \u2018divination\nby dreams\u2019: sometimes they employ apparitions or utterances of the dead, and this species is\ncalled \u2018necromancy,\u2019 [nigromancia] for as Isidore [Isidorus \u2026 in libro etymol.] observes in Greek,\n\u03bd\u03b5\u03ba\u03c1\u03cc\u03bd [nigrum] \u201cmeans dead and \u03bc\u03b1\u03bd\u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03b1 divination, because after certain incantations\n[ praecantationibus] and the sprinkling of blood, the dead seem to come to life, to divine and\nto answer questions. Sometimes they foretell the future through living men, as in the case of\nthose who are possessed: \u2026 Sometimes they foretell the future by means of shapes or signs\nwhich appear in inanimate beings.\n38 Petrus Alfonsi, Disciplina clericalis, ed. Alfons Hilka and Werner S\u00f6derhjelm, I, Lateinischer Text, Acta\nsocietatis scientiarum Fennicae 38.4, (Helsinki, 1911), 10; on Petrus Alfonsi and necromancy, see\nBurnett, \u201cTalismans: Magic as Science? Necromancy among the Seven Liberal Arts,\u201d art. I in in\nCharles Burnett, Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1996).\n39 Burnett, \u201cTalismans: Magic as Science,\u201d 4\u20135.\n184\n\nPages 204:\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\n40 Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae, ed. Ludwig Baur, Beitr\u00e4ge zur Geschichte\nder Philosophie des Mittelalters 4, 2\u20133 (M\u00fcnster i. W.: Aschendorff, 1903), 20.\n41 Burnett, \u201cTalismans: Magic as Science,\u201d 2. On the influence of the eight species of natural science\nin De ortu scientiarum on the thought of Gundisalvi: \u201cTwo Approaches to Natural Science in Toledo\nin the Twelfth Century,\u201d in Christlicher Norden \u2013 Muslimischer S\u00fcden. Anspr\u00fcche und Wirklichkeiten von\nChristen, Juden und Muslimen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel im Hoch- und Sp\u00e4tmittelalter, ed. Matthias M.\nTischler and Alexander Fidora (M\u00fcnster i. W.: Aschendorff, 2011), 69\u201380.\n42 Gregor Maurach, \u201cDaniel von Morley Philosophia,\u201d Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 14 (1974): 204\u201355, esp. 239.\n43 On the science de prestigiis and the science of images, and on the influence of Adelard of Bath\non Daniel of Morley in this respect, see Charles Burnett, \u201cTh\u00e2bit ibn Qurra the Harr\u00e2nian on\n\u00adTalismans and the Spirits of the Planets,\u201d La Cor\u00f3nica 36 (2007): 13\u201340, esp. 19\u201320.\n44 This was shown by Charles Burnett, \u201cVincent of Beauvais, Michael Scot and the \u2018New Aristotle\u2019,\u201d\nin Lector et compilator. Vincent de Beauvais, fr\u00e8re pr\u00eacheur. Un intellectuel et son milieu au XIIIe si\u00e8cle, ed. Serge\nLusignan and Monique Paulmier-Foucart, Rencontres \u00e0 Royaumont (Gr\u00e2ne: Cr\u00e9aphis, 1997),\n189\u2013213.\n45 Speculum naturale 1, c. 16, ed. Burnett, \u201cVincent of Beauvais, Michael Scot,\u201d 200\u2013201.\n46 Hugo de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon, II, ed. C. Buttimer, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance\nLatin 10 (Washington: The Catholic University Press, 1939), 1639: Also in Epitome Dindimi in philosophiam, ed. Buttimer, 197.\n47 On this claim of \u201cnaturality\u201d for magic, see Thorndike, History of Magic, II, 81 and 346\u201363, and\nRichard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review 99\nno. 3 (1994): 813\u201336, esp. 819.\n48 I thank Jean-Patrice Boudet for showing me an alternative manuscript reading of this passage\nafter my lecture on \u201cNigromancy\u201d held at Louvain-la-Neuve (Belgium) on 7 February 2007. \u201cEt de\nhuiusmodi operibus est magica naturalis, quam nigromanciam secundum phisicam philosophi \u00advocant, licet\nmultum improprie, et est totius scientie naturalis pars undecima\u201d: William of Auvergne, De \u00adlegibus, c. 24,\nParis, BnF. MS lat. 15755, fol. 71vb, quoted by Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et \u2018\u00adnigromance\u2019.\n\u00adAstrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-XV e si\u00e8cles), (Paris: Publications de la\nSorbonne, 2006), 128, rather than the incomprehensible reading of the edition of Hotot, \u00adGuilielmus\n\u00adAlverniensis \u00adEpiscopus Parisiensis, Opera omnia, I, (Orl\u00e9ans-Paris, 1674) (repr. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1963),\n1, 69CDb.\n49 William of Auvergne, De universo 1, pars 1, end of c. 43, ed. Guilielmus Alverniensis Opera Omnia I, col.\n648Ga\n50 William of Auvergne, De universo 2, pars 3, Preface, ed. col. 1015Cb See also De Legibus 24, 1, col.\n67aB, about the fifth type of idolatry).\n51 These treatises may cover hermetic astral magic, which was studied by Pingree, \u201cIndian Planetary\nImages and the Tradition of Astral Magic,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 52 (1989)\u201d\n1\u201313 and Charles Burnett, \u201cArabic, Greek, and Latin Works on Astrological Magic attributed to\nAristotle,\u201d in Pseudo-Aristotle in the Middle Ages, (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 84\u201396.\n52 William of Auvergne, De universo 2, pars 3, c. 22, ed. col. 1060 Fb, and again col. 1065Aa (on the\nsubject of Indian experimentatores and illusionists). In De universo 1, pars 1, c. 43 is another mention of\nlibri naturales narrationum. On the identity of works in this category, see Steven P. Marrone, \u201cWilliam\nof Auvergne on Magic in Natural Philosophy and Theology,\u201d in \u2018Was ist Philosophie im Mittelalter\u2019,\nAkten des X. Internationalen Kongresses f\u00fcr mittelalterliche Philosophie der Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Internationale pour l\u2019\u00c9tude de la\nPhilosophie M\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 25. bis 30. August 1997 in Erfurt, ed. J. Aersten and Andreas Speer (Berlin, New\nYork: 1998), 741\u201348.\n53 Picatrix, I, V, 36, ed. Pingree, 23.\n54 The affirmation in the Picatrix is confirmed by the fact that the scientia de prestigiis came to the\nWest via the early twelfth-century translation by the Englishman Adelard of Bath of a work of\nTh\u0101bit ibn Qurr\u0101 named Liber prestigiorum Thebidis secundum Ptolomeum et Hermetem. According to\nDavid \u00adPingree, this was an early translation of De imaginibus, which was then translated again in the\nsecond quarter of the twelfth century by John of Seville and Limia. David Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion\nof Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze islamiche nel medio evo europeo,\nConvegno internazionale (Roma, 2\u20134 ottobre 1984), ed. Bianca Scarcia Amoretti (Roma, 1987), 74\u201375.\n55 Las siete partidas del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio, cotejadas con varios codices antiguos por la Real Academia de la\nHistoria, part. 7, tit. 24, leg. 2 (vol. 3, 1807, repr. 1972), 668.\n185\n\nPages 205:\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\n56 Michael D. Bailey, Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe,\n(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013).\n57 The Speculum astronomiae and related bibliography are dealt with in more detail in the chapters by\nMarrone and Collins in this volume. See the theoretical and epistemological light shed by Paola\nZambelli, L\u2019ambigua natura della magia. Filosofi, streghe, riti nel Rinascimento, 2nd ed. (Venice: Marsilio,\n1996), and Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cScience et magie au Moyen \u00c2ge,\u201d in Bilan et perspectives des \u00e9tudes\nm\u00e9di\u00e9vales (1993\u20131998). Euroconf\u00e9rence (Barcelona 8\u201312 June 1999). Actes du IIe congr\u00e8s Europ\u00e9en d\u2019Etudes\nM\u00e9di\u00e9vales, ed. Jacqueline Hamesse, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 540\u201342. Also Nicolas Weill-Parot,\n\u201cAstral Magic and Intellectual Changes (Twelfth-Fifteenth Centuries). \u2018Astrological Images\u2019 and\nthe Concept of \u2018Addressative\u2019 Magic,\u201d in The Metamorphosis of Magic from Late Antiquity to the Early\nModern Period, ed. J.N. Bremmer and J.R. Veenstra (Leuven-Paris: Peeters, 2002), 167\u201387.\n58 Speculum astronomiae 3, ed. Zambelli, The Speculum Astronomiae and Its Enigma. Astrology, Theology\nand Science in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries, Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science\n135, (Dordrecht, Boston, and London: Kluwer Academic, 1992), 218\u201320, explained by Lucentini,\n\u201cL\u2019ermetismo magico nel secolo XIII,\u201d in Sic itur ad astra. studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik und\nNaturwissenschaften. Festschrift f\u00fcr den Arabisten Paul Kunitzsch zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. M. Folkerts and R.\nLorch, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000), 409\u201350: 426\u201328.\n59 See e.g. Richard Lemay, \u201cLibri naturales et sciences de la nature dans la scolastique latine du XIIIe\nsi\u00e8cle,\u201d in XIVth International Congress of the History of Science (Proceedings 2), (Tokyo-Kyoto, 1974),\n61\u201364.\n60 See Graziella Federici Vescovini, Le Moyen Age magique (Paris: Vrin, 2011), chap. 1, about relations\nbetween magic and science.\n61 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 57\u201358.\n62 The Book of the Cave of Treasures. A History of the Patriarchs and the Kings Their Successors from the Creation to\nthe Crucifixion of Christ, Transl. from the Syriac Text of the British Museum Ms. Add. 25875, by Sir\nE.A. Wallis Budge, (London, Manchester, Madrid, Lisbon, and Budapest: Religious Tract Society,\n1927), 142\u201344.\n63 French transl. from Ethiopian by Sylvain Gr\u00e9baut, \u201cLitt\u00e9rature pseudo-cl\u00e9mentine,\u201d III, \u201cTraduction du\nQal\u00e9mentos (suite),\u201d Revue de l\u2019Orient Chr\u00e9tien 17 (1912): 16\u201331.\n64 On Toledo as a centre for necromancy (particularly on Gerbert of Aurillac as a necromancer), see\nJaime Ferreiro Alemparte, \u201cLa escuela de nigromancia de Toledo,\u201d Anuario de estudios medievales 13\n(1983): 206\u20137.\n65 Albertus Magnus, Super Porphyrium De V universalibus, tr. 1, De antecedentibus ad logicam, ed. Manuel\nSantos Noya, in Albertus Magnus, Opera omnia, I, pars 1A, (Monasterii Westfalorum: In aedibus\nAschendorff, 2004) 10.\n66 J.O. Leibowitz and S. Marcus, eds, transl. and comm., Sefer Hanisyonot. The Book of Medical E\n\u00ad xperiences\nAttributed to Abraham ibn Ezra. Medical Theory, Rational and Magical Therapy. A Study in Medievalism\n\u00ad(Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1984), f. 133v, l. 5\u20136, 9\u201310.\n67 See the studies carried on magic and alchemical texts attributed to Aristotle in Arab\u2013Latin tradition (e.g. the last book of the Meteora studied by Jean-Marc Mandosio) or to Albertus Magnus, after\nthe works of Pearl Kibre (e.g. Draelants, Le De virtutibus; and Paravicini-Bagliani 2001 and others\non the Speculum astronomiae), or on alchemical works that circulated in the West under various names\n(e.g. De anima in arte alchemiae attributed to Avicenna, recently studied by S\u00e9bastien Moureau, 2016).\n186\n\nPages 206:\n14\nSol omon ic m agic\nJulien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se\nThe problems of defining a corpus of Solomonic ritual magic\nWhile the origins of \u201cSolomonic\u201d magic may be found in the twelfth century, it is not until\nthe thirteenth century that the dissemination of a certain number of texts or experiments on\nmagic attributed to King Solomon is attested in the Latin West, in an essentially indirect fashion to begin with. The anonymous author of the Speculum astronomiae (c. 1260), long thought\nto be Albertus Magnus, is a privileged witness to the reception of these traditions that were\ndistinct from the \u201ccommon tradition\u201d of Western magic.1 By mentioning a series of libri\nSalomonis, for which he provides, with notable precision, titles and incipits, the author of the\nSpeculum was effectively the first to define the boundaries of what we might consider a corpus\nof \u201cSolomonic\u201d texts. For the purposes of defending natural \u201castrological images\u201d whose use\ncould not, in his estimation, be outlawed in Christendom, he classed them (along with some\nothers attributed to Mohammed) in that category of texts that featured \u201cdetestable images\u201d,\ntaking care to distinguish them \u2013 in a somewhat artificial manner \u2013 from those whose efficacy\nwas based on \u201cabominable images\u201d, in other words on the principles of astral magic (perhaps based in astrolatry), attributed to Hermes, and which were still more dangerous in his\nview.2 The author of the Speculum thus makes an inventory of five books of Solomon \u201cwhich\nproceed with exorcism by the inscription of characters and through certain names\u201d: the De\nquatuor annulis, attributed to four of the king\u2019s disciples; the De novem candariis; the De tribus\n\u00adfiguris spirituum; the De figura Almandal; and one final \u201clittle\u201d book entitled De sigillis ad demoniacos.3 He also mentions a \u201cgreat book by Raziel which we call Liber institutionis\u201d,4 by which\nhe is referring to the Hebraic tradition of the Liber Razielis, whose Solomonic attribution is\nattested both in its late antique template, the Liber Samayn, and in Latin manuscripts of the\nfourteenth and fifteenth centuries. While he says nothing about the origin of these texts, nor\nabout the ways in which they circulated in his time, his inventory remains a precious resource\nin more ways than one.\nTo begin with, other indirect contemporary references to these texts, which also bear witness to the dissemination of artes magice or of new libri, are somewhat more laconic. Around\n1267\u201370, the Franciscan scholar Roger Bacon, for example, mentions in the Tractatus brevis,\nwhich serves as an introduction to the glosses on the pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum secretorum,\nthe existence of libri Salomonis that \u201cfalse astrologers\u201d use to obtain the aid of demons; however, he does not provide further details about them and at the same time mentions books\nattributed to other figures such as Adam, Moses, Aristotle and Hermes.5 He is more precise\nin the Opus tertium (c. 1267), in which he enumerates, in order to condemn them anew, a\n187\n\nPages 207:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\nnumber of libri magici founded on the invocation of demons and not on the command of the\nforces of nature that alone rendered a category of magic acceptable. He cites the De morte\nanime (also documented in the Speculum astronomiae), the Liber fantasmatum, the De officiis et potestatibus spirituum and the \u201cbooks of the Ars notoria\u201d, but the attribution to Solomon here only\nexplicitly concerns \u201cthe books\u201d entitled De sigillis Salomonis,6 even though the Ars notoria, for\nexample, also claims Solomon as an authority, as the manuscripts of the thirteenth century\nattest.7 With regard to this last work, Bacon is more verbose in a correspondence that has\nrecently been attributed to him (c. 1257\u201363); he writes of a \u201cliber Salamonis qui dicitur Ars\nnotoria\u201d alongside a Hebrew book by Solomon known as the Liber Semamphoras, which refers\nto Jewish tradition concerning speculations on the unspeakable name of God that would be\ndestined for dissemination in the West, notably as part of the Liber Razielis tradition.8 But\nthese longer treatises alone do not constitute a precise bibliography of \u201cSolomonic\u201d magic.\nThe survey in the Speculum astronomiae also enables us to better appreciate older attributions of certain works to Solomon, for example those found in the prologue of the Liber\n\u00adintroductorius by the translator and astronomer Michael Scot (\u2020 c. 1236), where an Ydea Salomonis, which alludes, perhaps, to the version of De quattuor annulis mentioned in the Speculum\nastronomiae, is cited without further details among the arts that \u201cdestroy faith in divine law\u201d,9\nor in the De legibus of William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris (c. 1180\u20131249), who mentions \u2013\nsimilarly for the purposes of condemnation \u2013 diverse signs, figures or images ascribed to\nSolomon. These include the \u201cpentagon\u201d, the \u201cMandal\u201d, the four \u201crings\u201d, the \u201cseal\u201d, the\n\u201cnine candarie\u201d or simply, as in Michael Scot, the Ydea Salomonis, which leads its user straight\nto idolatry or even to demonolatry. While not presenting clearly identified \u201cbooks\u201d, they\nseem to refer, at least in essence, to the libri Salomonis inventoried several decades later by the\nMagister Speculi.10 William also reports on the belief that Solomon was capable of enclosing\ndemons in artefacts such as glass vials, in order to better denounce those who believe they\ncan achieve this power themselves.11 This ancient belief is indeed commonly enlisted in the\ntexts of ritual magic at the end of the Middle Ages and the \u201cSolomonic\u201d signs mentioned\nearlier played an essential role in this regard.12\nFinally, the Speculum astronomiae gives an insight into the state of play for the form of the\nLatin Solomonic tradition in a period in which no manuscripts are preserved (except in the\nparticular case of the Ars notoria, which is not mentioned by this author). Furthermore, it allows us to gauge, up to a point, the subsequent evolutions of the \u201ccorpus\u201d that can be found in\nother, later, inventories, this time together with rare preserved manuscripts. To illustrate the\nfirst case, we can turn to the inventory of libri magici made in 1508 by the abbot of Sponheim,\nJohannes Trithemius, in his Antipalus maleficiorum. A quick comparison shows that the number\nof texts attributed to Solomon rose during the latter centuries of the Middle Ages. Trithemius\nthus refers, with explicit reference to the Hebrew king, to nine out of the forty-three texts\nwhose usage every Christian should condemn. Certain notes echo the Speculum astronomiae:\nthis is the case with regard to the Liber Almadal, the Liber quattuor annulorum, the De novem\ncandariis, the De tribus figuris spirituum, even the Sepher Razielis in seven books, even if, in view\nof the incipits given by Trithemius, he does not seem to be consistently referring to the same\nversions.13 On the other hand, the same is not true of the Clavicula Salomonis, placed first, the\nLiber Lamene, the De officiis spirituum and the Liber pentaculorum.14 Trithemius additionally claims\nto have passed over certain elements concerning this type of books in silence.15 It must finally\nbe taken into account that he makes his inventory without putting forward a Solomonic attribution for a text such as the Vinculum spirituum, even though we know that Solomon is well and\ntruly established as the \u201cauthor\u201d in certain manuscripts.16\n188\n\nPages 208:\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nManuscripts from the end of the Middle Ages or the beginning of the modern era, though\nnot numerous, also illustrate this quantitative growth. Some combine several \u00adSolomonic\ntexts, in diverse proportions, alongside other traditions, notably astral magic.17 Others,\nmore rarely, maintain a clear or even an overwhelming majority of Solomonic texts and in\nthis way take on the appearance of collections, even if they are never exhaustive. The finest\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private\nFrench collection), which is of Germanic provenance and datable to the end of the fifteenth\ncentury. Its contents (the work of a single hand) indicate that certain late medieval scribes\nmight have been tempted to create a true Solomonic corpus, even if the general title given to\nthe book, Liber Hermetis sive de rebus occultis, appears from this perspective quite paradoxical\nand shows the limits of the exercise well, unless it is a camouflage strategy.18 Notably, this\nmanuscript includes two versions of the De quattuor annulis, of which one, ascribed to four of\nSolomon\u2019s disciples, Fortunatus, Eleazar, Macarius and Toz (those to whom the Speculum\nastronomiae alludes), mentions the Ydea Salomonis, two versions of the Vinculum spirituum (also\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval\nLatin witness to this work), the Liber Samayn (here Liber sextus) from the Liber Razielis in\nseven books, the De officiis spirituum, the Liber consecrationum linked to Solomonic catalogues\nof demons, the Liber Almadel, as well as a Liber angelicus that is attributed first to Hermes\nand secondarily to Solomon. The latter purports to be a compendium of astral and ritual\nmagic mainly based on the De quattuor annulis, the Clavicula, and the Liber Almandal. One\nmight speculate that it was a manuscript of this type that Johannes Trithemius relied on to\ndevise his inventory, even if, in view of the order in which his notes occur, he did not isolate\na specifically Solomonic corpus within it. At any rate, according to the description and the\nincipits of the texts he consulted, the points of contact are numerous; these relate notably\nto the Clavicula, the Liber angelicus, the Liber Almadel, the De quattuor annulis, the De officiis\nspirituum and the Vinculum spirituum, a majority being texts not mentioned by the author of\nthe Speculum astronomiae in his day. If we have privileged texts in Latin here, we should also\nnot forget that translations and adaptations in vernacular languages appeared from the\nlate medieval period, and remain important sources for modern scholars.20\nThis quick survey of the situation invites caution from the outset when dealing with\nSolomonic magic in the Latin West in the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the early\nmodern period. Evidently, postulating the existence of a corpus that was well defined from\nits inception is impossible. On the contrary, it seems to evolve extensively between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, and to bring together, under a single authority, texts with\nsometimes markedly different origins, histories and contents.21 If certain texts, like those\nmentioned by the author of Speculum astronomiae, perhaps circulated side by side in manuscripts from the thirteenth century, this does not mean that they had a common origin:\nthe case of the Liber Almandal, whose Arabic provenance can scarcely be in doubt, is in this\nregard appreciably different from that of the De quattuor annulis, known in different versions\nand whose origin remains to be determined. A Solomonic tradition like the Ars notoria,\nnot mentioned by William of Auvergne and the author of the Speculum astronomiae, has for\nits part a history that is well attested by manuscripts from the first part of the thirteenth\ncentury, evidently distinct from that of known Solomonic texts from this period, which\nhave not been preserved. Revisions and rewrites of these texts should also be taken into\naccount. They meant that the same tradition, even when it was well structured on a formal\nlevel, may over time have altered due to its pseudo-epigraphic attribution, the sometimes\ndecidedly degraded material condition in which it circulated, its original lack of Christian\n189\n\nPages 209:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\nassociations, or even, though this list is not exhaustive, due to the interests of the specific\nscribe or magister.\nBecause the corpus of texts explicitly ascribed to Solomon evolved over time and was\ngradually enriched by new strata, with different origins and sometimes with no link between them in the first instance, as the case may be, an attribution to Solomon should not\nbe made into a criterion that is too absolute or too necessary to the identification of a particular type of magic, for a number of reasons.\nFirst, the pseudo-epigraphic attribution, which is linked in a general fashion to the ambivalent image of Solomon \u2013 at once a wise and inspired scholar, an authority on the natural\nworld, an exorcist and, by extension, a master of spirits or magician in the Judeo-\u00adChristian\nand Islamic tradition \u2013 reflects a common narrative strategy that does not \u00addetermine in itself\neither the content or the origin of the implicated texts, 22 even if, as the Magister \u00adSpeculi senses,\nit conveys an \u201cambience\u201d that is quite clearly distinct in the genre of magic texts.23 For example, between the Liber Almandal, from the Arab-Muslim world, which aims to compel, for\nvarious purposes, the jinn and the shay\u0101t \u012bn of Islamic tradition (classed in a \u00adChristian context\nas demons), and the Ars notoria of Western origin, the intention of which is to e\u00ad stablish a\nprivileged relation with the angels and whose end goal is the revelation of wisdom, there\nare scarcely any immediate connections other than their attribution to Solomon and the\npretensions to the domestication of certain types of spirits through the ritual use of powerful signs revealed in ancient times.24 It is all the more true, in this particular case, that the\nArs notoria seems to have been first of all attributed to Virgil, towards the end of the twelfth\ncentury, when he was considered a philosopher and teacher without peer, before, in a second\nstage of its history which takes into account manuscripts from the 1220s, coming under the\nauthority of Solomon, a figure who was a better fit, in a Christian context, to be the founder\nof a supposedly divine art.25 This is how the anonymous magister artium of the Ars notoria\ngarnishes his text of exemplary stories of the wise king and of the quotations attributed to\nhim, and refers again, without much consistency with the rest of the narrative scheme, to a\nnumber of Solomonic books that are evidently fictional, with the aim of creating the feeling\nthat one is dealing with a more venerable text, part of a larger tradition.26 The Ars notoria\ndoes not appear to be isolated in this regard, since the Clavicula, another high art revealed\nto the wise king, but much more subversive than the former text, also refers, for example, to\nancient books of Solomon to back up its authority.27\nSecond, it is possible that some texts that are not explicitly attributed to Solomon in\ntwelfth and thirteenth-century sources were in fact attributed to him in other manuscripts\nof this period, which have unfortunately been lost. We might think, for example, of the\nLiber sacratus mentioned by William of Auvergne along with explicitly Solomonic treatises\nwith which he seems closely acquainted.28 Even when texts of this type were not directly\nattributed to Solomon, they were certainly recorded among others that were in a common\ncategory, that of texts of ritual magic.29 This category, even if there might be points of\n\u00adcontact and significant amounts of interpolation and contamination in the course of \u00adcopying\nand revising,30 was quite clearly distinct from astral or talismanic magic. The liturgical,\nparaliturgical, indeed literally spiritual and devotional dimension, always predominates,\nallowing the magician to enter (without danger) into contact with demons, spirits or angels,\nwho are generally recalcitrant but who finally submit to the power that God grants the\nmagician, sometimes described as an \u201cexorcist\u201d; knowledge linked to planets or stars is here\n\u00ad ethodology\nsecondary, if it exists at all.31 Whether or not the traditions relating to this m\nthat rests primarily on the power of naming are attributed to Solomon is thus, to a certain\n190\n\nPages 210:\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nextent, of little importance, as is also shown by the remainder of the manuscripts themselves,\nwhich in certain cases mentions a connection to Solomon and in others ignores it or passes\nover it in silence.32\nThird, without going so far as to postulate a general equivalence between Solomonic\nmagic and ritual magic, in order to accurately measure the true scope of Latin Solomonic\nmagic, we also need to consider the strong influence exerted by certain traditions belonging to Solomonic magic on the renewal of ritual magic more broadly, especially in the\nfourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This concerns other pseudo-epigraphic texts as well as\nthe productions of the first \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d of the late Middle Ages. In the former case,\none could give the example of the Liber sacratus sive juratus attributed to Honorius of Thebes,\nnotably in the version recently edited, datable to the 1330s.33 This vast compilation, which\nexplicitly claims to curate the opera Salomonis, reuses the glossed version of the Ars notoria on\na massive scale. \u201cHonorius\u201d (who probably drew on an older version of the Liber Sacratus,\nperhaps the one mentioned by William of Auvergne a century earlier) made heavy use of\nthe verba mystica and Latin prayers found in this version of the Ars notoria which was elaborated at the turn of the fourteenth century34 He may also have used, with regard to certain\naspects of the modus operandi, other Solomonic texts such as the Clavicula.35 In the field of\nthe exploitation of Solomonic sources, the \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d of the late Middle Ages were\nnot insignificant. Thus, at the very start of the fourteenth century, the Benedictine monk\nJohn of Morigny embarked on a complete, progressive and very personal revision of the\nArs notoria in his Liber florum celestis doctrine.36 The Summa sacre magice (1346) of the Catalan\n\u201cphilosopher\u201d B\u00e9renger Ganell, a vast compilation of ritual magic in five books known in its\nLatin form through an incomplete manuscript, draws part of its substance from two distinct\nversions of the Liber juratus of Honorius.37 But in order to better establish its claim to offer\n\u201ca [magic] science that consists of compelling good and bad spirits\u201d, B\u00e9renger\u2019s work draws\non numerous Solomonic traditions including the Ydea Salomonis, the De officiis spirituum, the\nDe quattuor annulis, the De novem candariis, the Vinculum Salomonis, the Almandal and perhaps\nalso the Clavicula. B\u00e9renger even refers several times, mentioning seven books divided into\ndifferent \u201ctitles\u201d, to a source he calls the Biblia or Magica Salomonis, perhaps a collection\n(which would be the only one of its kind) that he might have had at his disposal and of which\nwe have no trace.38 But the question remains as to how much credit should be accorded to\nhis remarks, since the existence of a compilation organized in the manner of a university\ntext prompts scepticism a priori in view of the general state of the conservation of Solomonic\ntexts (and more broadly of ritual magic texts), and what this teaches us about their mode of\ncirculation and their form, including the more complete collections.\nFinally, to the traditions that are explicitly attributed to Solomon and to the texts which\nare not but which have recourse, in varying degrees, to what we might call the materia magica\nsalomonica, it is appropriate to add a number of experimenta, in other words recipes stripped\nof all narrative devices, which to a greater or lesser extent profess Solomonic associations.\nThese often circulated alongside Solomonic texts in manuscripts, or ultimately fall within\nthe remit of a kind of magic founded on the same principles. This is the case, for example,\nin MS Munich Clm 849 which, besides two versions of the Liber consecrationum (no. 31) and\na version of the Vinculum Salomonis incorporated into an experimentum on catoptromancy\n(no. 33), preserves numerous experimenta referring to Solomon and to his seals, his rings\nand other characters capable of \u201cbinding\u201d spirits.39 An experimentum for love involving the\nconjuration of demons even specifies, by playing implicitly and somewhat ironically on the\ntheme of Solomon\u2019s eventual downfall (III Kings 11: 1\u201313), that it was thanks to this that\n191\n\nPages 211:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\nthe king obtained all the women he desired.40 Other manuscripts of the fifteenth century,\nsuch as MS Oxford Rawlinson D.252, are no less stingy with such references in their ritual\nmagic experimenta.41 MS Coxe 25 (cited above) puts forward, among other things, a magnificent Experimentum verissimum Salomonis for oneiromancy, as well as an experimentum for\ncrystallomancy that aims to cause \u201cKing Solomon\u201d to appear in person in order to acquire\nrevelations about the future.42\nWestern \u201cSolomonic magic\u201d of the Middle Ages, mostly in Latin, is thus an extensive\ncategory whose coherence should not be overstated and which remains \u201cdifficult to determine\u201d.43 On a historical level, it is the result of a process of accumulation of texts that are,\non the one hand, influenced by each other (as the case may be) in the course of their often\ncollective manuscript dissemination, but also have, on the other hand, distinct histories,\nwhose tangled threads historiography has barely begun to untangle. Aside from the Ars\nnotoria, which possesses a solid independent manuscript tradition from early on, the fact that\nwe only have later witnesses that are, moreover, not numerous hardly facilitates the task of\nthe historian who hopes to determine the origin and original form of these frequently short\ntexts, which much of the time are derived from translations. Nevertheless, the specialist\nfinds himself in a situation that is a little more comfortable than that of his counterparts\nstudying the Greek Solomonic traditions, in as much as these, created in late antiquity,\nare for the most part known via the intermediary of manuscripts dating from the fifteenth\ncentury at best.44\nPrincipal historiographical advances and future\nfields of research\nThe heuristic foundations of a study of Solomonic magic are thus far from obvious. On a\nhistoriographical level, in addition to the seminal studies by Lynn Thorndike45 and David\nPingree,46 in-depth historical study of Solomonic magic has coincided with a renewed interest on the part of historians since the 1990s in ritual magic as a whole, following the lead of\nRichard Kieckhefer,47 and especially an interest in its primary sources, hitherto little studied.\nBased on a more systematic survey of manuscripts \u2013 which remains an ongoing project \u2013 and\na more accurate identification of the texts, some studies have been carried out or are currently in progress as part of the international Salomon Latinus project, which aims to put all the\nLatin texts attributed to Solomon, in their different versions, at the disposal of the scholarly\ncommunity.48 This editorial programme does not exhaust the subject, as numerous other\ntexts or experimenta of ritual magic are related in one way or another to Solomonic magic and\nas such can hardly be dissociated from it.\nIn this way, certain Solomonic traditions have emerged from the shadows. This is\nthe case with the Ars notoria, preserved in 38 medieval manuscripts and therefore widely\n\u00add istributed,49 the Almandal/Almadel50 and the Vinculum Salomonis,51 two texts preserved, in\ndifferent versions, in several manuscripts of the fourteenth and especially the fifteenth centuries. Others are the subject of preliminary studies. Although they do not resolve all the\ndifficulties, these works permit us to draw some general conclusions concerning Solomonic\nmagic in itself, and more broadly concerning Western ritual magic.\nFirst, although numerous grey areas still remain, it appears that the Latin texts on ritual\nmagic that have been attributed to Solomon do not possess a single common origin, which\nis one of the factors that ultimately explain the difficulty of establishing a coherent \u201ccorpus\u201d.\nMost of the time they are imported, via a Latin translation, from Jewish, \u00adA rab-Muslim\n192\n\nPages 212:\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nor even Greek culture. The Liber Almandal thus stems, in view of a version close to the\nthirteenth-century witnesses, from an Arabic prototype of which nothing is known. 52 The\nArs notoria itself has a home-grown tradition in the Western world, its Eastern inflections\nnotwithstanding: in its notae, it exhibits, among other things, a number of references to\nthe \u00adVulgate and to iconographic tradition partly based on older mnemonic and didactic\ndiagrams, reflecting the ambition of establishing the ultimate means of privileged access\nto wisdom and of being the quintessence of scholarly magic. 53 The Liber Razielis, which\ncirculated in two or in seven books (the version attributed to Alphonse X of Castile) from\nat least the mid-thirteenth century, took as its model the Sefer ha-Razim from late antique\nJewish tradition, which inspired the Liber Samayn, the first or sixth book, respectively,\nof the two Latin versions of the Raziel.54 The Clavicula Salomonis, which appears for the\nfirst time in 1310, maintains links with the Greek tradition of the Hygromantia Salomonis\nwhose true nature has yet to be determined.55 This diversity, which applies equally to the\nmore and the less subversive texts and to their modus operandi, may explain the specific modes\nof circulation in the manuscripts and their differing fortunes, even if, owing to the state\nof the \u00addocumentation, our understanding remains very fragmentary. The Ars notoria thus\ncirculated from the first half of the thirteenth century in manuscripts that were specifically\ndevoted to it, unlike, it would seem, other contemporary Solomonic texts, a situation that\nlargely continued in subsequent centuries, even if we find it later in certain compilations\nalongside other texts of ritual magic.56\nAdditionally, these texts were sometimes subject to significant revision processes, which\nexceed the inevitable variants that can be found in any single manuscript copy. This is\nowing to the fact that these pseudo-epigraphic texts remain fundamentally \u201copen\u201d texts,\neven when they are given well-established structures and they purport to contain ancient\nwisdom whose performance depends, in principle, on the preservation of the original\nlanguage and signs that they reveal to the user. The modalities of magic writing can take\ndifferent directions, which can combine with each other. This might concern the creation of different versions, sometimes by successive shifts in order to simplify a potential\napplication. This case is well illustrated by the Ars notoria, for which the oldest preserved\nversion (version A, c. 1220) is already an amalgamation of an early and little used stratum, the Flores aurei, and an Ars nova, shorter and simpler, intended to short-circuit the\nformer. But from the mid-thirteenth century, a supplementary version appeared, also\nsimplified: the Opus operum, which, with version A, would aid the progressive elaboration\nof the glossed version at the start of the fourteenth century, whose principal function was\nto better order and codify the ritual. 57 Version A itself shows awareness of specific evolutions, with the appearance of a version known as A2, which is characterized by, among\nother things, the addition of a new prologue celebrating the wisdom of Solomon. It can\nalso concern the amplification of the material endowed with performative power (nomina,\nverba, figurae, etc.), without this necessarily being inconsistent with the desire to make the\nimplementation of the ritual easier. The glosses of version B, for example, explain in very\npractical terms when and in what order the Latin prayers and lists of verba and nomina that\nwill eventually enable an acquisition of the understanding of the arts of the university\ncurriculum should be recited; equally, they provide very precise instructions concerning\nthe critical phase of the consultation of the notae dedicated to the arts in question. 58 But\nthis formatting and clarification of the modus operandi goes hand in hand with a base text\nwhich, for its part, sees the Latin prayers and verba to be recited multiply, as well as the\nnumber of notae to examine. This accumulation is designed to increase the text\u2019s efficacy,\n193\n\nPages 213:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\naccording to a tendency we find elsewhere. In other cases, the revisions, which are often\nprofound, may proceed from a wish to Christianize or at least to appear less heterodox,\nnotably when the tradition was the object of recurring censure. Without even going so far\nas to mention the connections between John of Morigny and the Ars notoria, 59 we might\nmention, as examples that have remained under the guise of pseudo-epigraphy, a supplementary version of the Ars notoria that appeared in the fourteenth century, the Ars brevis,\nwhich resorts to a liturgy based on the mass and expurgates the majority of the text of its\nmysterious verba and nomina. Another example is an art datable to the fifteenth century\nwhich is also derived from it, the Ars Paulina \u2013 attributed, as its name suggests, to Paul the\nApostle \u2013 which dedicates Latin prayers and figures to the Trinity, to the different divine\npersons, to angels or simply to the Virgin.60 We can also observe this in more complex\ncases, such as in the manuscript tradition, tenuous though it may be, of the Liber Almandal.\nFrom a version that is even more marked by its Arabic heritage, based on the fabrication\nof a figura mandal and the recitation of exorcisms capable of binding jinn/demons for various purposes (to spark love or hate, to cure or cause disease, etc.), we arrive at the development, certainly by the fourteenth century, of a profoundly changed art which, while\npreserving the use of a figura that was now akin to a portable shrine, consists of soliciting\nangels and their messengers from the celestial plane for the purposes of, among other\nthings, acquiring knowledge. From a form of necromancy that was still deeply Arabic, we\narrive at a model of theurgy based on the Ars notoria and perhaps on a text related to the\nLiber Razielis; beyond its immediate effects, the ritual now aims to bring the human being\ntowards salvation, by nevertheless keeping only to the margins of Christian affiliation.\nUltimately, it would be necessary to wait for a gloss on this latest version, conveniently\nattributed to St Jerome, for the Christianizing process to become more marked (which\nobviously does not imply orthodoxy); in the same period, the modus operandi that mobilizes\nChristian liturgy became subject to a more workable format.61 These few examples, in\naddition to what has already been said on the subject of \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d, demonstrate\nthat revision also sometimes signals the use of other texts, notably Solomonic texts; the\ninterpolative and intertextual phenomena are thus numerous. To the extent that we only\nhave later versions at our disposal, these games, which may be more or less direct or\nsuccessful, obscure our knowledge of the form these texts may have taken on their introduction into the West; the quest for origins, which are doubtless illusions in part, is only\nmade more difficult.\nFinally, it appears that (and this applies to ritual magic more generally) these texts\nand \u201cbooks\u201d possess diverse natures. Though all are conceived as divine secrets, and all\npossess a virtue that rests on the use of signs revealed in ancient times that, subject to\ncertain conditions \u2013 notably ritual purity \u2013 may summon the infinite power of God,62\nsome aim primarily to bind demons or turbulent spirits, which can be made to conform\nfor many purposes, whereas others aspire to establish a less strained relationship with\nthe angelic world, most often for the purposes of obtaining understanding or revelations,\nor even, finally, salvation. The first type, such as the Clavicula Salomonis, the Liber consecrationum and the catalogues of demons that accompany them, belongs, strictly speaking,\nto necromancy 63; they are based on the conjuration of demons, related when necessary\nto liturgical exorcism, which aims to \u201cbind\u201d the demons to the will of the exorcista/\u00ad\nexorcizator or the magister \u2013 the Vinculum spirituum (also known as the Vinculum Salomonis)\nis a good example.64 The second type, such as the Ars notoria and its derivatives, draws\nabove all on prayers addressed to the angels, and indeed to God and to Christ;\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 201 to page 213 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=307\nPages: 307\nin overviews of what constituted the new natural philosophy or natural science. Dominicus\nGundissalinus was a cleric active in Toledo, early in the second half of the twelfth century.\nIn his work, On the Division of Philosophy, he reached back to the tenth-century Arab scholar\nAl-Farabi to produce a list of what he said were the eight particular sciences falling under\nthe rubric of natural science. They were in the order in which Farabi had presented them:\nthe science of judgements, the science of medicine, the science of necromancy according to\nphysics (nigromantia secundum physicam), the science of images, the science of agriculture, the\nscience of navigation, the science of alchemy and the science of mirrors.2\nThe science of judgements consisted in the art of making prognostications by looking to\nthe positions of the planets and stars. Though the distinction between the terms \u201castronomy\u201d and \u201castrology\u201d was never firm in the twelfth or the thirteenth centuries, we can draw]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=306\nPages: 306\ncentury, virtually no conception of a realm of knowledge formally distinct from all other\nlearning and characterized as being \u201cscientific\u201d. Thus, there was even for educated minds\nbefore the twelfth century nothing that could be designated in the language of the time as\nnatural philosophy \u2013 or again as we might prefer, nothing specifically identified as natural\nscience. Hence, for those early medieval centuries, there was nothing natural philosophical\nto which magic could be said to relate.\nAll this changed around the turn of the eleventh century to the twelfth. It was then that in\nthe cultural circles of a literate, Latinate learned sort there began to emerge the notion of natural philosophy. The idea was dependent on the even more basic conviction that a part of knowledge could be separated from all the rest, characterized formally as of special certainty and\nassociated with careful analysis and logical rigour. Even if we have to wait until the thirteenth]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=304\nPages: 304,306\nPart IV\nT h e m e s ( m agic a n d\u2026)\n21\nM agic a n d nat u r a l ph i l osoph y\nSteven P. Marrone\nThe story of the relation between magic and natural philosophy in the Middle Ages begins in\nthe twelfth century. Before then, the issue was hardly relevant. Not that there were no fields\nof magical learning or practice in those early centuries that we might want to link to natural\nphilosophy \u2013 or, to use a modern term, natural science. Valerie Flint\u2019s work on magic in the\nearly Middle Ages reminds us that at no time was astrology entirely absent from the cultural\nworld of medieval elites.1 And as we shall soon see, astrology was one of the areas often\nthought of as part of magic that could plausibly vie for a place among the sciences of nature\nin the high and later Middle Ages. But the problem is that there existed, before the twelfth\ncentury, virtually no conception of a realm of knowledge formally distinct from all other]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=565\nPages: 565\nde Monte Roche, Guido 483\nMontesano, Maria 488\nMunich 157, 446, 451\nmusic 371\u20139; and archaeology 383\u201398\n\u201cmusica practica\u201d 374\u20137, 379\nmusica speculativa 374, 377\u20139\nMuslims 79, 99, 105, 154, 301, 359, 462, 463, 493\nmysticism 15\u201316, 19\u201321, 34, 60, 222\nNaaman, Rabbi 89\nNabataean Agriculture 297\nNasci, Salamies 92\nNational University of Ireland, Maynooth 123\nnatura rerum literature 170\u20132\nnatural causation 28, 62, 295\u20136\nNatural History (Gilles) 523\nNatural History (Naturalis historia) (Pliny the Elder)\n161, 171, 394\nnatural magic 2, 9, 19, 20, 23, 50, 54, 57, 60,\n74, 78, 100, 114, 116\u201318, 120, 138, 144, 154,\n157, 163, 170, 172, 174\u20136, 178, 179, 205,\n252n41, 264, 274, 288, 291\u20132, 295\u2013297,\n314\u201315, 320, 358\u201362, 365, 388, 403, 464, 467\nnatural philosophy and magic 169, 174, 178,\n287\u201397\nnatural properties: Arabic thought and 173\u20134;\nHellenistic thought and 173\u20134; Hermetic\nthought and 173\u20134; medieval understanding\nand vocabulary of natural magic 174\u20136\nNazianzenus, Gregory 406]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=197\nPages: 197\nas part of natural science or astrology.47 However, he says that it is wrong to describe it\nin this way: \u201cthe science of this kind of operation [wonders that have natural causes but\nthat are considered by ignorant people to be the work of demons] is natural magic, that\nphilosophers call \u2018nigromanciam according to physics\u2019, but in a very inappropriate manner,\nand that is the eleventh part of natural science.\u201d48 From the context, we can understand\nthat William includes in natural philosophy magic, alchemy and the knowledge collected\nin the books of experimenta, all of which are acceptable to the Creator as they are all natural\nthings coming from his beneficence, and because their operations have natural sources.\nHe says something similar in his impressive De universo (written c. 1220, with additions until\n1240), where he draws a parallel between the knowledge of how human and animal organs\ncan be linked with \u201cspiritual substances,\u201d and seemingly used as amulets or talismans, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=196\nPages: 196,197\nphilosophia naturalis insofar as they involved resemblances to the products of nature, naturalia\n(referred to as mixed bodies, as seen above). In the third place, the fact that as a result, nigromancia is par excellence the science of the properties of natural things (resulting from occult\ncauses), referring presumably to the word kh\u0101\u1e63\u1e63a, pl. khaw\u0101\u1e63\u1e63 in Arabic. Therefore, the works\ncompiling and listing the properties of stones, plants and animals in order to form collections\nof experimenta are part of natural science.\n177\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nThe Parisian bishop William of Auvergne seems to have been the first person in the\nWest to talk of \u201cnatural magic\u201d in the form of ars magica naturalis, in which he sees the\nnigromancia secundum physicam found in the writings of Gundisalvi and Daniel of Morley\nas part of natural science or astrology.47 However, he says that it is wrong to describe it]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=195\nPages: 195\n\u201cnatural magic\u201d in the West during the thirteenth century. According to Alfonsi, the other\nfive sections of nigromancia operated by means of the invocation of evil spirits. As has been\nshown by Charles Burnett, the division in the Speculum astronomiae of nigromancia into three\n\u00addisciplines \u2013 two unlawful and one permitted, \u201cdepending on whether they operate naturally\u201d or not, was thus prefigured by Petrus Alfonsi.39\nIn Toledo in the mid-twelfth century, Dominicus Gundisalvi, a Spanish translator of\n\u00adtreatises on natural philosophy, adapted the classification of sciences set out by Alfarabi\n(d. 950). In his De divisione philosophiae, Gundisalvi separated humana scientia, or what he\ncalled \u201cuniversal natural science\u201d (scientia naturalis universalis) into eight parts: (1) m\n\u00ad edicine,\n(2) \u00ad(astrological) judgements, (3) necromancy (nigromancia), specifying secundum physicam \u2013\nwhich recalls the interpretation given by Petrus Alfonsi, (4) the science of images, that is\n176]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=311\nPages: 311\nthirteenth century, it had become common to associate the process with the specific form\nof the agent. In that case, the operation could be said to arise \u201cfrom the whole species\u201d\n(a tota specie), which again short-circuited action by elemental properties.10 By the terms of\neither explanation, the normal laws of generation or material action were bypassed, but by\na form of causality that remained resistant to further explanation and hence, even for those\ndescribing it, largely hidden and wondrous. In other words, the occult quality of the forces\nupon which the actions of natural magic depended did not entirely disappear even in the\nface of claims that they were fully natural.\nMedicine\nAs has already been suggested, many phenomena associated with natural magic found their\napplication in medicine. Medical science thus constitutes another area where modern scholars should expect to find an overlap between magic and natural philosophy. Of course, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=306\nPages: 306,307\nThe sciences of magic\nThe rediscovery of the \u201cscientific\u201d provided the minimum necessary to pose the question of\nhow magic related to natural philosophy. But the borrowing of a treasury of scientific learning from Greek, Hebrew and especially Arabic writings had still further effect, for the natural\nscientific disciplines introduced into the West through translations carried much material\n287\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nthat was, also in quite self-conscious terms, magical. There existed therefore from the twelfth\ncentury in the West much more in the way of magic to be related to and compared with the\nnewly emergent science of nature. This novel reality made itself apparent already by the\nmiddle of the century. We see it first of all in an awareness of fields of learning that long tradition had associated with magic, and interestingly enough mention of these fields crops up\nin overviews of what constituted the new natural philosophy or natural science. Dominicus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488,487\nlifelong mentorship of Thomas. His expertise in both natural philosophy and theology\nis important to keep in mind, as is the distinction between them since it was a hallmark\nof the scholastic structuring of knowledge, that is, of scientia. His natural philosophical\ninterests required him to consider how magic worked within the framework of a created\nworld that followed natural laws even to the extent that magical events could be worked\nand occult knowledge accessed with the help of demons. Albert\u2019s philosophical ref lections on magical topics axiomatically excluded the appeal to supernatural causes. From\nthis overarching intellectual framework emerged a scholastic tendency to distinguish\nbetween natural and other than natural ways of manipulating the material world and\nbetween licit and illicit purposes. Causes and purposes did not necessarily, univocally\n468\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=198\nPages: 198\nWithin the broad field of scholastic natural philosophy, this limit marks the boundary of\nthe study of naturalia in the \u201cbooks of experiments\u201d mentioned several times by William\nof Auvergne;59 but natural properties are also described in the lists of stones, plants and\nanimals in thirteenth-century encyclopaedias. However, this did not make them worthy\n\u00ad igromantic works. The sources they use gather together various clasof being called n\nsical and patristic Latin authors of compilations about nature, such as Pliny the Elder,\nAmbrose of Milan, I\u00ad sidore of Seville, but also authorities coming from late Hellenistic\nAntiquity, such as Hermes, Evax and Aaron, Belbetus-B \u0101 linus (Apollonius of Tyana),\nPs-Aesculapius and Thetel the Jew, all these last close enough to the ancient tradition of\nphysika.\nWith Marsilio Ficino\u2019s translation of the Corpus hermeticum at the end of the fourteenth]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=189\nPages: 189\nwas based on seeing the constant correspondences between things in the lower world as a\nreflection of the divine one, greatly influenced by Augustine of Hippo, was merged with\na new philosophical conception influenced by Aristotelianism and the humoural theory\nof Galenic medicine. \u00adPhysis then came to be seen as a reality apprehensible by the senses\n(a sensu), and physical transformations were explained by the four fundamental elements\n(earth, water, fire and air). Indeed, the craze for texts on natura rerum increased at the beginning of the thirteenth century, under the influence of two related factors: a new interest in\nnature for its own sake, and an explosion of the former quadrivium, now widened to \u201cnatural\nphilosophy\u201d, thanks to the translations of philosophical and medical texts from Arabic and\nGreek made during the twelfth century.\nIn the thirteenth century, the literature on nature and on the properties of things provided]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=187\nPages: 187,188\ncommune, omnia fac bullire invicem bene, et si quid imponitur in eo, accendetur, sive lignum\nsive ferrum, et non extinguitur nisi urina, aceto vel arena.\n63 J. Riddick Partington, A History of Greek Fire and Gunpowder, intr. B.S. Hall (Baltimore, MD and\n\u00adLondon: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), 85.\n64 On the Italian translations of the Book of the Marvels, see R. Tarantino, \u201cLe traduzioni italiane del De\nmirabilibus mundi: il caso di due redazioni singolari,\u201d Studi filosofici 35 (2012): 51\u201373.\n168\n13\nT h e not ion of prope rt i e s\nTensions between Scientia and Ars in medieval\nnatural philosophy and magic\nIsabelle Draelants\nThis chapter looks at a central notion used in medieval natural philosophy and magic: the\nproperties of creatures and substances, called proprietas, vis, virtus (or virtus specifica), qualitas or\neven natura. The importance of this concept comes from its use both in traditional Western]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=196\nPages: 196\nmoreover, the sciences of optics, navigation and many other sciences which have a\nrelation to that part of theory which is called natural [partem Theoricae quae dicitur\nnaturalis], belong to it as if to its practical (part).45\nThis division agreed fundamentally with what we have read in the works of Dominicus\nGundisalvi and Daniel of Morley. However, it stresses three linked aspects that enrich the\ndefinition of nigromantia. First, the fact that all these disciplines are practical; this option for\nthe new sciences at a time when the quadrivium had changed was probably influenced by the\nlast part of the Didascalicon (bef. 1137) of Hugh of St. Victor, where the passage involving\ndivination (ch. 15) makes astrology a part of the mechanical sciences, said to be adulterine, that\ncopy natural reality by art or artifice.46 Second, the fact that the disciplines formed part of\nphilosophia naturalis insofar as they involved resemblances to the products of nature, naturalia]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=310\nPages: 310\nthe West from the beginning of the twelfth century. As William saw it, and as those who would\ncall themselves natural magicians would continue to assert for several centuries, the subject\nof natural magic had to do with the production of wondrous works. Wonders, of course,\nhad long been associated with magic, and in William\u2019s day, the literature that bore most directly on the production of such marvellous results consisted of what were known in Latin\nas \u201clibri naturalium narrationum\u201d, or what we might call books of natural philosophy. The\nsame tradition carried through into early modern times, and current scholarship has begun to\nplumb the depths of this major current in the literary world of magical texts. From the work\nof Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park to that of William Eamon, a foundation now exists\nfor the further study of this material in both its medieval and its early modern instantiations.8]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=205\nPages: 205\nNaturwissenschaften. Festschrift f\u00fcr den Arabisten Paul Kunitzsch zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. M. Folkerts and R.\nLorch, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000), 409\u201350: 426\u201328.\n59 See e.g. Richard Lemay, \u201cLibri naturales et sciences de la nature dans la scolastique latine du XIIIe\nsi\u00e8cle,\u201d in XIVth International Congress of the History of Science (Proceedings 2), (Tokyo-Kyoto, 1974),\n61\u201364.\n60 See Graziella Federici Vescovini, Le Moyen Age magique (Paris: Vrin, 2011), chap. 1, about relations\nbetween magic and science.\n61 Pingree, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts,\u201d 57\u201358.\n62 The Book of the Cave of Treasures. A History of the Patriarchs and the Kings Their Successors from the Creation to\nthe Crucifixion of Christ, Transl. from the Syriac Text of the British Museum Ms. Add. 25875, by Sir\nE.A. Wallis Budge, (London, Manchester, Madrid, Lisbon, and Budapest: Religious Tract Society,\n1927), 142\u201344.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=313\nPages: 313\nmedieval magic and natural science. First, there is the matter of experiment or empirical\nknowledge. Standard accounts of the history of science associate the Middle Ages with a\ndeductive paradigm for scientific cognition, where statements worthy of such designation\nare drawn by demonstrative argument from presumably unassailable principles. It is only\nwith early modernity, so the same account goes, that scholars began to turn their attention\nto the principles themselves, seeking not only grounds for the epistemic confidence in those\nprinciples already recognized but also new principles altogether, and in areas of the natural\nworld hitherto unexplored. Here, the role of experiment came to be regarded as crucial,\nemployed as a method of establishing the truth of universal statements and as a source for\nfurther principles open to fresh investigation. It is then of more than passing interest that a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=189\nPages: 189\nimportant place as an intermediary between art and science, and second, the theoretical\nbranches of natural philosophy were coming to be defined according to the Aristotelian\nbooks on nature.\nAmid these epistemological developments, \u201cnatural magic\u201d was a paradox that \u00adstruggled\nto find its place in the West: in both a theoretical and practical sense, it also sought to marry\nthe natural and the extraordinary, while at the same time avoiding the trap of superstition.\nOver the following centuries, as religious orthodoxy became increasingly defined, and scholarly disciplines increasingly professionalized, the \u201cnaturalistic bet\u201d of natural magic was not\nwon, although there were still numerous attempts to legitimize it during the Renaissance.\nThis chapter seeks to clarify the meaning of \u201cnatural magic\u201d by focusing on the notion\nof the natural property in the thirteenth century, and examining the significant intellectual]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=196\nPages: 196\nHohenstaufen. These three features make him a close witness to the establishment of new\nnotions coming from Arabic science. Before 1237 (the presumed year of his death), he offered a division of the sciences that only Vincent of Beauvais passed on.44 There, he placed\nnigromancia within practical philosophy, which was not the usual position of the quadrivium\nin the tree of sciences:\nAlso the practical (part of) philosophy is divided into three parts, of which the first\nis that which was invented on the model of natural things and pertains to natural\nthings [ad similitudinem naturalium et quae pertinet ad naturalia], such as medicine, agriculture, alchemy, and also the science which is concerned with the properties of things\n[scientia quoque de proprietatibus rerum], which is called nigromancia; but also the science\nconcerning the significations of things, which is called the science of judgements;\nmoreover, the sciences of optics, navigation and many other sciences which have a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=376\nPages: 376\nthan God, is characteristic in its representation of the physician as a practitioner of natural\nphilosophy: medicine is \u201cmagyk natureel\u201d, requiring the knowledge of anatomy, humours\nand diseases, medicines, especially herbal remedies, and astrology.12 The final book of Chaucer\u2019s House of Fame, a dream-vision poem poking fun at a na\u00efve \u201cGeffrey\u201d (II, 729), unwilling\nto learn the mysteries of the cosmos from the eagle who sweeps him up to the heavens, is\ncomically dedicated to Apollo, \u201cGod of science [knowledge]\u201d (I, 1091). Here, the narrator\nfinds himself in the legendary house of Fame, where he sees the practitioners of magic: magicians, \u201ctregetours\u201d (illusionists, III, 1260), old witches and sorceresses, and \u201cclerkes eke, which\nkonne wel / Al this magik naturel \u2026\u201d (III, 1265\u201366). They include celebrated magicians and\nenchantresses from different traditions \u2013 from classical legend, Medea, Calypso and Circe;]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 214 to page 228 out of a total of 569:\nPages 214:\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\ncertain point, they represent the expression of a form of individual piety, more or less\nwithin the framework of Christian liturgy.65 The former are, on the whole, more likely\nto transgress from the religious norm (the Clavicula, for example, demands that one make\nsacrifices to the spirits), while the latter integrate it to a greater degree \u2013 although, by\ndefinition, never completely \u2013 which eventually renders them more pernicious in the\neyes of some theologians. This line of schematic demarcation between necromancy and\ntheurgy (\u00adi ncidentally a category that the Latin West scarcely knows) can nevertheless be\nfaint, even ineffective, as several specific cases show. The same tradition can shift over\ntime from one category to the other and circulate in parallel in its different forms, as in\nthe case of the Almandal/Almadel.66 Some experimenta founded on conjurations or exorcisms can be destined for angels, which are constrained by them, like demons are in the\nbooks of necromancy.67 The use of elements of the Christian liturgy, in a Western culture that was increasingly receptive to the cult of angels, and especially of the guardian\nangel, is by no means the prerogative only of theurgy; a text like the Clavicula Salomonis,\nwhich enables the user to conjure demons and spirits for potentially malevolent ends,\ninvolves, among other things, a priest, the sacraments of baptism and confession, and\nthe liturgy of the mass. Finally, if the rituals addressed to angels were generally aimed\nless at producing bad effects, it was nevertheless true that this matter was not confined to\ndemons,68 who incidentally, in the manner of the da\u00efmones of antiquity, were not always\nconsidered as bad in this context.69 The power of God being by its very nature ambivalent (in the sense that it can encompass both good and evil) and without limits, it could\nsubsume, once delegated to the magister, the categories of spirits who, good or bad, did\nnot always conform to the Christian doxa.70 If we add to this the occasional intertextual\nlinks with astral magic, we note that complexity and fluidity are de rigueur within these\ntraditions, and that there is little sense of a system.\nOn these foundations, future research must, on the one hand, continue to produce monographic studies based around editions of texts. A number of works are, moreover, underway.\nJean-Patrice Boudet is preparing an edition of the catalogues of demons, often attributed to\nSolomon or which make mention at least of the wise king\u2019s ability to bind spirits.71 These\ncirculated from perhaps the twelfth century, but only the later versions are preserved, in\nLatin and sometimes in the vernacular; some, which are related, are also attributed to\nthe authority of St Cyprian, a converted magician.72 Beyond the teeming demoniacal\n\u00adimaginary they conjure up, they all present a demonology that is partly an alternative to\nthat defined by the Church. I am even planning an edition of the Clavicula Salomonis, that\nlong, meticulously organized treatise on the conjuration of demons that was first attested\nin the West at the start of the fourteenth century and was disseminated in Italy, Spain and\n\u00adGermany in the late Middle Ages. At the time of writing, it is preserved in Latin, in an\nalmost complete form, in a unique medieval manuscript, MS Coxe 25. Thus far for the\nMiddle Ages, we know of a table of contents for the Latin version (MS Paris, BnF, lat. 7162),\nsome modified extracts (for example in Florence, BML, Plut. 89, sup. 38) and principally\nan Italian version that is incomplete but close to the Latin version (MS Paris, BnF, it. 1524)\ndated to 1446 and linked to the court at Milan.73 On the other hand, the manuscripts are\nmuch more numerous when it comes to the modern era. The edition of the Latin text must\ntherefore take into account certain versions from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries\nthat are close to the medieval version.74 With regard to this topic, Odile Dapsens, under\nthe direction of Jean-Patrice Boudet and Paul Bertrand, is undertaking a doctorate devoted\nto the Liber Razielis, particularly the version in two books preserved in MS Paris, BnF, lat.\n195\n\nPages 215:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\n3666, whose importance has been well noted by Sophie Page75; this study is expected to be\npart of a research project built around the Liber Razielis and its appendices which, in view of\nits difficulty and scale, could only be a collective endeavour, bringing together specialists in\nLatin and Jewish magical traditions.\nIf editions of texts continue to be indispensable, their drawback is that they does not\nprovide an overall picture of Solomonic magic and ritual magic in general. They can\neven deliver results that do not make the most of the best examples from the materials\nbeing studied and lack perspective: for example, the 2002 edition of the Liber juratus sive\nsacratus of Honorius of Thebes, in order to be more useful to specialists, does not clearly\ninscribe this tradition within the related history of the Ars notoria, of which certain versions, themselves the results of a long evolution, served nonetheless as sources for its \u201cauthor\u201d. Ultimately, such an approach, though necessary for a primary stage of research,\nleads to an incomplete reconstruction, to say the least, of the history of the text and the\nmodalities of its writing. Additionally, it now appears necessary to register, as far as possible, the work of editing and studying texts on ritual magic within a more overarching,\nheuristic approach, on a scale that is both collective and also complements the text\u2019s\n\u201cgenre\u201d, balancing the general and the particular. The objective in the long term is to\nwork out the most comprehensive picture possible of the dissemination of the totality of\nthese traditions in the Latin medieval West (without breaking at the Renaissance), and\nabove all to contribute to the creation of a precise \u201ccartography\u201d of the intertextual links\nthat are the lifeblood of the Solomonic \u201ccorpus\u201d, which only a large-scale approach can\ncapture in all their complexity. In other words, the time for an initial synthesis is near,\nonce a number of milestones have been reached.\nFinally, there are sources that may turn out to be rich seams for those who are interested\nin this area and which have scarcely been considered. These are the rituals of exorcism in\nthe late Middle Ages, for which the liturgy enables us to measure in unexpected ways the\nrelationship cultivated between ritual magic and the norms of Christianity. We know\nthat Solomonic magic, especially necromancy, comes within the framework of a liturgy\nthat, sometimes in parodic mode, borrows from canonical practice (masses, benedictions,\nconsecrations, use of the sacraments, etc.). Specialists have also noted that the formulas for\nconjuring demons maintain a formal kinship with the canonical formulas of exorcism.76\nThis last point has never been studied in any depth; yet, this is fertile ground for \u00add iscovery.\nNot only do certain \u201cmagic\u201d conjurations borrow from the exorcisms of the Church,\n\u00adparticularly the tradition in the Romano-Germanic Pontifical (this topic alone would merit a\nsystematic examination), but it equally appears that \u201cmagic\u201d formulas were used in their\nturn \u2013 sometimes on a massive scale \u2013 to develop new rituals of exorcism, which flourished\nfrom the beginning of the fifteenth century, especially in the Germanic regions, which are\nthe best documented. The review of the first known ritual, preserved in MS Munich, BSB,\nClm 10085 (c. 1400), illustrates this well: in addition to maintaining intertextual links with\nthe content of the now celebrated manuscript Clm 849, remarkably, we also find here the\nVinculum Salomonis, for the purposes of expelling demons from someone who is possessed!77\nThus, at the moment when, in a society troubled by the invasion of the demoniacal, a liturgical norm for exorcism is composed, founded in part on ancient formulas, the permeability\nbetween \u201cmagical\u201d practices and canonical exorcisms appears very powerful. It therefore\nremains to assess, over the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the scale and the forms of these\ncrossovers for which, ultimately, the ambivalent figure of Solomon, both exorcist and magician, is a magnificent emblem.\n196\n\nPages 216:\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nNotes\n1 On this \u201ctradition\u201d that predates the large shifts in translation in the twelfth century and which\nstill survives, see Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1989), 56\u201394; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans\nl\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-XV e si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 120\u201322.\n2 See Antonella Sannino\u2019s contribution in this volume.\n3 P. Zambelli (ed.), The Speculum astronomiae and Its Enigma. Astrology, Theology and Science in Albertus\nMagnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 1992), ch. 11, 244.\n4 Zambelli, The Speculum astronomiae, 246.\n5 Secretum secretorum cum glossis et notulis. Tractatus brevis et utilis ad declarandum quaedam obscure dicta, ed.\nR. Steele, in Fr. Roger Bacon, Opera qu\u00e6dam hactenus inedita, V (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1920), 6.\n6 Part of the Opus Tertium of Roger Bacon including a fragment now printed for the first time, ed. A.G. Little\n(Aberdeen, 1912), 333.\n7 See below.\n8 \u00c9. Anheim, B. Gr\u00e9vin and M. Morard, \u201cEx\u00e9g\u00e8se jud\u00e9o-chr\u00e9tienne, magie et linguistique: un recueil de Notes in\u00e9dites attribu\u00e9es \u00e0 Roger Bacon,\u201d Archives d\u2019Histoire Doctrinale et Litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge,\n68 (2001): 120\u201321, note 61; MS Toulouse, BM, 402, fol. 273rb, reprinted in S. Berger, Quam notitiam\nlingu\u00e6 hebraic\u00e6 habuerint Christiani medii \u00e6vi temporibus in Gallia (Nancy, 1893), 41\u201342.\n9 Paris, BnF, MS nouv. acq. lat. 1401 (short version, late thirteenth century), fol. 12v: \u201c[\u2026] quod\nvero non est experimentatus Librum ymaginum Lune, Pietatis Aristotelis, Consolationis medicine,\n\u00adLucidarium in natura, Lucidarium in divinitate, Septuaginta, Alchiranum simplicem et compositum, Notoriam, Alpharay, Adam, Ydeam, Floronem, Petrum Abaleardum, et quosdam alios\nnomina quorum hic nolumus pandere\u201d; Munich, BSB, Clm 10268 (long version, c. 1340), fol. 1va:\n\u201c[\u2026] quod vero non est experimentatus Librum ymaginum Lune, Pietatis Aristotilis, Consolationis\nmedicine, Lucidarium in natura, Lucidarium in divinitate, Septuaginta, Alchiranum simplicem\net compositum, Artem notoriam, Alpharay, Adam, Ydeam, Floronem, Petrum Abalehardum, et\nquosdam alios nomina quorum hic nolumus pandere.\u201d; fol. 17vb: \u201cEt est sciendum quod spiritum\nquidam, quandoque intravit in corpora mortuorum, imprime et per illa sonant responsa dare sapiens convocator, ut probatur in arte Alphyrei, Florieth, Ydee Salomonis, etc.\u201d.\n10 William of Auvergne, De legibus, in Opera omnia (Paris: apud L. Billaine, 1674), I, ch. 26, 84b.\n11 William of Auvergne, De legibus, 84.\n12 See, for example, Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century\n(Stroud: Sutton, 1997), 246.\n13 Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 539\u201348, here 542, note 15; 543, note 18; 546, notes 39 and 40;\n540, note 5.\n14 Boudet Entre science et nigromance, 539, note 1; 545, note 29; note 33; 546, note 35.\n15 Boudet Entre science et nigromance, 547.\n16 Boudet Entre science et nigromance, 545\u201346, note 34; 547.\n17 See, for example, the notes of the MSS Florence, BNC, II.iii.214 (c. 15), and BML, Plut. 89 sup.\n38, dated from 1494, in J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9ditions\ncritiques (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 69\u201372 and 94\u201399.\n18 This manuscript is the former MS 114 of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica in Amsterdam.\nSee the note in V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 119\u201321. One could also cite MS Halle,\nULSA, 14.B.36 (late c.15): cf. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 122\u201325.\n19 See, for example, a collection of experimenta from the fifteenth-century Suppr. 15, MS Oxford,\nBodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252, fol. 87v\u201389v.\n20 See, for example, for the Italian region, MS Paris, BnF, ital. 1524, dated 1446, which notably preserves\nan Italian version of the Clavicula Salomonis: cf. F. Gal, J.-P. Boudet and L. Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia.\nUn libro di magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017); and for the Occitan region, MS Vatican, BAV, Barb.\nLat. 3589 (c. 15): cf. S. Giralt, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and\nLatin in MS Vatican BAV, Barb. Lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes, 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\n21 See below.\n22 For an analysis of certain prologues, ideal places for Solomonic attribution and creation of narrative, cf. J.-P. Boudet and J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d in Il Segreto,\nMicrologus. Natura, Scienze e Societ\u00e0 Medievali, 14 (2006): 101\u201350.\n197\n\nPages 217:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\n23 N. Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance. Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques (XIIe-XV e si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002), 59.\n24 See below.\n25 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cVirgile et la naissance de l\u2019Ars notoria,\u201d in Micrologus 21 (2013) (The Medieval Legends of\nPhilosophers and Scholars): 219\u201342.\n26 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9dition critique (Florence, 2007), version A (c. 13),\nfor example \u00a7 8, 36; \u00a7 19, \u00a7 20b; \u00a7 74, 60; \u00a7 111, 74; \u00a7 134, 89.\n27 Clavicula Salomonis II, 1, MS Coxe 25 (private collection; ex MS Amsterdam, BPH, 114), 113:\nUnde isti et primi [spiritus] demonstrant se pulcherrimi et per consequens omnes generationes\nalias que specificuntur per Salomonem in Libro Dogmaton et in Libro decorarum habent summe\nsubstanciam in vestibus preornatis gaudentes in pulchretudine mundana et habuerunt a Deo\npeticionem hanc.\n28 See above, note 10.\n29 E. Butler, Ritual Magic (Stroud: Sutton, 1998, 1st edn., 1949); Claire Fanger, \u201cMedieval Ritual\nMagic: What It Is and Why We Need to Know More about It,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (Stroud: Sutton, 1998), vii\u2013xviii.\n30 We might cite as an example of the mixing of genres the Liber angelicus (cf. supra).\n31 This refers, more or less, to the definition of Solomonic magic provided by D. Pingree, \u201cLearned\nMagic in the Time of Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994) (Federico II e le scienze della natura): 43.\n32 See, for example, supra regarding Vinculum spirituum or Vinculum Salomonis.\n33 G. Hedeg\u00e5rd (ed.), \u201cLiber iuratus Honorii\u201d: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm, 2002); J.-P. Boudet, \u201cMagie th\u00e9urgique, ang\u00e9lologie et vision b\u00e9atifique dans le Liber\nsacratus attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Honorius de Th\u00e8bes,\u201d in Les anges et la magie au Moyen \u00c2ge, J.-P. Boudet, H. Bresc\nand B. Gr\u00e9vin (dir.), \u201cActes de la table ronde de Nanterre (8 and 9 December 2000),\u201d M\u00e9langes de\nl\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome. Moyen \u00c2ge, 114, no. 2 (2002): 851\u201390; J.R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil\nof God: The Liber juratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s Summa sacre magice,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas\nand Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2012), 151\u201391, has recently shown that the Summa sacre magice (1346) by B\u00e9renger\nGanell drew on an older version of Liber juratus besides the version edited by Hedeg\u00e5rd.\n34 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cThe Ars notoria in the Middle Ages and Modern Times: Diffusion and Influence(s),\u201d\nin Dialogues among Books in Medieval Western Magic and Divination, ed. S. Rapisarda et E. Niblaeus\n(Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014), 166\u201367.\n35 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cPietro d\u2019Abano magicien \u00e0 la Renaissance: le cas de l\u2019Elucidarius magice (ou Lucidarium\nartis nigromantice),\u201d in M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie entre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance: autour de Pietro d\u2019Abano, ed.\nJ.-P. Boudet, F. Collard et N. Weill-Parot (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 314\u201315.\n36 Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French\nMonk (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015); John of Morigny, \u201cLiber florum celestis doctrine\u201d, or \u201cBook of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching\u201d: The New Compilation, with Independent Portions\nof the Old Compilation. An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto:\nPontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015). See the two editors\u2019 chapter in this volume.\n37 Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God\u201d. See also Damaris Gehr\u2019s contribution in this volume.\n38 MS Kassel, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek der Stadt Kassel, 4\u00b0 astron. 3, lib. 2, cap.\n3 \u201cDe vestibus\u201d, fol. 2: \u201cItem utile ad invocandum spiritus est habere vestes tales quales decet artem.\nDe quibus ait Salomon in 7\u00b0 suo biblo quod sint nigre vel albe.\u201d; fol. 3: \u201cItem dicit [\u00adSalomon] in principio tituli sexti 5i bibli quod tue vestes sint [\u2026]\u201d; lib. 2, cap. 4 \u201cDe corolla\u201d, fol. 7: \u201cQuia in universali\nforte esset necesse tibi habere coronam magnam Salomonis quam mandat facere dificiliter in 5\u00b0 suo\nbiblo.\u201d; lib. 2, cap. 7 \u201cDe Semenphoras\u201d, fol. 21: \u201cIta dicit Salomon in principio Magice.\u201d, etc.\n39 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, for example, 243, 246, 250, 333.\n40 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 203.\n41 MS Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252 (15th century), for example, fol. 5v, 9r, 11v\u201312r,\n23v, 27v, 28v\u201329r, 48v, 55r, 59r, 100v, 102v, 111v\u201312v, 119v, 146v.\n42 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa magie divinatoire \u00e0 la fin du Moyen \u00c2ge: autour de quelques experimenta in\u00e9dits,\u201d\nCahiers de Recherches M\u00e9di\u00e9vales et Humanistes, 21 (2011): 311\u201341, notably texts 2B and 3 edited in the\nappendix.\n43 Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d, 59.\n198\n\nPages 218:\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\n44 P.A. Torijano, Solomon, The Esoteric King: From King to Magus, Development of a Tradition (Leiden: Brill,\n2002); J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa transmission group\u00e9e des textes de magie \u2018salomonienne\u2019 de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 au\nMoyen \u00c2ge. Bilan historiographique, inconnues et pistes de recherche,\u201d in L\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 tardive dans les\ncollections m\u00e9di\u00e9vales: textes et repr\u00e9sentations, VIe-XIV e si\u00e8cle, ed. S. Gioanni et B. Gr\u00e9vin (Rome: \u00c9cole\nfran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2008), 193\u2013223.\n45 L. Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. II (New York: Colombia University Press,\n1923), 279\u201389.\n46 Pingree, \u201cLearned Magic\u201d, 39\u201356.\n47 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites.\n48 This programme, supported by SISMEL, is published in a sub-series of the Micrologus Library, under the scholarly authority of Jean-Patrice Boudet.\n49 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge; V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cThe Ars notoria in the Middle Ages and Modern\nTimes\u201d. To the list of manuscripts presented in this article can be added: MS D\u00fcsseldorf, \u00adUniversit\u00e4tsund Landesbibliothek, K07: 073 (c. 15), which was identified by L\u00e1szl\u00f3 S\u00e1ndor Chardonnens (we are\nvery grateful to him for sharing his discovery with us) and which presents, in an incomplete form of\nthe text and with no figures, the glossed version (B) and a secondary branch of the Ars notoria, the Opus\noperum; and MS Paris, BnF, N.A. lat. 1565 (c. 14), a glossed version (B) with figures.\n50 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins.\n51 F. Chave-Mahir et J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Rituel d\u2019exorcisme ou manuel de magie? Le manuscrit Clm 10085 de la\n\u00adBayerische Staatsbibliothek de Munich (d\u00e9but du XV e si\u00e8cle) (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015).\n52 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 15\u201330 and 75\u201392.\n53 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge, 25\u201327.\n54 B. Rebiger and P. Sch\u00e4fer, Sefer ha-Razim I und II. Das Buch der Geheimnisse I und II (T\u00fcbingen, 2009),\nvol. 1, 28 and 31\u201352; vol. 2, 82\u201385. On the different versions of the Latin Raziel, see S. Page,\n\u201cUplifting Souls: the Liber de essentia spirituum and the Liber Razielis\u201d, in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger,\n79\u2013112, especially 94\u2013105; J.-P. Boudet, \u201cAdam, premier savant, premier magicien,\u201d in Adam, le\npremier homme, ed. A. Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 277\u201396,\nespecially 286\u201391.\n55 Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale\u201d, 105\u20136.\n56 For example, in MS Halle, ULSA, 14.B.36.\n57 For details on these evolutions, we refer for the moment to our doctoral thesis, partially available online: L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque moderne. \u00c9tude d\u2019une tradition de magie th\u00e9urgique\n\u00ad(XIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cle), vol. I, dir. C. Beaune (Universit\u00e9 Paris X-Nanterre, 2004), 49\u2013301.\n58 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge, especially 217\u201331.\n59 See above.\n60 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque moderne: for the Ars brevis, vol. I, 303\u201317 and vol. II,\ntranscription, 967\u2013984; for the Ars Paulina, vol. I, 331\u201339.\n61 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 15\u201351. See also the recent discovery of a De consecratione\nlapidum by Vajra Redan, certainly from the second part of the thirteenth century, which borrows\nseveral topics to the \u201carabic\u201d version of the Liber Almandal: \u2018\u2019The De consecratione lapidum: A Previously Unknown Thirteenth-Century Version of the Liber Almandal Salomonis, Newly Introduced\nwith Critical Edition and Translation,\u201d The Journal of Medieval Latin, 28 (2018), 277\u2013333.\n62 Especially the divine names: cf. J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cGod\u2019s Names and Their Uses in the Books of Magic\nAttributed to King Solomon,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, 5, no. 1 (2010): 30\u201350.\n63 Cf. Frank Klaassen\u2019s contribution in this volume.\n64 J.-P. Boudet and J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLier et d\u00e9lier: de Dieu \u00e0 la sorci\u00e8re,\u201d in La l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 implicite. Actes des\nconf\u00e9rences organis\u00e9es \u00e0 Rome en 2010 et en 2011 par SAS en collaboration avec l\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, vol. I,\ned. J.-Ph. Genet (Paris and Rome: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2015), 87\u2013119.\n65 See, for example, the theurgy of Pelagius of Majorca, implicitly based on the tradition of the Ars\nnotoria: cf. J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa notion d\u2019\u2018auteur magicien\u2019 \u00e0 la fin du Moyen \u00c2ge: le cas de l\u2019ermite\nPelagius de Majorque (\u2020 v. 1480),\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 51 (2006): 119\u201338.\n66 See above.\n67 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa magie divinatoire \u00e0 la fin du Moyen \u00c2ge\u201d.\n68 See, for example, in the Liber Samayn of the Liber Razielis, in which the aims are far from being exclusively oriented towards the good, since the angels can bring about sickness or death: cf. Rediger\nand Sch\u00e4fer, Sefer ha-Razim I und II, vol. I, especially \u00a7 42\u201345, 34\u201335.\n199\n\nPages 219:\nJ u l i e n V \u00e9 ro n \u00e8 s e\n69 J.-P. Boudet, \u201cLes who\u2019s who d\u00e9monologiques de la Renaissance et leurs anc\u00eatres m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux,\u201d\nM\u00e9di\u00e9vales 44 (2003): 117\u201339.\n70 Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLier et d\u00e9lier\u201d, especially 105\u201310 on the Liber Razielis.\n71 De officiis spirituum, MS Coxe 25, 173\u201387, especially 173: \u201cDe maliciis demonum. Vidit ergo Deus\nquod cuncta malicia demonum erat in terra cujusdam filio regis David, scilicet Salomoni, universam tradidit scientiam vel sapientiam [\u2026]\u201d; 178: \u201c[\u2026] deinde sapientissimum Salomonem\ncredunt [demones sive spiritus] ad invenisse et tamen cum aliter prudens fuerit [instructor hujus\nartis] poterit spiritum vel spiritus, reges vel principes cogere [\u2026] usque in abyssum proicere\u201d, etc.;\nBoudet, \u201cLes who\u2019s who d\u00e9monologiques\u201d.\n72 J.-P. Boudet is working on the copies of Secreta Cipriani preserved in MSS Cambridge, University\nLib., Dd. 4.35, fol. 27r\u201340v (c. 1415) and Oxford, Bodleian Lib., Digby 30, fol. 1r\u201328v.\n73 Gal, Boudet and Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia.\n74 Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale\u201d.\n75 Page, \u201cUplifting Souls\u201d.\n76 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 144\u201349.\n77 Chave-Mahir and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Rituel d\u2019exorcisme ou manuel de magie?\n200\n\nPages 220:\n15\nN ecrom a nc y\nFrank Klaassen\nThe intentional or unintentional conjuring of demons was the great spectre medieval\n\u00adanti-magic literature, something to which practitioners and non-practitioners alike reduced\nalmost all forms of magic at one time or another in order to reject them. John of Morigny\nconstructed and supported his revision of the Ars notoria in opposition to the threat of demons\nit provoked.1 Renaissance authors such as Marsilio Ficino and Henry Cornelius Agrippa\nconstructed their positive views of magic in conscious opposition to necromancy.2 Later,\nnecromancy and magic in general were used in the rhetoric of the reformation to attack\nnot only Catholicism but also sectarians and atheists.3 This rhetorical habit even continued\nwith modern authors. Lynn Thorndike, Frances Yates and a host of others have used it to\ndesignate the sort of magic that was decidedly unlike science: the magic of the Renaissance,\nnatural or spiritual magic, astral magic or whatever sort of magic they championed. This\nconcern also had institutional expressions. To at least the mid-fifteenth century, the learned\nnecromantic practitioner was the principal focus of law and legal procedures against magic.\nThe middlebrow nature of much necromantic literature and its generally self-serving goals\nmake it an easy target for this sort of thing, but given how large its spectre looms in writing\non medieval magic and the Middle Ages in general, and its consistent presence in modern\ncommentaries about premodern magic, it is curious that so little is really known about it.\nDuring the past two decades, this situation has improved a great deal, but, with a few\nsignificant exceptions, explorations of necromancy in its own right remain rare. As a result,\nsignificant areas for future study remain almost entirely unexplored.\nDefinitions\nNecromancy is a category of ritual magic that concerns itself principally with conjuring demons, though sometimes also angels, terrene spirits such as fairies, and very rarely spirits of\nthe dead. It employs repurposed liturgical fragments and structures, a variety of consecrated\nobjects and lengthy ritual invocations reflecting the standard rhetoric of prayer and exorcism. It observes liturgical and astrological calendars for its operations, as well as atmospheric\nconditions. The operations generally require the creation or use of specific ritual spaces, such\nas conjuring circles, specially prepared rooms, or altars, and the interactions with the conjured spirits occur through various media, including scrying stones, mirrors, crystals, child\nmediums, dreams or waking visions.\nNecromantic practitioners were generally members of what Richard Kieckhefer has\ncalled the \u201cclerical underground.\u201d4 This is to say, they were sometimes monks and sometimes held secular church offices, but also sometimes belonged to the clerical world only\n201\n\nPages 221:\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\ninsofar as they had attended university. Some were decidedly on the fringes of this group\nbut identified with it, having had enough education through grammar school and personal\nstudy to have functional Latinity. The content of the surviving texts certainly suggests lowly\nstatus and modest learning. As the most worldly of the learned magicians, the goals of their\nrituals include sex or love, treasure hunting, gaining status, secret knowledge, invisibility or\nthe creation of wonders. Reflecting this focus on worldly results, they make few claims that\ntheir practices are spiritually or intellectually enriching.\nContemporaries typically referred to the genre as necromantia or nigromantia, but neither\nare entirely satisfying terms for the purposes of modern classification. The former was used\nto describe bad magic, which is to say demonic magic, sometimes including forms in which\ndemons were not explicitly conjured; the latter had a positive valence but was also used to\nrefer to a wide and nebulous range of magic practices from demonic conjuring to purely\nastrological magic. By a narrow margin, necromantia more accurately reflects a genre that\ndid involve demon conjuring. Although necromancy is the closest thing to \u201cblack magic\u201d\nwe find in the medieval period, the simplistic division of white and black magic misrepresents the realities. Medieval necromancy is fundamentally Christian in conception, and\nthe operators positioned themselves as virtuous Christians, working entirely through the\npower of God. In fact, the author of the Speculum astronomiae regarded this kind of literature\nas less abominable than astral magic or Hermetic magic, which had all the trappings of a\nnon-Christian religion. The term \u201cdemonic magic\u201d also misrepresents the realities, as medieval necromantic practice sometimes included other sorts of spirits.\nAmong the most important identifiable texts are the Thesaurus spirituum, the closely related Practica nigromancie, the De officiis spirituum and the Liber consecrationum. The library\nof necromancy also included a good deal of literature from the Solomonic tradition in\naddition to other texts. The Clavicula Salomonis, for example, was a standard work, as were\na range of short texts attributed to Solomon such as the Vinculum Salomonis, an intensified\nconjuration to bring a spirit to heel. In addition to these, necromantic collections also commonly included many anonymous operations and scattered materials useful to the operator\nsuch as prayers, biblical passages or tables identifying associations between a variety of\nthings such as angels, demons, sigils, suffumigations, astrological conditions, days of the\nweek or hours of the day. Since Solomonic magic is being treated as a separate category\nin this volume, this discussion will focus primarily on the non-Solomonic and anonymous\nmaterials where possible.\nHistorical outlines\nAs this rough description suggests, the origins of necromancy are multiple. Literary representations connect it with Toledo, which is unsurprising as it drew heavily upon Arabic and\nJewish sources.5 The conjuring practices in the latter portions of the London version of the\nLiber iuratus Honorii which derived from the Iberian Peninsula have a good deal in common\nwith the later traditions. While Jewish demon magic has some very suggestive commonalities\nwith necromancy, much of this remains conjectural at this point and it is often difficult to assess whether Jewish manuscripts (seemingly attesting to earlier Judaic practices) may actually\nhave derived from Christian or Arabic sources.6 Certainly, the long list of \u201cless detestable\u201d\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a\nlively literature in circulation in the thirteenth century employing \u201cexorcisms\u201d or conjurations and configured in Christian form.7\n202\n\nPages 222:\nN e c ro m a n c y\nMost of the witnesses to medieval necromantic practice are early modern and most of\nthe medieval witnesses are late medieval. A few fifteenth-century collections survive such\nas the Rawlinson and Munich Manuals.8 These contain either fragmentary or full copies\nof earlier texts such as the Liber consecrationum and Thesaurus spirituum. The latter survives,\nin varying but apparently complete sixteenth-century versions. The classic Solomonic text\nof necromancy, the Clavicula Salomonis, survives in one fifteenth-century copy but is mostly\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison\nto other works, explicitly necromantic works make up a substantial proportion of sixteenthand seventeenth-century manuscripts. Whether this is due to a relatively high attrition rate\nin the medieval period or a sudden growth in interest after 1500 remains unclear.10 Certainly, together with medieval references to circulating conjuring works, it suggests that\nmedieval versions were considerably more numerous than the surviving witnesses suggest.\nThese texts have a relatively high level of textual variance that was at least in part the result of the intellectual culture that surrounded them, including a kind of \u201cmix-and-match\u201d\napproach to operations. Ritual magic texts in general tended to promote a view of the\nmagician as a kind of divinely guided editor who discovered the ancient truths hidden in\nmagic texts through long practice and could be expected to create a new book of magic at\nthe end of the process. Certainly, such mythology would have helped to justify the creation\nof new texts when a user only had fragmentary sources or when the available texts did not\nagree. Surviving fifteenth-century manuals also suggest that practitioners collected a variety of texts often from disconnected or even incompatible traditions. They also employed\nthese texts interchangeably as circumstances demanded or in an effort to create something\nthat worked.11 These habits are visible in the marginalia of necromantic manuals and in\ncross-references in the texts themselves. So, for example, a conjuration might refer the operator to a particular prayer or a text such as the Vinculum Salomonis that might or might not be\nincluded elsewhere in the volume. Fragmentary texts or opuscula were thus not considered\nproblematic but potentially useful or even necessary.\nCertainly, a good deal of the necromantic literature was created in a process of pillaging and raw invention. Well-known works such as the Ars notoria and Liber iuratus served as\nsourcebooks for creating new operations, and the Munich Manual contains a demonic variation on the Ars notoria.12 Necromantic practitioners also commonly drew upon the liturgy\nrather than simply employing the liturgical fragments already incorporated in pre-existing\nmagic texts. Even as late as the early sixteenth century, magicians with access to reasonable\ncollections of classic magic texts also used liturgical books to construct magic operations.13\nSimilarly, many of the apparently anonymous sections in medieval necromantic handbooks\nwere derived from standard texts such as the Thesaurus spirituum without their sources being identified.14 Local traditions were also incorporated into the operations. The Thesaurus\nspirituum, for example, contains a ritual for conjuring spirits that are clearly fairies and\nthat corresponds to the traditions represented in medieval fairy literature.15 Finally, as this\nmaterial spread into vernacular languages starting in the fifteenth century, the texts also\nchanged under the influence of its new middlebrow transmitters. As a result, the history of\nthe texts is difficult to trace, and this process is made more difficult by the fact that most\nof the surviving manuscripts post-date 1500, when major shifts in social, intellectual, and\nreligious conditions were underway.\nNecromantic texts travelled in a relatively stable social context through the medieval period, although that began to break down in the fifteenth century. The clerical underworld described above had ragged edges and included educated courtiers, grammar\n203\n\nPages 223:\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nschool teachers and itinerant clerics who had deserted their posts or had never held an\necclesiastical income. The texts demanded at least a close association with the clerical\nworld because they required functional Latinity, some knowledge of the liturgy and often\nthe services of an ordained priest. However, as the literature slowly filtered into vernacular\nversions and as the learned world itself became less overtly clerical, the social coherence\nof this group began to break down and a growing group of lay and non-Latinate practitioners took it up. This in part explains why the vernacular texts evince significant transformations. This process began in the fifteenth century, but became significant only in the\nearly modern period.\nAlthough necromancy was condemned repeatedly and with increasing sophistication,\nand despite being in some ways the least defensible form of learned magic, there was little\ninstitutional will to seek out and prosecute practitioners. Necromantic practitioners were\nunquestionably aware of each other, sought books through informal networks and frequently performed necromantic magic in groups (something that the texts often require).\nIn short, not only did they evince many of the mythological trappings of heresy and witchcraft, but it also would have been possible for dedicated investigators to seek out these wider\ncommunities and eradicate them. However, such far-reaching investigations were very rare\nindeed. Instead, church courts tended to deal with individual cases when they appeared\nin Episcopal visitations or were otherwise unavoidable due to public scandal, and even in\nthe later Middle Ages confined themselves to a strategy of correction through confession,\npenance and the destruction of the offending books and equipment rather than execution.\nSecular courts certainly had a growing concern with this sort of magic towards the end of\nthe Middle Ages, but similarly tended to deal with them on a case-by-case basis and only\ninflicted capital punishment when the offending party had committed or attempted to commit a felony such as murder or sedition.16\nState of the field\nThe scholarly study of necromantic magic began among practitioners and anti-magic writers\nsoon after its appearance. The book collections of people like John Erghome, the analysis of\ntexts in the Speculum astronomiae, the bibliographic work of Trithemius and the broad humanistic research of Henry Cornelius Agrippa are but a few examples of early explorations that\nultimately became fundamental tools for the historical bibliography of magic.17 Although\nscholarship motivated by anti-magic sentiments dropped off after 1600, nineteenth-century\noccultists like Eliphas Levi, Arthur Edward Waite and Gregory Mathers continued in many\nrespects to approach the material as scholars. Their activities include both extending the\nbibliographic research of the earlier authors and some basic editing of early magic texts,\nalthough naturally their primary goals were practical rather than scholarly. Along with other\noccultists, they also formed an important bridge between the premodern and modern, making this literature relevant in new ways to modern readers. Lay researchers continue to make\nvaluable contributions to the field to the present day.18\nIn a strict sense, the scholarly study of necromantic texts began in the twentieth century with writers like Lynn Thorndike and Elizabeth Butler. Like many others after him,\nThorndike\u2019s documenting of necromantic literature was grudging, since it generally did not\nconfirm his preconceptions of the close relationship between magic and science and the decline of \u201cuse of superstitious ceremonial and magical rite, of incantation, word and number\u201d\nin the early modern period.19 Nonetheless, his dedication to manuscripts and his extensive\n204\n\nPages 224:\nN e c ro m a n c y\ndocumenting of manuscript sources remains profoundly valuable. Elizabeth Butler\u2019s contribution was almost the opposite. Her interest in tracing the backdrop for the Faust legends\nled her to an unapologetic focus upon demon conjuring in its various forms, particularly in\nthe early modern period. However, her explorations of the literature were limited to printed\nsources, so the picture she paints of medieval magic was somewhat anachronistic.\nD. P. Walker, Frances Yates and others inspired a new generation of scholars to examine\npremodern magic, but they had little time for medieval necromantic magic, which (together\nwith most medieval ritual magic) Yates referred to as \u201cthe old dirty magic.\u201d20 In fact, the\nold traditions served as a useful foil to emphasize the distinctive nature of Renaissance\nhigh magic and its connections to Arabic, Neoplatonic and Hermetic sources, a habit of\nmind found also among historians of science who have regarded works on natural magic as\ncentrally important due to their integration with sixteenth-century science. The few medievalists who worked directly on learned magic also tended to focus more on Arabic texts or\nastrological magic. David Pingree\u2019s attention rarely shifted from texts like the Picatrix, and\nCharles Burnett has similarly been preoccupied with texts of Arabic origin and other sorts\nof magic. Vittoria Perone Comangni has worked to catalogue medieval astrological magic\nand Paola Zambelli\u2019s attention has focused principally on questions surrounding natural\nmagic.21\nAlthough explored briefly in his Magic in the Middle Ages and a number of articles, it was\nnot until Richard Kieckhefer published Forbidden Rites that any scholar gave close attention\nto a manuscript collection of medieval necromantic texts for its own sake.22 This was a\ncrucial step since so little was known about such works, much less at the level of detail a\ntextual edition can facilitate. Previously, even occultists had preferred to examine single\nworks of explicitly Solomonic magic rather than the disordered collections of anonymous\nand ragged material that are typical of surviving medieval handbooks. Kieckhefer\u2019s work\nbroke new ground by attempting to understand necromantic texts not as isolated travellers\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also\nmade the first attempt to treat the practice on its own terms and to develop ways of thinking\nabout it. He categorized the constituent operations and sought to connect the collection to\nthe intellectual, religious and social environment of fifteenth-century Germany. This remains the single most important publication on the topic. Perhaps the most interesting and\nvaluable feature of his work is his grappling with how to understand the relationship of this\nliterature to religious practice.\nSince that time a number of scholars have taken up the study of texts and manuscripts.\nWhile it does not add to our understanding of medieval material, Davies\u2019s book Grimoires\nprovides a remarkably broad survey of the magic books in general to the present day and\nprovides a valuable overview of these book in both Europe and its colonies.23 Other surveys of medieval manuscript material by Jean-Patrice Boudet, Nicolas Weill-Parot, Julien\nVeronese and myself, however, have opened up areas almost invisible in Thorndike\u2019s work,\nproviding a more nuanced picture of the library of medieval learned magic.24 Perhaps more\nsignificantly, editions of texts that are important to necromantic practice, including the Liber\niuratus Honorii, Almandal and Montolmo\u2019s De occultis et manifestis, have helped to provide an\nexpanded sense of the practice of spirit conjuring.25 Scholars have also conducted focused\nstudies on particular manuscripts such as the Rawlinson Manual, Society of Antiquaries 39\nand a manuscript of the De oficiis spirituum.26 Studies of sixteenth-century manuscripts based\nupon medieval texts will also expand our understanding of both medieval necromancy and\nthe ways it changed in the early modern period.27\n205\n\nPages 225:\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nMost of the analyses of texts relating to demon conjuring concern the relationship of the\npractice to the intellectual world of the Middle Ages. Kieckhefer has explored in particular\nthe relationship to the mental world of late medieval piety and has considered the ways in\nwhich necromancy may or may not be considered as part of the medieval religious landscape.28 Scholars have also considered the various ways in which conjuring literature has\nframed itself, in particular, the ways in which the mythology of secrecy should be understood, the development of the \u201cauthor-magician\u201d of the late Middle Ages and the way in\nwhich magicians understood their relationship to received texts.29 The close relationship\nof the conjuring literature to medieval scientific thinking has also been explored in various ways.30 Finally, knowledge of medieval literature, significantly necromantic literature,\nhas led to calls for a reassessment of the place of this material in the Renaissance and in\n\u00adsixteenth-century science.31\nIn part following Kieckhefer\u2019s lead, scholars have explored various aspects of the social world surrounding necromantic magic or learned magic in general. Having proposed\nthat ritual magic, and necromantic magic in particular, was generated by, transmitted in\nand employed by members of a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d, Kieckhefer explored this further in\nForbidden Rites, where he described figures such as Johannes Hartleib as the sorts of persons who might have authored CLM 849.32 Some scholars have explored the question\nof how necromancy and ritual magic may be seen as products of the homosocial world\nin which they were created and transmitted and in the ideals of learned masculinity that\nthey espoused.33 Indirectly, Kieckhefer has touched on similar questions in his discussion\nof erotic magic, some forms of which were necromantic.34 Jean-Patrice Boudet and others\nhave explored the relationship of magic to the social contexts in which it was transmitted,\nparticularly the courts and the world of learning, and the ways in which these contexts supported and shaped it.35 This positive relationship was, however, accompanied by opposite\nand negative impacts.\nMuch of the history of necromantic magic in its relation to the courts was conducted\nas part of an attempt to explain the rise of the witch trials. Edward Peters, Cohn and\nothers after them have demonstrated that from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries,\nmedieval authorities were far more concerned with the learned male practitioner of necromancy than the common female practitioners who increasingly occupied their attentions\nafter 1550.36 Similarly, extensive documentation of trials of necromantic practice may be\nfound in the works of George Lyman Kittredge and Keith Thomas, neither of whom was\nprimarily interested in necromantic magic as an intellectual tradition in its own right,\nand later by Richard Kieckhefer whose initial work on magic concerned the history of\nwitchcraft.37\nEventually, however, more historians of learned magic took up this work. Boudet and\nVeenstra, for example, have demonstrated the growing sophistication of the anti-magic\nwriters in their knowledge of ritual magic literature.38 In particular, anti-magic writers\nevince an awareness of how necromantic texts positioned their practices as holy (that is as\noperating through the power of Christian rituals, the piety of the operator and his \u00adChristian\nstatus) and how they more than often did not require any explicit pact, sacrifice, act of\nobeisance to the devil. As a result of such knowledge, condemnations became more sophisticated. More recent work on cunning folk and trial records of practitioners after 1500 may\nshed further light on late medieval practices and practitioners, particularly in areas like\nEngland, where the crucial conceptual shift to concern with witchcraft did not take place\nuntil the latter part of the sixteenth century.39\n206\n\nPages 226:\nN e c ro m a n c y\nOpportunities for future work\nThe historical focus by scholars on witchcraft on the one hand and high magic (medieval or\nRenaissance) on the other hand has tended to leave necromantic magic largely unconsidered,\neven though it was a principal concern for late medieval voices of authority to the end of the\nMiddle Ages and its users constitute the largest group of those brought up on legal charges\nfor magic practice. In fact, most of the studies cited here touch on necromantic practice only\nunder the broader rubric of ritual magic. Although this situation may in part be explained by\nthe dearth of surviving medieval manuscripts, the genre is represented by a host of sixteenth-\u00ad\ncentury witnesses, all of which attest to late medieval practice. Court records of late medieval\nprosecutions for necromantic practice also merit investigation in their own right rather than under the rubric of witchcraft.40 As a result, there remains a good deal of scope for further study.\nThe surviving manuscripts betray origin or circulation in various literate environments.\nStudies drawing on such evidence could help to situate necromantic practice more fully in\nparticular settings, monastic, clerical, university or bourgeois. This is especially the case\nwhere it is possible to supplement this with evidence from court cases involving necromantic magic. Looking at such locations is important for another reason. Studies of ritual\nmagic often give the impression that necromantic magic was the product and practice of\nsingle isolated users and have often been treated that way rather than as the products of\ncommunities, despite the fact that many necromantic rituals explicitly involve several people performing a variety of roles. Studies of this kind would thus not only help us to better\nunderstand how necromancy related to particular social settings but also how necromantic\nrituals were developed, conceived and performed by groups of people.\nTrial records and literary representations also offer other opportunities for broad surveys. Although the relationship of magic and heresy has been sketched out to some extent,\nno broad study has been conducted that compares court cases for conjuring with those for\nother forms of magic such as witchcraft or those for heresy, which is often assumed to share\na similar conceptual space. Similarly, examinations of magic literature have contextualized\nparticular literary representations of magic by referring to necromantic manuscripts, but\nthese studies have remained focused only on isolated examples.41 Tremendous opportunities thus exist for broad comparative studies of literary representations that would seek\nto understand their relationship to, and continuities or discontinuities with, the textual\ntraditions of medieval magic. In fact, since studies concerned with literature tend to have\nbeen written as ways of explicating particular literary texts, no comprehensive survey of\nEuropean literary representations of necromancy has yet been written.\nThe growing body of scholarly editions provides concrete evidence for the ways in which\nthis literature was transmitted, but there remains a good deal more to do. We have no\nedition of the most important works of necromantic magic, such as the Thesaurus spirituum,\nand although we have single-witness editions of texts like the Liber consecrationum, the lack\nof critical editions makes it more difficult to assess how the text was compiled and transmitted. The medieval library of necromancy also included an assemblage of a variety of\nsmall texts used for specific purposes. More manageable projects (particularly for graduate\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum\n\u00adSalomonis. At this point, it is not even clear whether these texts have a real textual tradition\nor whether there are numerous texts circulating under their names, the writing of which\nwas prompted by the fact that another text cited them. Undoubtedly, there are also other\ntexts yet to be identified among the great variety of anonymous and untitled material.\n207\n\nPages 227:\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nAs a literature characterized by regular textual pillaging, transformation, and reinvention, a good deal can be gleaned about the intellectual culture of magic from the ways in\nwhich necromancy changed over time. Such studies will be increasingly possible as more of\nthis literature is published in scholarly editions. In addition to examining the ways in which\nthe texts themselves were transformed, such studies can look at three issues: relations with\nJewish and Arabic sources, medieval cross-pollination and vernacularization. The growing\nbody of research on Jewish and Arabic magic will no doubt reveal further ways in which\nmagic traditions were appropriated from these sources but also fed back into Jewish traditions. Interrelations between texts and common traditions such as fairy lore tell us a good\ndeal not only about magic but also about the relationship between learned and popular\nculture (assuming such a division is valid). More crucially, dedicated study of the relationship between necromantic magic and the liturgy could provide a variety of valuable insights\ninto the religious sensibilities of the authors. For example, it would be interesting to know\nthe extent to which necromantic scribes and authors drew ritual forms from contemporary\nand local liturgical traditions as they created their texts, as opposed to drawing this sort of\nmaterial from other magic texts serving as a kind of independent liturgical tradition.\nDramatic opportunities may also be found in examining the fortunes of magic at the very\nend of the Middle Ages, in the sixteenth century, and beyond. The foundations of much of\nmodern magic are medieval and this is particularly the case with the conjuring literature.\nThe transmission of the originally Latin necromantic material into the vernacular began\nin earnest in the fifteenth century and this was by no means a neutral process. In fact,\nvernacular translations seem to have been common locations for the dramatic revision of\nthe original texts, while Latin texts more often preserved the original forms.42 Studies of\nvernacular versions of medieval literature will provide interesting perspectives on the ways\nin which magic transformed as it shifted to a more popular and secular environment.\nIn a similar way, the changes associated with the Renaissance deserve closer examination. The conventional narrative of Renaissance magic suggests a dramatic break with the\nmedieval past in the 1480s. However, the greatest proportion of sixteenth-century magic\nmanuscripts contains medieval ritual magic, and most of these are necromantic. Without\nan understanding of medieval traditions of magic, it remains easy to misconstrue the significance of Renaissance or early modern magic or to misunderstand it entirely. Further study\nof Renaissance manuscripts will help us better understand the transitions that took place\namong common practitioners. In addition, the development of modern conjuring magic\nfrom its medieval sources remains almost entirely unexplored.\nIt is fitting to close by returning to the work of Richard Kieckhefer, particularly the ways\nin which his work pointed outward towards etic considerations. Necromantic literature\ninvolves a fascinating combination of seemingly contrary elements which he has referred to\nas \u201cflamboyantly transgressive\u201d: a conservative dedication to liturgical form within wildly\ninappropriate appropriations, an insistence on being in a state of grace in order to perform\nmagic to appease greed or lust and a fascination with the numinous that seems analogous\nto, but different from, the desire of the mystic for God. Certainly, the lines between this\nform of magic and conventional religious practice are complex and far from clear, and\nKieckhefer has tried in various emic ways to articulate the complexities of the boundaries,\nbut these explorations prompt some interesting etic questions. How does the impulse to\nwork with demons in a Christian context compare with traditions that are explicitly demonic and operative, such as Taoist incantation texts, or those engaging in spiritual ways\nwith malefic forces such as we find in Tibetan tantric necromancy? To what extent are\n208\n\nPages 228:\nN e c ro m a n c y\nour definitions of religion prefabricated to exclude such practices in ways that prevent us\nfrom engaging in a sympathetic treatment of medieval necromancy? From the perspective\nof world religions, is necromancy (and by implication all conventionally defined medieval\nmagic) better understood simply as a part of the spectrum of medieval Christian religion?\nNotes\n1 The prologue to the Liber florum celestis doctrine (previously called the Liber visionis) details at great\nlength the terrifying demonic visions prompted by the Ars notoria. It also concludes with a discussion of how to distinguish demonic visions from divine visions. John of Morigny, \u201cPrologue to\nLiber \u00adVisionum [C. 1304\u20131318],\u201d translated, edited and introduced by Claire Fanger and Nicholas\n\u00adWatson, Esoterica III (2001): 108\u2013217.\n2 Ficino\u2019s Apology for the De vita coelitus comparanda divides his good magic from bad magic on these\ngrounds. Marsilio Ficino, Apologia, ed. Carol V. Kaske and John R. Clark, trans. Carol V. Kaske\nand John R. Clark, Three Books on Life (Binghamton, NY: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies in conjunction with t\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 214 to page 228 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=214\nPages: 214\ncertain point, they represent the expression of a form of individual piety, more or less\nwithin the framework of Christian liturgy.65 The former are, on the whole, more likely\nto transgress from the religious norm (the Clavicula, for example, demands that one make\nsacrifices to the spirits), while the latter integrate it to a greater degree \u2013 although, by\ndefinition, never completely \u2013 which eventually renders them more pernicious in the\neyes of some theologians. This line of schematic demarcation between necromancy and\ntheurgy (\u00adi ncidentally a category that the Latin West scarcely knows) can nevertheless be\nfaint, even ineffective, as several specific cases show. The same tradition can shift over\ntime from one category to the other and circulate in parallel in its different forms, as in\nthe case of the Almandal/Almadel.66 Some experimenta founded on conjurations or exorcisms can be destined for angels, which are constrained by them, like demons are in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=213\nPages: 213\nangels and their messengers from the celestial plane for the purposes of, among other\nthings, acquiring knowledge. From a form of necromancy that was still deeply Arabic, we\narrive at a model of theurgy based on the Ars notoria and perhaps on a text related to the\nLiber Razielis; beyond its immediate effects, the ritual now aims to bring the human being\ntowards salvation, by nevertheless keeping only to the margins of Christian affiliation.\nUltimately, it would be necessary to wait for a gloss on this latest version, conveniently\nattributed to St Jerome, for the Christianizing process to become more marked (which\nobviously does not imply orthodoxy); in the same period, the modus operandi that mobilizes\nChristian liturgy became subject to a more workable format.61 These few examples, in\naddition to what has already been said on the subject of \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d, demonstrate\nthat revision also sometimes signals the use of other texts, notably Solomonic texts; the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nDuring the past two decades, this situation has improved a great deal, but, with a few\nsignificant exceptions, explorations of necromancy in its own right remain rare. As a result,\nsignificant areas for future study remain almost entirely unexplored.\nDefinitions\nNecromancy is a category of ritual magic that concerns itself principally with conjuring demons, though sometimes also angels, terrene spirits such as fairies, and very rarely spirits of\nthe dead. It employs repurposed liturgical fragments and structures, a variety of consecrated\nobjects and lengthy ritual invocations reflecting the standard rhetoric of prayer and exorcism. It observes liturgical and astrological calendars for its operations, as well as atmospheric\nconditions. The operations generally require the creation or use of specific ritual spaces, such]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=214\nPages: 214\nbooks of necromancy.67 The use of elements of the Christian liturgy, in a Western culture that was increasingly receptive to the cult of angels, and especially of the guardian\nangel, is by no means the prerogative only of theurgy; a text like the Clavicula Salomonis,\nwhich enables the user to conjure demons and spirits for potentially malevolent ends,\ninvolves, among other things, a priest, the sacraments of baptism and confession, and\nthe liturgy of the mass. Finally, if the rituals addressed to angels were generally aimed\nless at producing bad effects, it was nevertheless true that this matter was not confined to\ndemons,68 who incidentally, in the manner of the da\u00efmones of antiquity, were not always\nconsidered as bad in this context.69 The power of God being by its very nature ambivalent (in the sense that it can encompass both good and evil) and without limits, it could\nsubsume, once delegated to the magister, the categories of spirits who, good or bad, did]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=215\nPages: 215\nthe late Middle Ages, for which the liturgy enables us to measure in unexpected ways the\nrelationship cultivated between ritual magic and the norms of Christianity. We know\nthat Solomonic magic, especially necromancy, comes within the framework of a liturgy\nthat, sometimes in parodic mode, borrows from canonical practice (masses, benedictions,\nconsecrations, use of the sacraments, etc.). Specialists have also noted that the formulas for\nconjuring demons maintain a formal kinship with the canonical formulas of exorcism.76\nThis last point has never been studied in any depth; yet, this is fertile ground for \u00add iscovery.\nNot only do certain \u201cmagic\u201d conjurations borrow from the exorcisms of the Church,\n\u00adparticularly the tradition in the Romano-Germanic Pontifical (this topic alone would merit a\nsystematic examination), but it equally appears that \u201cmagic\u201d formulas were used in their\nturn \u2013 sometimes on a massive scale \u2013 to develop new rituals of exorcism, which flourished]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221\ndid involve demon conjuring. Although necromancy is the closest thing to \u201cblack magic\u201d\nwe find in the medieval period, the simplistic division of white and black magic misrepresents the realities. Medieval necromancy is fundamentally Christian in conception, and\nthe operators positioned themselves as virtuous Christians, working entirely through the\npower of God. In fact, the author of the Speculum astronomiae regarded this kind of literature\nas less abominable than astral magic or Hermetic magic, which had all the trappings of a\nnon-Christian religion. The term \u201cdemonic magic\u201d also misrepresents the realities, as medieval necromantic practice sometimes included other sorts of spirits.\nAmong the most important identifiable texts are the Thesaurus spirituum, the closely related Practica nigromancie, the De officiis spirituum and the Liber consecrationum. The library\nof necromancy also included a good deal of literature from the Solomonic tradition in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=119\nPages: 119\ngenerally \u00adrejected as illicit by intellectual elites and categorized as necromancy.2 We should\ntherefore ask ourselves whether Alfonso had any scruples when it came to admitting such\npractices.\nAlfonso\u2019s position regarding the legitimacy of magic, sorcery and divination is \u00adexpressed\nin his legal code, the Siete Partidas (1254\u201365): Law VII, 23, 1, distinguishes between\n\u00add ivination performed by learned experts using astrological techniques and that conducted\nby sorcerers and diviners employing other techniques such as hydromancy, ornithomancy\nor chiromancy, with the latter divination being prohibited under penalty of banishment.\nThe following two laws forbid necromancy on pain of death, defining it as \u201cthe art of\n\u00adenchanting evil spirits\u201d, as well as the use of images, philtres and any witchcraft intended\nto bring about or break up love. In contrast, magical operations carried out with good\n\u00adintentions, such as protection from demons, breaking curses and avoiding storms or pests,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=254\nPages: 254\n3 On the general distinction between nigromancy and necromancy: Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science\net nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (xiie-xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la\nSorbonne, 2006), 92\u201394.\n4 Thorndike, The Sphere of Sacrobosco, 55.\n5 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cI demoni della Sfera. La \u2018nigromanzia\u2019 cosmologico-astrologica di Cecco\nd\u2019Ascoli,\u201d in Cecco d\u2019Ascoli: cultura, scienza e politica, ed. Rigon, 103\u201331.\n6 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, In Spheram, ed. Thorndike: ch. 2, 387\u201388.\n7 Ibid., 388 and 398\u201399.\n8 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, L\u2019Acerba, ed. Marco Albertazzi (Lavis: La Finestra, 2002): Bk 4 ch. 3 verse 9\n(\u201cAnch\u2019io te voglio dir como nel fuocho/ fanno venir figure i piromanti/ chiamando \u2018Scarbo\u2019,\n\u2018Mormores\u2019 e \u2018Smocho\u2019.\u201d)\n9 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, In Spheram: ch. 3, 403.\n10 Ibid., ed. Thorndike, ch. 3, 403\u20134.\n11 Ibid., ch. 2, 397.\n12 Ibid., ch. 4, 406.\n13 Ibid., ch. 3, 404.\n14 Ibid.. ch. 2, 395.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=431\nPages: 431\ncircle that he draws to protect himself from evil spirits. The fact the artist includes this\ndetail when it is not mentioned in the text suggests that by this date the magic circle had\ncome to play an important role in magic rituals. By the late thirteenth century, then, this\ndiagram boundary between two worlds, which protected the magician from the demonic\nunderworld, had become a standard feature of magic rituals.\nThe crucial aspect of this most despised form of magic, necromancy, was its ability to\nharness the power of devils. Necromancy involved rituals to attract occult forces, rituals\nwhich churchmen interpreted as demonically inspired illusions. The invocation of devils\nwas, without question, contrary to the Christian religion, but on the other hand it was permissible to invoke cosmic forces using spirits that were part of the Christian tradition. These\nspirits were angels. As David Pingree observed, Alfonso X of Castile had learned from]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=180\nPages: 180\nthrough experience the causes of phenomena that only appear to be secret. In the Picatrix,\nnecromancy is a science and an art, the knowledge and practice of \u201cany fact concealed\nto the senses\u201d48 which involves operations drawing on intelligent spiritual essences linked to\nthe planets. But in the Book of the Marvels of the World, there are no prayers, suffumigations or\nthe pronunciation and writing of mysterious names, such as we find in the Picatrix, and also\nin Hermetic image magic texts.\nThe Book of the Marvels of the World also has some continuities with the traditions represented by the Hermetic Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. The vademecum of\nthe natural philosopher includes knowledge of the primary qualities, heat and cold, and\nof natural properties. So if you want to excite cool passions, heat can help. If you want to\ninstill courage in someone, you should advise them to carry a lion\u2019s organ, since the lion is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=225\nPages: 225\nof how necromancy and ritual magic may be seen as products of the homosocial world\nin which they were created and transmitted and in the ideals of learned masculinity that\nthey espoused.33 Indirectly, Kieckhefer has touched on similar questions in his discussion\nof erotic magic, some forms of which were necromantic.34 Jean-Patrice Boudet and others\nhave explored the relationship of magic to the social contexts in which it was transmitted,\nparticularly the courts and the world of learning, and the ways in which these contexts supported and shaped it.35 This positive relationship was, however, accompanied by opposite\nand negative impacts.\nMuch of the history of necromantic magic in its relation to the courts was conducted\nas part of an attempt to explain the rise of the witch trials. Edward Peters, Cohn and\nothers after them have demonstrated that from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=445\nPages: 445\nDroz, 2009).\n55 Jos\u00e9 Escobar, \u201cThe Practice of Necromancy as Depicted in CSM 125 (Cantigas de Santa Mar\u00eda,\n125),\u201d Bulletin of the Cantigueiros de Santa Mar\u00eda 2 (1992): 33\u201343; Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa cultura visual de\nla magia\u201d.\n56 David Pingree, \u201cSome of the Sources of the Gh\u0101yat al-hak\u012bm,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld\nInstitutes, 43 (1980): 1\u201315, here at 4.\n57 See Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval\nUniverse (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n58 Speculum astronomiae, trans. Paola Zambelli, The Speculum astronomiae and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology,\nScience in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 240.\n59 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-Century Preacher\u2019s Handbook (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), 578\u201379; see Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 170. On wax figurines, see now Kati]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=129\nPages: 129\nmagia natural y la nigromancia (c. 1230-c. 1310),\u201d Cl\u00edo & Crimen 8 (2011): 15\u201372. On the evolution\nof the meaning of the word \u201cnecromancy\u201d, see Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cEstudi introductori\u201d, in Arnau de\nVilanova, Epistola de reprobacione nigromantice ficcionis, Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia (AVOMO),\nVII.1 (Barcelona: Universitat, 2005), 59\u201366.\n3 Alfonso X, Las siete partidas, III (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1807), 667\u201369.\n4 David Romano, La ciencia hispanojud\u00eda (Madrid: Mapfre, 1992), 128\u201358; Julio Sams\u00f3, \u201cTraducciones\ncient\u00edficas \u00e1rabo-romances en la pen\u00ednsula Ib\u00e9rica,\u201d in Actes del VII Congr\u00e9s de l\u2019Associaci\u00f3 Hisp\u00e0nica\nde Literatura Medieval, I, ed. Santiago Fortu\u00f1o - Tom\u00e0s Mart\u00ednez (Castell\u00f3: Universitat Jaume I,\n1999), 199\u2013231; Gerold Hilty, \u201cEl pluriling\u00fcismo en la corte de Alfonso X el Sabio,\u201d in Actas del\nV \u00adCongreso Internacional de Historia de la Lengua Espa\u00f1ola, I, ed. Maria Teresa Echenique and Juan]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219,220\n75 Page, \u201cUplifting Souls\u201d.\n76 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 144\u201349.\n77 Chave-Mahir and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Rituel d\u2019exorcisme ou manuel de magie?\n200\n15\nN ecrom a nc y\nFrank Klaassen\nThe intentional or unintentional conjuring of demons was the great spectre medieval\n\u00adanti-magic literature, something to which practitioners and non-practitioners alike reduced\nalmost all forms of magic at one time or another in order to reject them. John of Morigny\nconstructed and supported his revision of the Ars notoria in opposition to the threat of demons\nit provoked.1 Renaissance authors such as Marsilio Ficino and Henry Cornelius Agrippa\nconstructed their positive views of magic in conscious opposition to necromancy.2 Later,\nnecromancy and magic in general were used in the rhetoric of the reformation to attack\nnot only Catholicism but also sectarians and atheists.3 This rhetorical habit even continued\nwith modern authors. Lynn Thorndike, Frances Yates and a host of others have used it to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221\nmaterials where possible.\nHistorical outlines\nAs this rough description suggests, the origins of necromancy are multiple. Literary representations connect it with Toledo, which is unsurprising as it drew heavily upon Arabic and\nJewish sources.5 The conjuring practices in the latter portions of the London version of the\nLiber iuratus Honorii which derived from the Iberian Peninsula have a good deal in common\nwith the later traditions. While Jewish demon magic has some very suggestive commonalities\nwith necromancy, much of this remains conjectural at this point and it is often difficult to assess whether Jewish manuscripts (seemingly attesting to earlier Judaic practices) may actually\nhave derived from Christian or Arabic sources.6 Certainly, the long list of \u201cless detestable\u201d\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\ntraditions of medieval magic. In fact, since studies concerned with literature tend to have\nbeen written as ways of explicating particular literary texts, no comprehensive survey of\nEuropean literary representations of necromancy has yet been written.\nThe growing body of scholarly editions provides concrete evidence for the ways in which\nthis literature was transmitted, but there remains a good deal more to do. We have no\nedition of the most important works of necromantic magic, such as the Thesaurus spirituum,\nand although we have single-witness editions of texts like the Liber consecrationum, the lack\nof critical editions makes it more difficult to assess how the text was compiled and transmitted. The medieval library of necromancy also included an assemblage of a variety of\nsmall texts used for specific purposes. More manageable projects (particularly for graduate\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=514\nPages: 514\nauthorities regarded superstitious practices among elites like themselves, such as astrology\nand necromancy, which becomes evident in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and develops dramatically in the fourteenth century.71 In the fifteenth century, they began to (partially) reorient their condemnations of supposedly superstitious rites, now highly diabolized\nbecause of the need to address the explicitly demonic invocations of necromancers, back\ntoward more common practices and more ordinary people. The shift is patent in the career\nof Jean Gerson. The Paris theology faculty\u2019s condemnation of 28 articles of superstition and\nsorcery was produced under his direction in 1398 and addressed learned magical practices\nalmost exclusively. The specific kinds of rites it mentioned all involved complex rituals and\nelaborate paraphernalia: binding demons into gems, rings or mirrors; burning incense in\nthe course of an invocation; saying prayers, performing ablutions or even celebrating Mass]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221\nstatus and modest learning. As the most worldly of the learned magicians, the goals of their\nrituals include sex or love, treasure hunting, gaining status, secret knowledge, invisibility or\nthe creation of wonders. Reflecting this focus on worldly results, they make few claims that\ntheir practices are spiritually or intellectually enriching.\nContemporaries typically referred to the genre as necromantia or nigromantia, but neither\nare entirely satisfying terms for the purposes of modern classification. The former was used\nto describe bad magic, which is to say demonic magic, sometimes including forms in which\ndemons were not explicitly conjured; the latter had a positive valence but was also used to\nrefer to a wide and nebulous range of magic practices from demonic conjuring to purely\nastrological magic. By a narrow margin, necromantia more accurately reflects a genre that\ndid involve demon conjuring. Although necromancy is the closest thing to \u201cblack magic\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=179\nPages: 179,180\nwonders, however, require a specific course of study that the author claims to have learned\nfrom Plato\u2019s Liber Regimentis, that is, the Liber vaccae. In the Book of the Marvels of the World,\nthe curriculum studiorum for students includes dialectic, natural philosophy, astrology and\nnecromancy.47 Man can achieve a deep knowledge of mirabilia, availing himself of an art of\n160\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nthe trivium, dialectic, a discipline of the quadrivium, astrology and necromancy, which is here\nunderstood as the knowledge of hidden things (scientia de rebus absconditis). However, in the\nBook of the Marvels of the World, the garb of the necromancer is not that of the makers of talismans portrayed in the Picatrix but rather the dress of the natural philosopher, who reveals\nthrough experience the causes of phenomena that only appear to be secret. In the Picatrix,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=312\nPages: 312\nthe schools of theology when he argued that the very use of words was sign of an intention\nto convey a message and when he concluded that the subjects who would receive such\ncommunications must be demons. It was no surprise to those of Thomas\u2019s ilk that works\nlike Picatrix would choose to call their art a kind of necromancy. Yet, among the science\u2019s\ndefenders were many who claimed that nothing more was at work in the crafting of images\nthat could produce wonderful effects than manipulation of the powers of nature. For its defenders, therefore, the science of images fell completely under the rubric of natural science.\nThomas\u2019s contemporary Roger Bacon was one of those who undertook an explanation of\nhow the science of images could be not a call to demons but rather an appeal to the natural\nworld. In his Opus maius, a work of visionary claims for the sciences addressed directly to\nthe pope, Bacon contended that the work of the stars on the confected images had to be]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211,212\nmagic in itself, and more broadly concerning Western ritual magic.\nFirst, although numerous grey areas still remain, it appears that the Latin texts on ritual\nmagic that have been attributed to Solomon do not possess a single common origin, which\nis one of the factors that ultimately explain the difficulty of establishing a coherent \u201ccorpus\u201d.\nMost of the time they are imported, via a Latin translation, from Jewish, \u00adA rab-Muslim\n192\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nor even Greek culture. The Liber Almandal thus stems, in view of a version close to the\nthirteenth-century witnesses, from an Arabic prototype of which nothing is known. 52 The\nArs notoria itself has a home-grown tradition in the Western world, its Eastern inflections\nnotwithstanding: in its notae, it exhibits, among other things, a number of references to\nthe \u00adVulgate and to iconographic tradition partly based on older mnemonic and didactic\ndiagrams, reflecting the ambition of establishing the ultimate means of privileged access]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211\nLatin texts attributed to Solomon, in their different versions, at the disposal of the scholarly\ncommunity.48 This editorial programme does not exhaust the subject, as numerous other\ntexts or experimenta of ritual magic are related in one way or another to Solomonic magic and\nas such can hardly be dissociated from it.\nIn this way, certain Solomonic traditions have emerged from the shadows. This is\nthe case with the Ars notoria, preserved in 38 medieval manuscripts and therefore widely\n\u00add istributed,49 the Almandal/Almadel50 and the Vinculum Salomonis,51 two texts preserved, in\ndifferent versions, in several manuscripts of the fourteenth and especially the fifteenth centuries. Others are the subject of preliminary studies. Although they do not resolve all the\ndifficulties, these works permit us to draw some general conclusions concerning Solomonic\nmagic in itself, and more broadly concerning Western ritual magic.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=229\nPages: 229\ndeals with situating necromantic material in this larger frame. Klaassen, Transformations of Magic;\n\u00adJean-\u00adPatrice Boudet, Entre Science et Nigromance: Astrologie, Divination et Magie dans l\u2019Occident M\u00e9di\u00e9val,\nXIIe-XVe Si\u00e8cle (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006); Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u2018Images Astrologiques\u2019 Au Moyen Age Et a La Renaissance (Paris: Honore Champion, 2002).\n25 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio Da Montolmo\u2019s De Occultis Et Manifestis or Liber Intelligentiarum: An\nAnnotated Critical Edition with English Translation and Introduction, \u201d in Invoking Angels, ed.\nFanger, 219\u201393. Jan R. Veenstra, \u201cThe Holy Almandal,\u201d in The Metamorphosis of Magic, ed. Jan N.\nBremmer and Jan R. Veenstra (Leuven: 2006). G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd, ed. Liber Iuratus Honorii \u2013 A Critical\nEdition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm: Almovist & Wiksell International,\n2002), 189\u2013229.\n26 Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cLes Who\u2019s Who D\u00e9monologiques De La Renaissance Et Leurs Anc\u00eatres]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=255\nPages: 255\net fonction cosmologique des substances s\u00e9par\u00e9es \u00e0 la fin du xiiie si\u00e8cle (Paris: Vrin 2002).\n28 Critical edition of the Glosa: Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio da Montolmo et la magie herm\u00e9tique,\u201d 560\u201366.\n29 Critical edition of this text with an English translation: Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s De\noccultis et manifestis,\u201d 238\u201393.\n30 On the belief in personal good and evil angels: De Socrate \u00e0 Tintin. Anges gardiens et d\u00e9mons familiers de\nl\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 nos jours, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Philippe Faure and Christian Renoux (Rennes: Presses\nuniversitaires de Rennes 2011).\n31 See the chapter on Torrella in this volume.\n32 Critical edition: Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 897\u2013900.\n33 On the Almadel and Almandal: Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9ditions critiques (Firenze: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012).\n34 See Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 25\u2013219.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval\nLatin witness to this work), the Liber Samayn (here Liber sextus) from the Liber Razielis in\nseven books, the De officiis spirituum, the Liber consecrationum linked to Solomonic catalogues\nof demons, the Liber Almadel, as well as a Liber angelicus that is attributed first to Hermes\nand secondarily to Solomon. The latter purports to be a compendium of astral and ritual\nmagic mainly based on the De quattuor annulis, the Clavicula, and the Liber Almandal. One\nmight speculate that it was a manuscript of this type that Johannes Trithemius relied on to\ndevise his inventory, even if, in view of the order in which his notes occur, he did not isolate\na specifically Solomonic corpus within it. At any rate, according to the description and the\nincipits of the texts he consulted, the points of contact are numerous; these relate notably]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=218\nPages: 218\noperum; and MS Paris, BnF, N.A. lat. 1565 (c. 14), a glossed version (B) with figures.\n50 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins.\n51 F. Chave-Mahir et J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Rituel d\u2019exorcisme ou manuel de magie? Le manuscrit Clm 10085 de la\n\u00adBayerische Staatsbibliothek de Munich (d\u00e9but du XV e si\u00e8cle) (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015).\n52 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 15\u201330 and 75\u201392.\n53 V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge, 25\u201327.\n54 B. Rebiger and P. Sch\u00e4fer, Sefer ha-Razim I und II. Das Buch der Geheimnisse I und II (T\u00fcbingen, 2009),\nvol. 1, 28 and 31\u201352; vol. 2, 82\u201385. On the different versions of the Latin Raziel, see S. Page,\n\u201cUplifting Souls: the Liber de essentia spirituum and the Liber Razielis\u201d, in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger,\n79\u2013112, especially 94\u2013105; J.-P. Boudet, \u201cAdam, premier savant, premier magicien,\u201d in Adam, le\npremier homme, ed. A. Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 277\u201396,\nespecially 286\u201391.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=218\nPages: 218\nlapidum by Vajra Redan, certainly from the second part of the thirteenth century, which borrows\nseveral topics to the \u201carabic\u201d version of the Liber Almandal: \u2018\u2019The De consecratione lapidum: A Previously Unknown Thirteenth-Century Version of the Liber Almandal Salomonis, Newly Introduced\nwith Critical Edition and Translation,\u201d The Journal of Medieval Latin, 28 (2018), 277\u2013333.\n62 Especially the divine names: cf. J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cGod\u2019s Names and Their Uses in the Books of Magic\nAttributed to King Solomon,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, 5, no. 1 (2010): 30\u201350.\n63 Cf. Frank Klaassen\u2019s contribution in this volume.\n64 J.-P. Boudet and J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLier et d\u00e9lier: de Dieu \u00e0 la sorci\u00e8re,\u201d in La l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 implicite. Actes des\nconf\u00e9rences organis\u00e9es \u00e0 Rome en 2010 et en 2011 par SAS en collaboration avec l\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, vol. I,\ned. J.-Ph. Genet (Paris and Rome: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2015), 87\u2013119.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=209\nPages: 209\nFirst, the pseudo-epigraphic attribution, which is linked in a general fashion to the ambivalent image of Solomon \u2013 at once a wise and inspired scholar, an authority on the natural\nworld, an exorcist and, by extension, a master of spirits or magician in the Judeo-\u00adChristian\nand Islamic tradition \u2013 reflects a common narrative strategy that does not \u00addetermine in itself\neither the content or the origin of the implicated texts, 22 even if, as the Magister \u00adSpeculi senses,\nit conveys an \u201cambience\u201d that is quite clearly distinct in the genre of magic texts.23 For example, between the Liber Almandal, from the Arab-Muslim world, which aims to compel, for\nvarious purposes, the jinn and the shay\u0101t \u012bn of Islamic tradition (classed in a \u00adChristian context\nas demons), and the Ars notoria of Western origin, the intention of which is to e\u00ad stablish a\nprivileged relation with the angels and whose end goal is the revelation of wisdom, there]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98,101\nCanterbury during the course of the fourteenth century.54\nThis perhaps describes only one (though a very significant) path of transmission. Other paths\ncould be identified, such as those that brought translations of Greek magical works into Europe. Others will be described elsewhere in this volume, and there is no need to trace them\nin detail here (Figures 6.1 and 6.2).\n79\nFigure 6.1 T\n\u0007 he figura Almandal or Table of Solomon in Florence, Biblioteca nazionale, II. iii. 214 fol. 74v.\nReproduced by permission of the Ministerio dei bene e delle attivit\u00e0 culturali del turismo/\nBiblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Firenze.\nFigure 6.2 T\n\u0007 he rings and sigils of the planets, to be inscribed on talismans, in Florence, Biblioteca\nnazionale, II. iii. 214 fol 49v. Reproduced by permission of the Ministerio dei bene e delle\nattivit\u00e0 culturali del turismo/Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Firenze.\nC h a r l e s B u rn e tt\nConclusion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30\nCompagni, \u201cStudiosus incantationibus: Adelardo di Bath, Ermete e Thabit,\u201d Giornale critico della\nfilosofia italiana 80, no. 1 (2001): 36\u201361 for different treatments by translators of Thabit\u2019s De imaginibus; Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance (Paris: Honor\u00e9\nChampion); Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9ditions critiques (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012).\n19 See, for example, the chapters of Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson and Frank Klaassen in this\nvolume.\n20 On \u201chermetic\u201d magic, see especially Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism: La tradizione ermetica\ndal mondo tardo-antico all\u2019umanesimo, ed. Paolo Lucentini, Ilaria Parri and Vittoria Perrone Compagni\n(Turnhout: Brepols, 2003); Paolo Lucentini and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, I testi e i codici di ermete nel Medioevo (Florence: Polistampa, 2001) and Antonella Sannino\u2019s chapter in this volume. On]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210\nDe quattuor annulis, the De novem candariis, the Vinculum Salomonis, the Almandal and perhaps\nalso the Clavicula. B\u00e9renger even refers several times, mentioning seven books divided into\ndifferent \u201ctitles\u201d, to a source he calls the Biblia or Magica Salomonis, perhaps a collection\n(which would be the only one of its kind) that he might have had at his disposal and of which\nwe have no trace.38 But the question remains as to how much credit should be accorded to\nhis remarks, since the existence of a compilation organized in the manner of a university\ntext prompts scepticism a priori in view of the general state of the conservation of Solomonic\ntexts (and more broadly of ritual magic texts), and what this teaches us about their mode of\ncirculation and their form, including the more complete collections.\nFinally, to the traditions that are explicitly attributed to Solomon and to the texts which\nare not but which have recourse, in varying degrees, to what we might call the materia magica]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=216\nPages: 216\n18 This manuscript is the former MS 114 of the Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica in Amsterdam.\nSee the note in V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 119\u201321. One could also cite MS Halle,\nULSA, 14.B.36 (late c.15): cf. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins, 122\u201325.\n19 See, for example, a collection of experimenta from the fifteenth-century Suppr. 15, MS Oxford,\nBodleian Library, Rawlinson D.252, fol. 87v\u201389v.\n20 See, for example, for the Italian region, MS Paris, BnF, ital. 1524, dated 1446, which notably preserves\nan Italian version of the Clavicula Salomonis: cf. F. Gal, J.-P. Boudet and L. Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia.\nUn libro di magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017); and for the Occitan region, MS Vatican, BAV, Barb.\nLat. 3589 (c. 15): cf. S. Giralt, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and\nLatin in MS Vatican BAV, Barb. Lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes, 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\n21 See below.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nof healing magic. Towards the end of the fifteenth century, Yohanan Alemanno mentioned\na \u00adHebrew version of the Almandal, he knew Pseudo-Albertus\u2019s On the Marvels of the World\nand he \u00adunderstood the Hebrew translation of Raymond Lull\u2019s Short Art as providing instructions for magical practice.4 Not all of these works convey material of Latin origin;\nsome are translations of Arabic works. Nevertheless, these translations contributed to a\nshared repertoire of magic, as did those Arabic works that were translated independently\ninto Latin and \u00adHebrew such as the Secret of Secrets and some additional Hermetic treatises.\nThe dominance of translations in one direction, from Latin to Hebrew, is one of the main\nreasons why Christian elements are more likely to be found in Hebrew texts than Jewish\nelements in Latin texts.\nIn the case of other shared texts, the relationship between the Latin and Hebrew versions]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=103\nPages: 103\nMS Mingana 372 [404], the Mus\u1e25af zuhra: \u1e6c\u0101\u2019\u016bs al-Yunan\u012b and J.r.m\u2018 al-Babil\u012b.\n37 Both works appear together also in a fragmentary Judaeo-Arabic version, which is the only manuscript of the Arabic text yet to be found: see Gideon Bohak and Charles Burnett, \u201cA Judaeo-\u00ad\nArabic Version of T\u0101bit ibn Qurra\u2019s De imaginibus and Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Opus imaginum,\u201d in Islamic\nPhilosophy, Science, Culture, and Religion: Studies in Honor of Dimitri Gutas, ed. Felicitas Opwis and David\nReisman (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2012), 179\u2013200.\n38 This is according to the research of Dag Hasse (see n. 8 above).\n39 See Paolo Lucentini and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, I testi e I codici di Ermete nel Medioevo (Florence:\nEdizioni Polistampa, 2001), 84 and 89.\n40 Gerard is described as lecturing on astrology by his student Daniel of Morley, although no translations of astrological works are assigned to him. Whether the attribution of the Figura Almandel in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=527\nPages: 527\njustice of the Church, and not to allow the courts of the Inquisition to act in their own right\nagainst the perpetrators of evil acts.32 In fact, the secular powers in the Dauphin\u00e9 appeared\nat the forefront of the fight against witches. Consequently, the role of Claude Tholosan was\nunderstood as a champion of princely absolutism.33 In contrast to the Errores gazariorum\nand the Vauderye de Lyonois, Tholosan\u2019s work was not widely known outside the registers of\nthe Dauphin\u00e9\u2019s treasury (Quintus liber fachureriorum), for which he was responsible. Nevertheless, the scale and precocity of the witch-hunts undertaken between 1424 and 1445 in the\n\u00adDauphin\u00e9 made considerable waves in the surrounding communities and contributed to the\ncirculation of the idea of the Sabbat.\nClose to the vision of demonic witchcraft transmitted by judge Tholosan is the Errores\ngazariorum seu illorum qui scopam vel baculum equitare probantur (Errors of the Gazarii), completed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488\nthe precedents set by Augustine and Peter Lombard (1100\u201360), remodelling them with his\nAristotelianized anthropology. Thus, in his commentary on De somno et vigilia, he explained\nthe possibility of these demonically manipulated illusions with reference to cerebral manipulations. Such control over corporeal beings by spiritual ones was a novel concept, certainly\nby earlier medieval standards, but also by ancient ones. On this point, however, we see\nAlbert drawing on other leading interpreters of Aristotle, specifically the Persians Avicenna\nand Algazal, and their teachings on fascination.15\nAlbert also distinguished himself from other medieval Christian thinkers in his greater\nwillingness to allow magic its rationality, and for condemnation looking more to its use than\nits nature. This is, for example, key to his defence of the magi and of the contrast he draws\nbetween them and other practitioners. The magi were experts in the magical sciences.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\n(both published in 2015).\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s is a Professor of Medieval Art and Director of the Center of\nVisual Studies (VISUM), University of Murcia. Formerly, he was a Frances Yates Fellow\n(Warburg Institute), Postdoctoral Research Fellow (Getty Grant Program) and Ma\u00eetre de\nconferences associ\u00e9 (\u00c9cole des Hautes \u00c9tudes en Sciences Sociales). He is serving as an associate to the Board of Directors of the International Center of Medieval Art (New York).\nHis publications in the field of the iconography of magic and astrology include articles in\nthe Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Kritische Berichte, Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, etc.,\nand books like El tiempo y los astros (2001). His forthcoming books are Images magiques: la culture\nvisuel de la magie au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Arkh\u00e8), The Iconography of Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic\n(Turnhout: Brepols) and El arte de fabricar dioses (Madrid: Akal).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=538\nPages: 538\nHans Fr\u00fcnd \u00fcber eine Hexenverfolgung im Wallis (1428),\u201d Vallesia 60 (2005): 399\u2013409.\n26 Chantal Ammann-Doubliez, \u201cLa premi\u00e8re chasse aux sorciers en Valais,\u201d in L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat,\n63\u201398; Chantal Ammann-Doubliez, \u201cLes chasses aux sorciers vues sous un angle politique: pouvoirs et pers\u00e9cutions dans le dioc\u00e8se de Sion au xve si\u00e8cle,\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res, ed. Ostorero,\nModestin and Utz Tremp, 5\u201313.\n27 Catherine Ch\u00e8ne, dans L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 99\u2013265; Michael D. Bailey, Battling Demons: Witchcraft,\nHeresy and Reform in the Late Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 2003); Werner Tschacher, Der Formicarius des Johann Nider von 1437/1438. Studien zu den Anf\u00e4ngen der europ\u00e4ischen\nHexenverfolgungen im Sp\u00e4tmittelalter (Aachen: Shaker, 2000).\n28 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 439\u2013508. Martin Le Franc, Le Champion des Dames, vol. IV, ed. Robert D\n\u00ad eschaux\n(Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 1999), 113\u201346.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=149\nPages: 149,150\na situation, therefore, in which the overking of a race of magically augmented pagans is\n130\nM ag i c i n C e lt i c l a n d s\nin possession of the irresistibly powerful word of God. The unknown author of the saga\nincreases the sense of unease by showing Manann\u00e1n, and later his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 Aengus too,\nas beings who possess genuine theological knowledge but are nonetheless unmoved by it.\nManann\u00e1n knows not only about Lucifer\u2019s fall but also about the Trinity; and yet such intellectual knowledge is not enough. It is, in fact, a kind of theological knowledge proper to\ndemons \u2013 as which the T\u00faatha D\u00e9 Danann were sometimes identified \u2013 for as James 2.19\ntells us, \u201cthe devils believe, and tremble\u201d: they know the theological facts intellectually, but\nare nonetheless damned.\nWhat I would suggest is that the knowledge of God\u2019s \u201cspell\u201d in this story can be seen in\nthe context of medieval learned magic. Power resides in the word of God itself \u2013 and that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=149\nPages: 149\naround Antichrist just before the turn of the first millennium.30\nDivine magic\nI want to leave druids behind at this point and turn to an example of the problems around\nmagic which are yet to be explored by critics of medieval Irish saga. One of the most spectacular instances of these is a fourteenth-century saga known as Altrom tigi d\u00e1 medar, \u201cThe\nFosterage of the House of Two Vessels\u201d, which amounts to a poignant mixture of theological\nspeculation and domestic drama.31\nThe story begins in the deep past of Ireland, when the island was ruled by the T\u00faatha D\u00e9\nDanann \u2013 as seen these were clearly in some sense after-images of Ireland\u2019s pre-Christian\ndivinities, but here they are imagined as a race of pagan magicians. They live within hollow\ns\u00edd-mounds \u2013the hills and Neolithic tumuli which dot the Irish landscape \u2013envisaged as\nsplendid royal dwellings whose inhabitants enjoy a life of blissful ease. The core of the story]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 229 to page 244 out of a total of 569:\nPages 229:\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\n17 On John Erghome, see Klaassen, Transformations of Magic, 57\u201380. On Trithemius\u2019s bibliography\nfor necromancers, Paola Zambelli, White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance: From Ficino,\nPico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 73\u2013112. Although it certainly seeks\nto put forward a particular cosmological perspective on magic, Henry Cornelius Agrippa von\nNettesheim\u2019s De occulta philosophia (1533) was in functional terms an encyclopaedia of magic with\nmaterials drawn from a vast array of sources.\n18 Perhaps most significant is Joseph Peterson whose contributions as a layperson, particularly his\nvast online collection of transcribed texts, have been substantial and valuable. See http://esoteric\narchives.org.\n19 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York: Macmillan, 1923), VI: 591.\n20 Frances Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press,\n1964), 80\u201381.\n21 Pingree\u2019s most important work was \u201cPicatrix,\u201d in Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Ghayat Al-Hakim,\ned. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986). Charles Burnett\u2019s voluminous production\ncannot be adequately summarized. For a representative set of materials, see Charles Burnett, Magic\nand Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian Worlds (Aldershot, UK:\nVariorum, 1996). For a representative collection of Paola Zambelli\u2019s works, see Paola Zambelli,\nWhite Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. Paolo Lucentini and V. Perrone Compagni, I Testi\nE I Codici Di Ermete Nel Medioevo, Hermetica Mediaevalia, vol. 1 (Firenze: Polistampa, 2001).\n22 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages; Forbidden Rites.\n23 Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).\n24 While neither Weill-Parot or Boudet concerns themselves directly with necromantic texts, their\nworks provide a broad framework in which this material can be situated. My work explicitly\ndeals with situating necromantic material in this larger frame. Klaassen, Transformations of Magic;\n\u00adJean-\u00adPatrice Boudet, Entre Science et Nigromance: Astrologie, Divination et Magie dans l\u2019Occident M\u00e9di\u00e9val,\nXIIe-XVe Si\u00e8cle (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006); Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u2018Images Astrologiques\u2019 Au Moyen Age Et a La Renaissance (Paris: Honore Champion, 2002).\n25 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio Da Montolmo\u2019s De Occultis Et Manifestis or Liber Intelligentiarum: An\nAnnotated Critical Edition with English Translation and Introduction, \u201d in Invoking Angels, ed.\nFanger, 219\u201393. Jan R. Veenstra, \u201cThe Holy Almandal,\u201d in The Metamorphosis of Magic, ed. Jan N.\nBremmer and Jan R. Veenstra (Leuven: 2006). G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd, ed. Liber Iuratus Honorii \u2013 A Critical\nEdition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm: Almovist & Wiksell International,\n2002), 189\u2013229.\n26 Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cLes Who\u2019s Who D\u00e9monologiques De La Renaissance Et Leurs Anc\u00eatres\nM\u00e9di\u00e9vaux,\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 44, no. printemps (2003): 117\u201339; Klaassen, Transformations of Magic, 115\u201355.\n27 See for example The Cambridge Book of Magic: A Tudor Necromancer\u2019s Manual, ed. Francis Young, trans.\nFrancis Young (Cambridge: Texts in Early Modern Magic, 2015). For sixteenth-century texts based\nin significant measure on medieval sources, see also V. Perrone Compagni, \u201cLiber Orationum\nPlanetarum Septem.\u201d In \u201cUna Fonte Ermetica: Il Liber Orationem Planetarum,\u201d in Bruniana &\ncampanelliana; Lucentini and Compagni, I Testi E I Codici Di Ermete Nel Medioevo.\n28 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Holy and the Unholy: Sainthood,\nWitchcraft, and Magic in Late Medieval Europe,\u201d Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 23\n(1994); Kieckhefer, \u201cDevil\u2019s Contemplatives\u201d; Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites.\n29 Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale\u201d; Julien\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLa notion d\u2019 \u2018auteur-magicien\u2019 \u00e0 la fin du moyen \u00e2ge: le cas de l\u2019ermite Pelagius de\nMajorque,\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 51 (2006). On the construction of the magician as a divinely guided editor\nand the intellectual culture that encouraged creative reinvention, see Frank Klaassen, \u201cReligion,\nScience, and the Transformations of Magic: Manuscripts of Magic 1300\u20131600\u201d (Ph.D. Thesis,\nUnivesity of Toronto, 1999); Klaassen, Transformations of Magic, 119\u201322.\n30 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d American Historical Review 99\n(1994); Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio Da Montolmo\u2019s De Occultis Et Manifestis or Liber Intelligentiarum.\u201d For\nthe relationship to engineering and technology, see William Eamon, \u201cTechnology as Magic in the\nLate Middle Ages and the Renaissance,\u201d Janus 70 (1983). For an examination of the relationship of\nscience and necromancy in the sixteenth century, see Frank Klaassen, \u201cRitual Invocation and Early\nModern Science: The Skrying Experiments of Humphrey Gilbert,\u201d in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger,\n341\u201366.\n210\n\nPages 230:\nN e c ro m a n c y\n31 Stephen Clucas, \u201c\u2018Non Est Legendum Sed Inspicendum Solum\u2019: Inspectival Knowledge and the\nVisual Logic of John Dee\u2019s Liber Mysteriorum,\u201d in Emblems and Alchemy, ed. Alison Adams and \u00adStanton\nJ. Linden, Glasgow Emblem Studies, V. 3 (Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 1998), 109\u201332;\n\u201cRegimen Animarum Et Corporum: The Body and Spacial Practice in Medieval and \u00adRenaissance\nMagic,\u201d in The Body in Late Medieval and Early Modern Culture, ed. Darryll Grandley and Nina\n\u00adTaunton (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), 113\u201329; Klaassen, \u201cMiddleness of Ritual Magic\u201d; Klaassen,\n\u201cRitual Invocation and Early Modern Science: The Skrying Experiments of Humphrey Gilbert.\u201d\n32 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 30\u201334.\n33 Frank Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity in Manuscripts of Ritual Magic of the Later Middle\nAges and Renaissance,\u201d Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 1 (2007). For a study of early modern ritual\nmagic and masculinity, see Frances Timbers, Magic and Masculinity: Ritual Magic and Gender in the Early\nModern Era (London: Taurus, 2014).\n34 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic in Medieval Europe,\u201d in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays,\ned. Joyce E. Salisbury (New York: Garland Pub., 1991).\n35 Boudet, Entre Science et Nigromance; Klaassen, \u201cMiddleness of Ritual Magic.\u201d\n36 The Cambridge Book of Magic: A Tudor Necromancer\u2019s Manual; Norman Rufus Colin Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner\nDemons: An Enquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt (New York: Basic Books, 1975); Edward Peters,\nThe Magician, the Witch, and the Law, Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania\nPress, 1978).\n37 George Lyman Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England (New York: Russell & Russell, 1956); Keith\nVivian Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Scribner, 1971). Richard K\n\u00ad ieckhefer,\nEuropean Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300\u20131500 (\u00adBerkeley: University\nof California Press, 1976).\n38 Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cLes Condemnations De La Magie \u00c0 Paris En 1398,\u201d Revue Mabillon nouv.\ns\u00e9rie 12, no. 73 (2001); Jan R. Veenstra, Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France: Text\nand Context of Laurens Pignon\u2019s Contre Les Devineurs (1411) (Leiden and New York: Brill, 1998), 343\u201355.\n39 Owen Davies (as a part of his examination of cunning folk) and Ruth Martin (under the larger rubric\nof witchcraft) have documented cases of necromancers in the courts. Owen Davies, \u00adCunning-Folk:\nPopular Magic in English History (London: Hambledon and London, 2003); Ruth Martin, Witchcraft\nand the Inquisition in Venice, 1550\u20131650 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989). Klaassen and Wright, The Magic of\nRogues (forthcoming).\n40 Kieckhefer included the confession of Jubertus of Bavaria in his introduction to Forbidden Rites,\nand cited a number of other instances, but did not explore them in any detail. Kieckhefer, Forbidden\nRites, 30\u201332.\n41 For example, Barbara A. Mowat, \u201cProspero\u2019s Book,\u201d Shakespeare Quarterly 52, no. 1 (2001): 1\u201333.\n42 Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and Latin in\nMs. Vaticano, Bav, Barb. Lat. 3589,\u201d in Revue d\u2019Histoire des Textes (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 221\u201372.\n211\n\nPages 231:\n16\nJoh n of Mor ign y\nClaire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\nJohn of Morigny (fl. c. 1301\u201315) is important both for what his writing reveals about the\nculture of learned magic at the turn of the fourteenth century and for his own contribution\nto that culture, the Liber florum celestis doctrine. The Liber florum is an unusual work, some 55,000\nwords in its most commonly circulated form, comprising a devotional autobiography with\nvisions (the Book of Visions), a long liturgy for knowledge acquisition (the Book of Prayers)\nand a work of meditative figures (the Book of Figures). Unknown between the mid-sixteenth\nand late twentieth centuries, copies of the book began to be noticed in the late 1980s. The\nmajority of its more than twenty currently known manuscripts have been found over the last\nfifteen years. It survives in two authorial versions, the Old Compilation (OC) (1311) and the\nNew Compilation (NC) (1315), and two versions of a later redaction.1\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be\nlinked to John\u2019s Benedictinism, and works classified as magical that may be linked to his\nyears at university. Notable in the latter category is the Ars notoria, a book of rituals involving\nprayers and figures attributed to Solomon, the main purpose of which is to transmit the\nliberal arts, philosophy and theology into the mind of the operator by divine infusion with\nthe assistance of the angels.2 John discovered the Ars notoria to be demonically corrupt and\nevil in operation, although he clearly saw it as holy in its original conception. Although the\nLiber florum also took on other agendas, it began as his attempt to provide a new ritual that\ncould achieve the same goals as the Ars notoria in a spiritually secure fashion.\nThe prayers of the Ars notoria are idiosyncratic in that they feature invocations in what is\nsaid to be a mix of \u201cGreek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic\u201d written in such a way\nthat they \u201ccannot be understood or expounded by anyone\u201d.3 Its figures are characterized\nby the same constructed illegibility. Although they often borrow from the Ars notoria, the\nprayers of the Liber florum are written in Latin and its figures are differently conceived. In\nthe OC version of the Book of Figures, John drew in part on the astrological image tradition, carefully reinterpreted to represent it in an orthodox Christian light.4 In the NC\nversion, written in response to criticism of the earlier figures, he constructed new figures\naround images of the Virgin, a logical culmination of a major theme in the Liber florum as\na whole. John understood the work to have been written under the patronage of the Virgin\nand it is suffused with the language of Marian devotion.\nDespite the revisions he had undertaken, the Liber florum was burned in 1323 by unknown\nparties at the University of Paris, according to the Grandes Chroniques de France, which explicitly identifies the work as a revival of the heretical Ars notoria. Nonetheless, the work was\nactively transmitted for two centuries, surviving in copies widespread across Europe, most\nof which appear to understand it as orthodox, indeed holy.\n212\n\nPages 232:\nJohn of Morigny\nJohn and the composition of the Liber florum\nThe sole source for John\u2019s biography is the Liber florum itself, a work produced in installments, begun in 1301 and rewritten and expanded over the next fifteen years.5 The work\ncontains many traces of its accretive process. It is clear, for example, from the epistolary\nopenings of prologues to certain sections of the text, as well as the note reproduced in many\nmanuscripts, \u201cThis page should go in the beginning of the book before the incipit No one\nlights a candle,\u201d6 that John sent out new sections to his readers with instructions about where\nthey should be placed in the copies his followers already had. The epistolary prologues offer\na guide to his process, sometimes including dates and other information about composition. Most of the liturgical sections7 were explicitly written in response to Marian visions,\nat least some of the time deliberately cultivated for the purpose of asking questions. At a\nfairly late stage of the project, he also decided to record the visions themselves, to a total of\nmore than fifty. Visionary evidence must always be assessed with caution. However, many\nof John\u2019s visions are closely linked to occasion, place and the stages of the writing and can\nthus be pieced together with surrounding materials to produce a conjectural account of\nhis life.8\nJohn was born in the late 1270s and grew up in Autruy, a village forty-five kilometres\nnorth of Orl\u00e9ans. We hear of his sister Bridget, his mother, perhaps the family head; and\nJohn le Boeuf, perhaps the priest of the parish church of St. Peter\u2019s. At age thirteen, John\nwas at Chartres, where he had his first vision. Like its successors, this took the form of a\ndream. While living inside the close, probably as a choirboy, John is woken from sleep by\nthe \u201cenemy of the human race\u201d,9 who chases him until he flees into the cathedral through\nthe door of the liberal arts in the west front, to be rescued by an image of the Virgin\n\u00adbeckoning him to safety. In Liber florum, the struggle between Satan and the Virgin for\nJohn\u2019s soul depicted in this vision allows it to function as a thematic key to the book.10 Five\nyears later, he entered the Benedictine Abbey of Morigny, a few kilometers from \u00c9tampes\n(south of Paris) and thirty north of Autruy. Within four years of his entry into the order,\nprobably in 1300 or 1301, he was sent to Orl\u00e9ans, where he eventually took a degree in\ncanon law.11\nSoon after arriving at Orl\u00e9ans, John encountered two books: first a ritual compilation\n\u201cin which there were contained many nefarious things of the necromantic art\u201d, which he\nborrowed from \u201ca certain cleric\u201d, copied in part, then had to return; and the Ars notoria, a\nglossed manuscript of which he found in the library after being directed there by Jacob,\na \u201cmedical expert\u201d from Bologna, with the assurance that he would find in it the means\nto master not only necromancy but also \u201call forms of knowledge\u201d.12 The twin desires for\n\u00addangerous knowledge and for comprehensive knowledge and the relationship between these\ndesires are a major theme of the Liber florum. John next seeks to quench his thirst for knowledge through the Ars notoria, and we learn, through an account of eleven visions spanning\nthree years, how John undertook the ritual it describes; how he used it to learn all the \u201carts\nand sciences\u201d, including necromancy and other magical arts; and how he was led to repudiate it, along with other ritual practices, and to do penance for his sin.\nMost of the visions John solicited and received using the Ars notoria prayers are depicted\nas confusing mixtures of diabolical and divine influence. Visions of a looming diabolical\nfigure who takes on the appearance of a holy man in a black diadem, of three persons\npurporting to be the Trinity, of a sinister figure who demands homage and of an avenging\ncherub who throws him to his enemy, slowly reveal to him that the Ars notoria is perverted.\n213\n\nPages 233:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\nHowever, two penitential visions bring about his renunciation of the Ars notoria, one before\nthe Virgin and the apostle John, the other before Christ himself. Swearing off the Ars notoria\nfor good, John descends briefly into necromancy, before a final penitential vision, in which\nhe is beaten in the presence of Christ, terminates his relationship to the magic arts entirely.\nHis reformation prepares the way for a second series of holy visions which show him that he\nis now on the right path.13\nDuring the years in which he operated the Ars notoria then gave it up, John also worked\non a set of prayers to the Virgin and John the Evangelist. These he gathered into a small\nbook, the Grace of Christ, the earliest portion of Liber florum published,14 later prefacing it\nwith a prayer to Christ from this period to form the Seven Prayers, the first part of the Book\nof Prayers. Narratively, the Grace of Christ commemorates the visions by which the Virgin\nrescued John. Practically, it forms a ritual that petitions for visions. This was the ritual John\nused, probably in August of 1304, six months after renouncing all condemned practices, to\nobtain the Virgin\u2019s licence to write \u201ca book of only thirty simple prayers\u201d that would allow\nusers to gain the knowledge of the \u201carts and sciences\u201d and thus supplant the Ars notoria.15\nThe Thirty Prayers that John wrote in the three years that followed, along with an instruction manual called the First Procedure, became the second and third parts of the Book of\nPrayers.\nDuring the time he was operating the Ars notoria, John\u2019s colleagues and students in this\nart included another monk named John, from the Cistercian abbey of Fontainejean, whom\nhe likely met at Orl\u00e9ans. After learning and being dissuaded from the Ars notoria, John of\n\u00adFontainejean helped our John with the composition of portions of Liber florum. Less expectedly,\nJohn\u2019s students also included his younger sister, Bridget, who at the age of fifteen persuaded\nhim to teach her to read, a project for which he engaged the Ars notoria to good effect before\ndiabolical apparitions forced her also to set it aside. After doing so, Bridget began to have her\nown visions of God and the Virgin, first making a private profession of virginity then determining to become a nun at the convent of Rozay, west of Sens, under their influence.16 She\nalso helped with John\u2019s book, undertaking its rituals and contributing at least one of her own.\nThe Thirty Prayers were finished in Orl\u00e9ans in 1307. However, by the time John published them as the centrepiece of the Book of Prayers, he was back at Morigny. John dates\nhis return to late summer 1308, when he was summoned to vote in the abbatial election of\nWilliam of Ransignan, who appointed him to the office of praepositus, in charge of lands and\nrents under the prior.17 It was William who persuaded him into the chapterhouse pulpit to\npreach his visions.18 Sometime during this period, John received a new insight, mentioned\nseveral times in later parts of the work, that during the previous decade he had not merely\nbeen the recipient of divine visions but had received the spirit of prophecy.19 Preacher,\nprophet and theologian (all by licence of the Virgin), John evidently enjoyed high status at\nMorigny between 1308 and at least 1311.\nFrom other standpoints, these began as difficult years. Before he finished the First Procedure late in 1308, John had already decided that his ritual demanded a Second Procedure, in which meditative figures were added to the prayers.20 But as he recounts in the\nOC Book of Figures, his attempts to persuade the Virgin to license or endorse the project\nfailed. Taking her refusal as a sign of the need to seek her patronage more ardently, he was\nobliged in the meantime to work without her approval, receiving her verdict as to its excellence only after the ninety or so figures were finished early in 1310. 21 His visionary licence\nto preach came after a period of more than three months, late in 1309, when he lost his\nvisionary gift and had to write new prayers to beg the Virgin to restore it.22 Things settled\n214\n\nPages 234:\nJohn of Morigny\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as\na prologue to the entire work probably in the autumn of that year, then returned to finish\nthe Book of Figures, finally publishing this new mass of material in two instalments at the\nend of 1311.23\nOf the years from 1312 to 1315, we know little. During the early part of that time, he\nwas working on a Book of Particular Experiments, which may be lost, but is mentioned as\nexisting in the year 1314.24 At some point, perhaps in 1313, he produced a revised collected\nedition of Liber florum for those who had not copied it piecemeal as he worked on it.25 This\nedition, which forms the basis of all presently known NC copies, suggests that his readership\nwas growing beyond the original circle, perhaps mainly of Orl\u00e9ans alumni and Morigny\nmonks, who were his first audience.26\nLate in 1315, however, he returned to the Liber florum a final time and over three months\nwholly recast its Second Procedure, cancelling the old figures and the rituals associated\nwith them and devising a set of seven new figures as a substitute. He also made changes to\nthe Particular Experiments, folding a set of cautions about it into the new Book of Figures\nwhile adding a single new experiment which his sister Bridget had apparently received\nlicence to perform.27 He further reports gaining the Virgin\u2019s permission to make an engraved ring in her honour to wear in the daytime while reciting the prayers and at night\nwhen expecting a vision.28 John is scrupulous about making clear that every detail of the\nnew figures and the ring has been approved by God and the Virgin in a set of carefully\ndated visions.\nSome of these new additions (notably the visions connected to the ring) were already\nin process before 1315, but John is explicit that the cause of most of his revisions to the\nBook of Figures was scandal arising from criticism by \u201cbarking dogs\u201d, who argued that\nthe old figures had a necromantic cast.29 They also questioned his spiritual discernment in\nbelieving and following the directives of his visionary dreams, suggesting they were mere\nphantasms. Several chapters of the NC Book of Figures are given over to closely argued\nscholarly defences of dreams as a medium of divine communication.30 Bridget\u2019s continuing\nimportance to Liber florum in this period is reinforced by John\u2019s successful visionary struggle\nto be allowed to include her name with his in the circumference of the new figures, allowing\nboth to use them for ritual purposes.31\nHowever, most of the circumstances surrounding this crisis are unknown; we do not\nknow the names of the barking dogs, nor whom they represented, nor what incidents may\nhave sparked the critical reading of his book. It is also unknown whether there was any\nconnection between these events of late 1315 and the burning of the Liber florum eight years\nlater. Neither in the Grandes Chroniques nor in the Cartulary of the University of Paris is any\nmention made of the presence of the \u201cmonk of Morigny\u201d who wrote the book at its incineration, nor is his name used. The Cartulary makes no mention of a legal process of any\nkind. The Grandes Chroniques account mentions some fairly specific sounding imputations of\nheresy, but does not detail a legal process nor mention the parties who levelled the charges,\nif any were officially laid.32 Perhaps John was dead by this time, although he would only\nhave been in his late forties. Perhaps the burning was symbolic, unconnected to any previous heresy process, indicating a merely local alarm at the spread of the Liber florum among\nstudents at the University of Paris.\nAfter the end of 1315, we lose all trace of John and Bridget; though now that John\u2019s book\nhas resurfaced in multiple manuscripts, it seems possible that more information is out there.\nIn the meantime, the versions of the Liber florum already in our hands are compelling.\n215\n\nPages 235:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\nThe shape of the Liber florum and how it worked\nDespite the winding process of its composition, the Liber florum is a work of careful artistry.\nThe narrative in the Book of Visions works in the manner of a confessio to encourage the\nmany sinners mired (as John was) in the opaque and bewildering prayers of the Ars notoria to\ngive them up in favour of the transparently sacred alternative that is the Liber florum. Likening\nhimself to the apostle Paul and the penitent Theophilus,33 John casts the Liber florum as the\ninstrument of a covenant between God and modern Christians, made at the Virgin\u2019s behest\nto provide grace and knowledge to all sinners, perhaps especially those dedicated to the intellectual vices of magic.\nWhile it is woven through with interpretative commentary, most of the rest of the Liber\nflorum is a script for a ritual performance: a specialized version of the private liturgical\nscripts that are Books of Hours. The Book of Prayers is divided into two rituals, a vision\nritual (constituted in the initial work of Seven Prayers) and a knowledge ritual (constituted\nin the Thirty Prayers licensed by the Virgin). Drawing on the Ars notoria but also the Book of\nRevelation, the Song of Songs, hymns both standard and recondite, sequences by Adam of\nSt Victor, poetry from Alan of Lille and much more, the Book of Prayers tracks a spiritual\nprogress from confusion and darkness to full enjoyment of God. In the prayers and visualizations ( ymaginaciones), John weaves elements of his own visionary experiences, sometimes\nas visualizations, sometimes as lines or verses, in a large movement that conveys for the\noperator the impression of a journey following John from earth to the court of heaven with\nthe angels as companions. The Book of Prayers is followed by a set of instructions for operation that John calls the First Procedure, which includes additional ancillary prayers and\nan office of angels.\nFollowing the Book of Prayers in both OC and NC versions, we have a Book of Figures,\nmeant to be used with the Book of Prayers and sometimes referred as a Second Procedure.\nIn both forms, we are missing substantial portions of the instructions for use, though what\nremains is tantalizing. We cannot judge the full extent of the artistry of the OC figures,\nsince only two examples survive, but these offer remarkable evidence for the complexity of\nconception of the whole.34 These two figures clearly travelled with the text in graphic form\nrather than being reconstructed from John\u2019s descriptions. By contrast, the two renditions of\nthe NC figures were apparently constructed from different elements of John\u2019s instructions:\ndepictions of the Virgin cradling the infant Jesus, accompanied by plants and birds dictated\nin the text, with Christ\u2019s nails in the corners and a square or circular surround.35 John was\nconcerned to avoid elaboration or fetishizing of the power of the figures or their specific\nforms. In an undated Chartres vision, the Virgin, plainly dressed as in a nativity scene, declares \u201cI do not want prayers nor figures \u2026 without your heart\u201d.36 But beauty is as intrinsic\nto the work as it is to the Ars notoria: \u201ccolored in diverse colours\u201d, John says, so that it seems\n\u201cof all books the most beautiful and useful and even the most holy\u201d.37\nIn the normative form of the First and Second Procedures, these two rituals are conjoined parts of a nine-week sequence, which is said twice, once without, once with the aid\nof figures. In the first week, the \u201coperator\u201d (operans or opifex) asks the Virgin for leave to\nproceed in the work, using a version of the same Grace of Christ prayers through which\nJohn gained permission to compose the Thirty Prayers. He recites the prayers for each day\nmorning, noon and night \u2013 a pattern followed throughout.38 After receiving permission\nin a visionary dream, ideally at the end of the first week, he spends a second week praying\nhis way up to the court of heaven, through each of the nine orders of angels and the souls\n216\n\nPages 236:\nJohn of Morigny\nwho dwell with them to the queen of the angels, asking for gifts identified with each order:\nmemory, eloquence, understanding, perseverance and more (Prayers 1\u201312). These gifts are\nidentical to those petitioned for in a work related to the Ars notoria, the Opus operum, which\nJohn knew and used; yet, the mise en sc\u00e8ne for these prayers resembles visionary texts like\nThe Ascent of Isaiah. John\u2019s narrative strategy thus provides an ascent structure for the action\nthat is absent from the Ars notoria. During the next two weeks, with prayer and fasting, the\noperator asks the court of heaven for the purification of his senses and the illumination of\nhis mind necessary for what follows (Prayers 13\u201320). Thus end the \u201cgeneral\u201d prayers that\nmake up the first half of the knowledge ritual.\nThere follow four weeks of \u201cspecial\u201d prayers for each of the disciplines of knowledge:\nthe seven liberal arts, philosophy, theology and knowledge as a whole (Prayers 21\u201330A). In\neach case, the operator addresses Christ, asking him to direct the appropriate angelic order\nto confer the branches of the discipline in question \u2013 the Angels in the case of grammar,\nthe Archangels in that of dialectic, the Thrones in that of rhetoric \u2013 before turning to the\nangels and an order of the blessed to petition directly for the infusion of the knowledge\nsought. Each liberal art is allotted a day; philosophy, theology and the arts and sciences as\na whole, these last bestowed by Christ himself, are given a week each. The arts prayers can\nbe adapted for law, medicine and other disciplines. In the revision of 1313, John added brief\nfurther references to the mechanical and magical or \u201cexceptive\u201d arts (Prayer 28). Finally,\nin the last week, the operator praises and offers thanks to the Virgin for all that has taken\nplace, completing the ritual.\nThroughout the Thirty Prayers, an underlay of Ars notoria and Opus operum prayers would\nhave been obvious to any operator who knew these works. However, John\u2019s prayers differ\nnot only in their narrative structure and systematic use of the angelic orders but also in\ntheir updated account of the academic disciplines themselves. John\u2019s prayers draw on a\n\u00adthirteenth-century genre of didascalic works associated with the Paris Faculty of Philosophy\nthat divides the seven liberal arts according to Aristotelian categories as follows: grammar,\ndialectic and rhetoric become divisions of Rational Philosophy; arithmetic, music, geometry and astronomy those of Natural Philosophy. At a higher level, Philosophy is divided\ninto Metaphysics (allied with Natural Philosophy) and Moral Philosophy (with its M\n\u00ad onastic,\nEconomic and Political branches). Theology is Contemplative Philosophy; its branches include the four senses of Scripture: historical, tropological, allegorical and anagogical.39\nAlthough the Book of Prayers includes both, the vision and knowledge rituals differ in\nkind. The success or failure of the vision ritual is relatively clear: either visions occur or they\ndo not. By contrast, the success of the knowledge ritual is admitted to be a matter of degree.\nIn order to say the prayers, the operator, like John, must know \u201ca little about the arts\u201d.40\nThe first repetition of the ritual, with prayers only, is merely introductory, and it remains\nuncertain how the infusion of knowledge it promises is meant to work. Only once the figures\nare brought into play do we get a sense of how the ritual might be felt to succeed. On their\nsecond repetition, the prayers have become preliminary to the inspection of a relevant figure. According to the more discursive OC Book of Figures, these are visualized so that their\nform and lettering become imprinted on the mind of the operator, who is spiritually rapt\ninto heaven as he silently utters brief requests for the relevant branches of knowledge (\u201cMay\nI know and understand perfectly the whole art of grammar, pure, preceptive, prohibitive;\nand orthography, prosody, etymology and syntax\u201d, etc.).41\nThe form of this ritual seems to imply that the figures are points of access and that some\npart of the efficacy is instant. In the tradition of astrological image magic on which John drew,\n217\n\nPages 237:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\nan image acts as a focal point of heavenly influence. Ritually constructed on days and times\nassociated with the planets, and using images, words and symbols identified with specific\nheavenly bodies, the image is imbued with powers that associate the object with certain clusters of qualities. Like these images, John\u2019s figures were initially intended to be constructed at\nspecific days and times and contained words and letters in a variety of alphabets as well as\ncertain non-alphabetic symbols. Some of the figures depict the twelve houses of the zodiac\nand the seven planets. Yet, the figures are not exactly like astrological images either, for all\nof them have a visual and diagrammatic structure that is thoroughly Christian and in this\nrespect ally more closely with the visualizations from the Bible and the life of Christ often\nused in monastic and lay devotions.42 The question of the efficacy of the figures is complicated by John\u2019s insistence that his figures have no power of themselves. Rather, the ritual is\nan act of petitionary worship, its meaning allegorical, its efficacy a matter of grace.43 There is\nthus a certain tension between the form of John\u2019s OC figures and their meaning that may be\nconnected to the difficulties he had in producing them. Perhaps this also helps to explain his\nreadiness to give figures and ritual the devotional form they take in the NC Book of Figures,\nonce the criticism of the \u201cbarking dogs\u201d had reopened the text to revision.\nTension between the desire to affirm ritual efficacy, not least in comparison to Ars notoria,\nand the doctrinal need to respect God\u2019s freedom and mystery is a general feature of the\nLiber florum. In the preliminary rituals laid out in the OC and presented in simpler form in\nthe NC, the operator devotes elaborate attention to writing and drawing the book at proper\ntimes, personalizing its prayers and figures with his own name, as though only thus will\nthe ritual work.44 He also makes a profession to the Virgin, adapted from the Benedictine\nprofession rite, and seeks visionary confirmation of his finished book, entering a personal\ncovenant with her.45 This is then confirmed by other visions he experiences as he goes forward and by his undertaking a lifelong commitment to repeat the prayers in a ritual called\nthe Voluntary Work on a regular basis, as well as to say weekly Offices of the Virgin and\nthe Angels.46\nHaving been accepted by the Virgin, the operator who does not go astray gains a potentially regular and habitual access to visions. The injunction to \u201cbelieve not every spirit\u201d\n(1 John 4:1) common in visionary writings is also iterated in Liber florum. But John then adds\nquite specific instructions for recognizing when the devil might be appearing to the visionary in the guise of the Virgin \u2013 as when she contradicts herself or tempts the visionary to\nwanton behaviour.47 Even if the visions do become habitual, the action of grace is never\nautomatic, depending both on the Virgin\u2019s will and the condition of the operator\u2019s soul. As\nJohn\u2019s accounts of his relationship with the Virgin show, the benefits the Virgin bestows and\nthe times and places in which she appears to bestow them are as unpredictable as dreams\nand as grace themselves. Because of this, John builds into the Liber florum variable modes\nof access to the visionary work, the adaptability of the text reflecting the divergent needs,\naptitudes and moral state of those who are to operate it.\nWhen John published the OC of figures, he offered a ritual specific to the recovery of\nvisions lost through bad behaviour, to be done after appropriate penance. In the same\npart of the text, he anticipates that there may be some operators who might wish to forego\nextensive work on the knowledge ritual and just perform the vision ritual. If this was the\ncase, operators were released from copying those parts of the Liber florum that are not relevant for having visions.48 His work on \u201cparticular experiments\u201d in the years that followed\nwas based on the assumption that the Virgin would empower each operator to develop\n218\n\nPages 238:\nJohn of Morigny\ndifferent experiments \u2013 usually if not always in visionary form \u2013 and that these might not\nbe replicable by others.49 In writing the NC Book of Figures, John affirmed his belief in the\nvalue of the knowledge ritual. But he also brought it closer to the vision ritual, sometimes\nappearing to treat it as almost as a mode of preparation for the successful operation of the\nvision ritual, rather than (as in the Book of Prayers) the other way around. Despite the considerable knowledge benefits bestowed by the Thirty Prayers, John ultimately appears to\nhave understood the relationship with the Virgin enjoyed through visionary dreams as the\nmost important benefit of operating the Liber florum \u2013 a benefit that evidently kept operators\ncopying it for more than two hundred years.\nReception and use of the Liber florum\nThe importance of John\u2019s book, as attested by the actual count, distribution and style of\nthe manuscripts in which it is contained, is radically out of proportion to the negligible\nplace in history that seems to be suggested by the record of his condemnation. If the condemnation in the Grandes Chroniques de France aligns the work with an idea of frivolous and\nderivative magic, dismissing it as a vain route to rapid learning, the transmission history\nby contrast shows that it was seen by the operators who copied it as a serious devotional\ntext. Since it was not copied for any other reason than use, it is entirely due to the ritual\nseriousness of its operators, their sharing of the book, their sense of its efficacy, that the\nbook survived at all.\nWe are currently aware of twenty-four manuscripts containing versions or recognizable\nportions or adaptations of John\u2019s book, from Austria, England, Germany, Italy, Poland\nand Spain, including more than one deluxe copy. 50 The tracing of manuscripts is still very\nmuch a work in progress and discoveries are ongoing (indeed, the most recent one turned\nup while we were writing this article),51 and all generalizations about reception will be subject to change based on future discoveries. Nevertheless, certain patterns are evident from\nthe manuscripts we have in hand. The earliest copies known to us are dated to 1374 and\n1377, a scant half century after the burning, and the latest to 1519 and 1522. 52 We know\ndates of inscription from colophons where individual copies are often signed by the scribe\nor operator.\nHowever, the personalization of manuscripts goes well beyond the colophon. John\u2019s book\ninstructs that all the images in the text should be inscribed with the name of the person by\nwhom it is intended to be used; operators were to petition the Virgin for visionary licence to\ncarry forward with the work and to consecrate the book once licence was granted. In practice, operators put names in the prayers as well. Consistent with a tradition of transmission\nby operators, the majority of manuscripts contain names in the prayers. So far all of these\nare men\u2019s names: Albert, Andreas, Bernard, Erasmus, Geoffrey, Jacob, Peter, Rupert, and\nUlric. Some copies that do not contain personal names are exemplars, in at least two cases\noriginating from religious houses, presumably made for monks to copy and personalize for\nthemselves.53 Two manuscripts contain erasures in the places where the names go, showing\nthat they were personalized once, in one case the erasures having clearly been done by a\nsecond operator in order to reuse the text.54 Strikingly, even the (so far) unique OC manuscript in Oxford, Bodleian Library Liturg. 160, is personalized for the use of one \u201cfrater\nGalfridus\u201d, showing that it too derives from an operator tradition, albeit a minority tradition that has left fewer traces than the new.\n219\n\nPages 239:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\nFurther evidence that copies of Liber florum were made for use comes from the redaction\nwe are calling the \u201cThird Compilation\u201d, which exists in two versions and is contained in six\nmanuscripts identified so far. The cleanest manuscript of the type is Manchester, Chetham\u2019s\nLibrary A.4.108, hereafter \u201cManchester\u201d, dated 1522 by its operator, one Jacob Smith.55\nIn essence, the third compilation text is a pragmatic redaction of John\u2019s prayers designed\nto make the liturgy easier to use. To this end, all autobiographical materials \u2013 the complex\nvisionary episodes contained in the Liber visionum and interwoven with subsequent prayers \u2013\nhave been stripped away. Instead of visions, the book opens with a set of instructions that\nprovide an orderly overview of how to initiate the ritual system, including the copying of\nthe book, the rite of profession and the visionary experiment. The nine opera of the First\nProcedure are briefly detailed, followed by a discussion of confirmation of the book and\nring and subsequent vow to perform a special service for Mary and the angels lifelong. All\nthese instructions are adapted and simplified from the complicated and sometimes conflicting directions that John scatters through later parts of the \u201coriginal\u201d book, some in the First\nProcedure and others in the NC Book of Figures.\nPragmatically, also, the book opens not with the first prayer actually found in the book\n(Prayer *1, O Rex regum) but with a lengthy and complicated set of prayers listed by John\nin the First Procedure, chapter 1.3, starting with the Pater noster, Creed and Ave Maria,\nmeant to be said prior to starting each opus of the work. Since the user cannot proceed even\ninto the initiatory level of the work without them, the presence of these prayers at the beginning would have been useful to anyone serious about undertaking the work methodically in\nthe prescribed fashion.\nThat this redaction was made by a third party and not by John himself becomes clear\nfrom the prologue, which references John in the third person:\nThis book was composed against the Ars notoria by brother John, monk of the order\nof Saint Benedict at Morigny, by the will and teaching of the blessed virgin Mary,\nbecause she saw that many had been undone by that same Ars notoria, which is diabolical and full of necromantic experiments. And because the aforesaid John also\nlabored through the Ars notoria and through diabolical deceptions, for that reason,\nmoved by mercy, the Mother of Mercy marvellously revealed it to him, as is shown\nin the original <book> by John himself, which is the exemplar of all the others.56\nThe writer was obviously familiar with the narrative that guides the Book of Visions, though\nthe description of the Notory art as being \u201cfull of necromantic experiments\u201d makes clear\nthat the author is less than intimately familiar with the Ars notoria itself (a work that never\nadmits a relation to necromancy, and which John himself handles as part of a different\ncategory).57 While we do not know the exact date of this redaction, all known copies are\nfifteenth- or early sixteenth-century productions.58\nOnly one known manuscript of the Liber florum preserves any memory of the condemnation of 1323. This is a fifteenth-century manuscript composed mainly of Dominican materials, now housed in Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, Stolb.-Wernig. Za 74. The\nLiber florum is discontinuous with the surrounding materials and was clearly at one time an\noperator copy: there are gaps in the prayers where the names should be, but the gaps show\nmarks of erasure, so the book was once personalized. The manuscript shows many signs of\ncare, including coloured initials, marginal decorations and some glosses from a secondary\ncopy of the text. On the folio where the work begins is a cautionary note in another hand,\n220\n\nPages 240:\nJohn of Morigny\ndescribing it in a language that echoes the account of the condemnation in the Grandes\nChroniques:\nThis is a book which is called the Flower of Heavenly Teaching, and it is a book wholly\ncrammed with superstition, whose author, though he feigns that he wanted to avoid\nthe pernicious Ars notoria, nevertheless in a deceptive and hidden way appears rather\nto have handed it on to cheat the simple with the devil\u2019s tutoring, since he administers its deadly venom using the sweetest prayers like a kind of honey.\nYet, even as this note recalls the 1323 chronicle account with its accusation that John only\n\u201cfeigned\u201d to dismiss the Ars notoria, it reflects a milieu in which John\u2019s prayer practice is evidently in active use, its accessibility in multiple copies witnessed by the operator\u2019s glosses. The\nLiber florum was very much alive and well in fifteenth-century Germany.\nWe have found no evidence that John\u2019s book ever appeared in print before our 2015 edition (outside the unattributed prayers in the Polish crystallomancy text edited by Ganszyniec\nand our own earlier partial edition in 2001).59 Yet, a market for printed editions is perhaps\nnot to be expected for a book whose copying was always part of the operator\u2019s relation to\nthe text, preliminary to a process of visionary approval and consecration. Indeed, if the link\nbetween use and transmission was too close to make any sort of mass production viable, the\nbroad reach and persistence of the text across Europe through the early sixteenth century\nbecome rather more remarkable. It is evident even from the brief sketch of transmission\npatterns here that we must regard the Liber florum as a successful attempt at reworking the\nArs notoria into a workable Catholic paraliturgy.\nFuture directions for research\nFrom the perspective of the history of magic, there are several areas on which we may expect John\u2019s work to have an increased impact as it becomes better known. The most obvious\nof these, perhaps, is in the prehistory of the great Renaissance author-magicians like Ficino,\nPico and Agrippa. If the Liber florum claimed its work for the Christian religion, not magic,60\nJohn\u2019s work did not completely exclude an idea of magic either. In the Book of Prayers,\nJohn eventually allows the seven \u201cexceptive\u201d or magic arts into the domain of knowledge\nthat is governed by the Cherubim, the rank of angels associated with philosophy, second\nonly to the Seraphim.61 Though he does not advocate practice of these arts \u2013 and he allows\nthe operator to use his own judgement about taking them theoretically \u2013 nevertheless in\nprinciple magic can be seen to inhabit the order of knowledge at a very high level. Here\nand elsewhere, John\u2019s work demonstrates a complex, religiously attentive engagement with\nmagic that foreshadows many impulses evident among author-magicians over the next two\ncenturies.\nLike other author-magicians, indeed perhaps more like Ficino and Pico than like those\nnearer his own day, John\u2019s aim is always divine knowledge. His engagement with both secular learning and magic is always in service of an essentially Christian goal, a set of illuminations that will help to prepare him, and help him to prepare others, for the heavenly life.\nJohn shares this religious impulse with later author-magicians, and shares with them, too, a\nPlatonic outlook, an interest in astrological images, a semi-sacral view of the science of astronomy and an attraction to Judaica \u2013 specifically an interest in finding ways of combining\nthe ancient mysteries of Judaism with Christian goals.62 Thus, if the Liber florum was read as\n221\n\nPages 241:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\na manual for operation of a Catholic and devotional kind, it can nevertheless also be seen\nas part of the ongoing conversation about magic in that it positivized some of its uses. Much\nremains to be explored about the background of John\u2019s knowledge, particularly its small but\ninteresting suggestions of Jewish\u2013Christian exchange, but in general his work demands that\nwe see how magic texts, despite their controversial nature, might be counted as one source\namong many in the building up of knowledge and disciplinary models in the later Middle\nAges. Set apart in principle, the magic arts were affiliated and integrated in practice with\nboth religious and secular kinds of knowledge and discursive practices.\nBeyond the history of magic, the Liber florum can also be expected to impact the larger\nhistorical picture of medieval life and institutions in many ways. The book as a whole is\na significant addition to the array of late medieval works of visionary theology, not less\nimportant because it evidences a masculine engagement with a genre whose most notable\nexponents are female (exemplified in the work of Angela of Foligno, Bridget of Sweden or\nJulian of Norwich). The Book of Prayers is remarkable for its innovative and expert liturgy,\nwhich shows one manner of movement from monastic libelli precum to lay books of hours.\nThe Book of Visions and autobiographical portions of the Book of Figures together witness\nthe increasing value placed on university learning and the opportunities for social mobility\nthat might be offered to an ambitious monk. They also yield valuable information about\nJohn\u2019s sister, Bridget, providing a unique window into the life of a teenage girl as she struggles to make a transition between the lay and monastic life. The Liber florum thus impacts\nthe study of theology, liturgy, monasticism, the arts and sciences in general, visionary literature, mysticism and other allied discourses. Ultimately, future work on John of Morigny is\nnot separable from the wider discipline of medieval historical research.\nNotes\n1 John of Morigny, Liber Florum Celestis Doctrine, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto:\nPontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015); henceforth Liber florum.\n2 Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen Age (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007). All references to the Ars notoria are to this edition.\n3 \u201cEst in quinque linguis compositus, videlicet Grece, Latine, Ebraice, Caldayce, Arabice, ita quod\nab aliquo non potest intelligi nec exponi.\u201d Liber Florum I.i.3, drawing on Ars notoria \u00a78.\n4 See chapter 5 of Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic (University Park: Pennsylvania State University\nPress, 2015).\n5 Evidence for dating is complex; see Liber florum Introduction A, I.1, by Nicholas Watson; Introduction B, III.3, by Claire Fanger; and Table 14.\n6 Liber Florum II.Rit Prol, rubric.\n7 The book of prayers uses many liturgical forms, not only prose prayers but poetic sequences,\nhymns, antiphons and even entire offices. A Christmas Day mass (in a standard form) is a major\npart of Prayer 3, and an office of Angels (composed by John) is given in chapter 3 of the First\nProcedure. John wrote as a fluent and expert liturgist, sometimes drawing on old liturgical forms,\nsometimes creating new ones, sometimes interweaving his own writing with that of others.\n8 The account that follows in this and the next section is based on Liber florum Introduction A, which\ncontains a summary in Table 2.\n9 \u201cinimicus humani generis.\u201d I. Prol.\n10 I. Prol.\n11 I.i.2, NC III.i.1.b and Liber florum Introduction A, I.1 and Table 2.\n12 I.i.2.\n13 I.4-13, I.ii.\n14 I.ii, Prayers *2\u2013*7.\n15 I.ii.5.\n222\n\nPages 242:\nJohn of Morigny\n16 I.iii; NC III.ii.4.\n17 I.i.\n18 OC III.6.a, 25.b.\n19 OC III.21c; OC III. 25.a\u2013d; NC III.i.14.b\u2013c\n20 OC III.3.\n21 OC III.3\u20138.\n22 OC III.22\u201323, 25.b.\n23 NC III.i.14.e.\n24 NC III.iii.3.a\n25 Introduction A, III.1.\n26 NC III.i.12.e also suggests this first audience included some secular priests and laypeople.\n27 NC III.ii.4\n28 NC III.iii.27\u201328.\n29 NC III.i.1.b.\n30 NC III.i.5, iii.3, 5\u20136.\n31 NC III.iii.4.b, 7.a.\n32 For translation of the 1323 Grandes Chroniques de France entry, see Nicholas Watson, \u201cJohn of\nMorigny\u2019s Book of Visions,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire\nFanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 164; see also Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 2, ed. H. Denifle and E. Chatelain (Paris: Delalain, 1897), item 827, p. 274.\n33 I.Gen Prol.c; see also Prayer *2.1.\n34 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, ch. 4.\n35 See Liber florum, Plates 7 and 9: New Compilation figures from Salzburg, Studienbibliothek \u00adSalzburg\nCod. M I 24, fol.77v and Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019Archiginnasio MS A. 165, fols. 68v,\n69r. Salzburg\u2019s figures are based on the instructions given in NC III.iii.23.a; figures in the Bologna\nmanuscript are based on the earlier account in III.i.2.c and III.iii.7.b.\n36 \u201cnolo oraciones neque figuras \u2026 nisi cor.\u201d Liber florum I.iii.2.c.\n37 \u201cdiuersis coloribus colorate ...omnium librorum pulcherrimus et vtilissimus et eciam sanctissimus.\u201d\nI.i.3.\n38 II.iii.caps 1\u20132.\n39 Rubrics to II.ii, Prayers 21\u201330.\n40 OC III.8.\n41 \u201cVellem scire et intelligere perfecte omnem artem gramaticam: permissiuam, preceptiuam, prohibitiuam; et ortographiam, prosodiam, ethimologiam et diasenticam.\u201d OC III.18.b.i.\n42 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, ch. 5.\n43 OC I.iv.10.b; III.12.\n44 OC I.iv.6.\n45 OC I.iv.5; NC III.i.12; I.iii.cap 4.\n46 OC I.iv.11\u201312, III.16\u201317.\n47 OC I.iv.10.d-h, NC I.iv.4. See also NC III.iii.11.\n48 OC III.24; see also NC III.iii.35.a\u2013b.\n49 NC III.ii.\n50 All manuscripts show care in production, but the two copies including full sets of executed figures are of especially remarkable quality; these are Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Cod M I 24 and\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019 Archiginnasio MS A. 165 (16. b. III. 5). The sketch of use and\ntransmission here and following is based on Liber florum Introduction B, by Claire Fanger.\n51 As of 3 January 2015.\n52 1374 and 1377 are, respectively associated with London, British Library, Additional MS 18027 and\nVienna, Schottenkloster, MS 140 (61); 1519 and 1522 are, respectively, associated with Munich,\nBayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm 28864, and Manchester, Chetham\u2019s Library MS A.4.108. For\nmanuscripts overview as of 2015, see Table 13 in Liber florum Introduction B.\n53 Klagenfurt, Universit\u00e4tsbibliothek, Cart. 1 (originally from the Benedictine monastery of St. Paul,\nK\u00e4rnten, Austria) and Klosterneuburg, Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Cod. 950. Other manuscripts\nwith no personalization include Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana MS Z.412 sup and Torino,\n\u00adBiblioteca Nazionale MS G. II. 25, likely made as exemplars also, though they cannot be traced to\nparticular religious houses.\n223\n\nPages 243:\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\n54 The manuscript where names were erased for reuse is Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg Cod\nM I 24, and Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, MS Stolb.-Wernig. Za 74.\n55 For a fuller account, see Liber florum Introduction B, IV.2; see Table 13 for other manuscripts.\n56 \u201cQui liber est contra Artem notoriam compositus a Fratre Johanne, monacho ordinis sancti\n\u00adBenedicti de Moriginaco ex voluntate et informatione beate virginis Marie. Quia ipsa vidit quod\nmulti perierunt per eandem artem notoriam que est diabolica et plena nigromanticis experimentis.\nEt quia dictus Johannes etiam per notoriam laborauit et per deceptiones diabolicas, ideo misericordia mota ipsa Mater Misericordie sibi eum mirabiliter reuelauit ut patet in originali ipsius Johannis\nqui est exemplar omnium aliorum.\u201d Manchester, Chetham\u2019s Library MS A.4.108, p 2.\n57 For overview of John\u2019s distinctions, see Fanger, Rewriting Magic, ch. 5.\n58 The earliest dated copy is Hamilton, McMaster University Library MS 107, inscribed in 1461.\n59 The crystallomancy is in Bernacki, Ludwik and Ryszard Ganszyniec, ed. Modlitewnik W\u0142adys\u0142awa\nWarne\u0144czyka: w zbiorach Bibljoteki Bodleja\u0144skiej (Krakow: Anczyc i Sp\u00f3lka, 1928). Our partial edition\nwas published in Esoterica 3 (2001): 108\u2013217; www.esoteric.msu.edu/VolumeIII/Morigny.html.\n60 In fact, the consecrated book is said to be effective at driving out demons that ars magica has imprisoned in objects; see the operation for consecration of the book, II.iii.cap 4.1.d.\n61 See Prayer 28.7.a\n62 See Claire Fanger, \u201cCovenant and the Divine Name,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n2012), 192\u2013216.\n224\n\nPages 244:\n17\nCecco d\u2019A scol i a n d Anton io da\nMontol mo\nThe building of a \u201cnigromantical\u201d cosmology\nand the birth of the author-magici\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 229 to page 244 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=232\nPages: 232,231\nDespite the revisions he had undertaken, the Liber florum was burned in 1323 by unknown\nparties at the University of Paris, according to the Grandes Chroniques de France, which explicitly identifies the work as a revival of the heretical Ars notoria. Nonetheless, the work was\nactively transmitted for two centuries, surviving in copies widespread across Europe, most\nof which appear to understand it as orthodox, indeed holy.\n212\nJohn of Morigny\nJohn and the composition of the Liber florum\nThe sole source for John\u2019s biography is the Liber florum itself, a work produced in installments, begun in 1301 and rewritten and expanded over the next fifteen years.5 The work\ncontains many traces of its accretive process. It is clear, for example, from the epistolary\nopenings of prologues to certain sections of the text, as well as the note reproduced in many\nmanuscripts, \u201cThis page should go in the beginning of the book before the incipit No one]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nJohn of Morigny (fl. c. 1301\u201315) is important both for what his writing reveals about the\nculture of learned magic at the turn of the fourteenth century and for his own contribution\nto that culture, the Liber florum celestis doctrine. The Liber florum is an unusual work, some 55,000\nwords in its most commonly circulated form, comprising a devotional autobiography with\nvisions (the Book of Visions), a long liturgy for knowledge acquisition (the Book of Prayers)\nand a work of meditative figures (the Book of Figures). Unknown between the mid-sixteenth\nand late twentieth centuries, copies of the book began to be noticed in the late 1980s. The\nmajority of its more than twenty currently known manuscripts have been found over the last\nfifteen years. It survives in two authorial versions, the Old Compilation (OC) (1311) and the\nNew Compilation (NC) (1315), and two versions of a later redaction.1\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=50\nPages: 50\nthe etiquette, so to speak, of the treatment of the sacred. Pairing benign image magic with\nthe Ars notoria, Thomas sees both practices as involving a recognition of the true God (such\npractices are not idolatrous), but an error in the manner of approach. The ritual behaviour\nrelating the human to God has something wrong with it. Expressively, these types of ritual\nconfuse or mystify, rather than clarify, the appropriate relation between divine and human\nthings. One might say it is their very esotericism that he reacts to as theologically pernicious.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum: sacramental magic,\nor the theurgic problem\nJohn of Morigny was a Benedictine active in the early fourteenth century whose Flowers of\nHeavenly Teaching comprises a set of prayers for obtaining knowledge, partly delivered by and\npartly a homage to the virgin Mary, interwoven with a compelling visionary autobiography.\nHe never advocates magic, though he engages with it extensively. He acknowledges copying]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=553\nPages: 553\n\u00adAgostino Paravicini Bagliani, Kathrin Utz Tremp and Catherine Ch\u00e8ne (Lausanne: Cahiers\n\u00adLausannois d\u2019Histoire M\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1999).\nJohn of Morigny, John of Morigny: \u2018Liber florum celestis doctrine\u2019, or \u2018Book of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching\u2019:\nThe New Compilation, with Independent Portions of the Old Compilation. An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire\nFanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015).\nKieckhefer, Richard, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1997).\nKramer, Heinrich (Institoris), and Sprenger, Jakob, Malleus Maleficarum, ed. Christopher S. Mackay\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).\nKyeser, Conrad, Bellifortis, 2 vols., ed. G\u00f6tz Quarg (D\u00fcsseldorf: Verlag des Vereins Deutscher Ingenieurie, 1967).\nMalory, Sir Thomas, Le Morte Darthur, 2 vols., ed. P.J.C. Field (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2013).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241\nnot separable from the wider discipline of medieval historical research.\nNotes\n1 John of Morigny, Liber Florum Celestis Doctrine, ed. Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto:\nPontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015); henceforth Liber florum.\n2 Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen Age (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007). All references to the Ars notoria are to this edition.\n3 \u201cEst in quinque linguis compositus, videlicet Grece, Latine, Ebraice, Caldayce, Arabice, ita quod\nab aliquo non potest intelligi nec exponi.\u201d Liber Florum I.i.3, drawing on Ars notoria \u00a78.\n4 See chapter 5 of Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic (University Park: Pennsylvania State University\nPress, 2015).\n5 Evidence for dating is complex; see Liber florum Introduction A, I.1, by Nicholas Watson; Introduction B, III.3, by Claire Fanger; and Table 14.\n6 Liber Florum II.Rit Prol, rubric.\n7 The book of prayers uses many liturgical forms, not only prose prayers but poetic sequences,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=461\nPages: 461,462\nas celestial or sacramental signs. Nevertheless, scribal creativity sometimes undermined these\nbids for orthodoxy, however, with stylized lions, oxen and dragons, swords, serpents and birds\nbeing drawn alongside the magical motifs and verba ignota.\nIn the early fourteenth century, a French Benedictine monk named John of Morigny\nwrote a book called the Liber florum celestis doctrine (The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching), a revision of the Ars notoria that tried to shift focus away from its unintelligibility and towards a less\nobscure ritual combination of Marian devotion and astrological ideas.53 The Liber florum was\n442\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\na practical manual for achieving a visionary ascent to the presence of God and knowledge\nof all the arts and sciences. John\u2019s claims to have had revelatory experiences were viewed\nwith suspicion and his work was burnt at the University of Paris in 1323. Nevertheless, his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241\nimportant because it evidences a masculine engagement with a genre whose most notable\nexponents are female (exemplified in the work of Angela of Foligno, Bridget of Sweden or\nJulian of Norwich). The Book of Prayers is remarkable for its innovative and expert liturgy,\nwhich shows one manner of movement from monastic libelli precum to lay books of hours.\nThe Book of Visions and autobiographical portions of the Book of Figures together witness\nthe increasing value placed on university learning and the opportunities for social mobility\nthat might be offered to an ambitious monk. They also yield valuable information about\nJohn\u2019s sister, Bridget, providing a unique window into the life of a teenage girl as she struggles to make a transition between the lay and monastic life. The Liber florum thus impacts\nthe study of theology, liturgy, monasticism, the arts and sciences in general, visionary literature, mysticism and other allied discourses. Ultimately, future work on John of Morigny is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=563\nPages: 563\nJewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion\n(Trachtenberg) 93\nJews 77, 78, 79, 85, 86\u201393, 95, 96, 99, 101, 244,\n246, 404\nJoan I of Navarre 91\nJohannes Lasnioro (John of Laz) 118\nJohn of Burgundy 338\nJohn of Dacia 409\nJohn of Morigny 22, 27, 31\u20133, 62, 64, 89, 113,\n115, 191, 194, 201, 212\u201322, 339, 442\u20134, 447;\ncomposition of the Liber florum and 213\u201315;\nreception and use of the Liber florum 219\u201321;\nshape of the Liber florum and how it worked\n216\u201319\nJohn of Rupescissa 118, 277\nJohn of Seville 74, 77\u20139, 87, 155, 157\nJolly, Karen 477\nJones, Peter Murray 5, 8\nJones, William R. 339\nJosephus, Flavius 435\nJung, Carl Gustav 116\nThe Kabbalistic Library of Pico della Mirandola 95\nKabbalistic writings 94\nKamerick, Kathleen 7, 346\nKampfbegriffe 34\nKelleher, Richard 390\nKey of Semiphoras (Clau del Semiforas) 104\nKey of Solomon see Clavicula de Salom\u00f3, Clavicula di\nSalomone, Clavicula Salomonis\nKieckhefer, Richard 1, 4, 48, 50, 51, 54, 57\u201360,\n64, 86, 108, 124, 192, 201, 205, 206, 208,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=237\nPages: 237,238\nand as grace themselves. Because of this, John builds into the Liber florum variable modes\nof access to the visionary work, the adaptability of the text reflecting the divergent needs,\naptitudes and moral state of those who are to operate it.\nWhen John published the OC of figures, he offered a ritual specific to the recovery of\nvisions lost through bad behaviour, to be done after appropriate penance. In the same\npart of the text, he anticipates that there may be some operators who might wish to forego\nextensive work on the knowledge ritual and just perform the vision ritual. If this was the\ncase, operators were released from copying those parts of the Liber florum that are not relevant for having visions.48 His work on \u201cparticular experiments\u201d in the years that followed\nwas based on the assumption that the Virgin would empower each operator to develop\n218\nJohn of Morigny\ndifferent experiments \u2013 usually if not always in visionary form \u2013 and that these might not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=240\nPages: 240,239\nfifteenth- or early sixteenth-century productions.58\nOnly one known manuscript of the Liber florum preserves any memory of the condemnation of 1323. This is a fifteenth-century manuscript composed mainly of Dominican materials, now housed in Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, Stolb.-Wernig. Za 74. The\nLiber florum is discontinuous with the surrounding materials and was clearly at one time an\noperator copy: there are gaps in the prayers where the names should be, but the gaps show\nmarks of erasure, so the book was once personalized. The manuscript shows many signs of\ncare, including coloured initials, marginal decorations and some glosses from a secondary\ncopy of the text. On the folio where the work begins is a cautionary note in another hand,\n220\nJohn of Morigny\ndescribing it in a language that echoes the account of the condemnation in the Grandes\nChroniques:\nThis is a book which is called the Flower of Heavenly Teaching, and it is a book wholly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as\na prologue to the entire work probably in the autumn of that year, then returned to finish\nthe Book of Figures, finally publishing this new mass of material in two instalments at the\nend of 1311.23\nOf the years from 1312 to 1315, we know little. During the early part of that time, he\nwas working on a Book of Particular Experiments, which may be lost, but is mentioned as\nexisting in the year 1314.24 At some point, perhaps in 1313, he produced a revised collected\nedition of Liber florum for those who had not copied it piecemeal as he worked on it.25 This\nedition, which forms the basis of all presently known NC copies, suggests that his readership\nwas growing beyond the original circle, perhaps mainly of Orl\u00e9ans alumni and Morigny\nmonks, who were his first audience.26\nLate in 1315, however, he returned to the Liber florum a final time and over three months]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=116\nPages: 116\ned. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 250\u201363.\n19 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Liber iuratus Honorii and the Christian Reception of Angel Magic,\u201d in Invoking\nAngels, ed. Fanger, 113\u201350.\n20 See esp. Claire Fanger, \u201cCovenant and the Divine Name: Revisiting the Liber iuratus and John of\nMorigny\u2019s Liber florum,\u201d in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger, 192\u2013216.\n21 Katelyn Mesler, \u201cLegends of Jewish Sorcery: Reputations and Representations in Late Antiquity\nand Medieval Europe\u201d (Ph.D. diss, Northwestern University, 2012); Eadem, \u201cAccusations of Jewish\nMagic and Sorcery in Premodern Latin and Greek Sources,\u201d in A Handbook of Ancient and Medieval\nJewish Magic, ed. Ortal-Paz Saar and Siam Bhayro (Leiden: Brill, forthcoming).\n22 Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, lat. 16558, fols. 33v\u201337r.\n23 Joseph Shatzmiller, La deuxi\u00e8me controverse de Paris: Un chapitre dans la pol\u00e9mique entre chr\u00e9tiens et juifs au]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233,234\nMorigny between 1308 and at least 1311.\nFrom other standpoints, these began as difficult years. Before he finished the First Procedure late in 1308, John had already decided that his ritual demanded a Second Procedure, in which meditative figures were added to the prayers.20 But as he recounts in the\nOC Book of Figures, his attempts to persuade the Virgin to license or endorse the project\nfailed. Taking her refusal as a sign of the need to seek her patronage more ardently, he was\nobliged in the meantime to work without her approval, receiving her verdict as to its excellence only after the ninety or so figures were finished early in 1310. 21 His visionary licence\nto preach came after a period of more than three months, late in 1309, when he lost his\nvisionary gift and had to write new prayers to beg the Virgin to restore it.22 Things settled\n214\nJohn of Morigny\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474\nand plates IV\u2013VI.\n51 On the Ars notoria, see the edition by Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007)\nand his chapter on Solomonic magic in this volume.\n52 Ars notoria, gloss on version B, ed. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, 142: \u201cFigura vero est quedam sacramentalis et ineffabilis oratio que necquid per sensum humane rationis exponi.\u201d\n53 On this text, see Nicholas Watson and Claire Fanger\u2019s edition of John of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum\ncelestis doctrine (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2015) and Claire Fanger, Rewriting\nMagic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\n54 The Old Compilation Book of Figures, III. 10, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum 372.\n55 Book of Figures, III. 18. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 3778\u201382.\n56 Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 95\u201398.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210\nthe exploitation of Solomonic sources, the \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d of the late Middle Ages were\nnot insignificant. Thus, at the very start of the fourteenth century, the Benedictine monk\nJohn of Morigny embarked on a complete, progressive and very personal revision of the\nArs notoria in his Liber florum celestis doctrine.36 The Summa sacre magice (1346) of the Catalan\n\u201cphilosopher\u201d B\u00e9renger Ganell, a vast compilation of ritual magic in five books known in its\nLatin form through an incomplete manuscript, draws part of its substance from two distinct\nversions of the Liber juratus of Honorius.37 But in order to better establish its claim to offer\n\u201ca [magic] science that consists of compelling good and bad spirits\u201d, B\u00e9renger\u2019s work draws\non numerous Solomonic traditions including the Ydea Salomonis, the De officiis spirituum, the\nDe quattuor annulis, the De novem candariis, the Vinculum Salomonis, the Almandal and perhaps]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=43\nPages: 43,44\n24\nR e t h i n k i n g h ow to d e f i n e m ag i c\n24 Liber iuratus Honorii: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius, ed. G\u00f6sta\n\u00adHedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), 121\u201339; further categories of spirit are similarly\naddressed on pp. 140\u201343. See also the angel conjuration in Robert Reynes, The Commonplace Book\nof Robert Reynes of Acle: An Edition of Tanner MS 407, ed. Cameron Louis (New York: Garland, 1980),\nno. 29, pp. 169\u201370, where the angels are commanded only after their arrival in a child\u2019s fingernail,\nand their summoning takes the form of a prayer addressed to Christ.\n25 Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French\nMonk (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015), and John of Morigny, Liber\nflorum celestis doctrine, or Book of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching: The New Compilation, with Independent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234,235\nstudents at the University of Paris.\nAfter the end of 1315, we lose all trace of John and Bridget; though now that John\u2019s book\nhas resurfaced in multiple manuscripts, it seems possible that more information is out there.\nIn the meantime, the versions of the Liber florum already in our hands are compelling.\n215\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\nThe shape of the Liber florum and how it worked\nDespite the winding process of its composition, the Liber florum is a work of careful artistry.\nThe narrative in the Book of Visions works in the manner of a confessio to encourage the\nmany sinners mired (as John was) in the opaque and bewildering prayers of the Ars notoria to\ngive them up in favour of the transparently sacred alternative that is the Liber florum. Likening\nhimself to the apostle Paul and the penitent Theophilus,33 John casts the Liber florum as the\ninstrument of a covenant between God and modern Christians, made at the Virgin\u2019s behest]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=217\nPages: 217\nGanell drew on an older version of Liber juratus besides the version edited by Hedeg\u00e5rd.\n34 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cThe Ars notoria in the Middle Ages and Modern Times: Diffusion and Influence(s),\u201d\nin Dialogues among Books in Medieval Western Magic and Divination, ed. S. Rapisarda et E. Niblaeus\n(Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014), 166\u201367.\n35 J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cPietro d\u2019Abano magicien \u00e0 la Renaissance: le cas de l\u2019Elucidarius magice (ou Lucidarium\nartis nigromantice),\u201d in M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie entre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance: autour de Pietro d\u2019Abano, ed.\nJ.-P. Boudet, F. Collard et N. Weill-Parot (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 314\u201315.\n36 Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French\nMonk (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015); John of Morigny, \u201cLiber florum celestis doctrine\u201d, or \u201cBook of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching\u201d: The New Compilation, with Independent Portions]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234\nknow the names of the barking dogs, nor whom they represented, nor what incidents may\nhave sparked the critical reading of his book. It is also unknown whether there was any\nconnection between these events of late 1315 and the burning of the Liber florum eight years\nlater. Neither in the Grandes Chroniques nor in the Cartulary of the University of Paris is any\nmention made of the presence of the \u201cmonk of Morigny\u201d who wrote the book at its incineration, nor is his name used. The Cartulary makes no mention of a legal process of any\nkind. The Grandes Chroniques account mentions some fairly specific sounding imputations of\nheresy, but does not detail a legal process nor mention the parties who levelled the charges,\nif any were officially laid.32 Perhaps John was dead by this time, although he would only\nhave been in his late forties. Perhaps the burning was symbolic, unconnected to any previous heresy process, indicating a merely local alarm at the spread of the Liber florum among]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=242\nPages: 242\n20 OC III.3.\n21 OC III.3\u20138.\n22 OC III.22\u201323, 25.b.\n23 NC III.i.14.e.\n24 NC III.iii.3.a\n25 Introduction A, III.1.\n26 NC III.i.12.e also suggests this first audience included some secular priests and laypeople.\n27 NC III.ii.4\n28 NC III.iii.27\u201328.\n29 NC III.i.1.b.\n30 NC III.i.5, iii.3, 5\u20136.\n31 NC III.iii.4.b, 7.a.\n32 For translation of the 1323 Grandes Chroniques de France entry, see Nicholas Watson, \u201cJohn of\nMorigny\u2019s Book of Visions,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire\nFanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 164; see also Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 2, ed. H. Denifle and E. Chatelain (Paris: Delalain, 1897), item 827, p. 274.\n33 I.Gen Prol.c; see also Prayer *2.1.\n34 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, ch. 4.\n35 See Liber florum, Plates 7 and 9: New Compilation figures from Salzburg, Studienbibliothek \u00adSalzburg]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234,235\nstudents at the University of Paris.\nAfter the end of 1315, we lose all trace of John and Bridget; though now that John\u2019s book\nhas resurfaced in multiple manuscripts, it seems possible that more information is out there.\nIn the meantime, the versions of the Liber florum already in our hands are compelling.\n215\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r a n d N i c h o l a s Wat s o n\nThe shape of the Liber florum and how it worked\nDespite the winding process of its composition, the Liber florum is a work of careful artistry.\nThe narrative in the Book of Visions works in the manner of a confessio to encourage the\nmany sinners mired (as John was) in the opaque and bewildering prayers of the Ars notoria to\ngive them up in favour of the transparently sacred alternative that is the Liber florum. Likening\nhimself to the apostle Paul and the penitent Theophilus,33 John casts the Liber florum as the\ninstrument of a covenant between God and modern Christians, made at the Virgin\u2019s behest]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nJohn of Morigny (fl. c. 1301\u201315) is important both for what his writing reveals about the\nculture of learned magic at the turn of the fourteenth century and for his own contribution\nto that culture, the Liber florum celestis doctrine. The Liber florum is an unusual work, some 55,000\nwords in its most commonly circulated form, comprising a devotional autobiography with\nvisions (the Book of Visions), a long liturgy for knowledge acquisition (the Book of Prayers)\nand a work of meditative figures (the Book of Figures). Unknown between the mid-sixteenth\nand late twentieth centuries, copies of the book began to be noticed in the late 1980s. The\nmajority of its more than twenty currently known manuscripts have been found over the last\nfifteen years. It survives in two authorial versions, the Old Compilation (OC) (1311) and the\nNew Compilation (NC) (1315), and two versions of a later redaction.1\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=242\nPages: 242\n20 OC III.3.\n21 OC III.3\u20138.\n22 OC III.22\u201323, 25.b.\n23 NC III.i.14.e.\n24 NC III.iii.3.a\n25 Introduction A, III.1.\n26 NC III.i.12.e also suggests this first audience included some secular priests and laypeople.\n27 NC III.ii.4\n28 NC III.iii.27\u201328.\n29 NC III.i.1.b.\n30 NC III.i.5, iii.3, 5\u20136.\n31 NC III.iii.4.b, 7.a.\n32 For translation of the 1323 Grandes Chroniques de France entry, see Nicholas Watson, \u201cJohn of\nMorigny\u2019s Book of Visions,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire\nFanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 164; see also Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 2, ed. H. Denifle and E. Chatelain (Paris: Delalain, 1897), item 827, p. 274.\n33 I.Gen Prol.c; see also Prayer *2.1.\n34 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, ch. 4.\n35 See Liber florum, Plates 7 and 9: New Compilation figures from Salzburg, Studienbibliothek \u00adSalzburg]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241\nimportant because it evidences a masculine engagement with a genre whose most notable\nexponents are female (exemplified in the work of Angela of Foligno, Bridget of Sweden or\nJulian of Norwich). The Book of Prayers is remarkable for its innovative and expert liturgy,\nwhich shows one manner of movement from monastic libelli precum to lay books of hours.\nThe Book of Visions and autobiographical portions of the Book of Figures together witness\nthe increasing value placed on university learning and the opportunities for social mobility\nthat might be offered to an ambitious monk. They also yield valuable information about\nJohn\u2019s sister, Bridget, providing a unique window into the life of a teenage girl as she struggles to make a transition between the lay and monastic life. The Liber florum thus impacts\nthe study of theology, liturgy, monasticism, the arts and sciences in general, visionary literature, mysticism and other allied discourses. Ultimately, future work on John of Morigny is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as\na prologue to the entire work probably in the autumn of that year, then returned to finish\nthe Book of Figures, finally publishing this new mass of material in two instalments at the\nend of 1311.23\nOf the years from 1312 to 1315, we know little. During the early part of that time, he\nwas working on a Book of Particular Experiments, which may be lost, but is mentioned as\nexisting in the year 1314.24 At some point, perhaps in 1313, he produced a revised collected\nedition of Liber florum for those who had not copied it piecemeal as he worked on it.25 This\nedition, which forms the basis of all presently known NC copies, suggests that his readership\nwas growing beyond the original circle, perhaps mainly of Orl\u00e9ans alumni and Morigny\nmonks, who were his first audience.26\nLate in 1315, however, he returned to the Liber florum a final time and over three months]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=472\nPages: 472\nCritical Edition of the Speculum astronomiae (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 240\u201347; On Thomas Aquinas\u2019s views, see Claire Fanger, \u201cJohn the Monk\u2019s Book of Visions and its relation to the Ars notoria\nof Solomon\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Late Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 60\u201361. On the magic of images and\nidolatry, especially sculpted clay and wax figures, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume.\n11 Beno\u00eet Gr\u00e9vin and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se. \u201cLes \u2018caract\u00e8res\u2019 magiques au Moyen \u00c2ge (XIIe\u2013XIVe si\u00e8cle),\u201d Biblioth\u00e8que de l\u2019\u00c9cole des Chartes 162 (2004): 407\u201381. For examples of magical characters, see\nFigures 30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 30.9 and 30.11 in this chapter.\n12 Some magic texts in circulation like the De sigillis planetarum were devoted specifically to seals and\ntherefore provide good examples of this understudied visual motif. For examples of magic seals, see]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=239\nPages: 239\nlabored through the Ars notoria and through diabolical deceptions, for that reason,\nmoved by mercy, the Mother of Mercy marvellously revealed it to him, as is shown\nin the original <book> by John himself, which is the exemplar of all the others.56\nThe writer was obviously familiar with the narrative that guides the Book of Visions, though\nthe description of the Notory art as being \u201cfull of necromantic experiments\u201d makes clear\nthat the author is less than intimately familiar with the Ars notoria itself (a work that never\nadmits a relation to necromancy, and which John himself handles as part of a different\ncategory).57 While we do not know the exact date of this redaction, all known copies are\nfifteenth- or early sixteenth-century productions.58]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233,234\nMorigny between 1308 and at least 1311.\nFrom other standpoints, these began as difficult years. Before he finished the First Procedure late in 1308, John had already decided that his ritual demanded a Second Procedure, in which meditative figures were added to the prayers.20 But as he recounts in the\nOC Book of Figures, his attempts to persuade the Virgin to license or endorse the project\nfailed. Taking her refusal as a sign of the need to seek her patronage more ardently, he was\nobliged in the meantime to work without her approval, receiving her verdict as to its excellence only after the ninety or so figures were finished early in 1310. 21 His visionary licence\nto preach came after a period of more than three months, late in 1309, when he lost his\nvisionary gift and had to write new prayers to beg the Virgin to restore it.22 Things settled\n214\nJohn of Morigny\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=239\nPages: 239\nhave been stripped away. Instead of visions, the book opens with a set of instructions that\nprovide an orderly overview of how to initiate the ritual system, including the copying of\nthe book, the rite of profession and the visionary experiment. The nine opera of the First\nProcedure are briefly detailed, followed by a discussion of confirmation of the book and\nring and subsequent vow to perform a special service for Mary and the angels lifelong. All\nthese instructions are adapted and simplified from the complicated and sometimes conflicting directions that John scatters through later parts of the \u201coriginal\u201d book, some in the First\nProcedure and others in the NC Book of Figures.\nPragmatically, also, the book opens not with the first prayer actually found in the book\n(Prayer *1, O Rex regum) but with a lengthy and complicated set of prayers listed by John\nin the First Procedure, chapter 1.3, starting with the Pater noster, Creed and Ave Maria,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=564\nPages: 564\n158\u201361, 163, 271\nLiber viginti quatuor philosophorum 78\nLiber visionum (John of Morigny) 113, 115, 339\nLibre del rey Peyre de Aragon (Book of King Peter of\nAragon) 105\u20136\nLibre de puritats (Book of secrets) 105, 106, 107, 109\nLibre de ydeis (Book of images) 105, 107, 109\nLibri naturales 409\nLibri runarum 118\nLibro Conplido (Abenragel) 103, 109\nLibro de astromagia (Alfonso X) 78, 101\u20133, 334,\n413, 414, 416, 523\u20138\nLibro de las formas 101, 103\nLibro de las formas e im\u00e1genes 108\nLibro de las formas e ymagenes 334, 336\nLibro de las formas y las im\u00e1genes (Book of forms and\nimages) 78, 101\nLilium medicinae (Bernard of Gordon) 174\nLivre des secrez de nature 103\nLombard, Peter 48, 306, 408, 469, 514\nLonginus charm 372\nLouis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland 112\nLouis XI, King of France 338\nLucentini, Paolo 157, 181\nLucidarium artis nigromantic\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 271\nLucidator dubitabilium astronomi\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 272\nLuhmann, Niklas 59\nLuhrmann, Tanya 366\nLull, Raymond 87, 118\nLydgate, John 447, 448]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=312\nPages: 312\na work of Spanish origin, probably from the eleventh century, the Aim of the Sage (Ghay\u0101t\nal-hak\u012bm). This is the genesis of the famous Picatrix, named after the presumed author of the\ntext and redolent of S\u0101bian magical practice. A second work, translated surely by the same\ntime, was the Book of Images attributed in the Middle Ages to Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra. It, too, takes\nits roots from the tradition of the Harr\u0101nian S\u0101bians.\nIt is easy to imagine how such magical lore would attract the ire of theologians, already\nby the thirteenth century alarmed by the proliferation in Latin of works of magic providing\nsufficient details for actual practice. Bad enough that the practitioners of the science of images turned to the stars to bring down special powers into engraved or cast image objects.\nBut, as noted, the image-makers also frequently uttered combinations of words or incantations to strengthen the forces drawn from the heavens. Thomas Aquinas spoke for many in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=235\nPages: 235\ninstrument of a covenant between God and modern Christians, made at the Virgin\u2019s behest\nto provide grace and knowledge to all sinners, perhaps especially those dedicated to the intellectual vices of magic.\nWhile it is woven through with interpretative commentary, most of the rest of the Liber\nflorum is a script for a ritual performance: a specialized version of the private liturgical\nscripts that are Books of Hours. The Book of Prayers is divided into two rituals, a vision\nritual (constituted in the initial work of Seven Prayers) and a knowledge ritual (constituted\nin the Thirty Prayers licensed by the Virgin). Drawing on the Ars notoria but also the Book of\nRevelation, the Song of Songs, hymns both standard and recondite, sequences by Adam of\nSt Victor, poetry from Alan of Lille and much more, the Book of Prayers tracks a spiritual]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=235\nPages: 235\nSt Victor, poetry from Alan of Lille and much more, the Book of Prayers tracks a spiritual\nprogress from confusion and darkness to full enjoyment of God. In the prayers and visualizations ( ymaginaciones), John weaves elements of his own visionary experiences, sometimes\nas visualizations, sometimes as lines or verses, in a large movement that conveys for the\noperator the impression of a journey following John from earth to the court of heaven with\nthe angels as companions. The Book of Prayers is followed by a set of instructions for operation that John calls the First Procedure, which includes additional ancillary prayers and\nan office of angels.\nFollowing the Book of Prayers in both OC and NC versions, we have a Book of Figures,\nmeant to be used with the Book of Prayers and sometimes referred as a Second Procedure.\nIn both forms, we are missing substantial portions of the instructions for use, though what]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=462\nPages: 462\nwith suspicion and his work was burnt at the University of Paris in 1323. Nevertheless, his\npragmatic approach to achieving a spiritual experience was attractive to many readers, and\nhis text survives in three versions and more than twenty copies from across Europe.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s first attempt to rework the Ars notoria figures to fit his visionary approach was expressed in a text now known as the Old Compilation Book of Figures that survives\nin a single incomplete copy (Oxford, Bodleian, MS Liturg. 160). In its original version,\nthe Book of Figures was supposed to present 91 figures to help the user obtain a visionary\nexperience, including seven figures representing the Virgin, seven figures for the planets\nand twelve figures for the astrological houses. The astrological figures were not typical\nChristian choices to inspire a visionary ascent. Conscious of this issue, John followed the\nArs notoria in placing emphasis on the link between the figure and prayer. 54 He instructs the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233\nbook, the Grace of Christ, the earliest portion of Liber florum published,14 later prefacing it\nwith a prayer to Christ from this period to form the Seven Prayers, the first part of the Book\nof Prayers. Narratively, the Grace of Christ commemorates the visions by which the Virgin\nrescued John. Practically, it forms a ritual that petitions for visions. This was the ritual John\nused, probably in August of 1304, six months after renouncing all condemned practices, to\nobtain the Virgin\u2019s licence to write \u201ca book of only thirty simple prayers\u201d that would allow\nusers to gain the knowledge of the \u201carts and sciences\u201d and thus supplant the Ars notoria.15\nThe Thirty Prayers that John wrote in the three years that followed, along with an instruction manual called the First Procedure, became the second and third parts of the Book of\nPrayers.\nDuring the time he was operating the Ars notoria, John\u2019s colleagues and students in this]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=182\nPages: 182\nvisions during sleep; making men invisible; inducing flooding in the house; and so on.60\nThe recipes at the end of the Book of the Marvels of the World are very similar to those in the\nLiber ignium of Marcus Graecus. They deal with magic candles and lamps, which make the\nhouse green and full of snakes, and men appear headless or with three heads, or black,\nor with animals\u2019 or angels\u2019 faces. There are recipes for making lamps to see something\nwonderful. The lamps are made from the skin of a snake, from the bile of a tortoise, from\nglow-worms, from the putrefied brain of a dead man, from yellow sulphur and so on. Some\nothers are pyrotechnic; for example, one recipe allows a man to carry fire in his hand and\nthe fire will not hurt him.61 At the end, recipes for alcohol and gunpowder (aqua ardens, ignis\ngraecus, ignis volans) are given.62\nMost of these precepts use the principle of affinity and the only \u201cimages\u201d are the shadows]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=228\nPages: 228\nlength the terrifying demonic visions prompted by the Ars notoria. It also concludes with a discussion of how to distinguish demonic visions from divine visions. John of Morigny, \u201cPrologue to\nLiber \u00adVisionum [C. 1304\u20131318],\u201d translated, edited and introduced by Claire Fanger and Nicholas\n\u00adWatson, Esoterica III (2001): 108\u2013217.\n2 Ficino\u2019s Apology for the De vita coelitus comparanda divides his good magic from bad magic on these\ngrounds. Marsilio Ficino, Apologia, ed. Carol V. Kaske and John R. Clark, trans. Carol V. Kaske\nand John R. Clark, Three Books on Life (Binghamton, NY: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies in conjunction with the Renaissance Society of America, 1989), 398\u201399. See also Heinrich\n\u00adCornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim, De Incertitudine & Vanitate Omnium Scientiarum & Artium Liber\n(Hagae-\u00adComitvm: Ex Typographia Adriani Vlacq, 1662), ch. 45, 151\u201356.\n3 G. J. R. Parry, \u201cOccult Philosophy and Politics: Why John Dee Wrote His Compendious Rehearsal]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=237\nPages: 237,238\nand as grace themselves. Because of this, John builds into the Liber florum variable modes\nof access to the visionary work, the adaptability of the text reflecting the divergent needs,\naptitudes and moral state of those who are to operate it.\nWhen John published the OC of figures, he offered a ritual specific to the recovery of\nvisions lost through bad behaviour, to be done after appropriate penance. In the same\npart of the text, he anticipates that there may be some operators who might wish to forego\nextensive work on the knowledge ritual and just perform the vision ritual. If this was the\ncase, operators were released from copying those parts of the Liber florum that are not relevant for having visions.48 His work on \u201cparticular experiments\u201d in the years that followed\nwas based on the assumption that the Virgin would empower each operator to develop\n218\nJohn of Morigny\ndifferent experiments \u2013 usually if not always in visionary form \u2013 and that these might not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233\nalso helped with John\u2019s book, undertaking its rituals and contributing at least one of her own.\nThe Thirty Prayers were finished in Orl\u00e9ans in 1307. However, by the time John published them as the centrepiece of the Book of Prayers, he was back at Morigny. John dates\nhis return to late summer 1308, when he was summoned to vote in the abbatial election of\nWilliam of Ransignan, who appointed him to the office of praepositus, in charge of lands and\nrents under the prior.17 It was William who persuaded him into the chapterhouse pulpit to\npreach his visions.18 Sometime during this period, John received a new insight, mentioned\nseveral times in later parts of the work, that during the previous decade he had not merely\nbeen the recipient of divine visions but had received the spirit of prophecy.19 Preacher,\nprophet and theologian (all by licence of the Virgin), John evidently enjoyed high status at\nMorigny between 1308 and at least 1311.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=238\nPages: 238\ndifferent experiments \u2013 usually if not always in visionary form \u2013 and that these might not\nbe replicable by others.49 In writing the NC Book of Figures, John affirmed his belief in the\nvalue of the knowledge ritual. But he also brought it closer to the vision ritual, sometimes\nappearing to treat it as almost as a mode of preparation for the successful operation of the\nvision ritual, rather than (as in the Book of Prayers) the other way around. Despite the considerable knowledge benefits bestowed by the Thirty Prayers, John ultimately appears to\nhave understood the relationship with the Virgin enjoyed through visionary dreams as the\nmost important benefit of operating the Liber florum \u2013 a benefit that evidently kept operators\ncopying it for more than two hundred years.\nReception and use of the Liber florum\nThe importance of John\u2019s book, as attested by the actual count, distribution and style of\nthe manuscripts in which it is contained, is radically out of proportion to the negligible]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=235\nPages: 235\nSt Victor, poetry from Alan of Lille and much more, the Book of Prayers tracks a spiritual\nprogress from confusion and darkness to full enjoyment of God. In the prayers and visualizations ( ymaginaciones), John weaves elements of his own visionary experiences, sometimes\nas visualizations, sometimes as lines or verses, in a large movement that conveys for the\noperator the impression of a journey following John from earth to the court of heaven with\nthe angels as companions. The Book of Prayers is followed by a set of instructions for operation that John calls the First Procedure, which includes additional ancillary prayers and\nan office of angels.\nFollowing the Book of Prayers in both OC and NC versions, we have a Book of Figures,\nmeant to be used with the Book of Prayers and sometimes referred as a Second Procedure.\nIn both forms, we are missing substantial portions of the instructions for use, though what]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=235\nPages: 235\ninstrument of a covenant between God and modern Christians, made at the Virgin\u2019s behest\nto provide grace and knowledge to all sinners, perhaps especially those dedicated to the intellectual vices of magic.\nWhile it is woven through with interpretative commentary, most of the rest of the Liber\nflorum is a script for a ritual performance: a specialized version of the private liturgical\nscripts that are Books of Hours. The Book of Prayers is divided into two rituals, a vision\nritual (constituted in the initial work of Seven Prayers) and a knowledge ritual (constituted\nin the Thirty Prayers licensed by the Virgin). Drawing on the Ars notoria but also the Book of\nRevelation, the Song of Songs, hymns both standard and recondite, sequences by Adam of\nSt Victor, poetry from Alan of Lille and much more, the Book of Prayers tracks a spiritual]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241\nimportant because it evidences a masculine engagement with a genre whose most notable\nexponents are female (exemplified in the work of Angela of Foligno, Bridget of Sweden or\nJulian of Norwich). The Book of Prayers is remarkable for its innovative and expert liturgy,\nwhich shows one manner of movement from monastic libelli precum to lay books of hours.\nThe Book of Visions and autobiographical portions of the Book of Figures together witness\nthe increasing value placed on university learning and the opportunities for social mobility\nthat might be offered to an ambitious monk. They also yield valuable information about\nJohn\u2019s sister, Bridget, providing a unique window into the life of a teenage girl as she struggles to make a transition between the lay and monastic life. The Liber florum thus impacts\nthe study of theology, liturgy, monasticism, the arts and sciences in general, visionary literature, mysticism and other allied discourses. Ultimately, future work on John of Morigny is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241,242\n7 The book of prayers uses many liturgical forms, not only prose prayers but poetic sequences,\nhymns, antiphons and even entire offices. A Christmas Day mass (in a standard form) is a major\npart of Prayer 3, and an office of Angels (composed by John) is given in chapter 3 of the First\nProcedure. John wrote as a fluent and expert liturgist, sometimes drawing on old liturgical forms,\nsometimes creating new ones, sometimes interweaving his own writing with that of others.\n8 The account that follows in this and the next section is based on Liber florum Introduction A, which\ncontains a summary in Table 2.\n9 \u201cinimicus humani generis.\u201d I. Prol.\n10 I. Prol.\n11 I.i.2, NC III.i.1.b and Liber florum Introduction A, I.1 and Table 2.\n12 I.i.2.\n13 I.4-13, I.ii.\n14 I.ii, Prayers *2\u2013*7.\n15 I.ii.5.\n222\nJohn of Morigny\n16 I.iii; NC III.ii.4.\n17 I.i.\n18 OC III.6.a, 25.b.\n19 OC III.21c; OC III. 25.a\u2013d; NC III.i.14.b\u2013c\n20 OC III.3.\n21 OC III.3\u20138.\n22 OC III.22\u201323, 25.b.\n23 NC III.i.14.e.\n24 NC III.iii.3.a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233\nbook, the Grace of Christ, the earliest portion of Liber florum published,14 later prefacing it\nwith a prayer to Christ from this period to form the Seven Prayers, the first part of the Book\nof Prayers. Narratively, the Grace of Christ commemorates the visions by which the Virgin\nrescued John. Practically, it forms a ritual that petitions for visions. This was the ritual John\nused, probably in August of 1304, six months after renouncing all condemned practices, to\nobtain the Virgin\u2019s licence to write \u201ca book of only thirty simple prayers\u201d that would allow\nusers to gain the knowledge of the \u201carts and sciences\u201d and thus supplant the Ars notoria.15\nThe Thirty Prayers that John wrote in the three years that followed, along with an instruction manual called the First Procedure, became the second and third parts of the Book of\nPrayers.\nDuring the time he was operating the Ars notoria, John\u2019s colleagues and students in this]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233\nalso helped with John\u2019s book, undertaking its rituals and contributing at least one of her own.\nThe Thirty Prayers were finished in Orl\u00e9ans in 1307. However, by the time John published them as the centrepiece of the Book of Prayers, he was back at Morigny. John dates\nhis return to late summer 1308, when he was summoned to vote in the abbatial election of\nWilliam of Ransignan, who appointed him to the office of praepositus, in charge of lands and\nrents under the prior.17 It was William who persuaded him into the chapterhouse pulpit to\npreach his visions.18 Sometime during this period, John received a new insight, mentioned\nseveral times in later parts of the work, that during the previous decade he had not merely\nbeen the recipient of divine visions but had received the spirit of prophecy.19 Preacher,\nprophet and theologian (all by licence of the Virgin), John evidently enjoyed high status at\nMorigny between 1308 and at least 1311.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=558\nPages: 558,559\nBook of Healing (Avicenna) see Avicenna\nBook of Images (Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra) 293, 294\nThe Book of Medical Experiences 95\nBook of Nabatean agriculture 334\nThe Book of Physical Virtues, Diseases and Treatments\nor Liber Medicinalis 157\nBook of Prayers 214, 216, 217, 221, 222, 222n7\nBook of Raziel see Liber Razielis\nBook of Secrets (Sefer ha-Razim) (Rebiger and\nSch\u00e4fer) 87, 95\nThe Book of Segulot 95\nBook of Stones (De Lapidis) 388, 414\nBook of the Cow see Liber Vaccae\nBook of the Garment (Wandrey) 87, 95\nBook of the Marvels of the World see De mirabilibus mundi\nBook of the Moon 87\nBook of the Responding Entity 94\nBook of the Upright (Wandrey) 88, 95\n539\nIndex\nThe Book of Women\u2019s Love (Carmen\nCaballero-Navas) 95\nBook on Talismans (Liber prestigiorum Thebidis) 71,\n74, 75, 77\nbooks of experiments (libri experimentorum) 294\u20135, 297\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice 7, 102, 107, 195, 205, 206,\n343, 344, 348, 350, 351, 506\nBoureau, Alain 7, 296, 346, 470, 506\nBozoky, Edina 376\nBracha, Krzysztof 112, 488]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=236\nPages: 236\nthat divides the seven liberal arts according to Aristotelian categories as follows: grammar,\ndialectic and rhetoric become divisions of Rational Philosophy; arithmetic, music, geometry and astronomy those of Natural Philosophy. At a higher level, Philosophy is divided\ninto Metaphysics (allied with Natural Philosophy) and Moral Philosophy (with its M\n\u00ad onastic,\nEconomic and Political branches). Theology is Contemplative Philosophy; its branches include the four senses of Scripture: historical, tropological, allegorical and anagogical.39\nAlthough the Book of Prayers includes both, the vision and knowledge rituals differ in\nkind. The success or failure of the vision ritual is relatively clear: either visions occur or they\ndo not. By contrast, the success of the knowledge ritual is admitted to be a matter of degree.\nIn order to say the prayers, the operator, like John, must know \u201ca little about the arts\u201d.40]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=134\nPages: 134\npraying king turns to Christ, the Virgin Mary, the Holy Spirit and the angels and asks them\nto reveal the hidden intentions of his subjects and the past and future secrets. As \u00adphilological\n\u00adinvestigations have pointed out, the prayer book incorporates text fragments from such\n\u00admagical genres as the Ars notoria and \u2013 to a larger extent \u2013 the Liber visionum of John of\nMorigny, a derivative of the Ars notoria tradition particularly popular in the Central European\n(Austrian and German) areas. Comparing the content of the prayer book and the details\nof Henricus Bohemus\u2019s court case, it is plausible to suppose that the Hussite magician \u2013\nexperienced in crystallomancy and in demonic magic \u2013 was the author of the text, though\nit should be \u00ademphasized that the identification of the \u201cWladislas\u201d in the prayer book as the\nKing Wladislas whose birth had been assisted by Henry is far from being certain. Other\nJagiello kings called Wladislas are also possible contestants.18\nNicholas of Montpellier]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=358\nPages: 358\nsome books of divination and ritual magic in his library and had a copy of Kyeser\u2019s Bellifortis. Another copy of it can be identified in the book collection of Wenceslas\u2019s brother, the\nnext Emperor and Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg. Kyeser spent some time in\nseveral courts, the most important of which was that of Wenceslas. He may have played\nthe role of a court magician and may have also been involved in the political conflicts of\nthe court of the two brothers. A few decades later, Henry the Bohemian, probable author\nof the Prayer Book of King Wladislas \u2013 a rare example of treasure hunting, combining a series\nof prayers and incorporating parts of the Ars notoria, the Liber visionum of John of Morigny\nand methods of crystallomancy \u2013 found himself in a delicate situation in the Polish court.\nIn 1429, he was accused of conjuration of demons and propagation of Hussite ideas, and\nhe was almost executed as relapsus, like Jean de Bar thirty years before. But unlike Jean de]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be\nlinked to John\u2019s Benedictinism, and works classified as magical that may be linked to his\nyears at university. Notable in the latter category is the Ars notoria, a book of rituals involving\nprayers and figures attributed to Solomon, the main purpose of which is to transmit the\nliberal arts, philosophy and theology into the mind of the operator by divine infusion with\nthe assistance of the angels.2 John discovered the Ars notoria to be demonically corrupt and\nevil in operation, although he clearly saw it as holy in its original conception. Although the\nLiber florum also took on other agendas, it began as his attempt to provide a new ritual that\ncould achieve the same goals as the Ars notoria in a spiritually secure fashion.\nThe prayers of the Ars notoria are idiosyncratic in that they feature invocations in what is\nsaid to be a mix of \u201cGreek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic\u201d written in such a way]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=239\nPages: 239\nhave been stripped away. Instead of visions, the book opens with a set of instructions that\nprovide an orderly overview of how to initiate the ritual system, including the copying of\nthe book, the rite of profession and the visionary experiment. The nine opera of the First\nProcedure are briefly detailed, followed by a discussion of confirmation of the book and\nring and subsequent vow to perform a special service for Mary and the angels lifelong. All\nthese instructions are adapted and simplified from the complicated and sometimes conflicting directions that John scatters through later parts of the \u201coriginal\u201d book, some in the First\nProcedure and others in the NC Book of Figures.\nPragmatically, also, the book opens not with the first prayer actually found in the book\n(Prayer *1, O Rex regum) but with a lengthy and complicated set of prayers listed by John\nin the First Procedure, chapter 1.3, starting with the Pater noster, Creed and Ave Maria,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nand 109\u201349.\n17 Aleksander Birkenmajer, \u201cSprawa Magistra Henryka Czecha\u201d (The Case of Master Henry\nthe \u00adBohemian), Collectanea Theologica 17 (1936): 207\u201324; Aleksander Birkenmajer, \u201cHenryk le\n\u00adBohemien,\u201d in Aleksander Birkenmajer \u00c9tudes d\u2019histoire des sciences en Pologne (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad\n\u00adNarodowy im. \u00adOssoli\u0144skich, 1972), 497\u201398. Stanis\u0142aw Wielgus, \u201cConsilia de Stanislas de \u00adScarbimiria\ncontre l\u201d\u00adastrologue Henri Bohemus,\u201d Studia Mediewistyczne 25 (1988): 145\u201372; Benedek L\u00e1ng,\n\u201c\u00adAngels around the Crystal: the Prayer Book of King Wladislas and the Treasure Hunts of Henry\nthe Czech,\u201d Aries: Journal for the Study of Western Esotericism 5 (2005): 1\u201332.\n18 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson liturg. d. 6. Ryszard Ganszyniec and Ludwik Bernacki,\ned. Modlitewnik W\u0142adys\u0142awa Warne\u0144czyka w zbiorach Bibljoteki Bodleja\u0144skiej (Wladislaw Warnenczyk\u201ds\nPrayer Book Kept in the Bodleian Library) (Krakow: Anczyc i Sp\u00f3\u0142ka, 1928); see also Ryszard]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=238\nPages: 238\nwhom it is intended to be used; operators were to petition the Virgin for visionary licence to\ncarry forward with the work and to consecrate the book once licence was granted. In practice, operators put names in the prayers as well. Consistent with a tradition of transmission\nby operators, the majority of manuscripts contain names in the prayers. So far all of these\nare men\u2019s names: Albert, Andreas, Bernard, Erasmus, Geoffrey, Jacob, Peter, Rupert, and\nUlric. Some copies that do not contain personal names are exemplars, in at least two cases\noriginating from religious houses, presumably made for monks to copy and personalize for\nthemselves.53 Two manuscripts contain erasures in the places where the names go, showing\nthat they were personalized once, in one case the erasures having clearly been done by a\nsecond operator in order to reuse the text.54 Strikingly, even the (so far) unique OC manuscript in Oxford, Bodleian Library Liturg. 160, is personalized for the use of one \u201cfrater]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=500\nPages: 500\nof Mercy, the sacraments and more. Lavishly illuminated on fine parchment, this book\noffered its affluent and Latin-reading lay reader a wide variety of prayers and religious\ninstruction, the basics of the faith that a layperson ought to know. Its Latin First Commandment annotation warns succinctly against idolatry, invoking demons, divining or observing\nsuperstitious rites or days.36 This terseness also characterizes vernacular explanations, even\nin books that seem aimed at the clergy. So, for example, the fifteenth-century compendium\nLondon B. L. Royal MS 8 F VII explains that the First Commandment is broken by worshipping any god other than Jesus Christ or believing in witchcraft, charms, conjurations or\nconsent to raise the devil. All who do are accursed \u201cas though they acted against the faith\nof Christendom.\u201d37\nThese fleeting references likely formed the most common teachings on magic that many]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=134\nPages: 134\nfollowing the ideas of Hussitism, doing demonic magic in order to find treasure in the earth,\nand consulting necromantic books. For various reasons, scholars agree that the charges must\nhave been grounded in reality and in all probability Henry did indeed pursue magical practices, performed conjurations, invocations, crystallomancy and treasure hunting with three\nmasters of the university in the royal garden in Krakow. Being a heretic and practising illicit\nmagic, he was probably \u201csaved\u201d by the royal family \u2013 that is, merely imprisoned.17\nThe prayer book of King Wladislas and crystallomancy\nThe most enigmatic source from late medieval Poland, Wladislas\u2019s prayer book (Modlitewnik\nW\u0142adys\u0142awa) is surprisingly close to the court case of Henry both thematically and \u00adtemporally.\nIn the centre of this long repetitive text, there is again a crystal, with the help of which the\npraying king turns to Christ, the Virgin Mary, the Holy Spirit and the angels and asks them]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=236\nPages: 236\na whole, these last bestowed by Christ himself, are given a week each. The arts prayers can\nbe adapted for law, medicine and other disciplines. In the revision of 1313, John added brief\nfurther references to the mechanical and magical or \u201cexceptive\u201d arts (Prayer 28). Finally,\nin the last week, the operator praises and offers thanks to the Virgin for all that has taken\nplace, completing the ritual.\nThroughout the Thirty Prayers, an underlay of Ars notoria and Opus operum prayers would\nhave been obvious to any operator who knew these works. However, John\u2019s prayers differ\nnot only in their narrative structure and systematic use of the angelic orders but also in\ntheir updated account of the academic disciplines themselves. John\u2019s prayers draw on a\n\u00adthirteenth-century genre of didascalic works associated with the Paris Faculty of Philosophy\nthat divides the seven liberal arts according to Aristotelian categories as follows: grammar,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=237\nPages: 237\nTension between the desire to affirm ritual efficacy, not least in comparison to Ars notoria,\nand the doctrinal need to respect God\u2019s freedom and mystery is a general feature of the\nLiber florum. In the preliminary rituals laid out in the OC and presented in simpler form in\nthe NC, the operator devotes elaborate attention to writing and drawing the book at proper\ntimes, personalizing its prayers and figures with his own name, as though only thus will\nthe ritual work.44 He also makes a profession to the Virgin, adapted from the Benedictine\nprofession rite, and seeks visionary confirmation of his finished book, entering a personal\ncovenant with her.45 This is then confirmed by other visions he experiences as he goes forward and by his undertaking a lifelong commitment to repeat the prayers in a ritual called\nthe Voluntary Work on a regular basis, as well as to say weekly Offices of the Virgin and\nthe Angels.46]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=235\nPages: 235,236\nmorning, noon and night \u2013 a pattern followed throughout.38 After receiving permission\nin a visionary dream, ideally at the end of the first week, he spends a second week praying\nhis way up to the court of heaven, through each of the nine orders of angels and the souls\n216\nJohn of Morigny\nwho dwell with them to the queen of the angels, asking for gifts identified with each order:\nmemory, eloquence, understanding, perseverance and more (Prayers 1\u201312). These gifts are\nidentical to those petitioned for in a work related to the Ars notoria, the Opus operum, which\nJohn knew and used; yet, the mise en sc\u00e8ne for these prayers resembles visionary texts like\nThe Ascent of Isaiah. John\u2019s narrative strategy thus provides an ascent structure for the action\nthat is absent from the Ars notoria. During the next two weeks, with prayer and fasting, the\noperator asks the court of heaven for the purification of his senses and the illumination of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=240\nPages: 240\nChroniques:\nThis is a book which is called the Flower of Heavenly Teaching, and it is a book wholly\ncrammed with superstition, whose author, though he feigns that he wanted to avoid\nthe pernicious Ars notoria, nevertheless in a deceptive and hidden way appears rather\nto have handed it on to cheat the simple with the devil\u2019s tutoring, since he administers its deadly venom using the sweetest prayers like a kind of honey.\nYet, even as this note recalls the 1323 chronicle account with its accusation that John only\n\u201cfeigned\u201d to dismiss the Ars notoria, it reflects a milieu in which John\u2019s prayer practice is evidently in active use, its accessibility in multiple copies witnessed by the operator\u2019s glosses. The\nLiber florum was very much alive and well in fifteenth-century Germany.\nWe have found no evidence that John\u2019s book ever appeared in print before our 2015 edition (outside the unattributed prayers in the Polish crystallomancy text edited by Ganszyniec]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=462\nPages: 462\nwith suspicion and his work was burnt at the University of Paris in 1323. Nevertheless, his\npragmatic approach to achieving a spiritual experience was attractive to many readers, and\nhis text survives in three versions and more than twenty copies from across Europe.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s first attempt to rework the Ars notoria figures to fit his visionary approach was expressed in a text now known as the Old Compilation Book of Figures that survives\nin a single incomplete copy (Oxford, Bodleian, MS Liturg. 160). In its original version,\nthe Book of Figures was supposed to present 91 figures to help the user obtain a visionary\nexperience, including seven figures representing the Virgin, seven figures for the planets\nand twelve figures for the astrological houses. The astrological figures were not typical\nChristian choices to inspire a visionary ascent. Conscious of this issue, John followed the\nArs notoria in placing emphasis on the link between the figure and prayer. 54 He instructs the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nsaid to be a mix of \u201cGreek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic\u201d written in such a way\nthat they \u201ccannot be understood or expounded by anyone\u201d.3 Its figures are characterized\nby the same constructed illegibility. Although they often borrow from the Ars notoria, the\nprayers of the Liber florum are written in Latin and its figures are differently conceived. In\nthe OC version of the Book of Figures, John drew in part on the astrological image tradition, carefully reinterpreted to represent it in an orthodox Christian light.4 In the NC\nversion, written in response to criticism of the earlier figures, he constructed new figures\naround images of the Virgin, a logical culmination of a major theme in the Liber florum as\na whole. John understood the work to have been written under the patronage of the Virgin\nand it is suffused with the language of Marian devotion.\nDespite the revisions he had undertaken, the Liber florum was burned in 1323 by unknown]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234\nin process before 1315, but John is explicit that the cause of most of his revisions to the\nBook of Figures was scandal arising from criticism by \u201cbarking dogs\u201d, who argued that\nthe old figures had a necromantic cast.29 They also questioned his spiritual discernment in\nbelieving and following the directives of his visionary dreams, suggesting they were mere\nphantasms. Several chapters of the NC Book of Figures are given over to closely argued\nscholarly defences of dreams as a medium of divine communication.30 Bridget\u2019s continuing\nimportance to Liber florum in this period is reinforced by John\u2019s successful visionary struggle\nto be allowed to include her name with his in the circumference of the new figures, allowing\nboth to use them for ritual purposes.31\nHowever, most of the circumstances surrounding this crisis are unknown; we do not\nknow the names of the barking dogs, nor whom they represented, nor what incidents may]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474,475\n56 Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 95\u201398.\n57 The circular figures in Bodleian MS Liturg. 160, fol. 1r and 66r do give the cross a central position and the representations of the Virgin in Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg, Cod. M I 24,\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019Archiginnasio, MS A. 165 and MS Clm 28864 are surrounded\nby four crosses.\n58 Book of Figures, III. 11, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 372\u201373.\n59 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 124\u201330 on John\u2019s knowledge of image magic texts and likely adaptation of their visual lexicons, notably in relation to the anthropoid planetary figures of the Picatrix.\n455\nS o p h i e Pa g e\n60 Book of Figures, III. 12. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 373.\n61 Picatrix, III. V.\n62 New Compilation Book of Figures III.i.1.c. See Claire Fanger, \u201cLibri Nigromantici: The Good, the\nBad, and the Ambiguous in John of Morigny\u2019s Flowers of Heavenly Teaching,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 173.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=236\nPages: 236\nIn order to say the prayers, the operator, like John, must know \u201ca little about the arts\u201d.40\nThe first repetition of the ritual, with prayers only, is merely introductory, and it remains\nuncertain how the infusion of knowledge it promises is meant to work. Only once the figures\nare brought into play do we get a sense of how the ritual might be felt to succeed. On their\nsecond repetition, the prayers have become preliminary to the inspection of a relevant figure. According to the more discursive OC Book of Figures, these are visualized so that their\nform and lettering become imprinted on the mind of the operator, who is spiritually rapt\ninto heaven as he silently utters brief requests for the relevant branches of knowledge (\u201cMay\nI know and understand perfectly the whole art of grammar, pure, preceptive, prohibitive;\nand orthography, prosody, etymology and syntax\u201d, etc.).41\nThe form of this ritual seems to imply that the figures are points of access and that some]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=233\nPages: 233,234\nMorigny between 1308 and at least 1311.\nFrom other standpoints, these began as difficult years. Before he finished the First Procedure late in 1308, John had already decided that his ritual demanded a Second Procedure, in which meditative figures were added to the prayers.20 But as he recounts in the\nOC Book of Figures, his attempts to persuade the Virgin to license or endorse the project\nfailed. Taking her refusal as a sign of the need to seek her patronage more ardently, he was\nobliged in the meantime to work without her approval, receiving her verdict as to its excellence only after the ninety or so figures were finished early in 1310. 21 His visionary licence\nto preach came after a period of more than three months, late in 1309, when he lost his\nvisionary gift and had to write new prayers to beg the Virgin to restore it.22 Things settled\n214\nJohn of Morigny\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234\nLate in 1315, however, he returned to the Liber florum a final time and over three months\nwholly recast its Second Procedure, cancelling the old figures and the rituals associated\nwith them and devising a set of seven new figures as a substitute. He also made changes to\nthe Particular Experiments, folding a set of cautions about it into the new Book of Figures\nwhile adding a single new experiment which his sister Bridget had apparently received\nlicence to perform.27 He further reports gaining the Virgin\u2019s permission to make an engraved ring in her honour to wear in the daytime while reciting the prayers and at night\nwhen expecting a vision.28 John is scrupulous about making clear that every detail of the\nnew figures and the ring has been approved by God and the Virgin in a set of carefully\ndated visions.\nSome of these new additions (notably the visions connected to the ring) were already\nin process before 1315, but John is explicit that the cause of most of his revisions to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=241\nPages: 241\nimportant because it evidences a masculine engagement with a genre whose most notable\nexponents are female (exemplified in the work of Angela of Foligno, Bridget of Sweden or\nJulian of Norwich). The Book of Prayers is remarkable for its innovative and expert liturgy,\nwhich shows one manner of movement from monastic libelli precum to lay books of hours.\nThe Book of Visions and autobiographical portions of the Book of Figures together witness\nthe increasing value placed on university learning and the opportunities for social mobility\nthat might be offered to an ambitious monk. They also yield valuable information about\nJohn\u2019s sister, Bridget, providing a unique window into the life of a teenage girl as she struggles to make a transition between the lay and monastic life. The Liber florum thus impacts\nthe study of theology, liturgy, monasticism, the arts and sciences in general, visionary literature, mysticism and other allied discourses. Ultimately, future work on John of Morigny is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=237\nPages: 237\nof them have a visual and diagrammatic structure that is thoroughly Christian and in this\nrespect ally more closely with the visualizations from the Bible and the life of Christ often\nused in monastic and lay devotions.42 The question of the efficacy of the figures is complicated by John\u2019s insistence that his figures have no power of themselves. Rather, the ritual is\nan act of petitionary worship, its meaning allegorical, its efficacy a matter of grace.43 There is\nthus a certain tension between the form of John\u2019s OC figures and their meaning that may be\nconnected to the difficulties he had in producing them. Perhaps this also helps to explain his\nreadiness to give figures and ritual the devotional form they take in the NC Book of Figures,\nonce the criticism of the \u201cbarking dogs\u201d had reopened the text to revision.\nTension between the desire to affirm ritual efficacy, not least in comparison to Ars notoria,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nJohn of Morigny (fl. c. 1301\u201315) is important both for what his writing reveals about the\nculture of learned magic at the turn of the fourteenth century and for his own contribution\nto that culture, the Liber florum celestis doctrine. The Liber florum is an unusual work, some 55,000\nwords in its most commonly circulated form, comprising a devotional autobiography with\nvisions (the Book of Visions), a long liturgy for knowledge acquisition (the Book of Prayers)\nand a work of meditative figures (the Book of Figures). Unknown between the mid-sixteenth\nand late twentieth centuries, copies of the book began to be noticed in the late 1980s. The\nmajority of its more than twenty currently known manuscripts have been found over the last\nfifteen years. It survives in two authorial versions, the Old Compilation (OC) (1311) and the\nNew Compilation (NC) (1315), and two versions of a later redaction.1\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=238\nPages: 238\ndifferent experiments \u2013 usually if not always in visionary form \u2013 and that these might not\nbe replicable by others.49 In writing the NC Book of Figures, John affirmed his belief in the\nvalue of the knowledge ritual. But he also brought it closer to the vision ritual, sometimes\nappearing to treat it as almost as a mode of preparation for the successful operation of the\nvision ritual, rather than (as in the Book of Prayers) the other way around. Despite the considerable knowledge benefits bestowed by the Thirty Prayers, John ultimately appears to\nhave understood the relationship with the Virgin enjoyed through visionary dreams as the\nmost important benefit of operating the Liber florum \u2013 a benefit that evidently kept operators\ncopying it for more than two hundred years.\nReception and use of the Liber florum\nThe importance of John\u2019s book, as attested by the actual count, distribution and style of\nthe manuscripts in which it is contained, is radically out of proportion to the negligible]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=234\nPages: 234\nlater in 1310 as John completed the design of the Liber florum, writing the Book of Visions as\na prologue to the entire work probably in the autumn of that year, then returned to finish\nthe Book of Figures, finally publishing this new mass of material in two instalments at the\nend of 1311.23\nOf the years from 1312 to 1315, we know little. During the early part of that time, he\nwas working on a Book of Particular Experiments, which may be lost, but is mentioned as\nexisting in the year 1314.24 At some point, perhaps in 1313, he produced a revised collected\nedition of Liber florum for those who had not copied it piecemeal as he worked on it.25 This\nedition, which forms the basis of all presently known NC copies, suggests that his readership\nwas growing beyond the original circle, perhaps mainly of Orl\u00e9ans alumni and Morigny\nmonks, who were his first audience.26\nLate in 1315, however, he returned to the Liber florum a final time and over three months]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474\nand plates IV\u2013VI.\n51 On the Ars notoria, see the edition by Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007)\nand his chapter on Solomonic magic in this volume.\n52 Ars notoria, gloss on version B, ed. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, 142: \u201cFigura vero est quedam sacramentalis et ineffabilis oratio que necquid per sensum humane rationis exponi.\u201d\n53 On this text, see Nicholas Watson and Claire Fanger\u2019s edition of John of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum\ncelestis doctrine (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2015) and Claire Fanger, Rewriting\nMagic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\n54 The Old Compilation Book of Figures, III. 10, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum 372.\n55 Book of Figures, III. 18. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 3778\u201382.\n56 Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 95\u201398.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=235\nPages: 235\nSt Victor, poetry from Alan of Lille and much more, the Book of Prayers tracks a spiritual\nprogress from confusion and darkness to full enjoyment of God. In the prayers and visualizations ( ymaginaciones), John weaves elements of his own visionary experiences, sometimes\nas visualizations, sometimes as lines or verses, in a large movement that conveys for the\noperator the impression of a journey following John from earth to the court of heaven with\nthe angels as companions. The Book of Prayers is followed by a set of instructions for operation that John calls the First Procedure, which includes additional ancillary prayers and\nan office of angels.\nFollowing the Book of Prayers in both OC and NC versions, we have a Book of Figures,\nmeant to be used with the Book of Prayers and sometimes referred as a Second Procedure.\nIn both forms, we are missing substantial portions of the instructions for use, though what]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a\ncompass, square and ruler while others were sketched in the margins. Many figures were intended to be exemplars for the production of multiple portable copies, or for creating more\ncomplex images to be drawn in blood, inscribed in metal, suffumigated, consecrated or\notherwise ritually prepared. In this chapter, I have used the term \u201cfigure\u201d to refer to a range\nof types of magical diagrams because the latin figura is the primary term used by medieval\nsources to denote large two-dimensional geometric diagrams that were assigned an instrumental power. Medieval sources distinguished these figurae from other common graphic\nmotifs in magic texts, notably, characters and seals. The term character (c(h)aracter) usually\nrefers to mysterious graphic signs, with no verbal or typographical equivalents, that are\nequivalent in size to normal script.11 Seals (sigilla) and signs (signa) denote graphic elements]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=237\nPages: 237,238\nand as grace themselves. Because of this, John builds into the Liber florum variable modes\nof access to the visionary work, the adaptability of the text reflecting the divergent needs,\naptitudes and moral state of those who are to operate it.\nWhen John published the OC of figures, he offered a ritual specific to the recovery of\nvisions lost through bad behaviour, to be done after appropriate penance. In the same\npart of the text, he anticipates that there may be some operators who might wish to forego\nextensive work on the knowledge ritual and just perform the vision ritual. If this was the\ncase, operators were released from copying those parts of the Liber florum that are not relevant for having visions.48 His work on \u201cparticular experiments\u201d in the years that followed\nwas based on the assumption that the Virgin would empower each operator to develop\n218\nJohn of Morigny\ndifferent experiments \u2013 usually if not always in visionary form \u2013 and that these might not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=120\nPages: 120,121\nthe Picatrix before it became one of the cornerstones of the Renaissance occultist flourishing.\nOne of the longest compilations produced by the royal scriptorium was the Libro de las\nformas y las im\u00e1genes [Book of forms and images], but the sole surviving codex of this book (MS El\nEscorial, Real Biblioteca, h-I-16) only transmits the preface and the table of contents with\na brief description of each part.8 It was an anthology composed between 1277 and 1279\nin order to provide a comprehensive overview of astral images, using extracts taken from\nearlier Alfonsine treatises such as Lapidario, Astromagia, Picatrix and Liber Razielis, in addition\nto other texts that were prepared especially for this volume.\nAnother compilation of mainly astral magic, dated c. 1280 and entitled Astromagia by\nits editor, is also partially preserved in the MS Vatican, BAV, Reg. Lat. 1283a.9 Again,\n101\nS e ba s t i \u00e0 G i r a lt]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=460\nPages: 460,461\n441\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nin a necromantic compilation, where it is titled as the figure ( figura) or sphere (spera) of\nSt \u00adM ichael. The operator of the sphere of St Michael is instructed to purify his body and\nsoul for eight days and then to inscribe the figure on gold or silver with dove\u2019s blood before\nsunrise on the day of the feast of the assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The figure is\nthen suffumigated with various spices and kept in a clean pyx when it is not being used.49\nWhen the bearer carries it faithfully ( fideliter), the figure protects against dying in sin,\npoison, water, fire, and indeed, all infirmities of body and soul. Moreover, he will have an\nexcellent fortune and gain the power to cast out demons from bodies, break chains and\novercome all adversaries. Finally, as the effects of the figure are felt more fully, \u201cyou will\nturn your back on all evil\u201d (omne malum tergabis). In this case, the figure clearly draws on the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=462\nPages: 462\nbook \u201csome nonsense about the angels which is not much use\u201d (NC III.1.7.b).\nMagical figures were, by definition, in some ways mysterious. So how they were interpreted was very difficult to control. John makes a determined effort to manage the inscrutability of his figures by explaining the letters and writings in the accompanying text, and\nby claiming that the cross was the central element in his figures and that all other shapes\nand representations were circumstantial.57 But when he explains that the cross should be\nmentally supplied even when it is absent from a figure because it is the hidden source of their\nefficacy, his argument effectively reverts to the position of the Ars notoria and other texts\nthat emphasize the mystery of figures and their workings.58 John\u2019s figures also depended\nfor their efficacy on celestial influences, an idea drawn from astrological image magic. 59\nIn particular, John noted that certain constellations and planetary conjunctions should be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=463\nPages: 463\nadmitted that circles and crosses were enough to identify his figures as composed \u201cin the\nmanner of necromantic figures\u201d (more figurarum nigromancie).62 When he rewrote his book\nhe chose images of the Virgin Mary for his instrumental meditative figures. Though the\nnew figures of the Virgin in many respects resemble the old, they are less complicated: the\nVirgin and child are set in a simple frame with four crosses drawn around it and mystery\nis now invested in the unusual attributes accompanying the Virgin rather than inscrutable\ngraphic and letter combinations.\nControl over the interpretation of mysterious figures was hindered by the creative choices\nof new users, but also by the fact that if they were considered powerful they might be detached from their original ritual contexts and adapted to new uses.63 One of the most influential medieval magical figures was the Sigillum Dei (Seal of God), first described in the Liber]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 245 to page 259 out of a total of 569:\nPages 245:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nBoth commentaries left by Cecco are permeated with nigromantical elements. Thorndike\nhad defined Cecco\u2019s magic as an \u201castrological necromancy\u201d; it can rather be qualified as\nan \u201castrological nigromancy\u201d (since nigromancia usually means magic with the assistance\nof demons, whereas necromancia generally means divination through the invocation of the\ndead).3 This is worthy of note since neither the Sphaera of Sacrobosco or \u201cthe Alcabitius\u201d\ncontains any magical component. The first deals with pure cosmology, the second with\nastrology. Only a few of the commentators of the Sphaera, such as Robertus Anglicus,4 dealt\nwith magic. Thus, both commentaries of Cecco are like palimpsests: under an apparently\nacademic cosmological or astrological commentary, another, hidden, text in small brush\nstrokes can be discovered.5 Cecco reveals a special demonology that is related to specific\nplaces according to the cosmic sphere.\nIn his commentary on the Sphaera, one of Cecco\u2019s favourite processes involves giving two\nmeanings to technical terms such as colurus, zenith, arcus, clima, oppositio, etc. Besides their cosmological, astronomical or astrological meaning, Cecco introduces a nigromantical meaning for these words. The colures (colurus) are the two great circles that intersect at the poles\nof the celestial sphere at right angles and that cross the ecliptic at the equinoxes and the solstices, respectively. But the nigromantical meaning of \u201ccolure\u201d, writes Cecco, derives from\nthe etymology \u2013 colon means \u201cmember\u201d, and urere means \u201cto burn\u201d: Incubi and succubi,\nsuperior demons whose place was under the solstitial colure, would burn the genital organs\nof men and women while they slept. When there is a conjunction between the three superior\nplanets (Saturn, Jupiter and Mars) in one of the two solstitial signs (Cancer and Capricorn),\nthe incubi carry the sperm of a man into a woman\u2019s womb in order to produce men who\nseem to be divine but are actually demoniac, such as Merlin or the coming A\n\u00ad ntichrist. The\nsuccubi take the aerial shape of a woman in order to seduce men.6\nDemons located under the equinoctial colure, precisely under the equinoctial points, are\ncalled marmores and asmitus. When addressing the demons from the four angular signs, Cecco\ngives new clues for their places. Thus, it seems the incubi are located under the sign of Cancer,\nthe succubi under Capricorn, the asmitus under Aries and the marmores under Libra.7 In L\u2019Acerba,\nCecco also mentions the \u201cMormores\u201d summoned by the piromanti, that is diviners through fire.8\nThe \u201copposition\u201d (oppositio) has also two meanings, says Cecco: astrological and nigromantical. First, according to astrology, it is an (evil) aspect of 180 degrees. Second, according to\n\u201cHipparchus\u201d (actually a pseudo-Hipparchus), there is an oppositio crucialis (a cross-shaped\nopposition). Legions of elementary spirits are located under the cardinal points, and are thus\npossibly the legions depending from the spirits of the cardinal signs or climes (see below).\nThose elementary spirits have functions according to their proper element: the spirits of fire\nmake columns of fire moving up to the heavens when troops are about to attack; the demons\nof the air produce clouds having shapes of snakes, dragons and other animals; they also cause\nswirls of powder. The demons of earth sow discord amongst people: for this purpose, they\ntake shapes of poor people, pilgrims or fairies; at night, they make people hear awful shouts.9\nThe \u201czenith\u201d has two meanings too. Besides its obvious astrological meaning, in its\n\u00adnigromantical meaning (given by \u201cHipparchus\u201d), a zenith is a higher hierarchy of demons.10\nThe \u201cpoles\u201d have a well-known astronomical signification but also a nigromantical one:\nthey refer to \u201cthe powers\u201d of the Arctic or Antarctic spirits or manes. Solomon teaches how\nto pray to these Intelligences, who are outside the order of grace. Each category of these evil\n\u00adIntelligences gives answer through idols made of a specific matter: gold, silver, tin and so on.11\nThe \u201carcus\u201d has three different significations. In astronomy, this word refers to an arc\nof a circle, for instance the different arcs of the ecliptic through which the Sun goes during\n226\n\nPages 246:\nC e cc o d \u2019 A s c o l i a n d A n t o n i o da M o n t o l m o\na year. In chiromancy, it means the lines of the hand; in nigromancy, the \u201carci\u201d are noble\ndemons from the North who know the secrets of the worldly elements and give answers and\nproduce wonders \u201cwhen God wants them to\u201d. They willingly stay in houses of noble families, to talk to them and help them. Sometimes, in the \u201chouses of usurers and base people,\nthey throw stones and excrement\u201d, and they \u201cupturn dishes and the sheets of beds\u201d. They\nutter terrible shouts at night.12\nThe \u201cclimes\u201d are understood again in two ways: astronomically they are seven areas,\nparallel to the equator, into which the habitable part of the world is divided; according to\nnigromancy, as Zoroaster told, this name is given to certain very powerful spirits, since\n\u201cclime\u201d means raising (elevatio) and these spirits overhang all the others. They rule over crossshaped places such as the West, East, South and North; their names are, respectively, Oriens,\n\u00adA maymon, Paymon and Egim. Each has twenty-five legions of spirits under his command.\nThey demand sacrifices of men or cats. Invoking them is a danger for the Christian faith.13\nThe word \u201ctropic\u201d, Cecco explains, comes from the Greek tropos; in Latin, it is conversio,\ni.e. revolution, because \u201cthe sun begins to go in the inferior hemisphere and to move away\nfrom us\u201d. In addition to their astronomical meaning (\u201ccircles described by the Sun\u201d), the\n\u201ctropics\u201d are spirits belonging to a specific hierarchy. They are so named Tropici, because\nthey are turned (conversivi) by their prince called Tropos.14\nThus, every kind of demon has a specific place according to significant cosmological\u2013\u00ad\nastronomical points in the Sphere. Cecco sometimes gives his reader scattered clues that allow him to deduce the exact position of a particular demon. This occurs especially with the\ndemon Floron. Before the fall of the evil angels, Floron was part of the Cherubins, a very\nhigh level within the Dionysian hierarchy. Men invoke and compel this demon using a steel\nmirror. But whereas Floron knows many secrets of nature, he always tries to deceive men,\nas when he promised victory to King Manfred of Sicily \u2013 Cecco is probably alluding to the\ndefeat of Manfred and to his death at the Benevento battle in 1266. Floron also promised a\nman that he would find treasure and keep it until his death: this man actually found it in a\ncavern that collapsed over him and killed him. Floron is called \u201cthe shadow of the Moon\u201d;\nduring a full moon, his shadow can be seen entirely and spirits \u2013 probably including Floron \u2013\ngive true answers and not lies, through the process of catoptromancy, which is divination\nthrough polished bodies such as a mirror, a crystal, a sword or a fingernail, using a young\nvirgin boy as a medium. Because Floron has a very noble nature, he foretold the coming\nof Christ, just like the Sibyl. Concerning the place where Floron stays, Cecco gives, as it\nseems, some half-hidden hints. In the Sphaera, Sacrobosco had written that\nthe part of the colure, which is located between the first point of Cancer and the\narctic circle is almost twice as long as the maximum declination of the Sun or than\nthe arc of the same colure which is included between the arctic circle and the arctic\npole of the world \u2013 [this arc] being equal to the maximum declination of the Sun.\nAs Sacrobosco writes, a quarter of a colure \u2013 a colure being a complete circle \u2013 represents\n90 degrees. The maximum declination of the Sun is the arc delineated between the equator\nand the tropic of Cancer (that is, where the ecliptic intersects with the tropic of Cancer).\n\u00adAccording to Ptolemy, the maximum declination of the Sun is 23\u00b051\u2032 and the arc between\nthe arctic circle and the arctic pole is the same; thus, the addition of these two arcs gives\n\u00adalmost 48\u00b0. The arc between the arctic pole and the equator being 90\u00b0, if we subtract 48\u00b0\nfrom 90\u00b0, it remains 42\u00b0; hence, the arc of the colure between \u201cthe first point of Cancer and\n227\n\nPages 247:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nthe arctic circle\u201d is 42\u00b0, i.e. almost 23\u00b051\u2032 multiplied by 2.15 Now Cecco relates that \u00adSolomon\nexplains: \u201cjust like the distance of the tropic of the constellation of the Moon\u201d, that is\n\u00adCancer in which the Moon has its domicile, \u201cand the arctic pole is said to be twice longer\nthan this distance, i.e. between the tropic of Cancer and the arctic circle is said to be twice\nlonger that the maximum declination of the life of the heaven\u201d, which is the Sun, \u201cso the\ndistance in power between Floron and Asmitus\u201d. Now we know that Asmitus is located in\nthe equinoctial colure, hence in the equator; since it seems likely that the distance between\nthe circles and the distance between the powers are more than a mere analogy, Floron is\nlocated in the arctic circle. It is probably one of the aforesaid manes arctici.16\nThe tragic death of Cecco d\u2019Ascoli and its possible reasons\nThe reason why Cecco d\u2019Ascoli was burnt at stake has been a long-debated issue.17 The\narchive sources are partial or not reliable. Some information is given by two chronicles:\nthe Cronaca fiorentina written until 1386 by Marchionne di Coppo Stefani and, especially, the\n\u00adearlier Nuova Cronaca (1322\u201348) by Giovanni Villani \u2013 a witness of the events.\nSome explanations given seem to be more signs of an unfavourable context than actual causes for his condemnation: according to Villani, the physician Dino del Garbo was\njealous. The inquisitor of Tuscany was Accursio Bonfantini, a commentator of Dante, but\nCecco in the Acerba had accused the famous poet of supporting astrological fatalism;18\nCecco had foretold that the newborn daughter of the Duke would become a lustful woman.\nBut the actual causes are more likely to be found in Cecco\u2019s unorthodox thoughts and\nwritings. Villani tells that, despite his first trouble with the Inquisition of Bologna and the\npromises he had made to the inquisitor, Cecco carried on referring to his commentary on\nthe Sphaera of Sacrobosco. He could have been sentenced by the inquisition for three statements contained in this work. First, because he wrote that \u201cin the superior spheres there\nwere generations of evil spirits, which could be compelled through incantations under appropriate constellations to do many wonders\u201d, i.e. astrological nigromancy. Second, because\nthere he had supported astrological fatalism (\u201cmoreover, in this treatise he put necessity in\nthe influence of the celestial course\u201d). Third, because he wrote notably that \u201cChrist came on\nearth according to God\u2019s will with the necessity of the astrological course, and because of his\nhoroscope of birth he had to be and to live with his followers as a vagabond and to die in the\nway he died\u201d and also that \u201cthe Antichrist would come, according to the course of planets,\nwearing the clothes of rich and powerful men\u201d. This statement seemed to apply astrological\ndeterminism to sacred events, which is an idea contrary to divine omnipotence.19\nAs far as the extant versions of Cecco\u2019s commentary on the Sphere are reliable, the accusations dealing with astrology seem somehow unjustified. For instance, he asserts that\nthe eclipse that occurred during the Passion of Christ was miraculous and not natural. He\nrefers to the doctrine of Zoroaster according to which, when the eighth sphere achieves one\nquarter of a revolution, men endowed with divinity are born by the power of the incubi and\nsuccubi; but he calls Zoroaster a \u201cbeast\u201d, because he explained the birth of Christ in this\nway. Cecco adds that \u201cwriting such words seem horrible to him\u201d; definitely, Christ was not\n\u201cone of these gods\u201d generated thus, but \u201cthe Son of the true living God\u201d.20\nConcerning astrological nigromancy, the accusation reported by Villani seems more\nwell founded. As we have seen, the commentary on the Sphere is actually a treatise of nigromantical astrology. But the inquisitor made a mistake when he alluded to evil spirits\n228\n\nPages 248:\nC e cc o d \u2019 A s c o l i a n d A n t o n i o da M o n t o l m o\ngenerated \u201cin the superior spheres\u201d, since Cecco d\u2019Ascoli specifies in his commentary that\nthey are actually under the lunar orb, in the sublunary region, in accordance with the theological model of the cosmos. The superlunary region had been entirely filled with divine\ngrace and perfection, with only the good angels allowed to stay there; demons, that is evil\nangels, since their fall, had been thrown down to the sublunary region.\nIn 1320, Pope John XXII had summoned an expert committee in order to decide if\nseveral magical practices were heretical; since the answers were generally affirmative, he\nordered some prosecutions against practitioners of magic. In 1326/1327, the bull Super illius\nspecula (whose authenticity is not certain) was directed against ritual magic.21 In such a context, the condemnation of the reckless Cecco d\u2019Ascoli should not be surprising.\nAntonio da Montolmo, one of the first \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d\nCompared to Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, Antonio da Montolmo (Antonius de Monte Ulmi) is a much\nless well-known author. Lynn Thorndike was the first to devote a chapter to him, in his \u00adHistory\nof Magic and Experimental Science.22 Recent research has undertaken a systematic analysis and\nedition of his works.23 Antonio seems to have been the pupil of the physician and astrologer\nTommaso da Pizzano, the father of the famous writer Christine de Pizan. He appears in\n1360 as a lecturer on grammar at the University of Bologna. There he taught medicine and\nastrology from 1387 to 1392. Later, in 1393, he taught philosophy and medicine in Padua\nand in 1394, he was teaching in Mantua. Among his writings, the astrological work De iudiciis\nnativitatum liber praeclarissimus (\u201cIllustrious Book on the Judgments of Nativities\u201d), completed\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,\ninvocations and other signs, which were thought to be effective on the implicit or explicit\ngrounds that they had been revealed by a very ancient and sacred tradition. Indeed, no\nrational rules could account for the choice of such and such strange word or name used in\nthe magical operation, and hence no human being could pretend to deduce them from his\nown mind. Therefore, those texts were ascribed either to such ancient legendary authorities as Hermes, Solomon, Apollonius or Abel, or to medieval authors who had acquired,\nshortly after their death, a similar legendary aura, like Albertus Magnus or Arnald of\nVillanova. The underlying idea was that the magical rituals had been transmitted through\nmany generations and that they originated from a very ancient revelation. This process is\nobvious in the Liber lunae: the prologue tells how Abel and other ancient authorities decided\nto engrave all the knowledge in the marble; after the Flood, Hermes Trismegistus found\nthese engraved books in Hebron. The magic here described is viewed as revealed directly\nby God himself.\n229\n\nPages 249:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nThen how to become an author-magician? How to assume the authorship of a writing\ndisplaying such powerful secrets? The author can become an author in three ways: as\na compiler, as a commentator or as an author of a theoretical treatise that makes use of\nsome magical material drawn from the extant traditions. Cecco d\u2019Ascoli cannot be considered as openly an author-magician, since his magic is hidden under a commentary on\nnon-magic books, handbooks of cosmology and astrology. Nevertheless, this hide-andseek game did not spare him trouble with the Inquisition. Hence, by contrast, the obvious\nassumption of magical authorship by Antonio da Montolmo gives clear evidence of a fundamental change of context that was going on at this time in the northern part of Italy.25\nIn the Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum Hermetis, Antonio acquires the status of\nauthor as a \u201cglossator\u201d. Furthermore, his additions to this traditional magical hermetic\ntext are daring enough to reveal the new intellectual framework of magic. The \u00adYmagines\nduodecim signorum Hermetis, also known as Liber formarum duodecim signorum or Liber electionum secretorum superiorum, is a talismanic text that is extant in several manuscripts and\nalso in a section of the Latin version of Picatrix (Ghay\u00e2t al-hak\u00eem). Amongst them, the\n\u00adabove-mentioned ms. Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, latinus 4085 contains this opuscule, and the name of Antonio da Montolmo is mentioned within the section devoted\nto the sign of Lion.26 This talismanic text describes how to make astrological seals for\neach of the twelve zodiacal signs. The figures that are to be engraved into the metal are\nnot always the traditional figures of the zodiacal signs, and the aim of each seal does\nnot really square with the usual zodiacal melothesia (that is, the influence of each zodiacal sign on a specific part of the human body). Anyway, one of the main distinctive\nfeatures of this short work is the complete lack of any \u201caddressative\u201d practices: there are\nno prayers, invocations, inscriptions or other signs addressed to an Intelligence (angels,\ndemons, other spirits). This is a very exceptional situation in a talismanic text. Hence,\nthe efficacy of talismans is seemingly supposed to derive only from the natural power of\nthe constellations under which they are built. If we refer to the typology invented by the\nMagister Speculi, the anonymous author of Speculum astronomiae (by the middle of the\nthirteenth century), these astrological seals could be called purely \u201castrological images\u201d.\nBut, in a very surprising way, instead of ridding the traditional texts of any \u201caddressative\u201d\npractices like any previous medieval author eager to promote the \u201ctheologically correct\u201d\nnotion of \u201castrological image\u201d would have done, Antonio da Montolmo, on the contrary,\nintroduces several \u201caddressative\u201d elements in his Glosa! Later, he gives advice to act in this\nway with other texts, like the De imaginibus of Thebit (another talismanic text, deprived\nfrom \u201caddressative\u201d practices, which was the main reference for building up the concept\nof the \u201castrological image\u201d in the Speculum astronomiae).\nIndeed, at the beginning, Antonio says that he wants to \u201cmake this work more perfect\u201d. The practitioner has to be previously purified: clean, sober and chaste. He must\nwrite the names and characters of the angels that are associated with the zodiacal sign and\nwith the Lord of this sign in a virgin leaf of paper. He must utter these names three times\nand make some good smelling fumigations. He also has to perform some exorcisms. He\nhas to say a specific prayer to the angel of the sign, the planet and the hour. To tell the\ntruth, Antonio gives a theological justification for these \u201caddressative\u201d practices in order to\nreassure the faithful Christian reader: the angels that are invoked in these operations are\nnot the evil \u201cspirits of the air\u201d, but the good angels belonging to the order of the Powers\n(according to the Celestial Hierarchy by Pseudo-Dionysius). Note that even such a theologian\n230\n\nPages 250:\nC e cc o d \u2019 A s c o l i a n d A n t o n i o da M o n t o l m o\nas Thomas Aquinas had suggested that the Intelligences moving the celestial spheres were\nangels, precisely the Powers.27 A priest is required to consecrate the talismanic image. The\nmagician himself must say some specific psalms and prayers addressed to God himself\nand the angels. However, this argument would not have convinced a standard theologian,\nsince, for instance, Thomas Aquinas had excluded any possibility for theurgy or angelic\nmagic: in his view, the magician believed he was calling on angels but actually invoked evil\nspirits (demons). In any case, Antonio dared to write himself performed such operations:\n\u201cIn Bologna as well as in Mantua, I tried out these images, whose effects were wonderful\u201d.28\nIn the Glosa, Antonio refers to his other work De occultis et manifestis. In this work, he can\nalso be called an author-magician insofar as he writes a theoretical treatise on magic that\nincludes \u201caddressative\u201d elements borrowed from previous traditional magical works. In the\nintroduction, Antonio explains the title of his work, since it deals with \u201coccult\u201d as well as\n\u201cmanifest\u201d operations of the Intelligences \u2013 an alternative title is Liber intelligentiarum (\u201cBook of\n\u00adIntelligences\u201d).29 In the first chapter, Antonio explicitly refers to evil Intelligences. There are\nfour parts in the heavens, he writes, each one belonging to one of the four cardinal signs: Aries,\nLibra, Capricorn and Cancer, and accordingly there are four orders of Intelligences. This\nis the reason why the magician must perform the required exorcisms at a crossroad of four\nroads. Antonio asks four scholastic questions, which he then answers: Why are these Intelligences established under their own cardinal signs? Because they make use of the influences of\nthese zodiacal signs. Why are some people able to see them, whereas others are not? Because\nthe Intelligences are able to produce images playing with rules of optics, so these images are\nseen or not by people according to their nature or abilities. Why do these Intelligences appear\nto virgins and unpolluted people? Because the nature of the evil angels is pure or because\nsexual intercourse causes the human soul to be endowed with a dignity that makes the Intelligences jealous. Why do they prefer to come into sight in transparent bodies such as water\nor crystals? Because they give a more perfect reflection to the image of these Intelligences.\nChapter 2 tells the moment when the invocations must be performed. In Chapter 3,\nAntonio writes about the Altitudes, or the Intelligences standing under the twelve zodiacal\nsigns. Each order of Altitudines reacts to the others according to the astrological aspect between their respective zodiacal signs. Every human being, he adds, receives when he is born\nhis own evil angel belonging to this order of Intelligences.30 In Chapter 4, Antonio makes\na threefold distinction: images, rings and phylacteries are either astrological, magical or\nboth astrological and magical. This distinction, probably inspired by that in the Speculum\nastronomiae but quite different from it, is very similar to ideas of such authors like Giorgio\nAnselmi da Parma (before 1386\u2013 after 1449) or Jerome Torrella (1456\u2013 after 1500) 31 The\nfirst category defines a purely astral (and natural) magic, just like the Magister Speculi\u2019s \u201castrological images\u201d. This kind of magic is epitomized by an image made by a servant who\nwishes to incline a prelate to give him a better position. Thus, three questions are asked and\nanswered. First, how is a heavenly quality able to incline someone to do something? The\nastral quality is infused in the limbs of every living being as it is born. Just like a traveller\nputs good smelling substances in his new wooden bottle so that the liquid will smell good,\nso does the heavens give such a quality to a newly made image. Second, why must the material of the image (wax) be virgin and clean? The reason is that the wax has to be deprived\nof any previous and inconsonant qualities. Third, how to explain that the influence affects\nprecisely the aforesaid prelate and not another human being? Because the image is put close\nto the prelate and because the operator through his will orientates the influence towards\n231\n\nPages 251:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nthis man. This is why it is better when the operator makes the image himself, since his own\nconfidence is instilled within the material of the image. Antonio here combines the two\navailable doctrines of natural magic: occult properties deriving from astrological influence,\nand the power of imagination. This, for example, justifies the popular belief that meeting\nan unfortunate man in the morning is nasty.\nThe second category of images, rings and phylacteries is \u201cmagical\u201d: they are occult insofar as they are \u201crather remote from\u201d our \u201csensory faculties\u201d. The process includes rituals\nsuch as incantations, exorcisms and suffumigations. As it seems, Antonio suggests two different ways: either compelling the Intelligences \u2013 probably through the divine power \u2013 or\npraying to the Intelligence and showing reverence to them. Old women are particularly\neffective in these magical operations, because their will is especially strong.\nThe third kind of magical objects is based on a combination of the first two categories,\nthe astrological and magical. Antonio writes that this procedure is regarded as the most\npowerful. Indeed, the action of the Intelligences is added to the effect of astral influences.\nThe Intelligences make use of the astral influences in order to perform the operation.\nChapter 5 addresses the functions of the Intelligence of the planets and the places where\nthey remain. The Saturnine Intelligence, for instance, is able to produce melancholic\n\u00add iseases, treacheries and other misfortunes. These kinds of Intelligences are outside the\ndivine grace, Antonio says; they must be clearly distinguished from the Intelligence that\nmoves the planetary orbs. In Antonio\u2019s view, ancient pagan religion is a cult to these evil\nIntelligences living under specific planets. But besides this obviously nigromantical magic,\nAntonio seems to allude to another kind of magic or another interpretation of these practices: according to \u201csomeone\u201d, the angels to which Solomon\u2019s Almadel refers belong to the\nDionysian order of Powers, these would be the zodiacal Altitudes and, therefore, good\nangels. (This \u201csomeone\u201d is likely to be Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, who also refers to Powers). Hence,\nAntonio seems to suggest two categories of magic: astrological nigromancy or astrological\ntheurgy. The weather for such operations must be clear and quiet, because in such conditions, the Intelligences can produce apparent shapes more easily. Again, he puts forward\nhis own experience: when it was raining, he succeeded in making the intelligences appear,\nbut their shapes were less easily produced. Antonio also explains the requirement \u2013 often\nreminded in magical treatises \u2013 that the place must be secret: first, the (evil) Intelligences\ndo not like to show themselves as compelled to by the divine power; and second, when we\nare isolated, our senses are more susceptible to the actions of these Intelligences.\nIn the last chapter, Antonio recalls the usual requirements that can be found in nigromantical treatises (especially those belonging to the so-called Solomonic tradition). The\noperator has to be born under a specific constellation so that he shares common propriety\nwith the spirits. Some qualities are also needed: sagacity and learning (so that he will be\nable to grasp the secrets of the spirits), courage (so that he will not fear them), eloquence (in\norder to say perfectly and with strength the words addressed to the spirits, making them\ntremble). He has to be skilled in astrology in order to know the moments for operating. He\nmust also have a firm confidence in the performance of the magical operation. He has to be\na Catholic and must be clean and free of any vice so that he bears likeness with the spirits.\nA bath and suffumigation are also required.\nAntonio gives rational explanation for the drawing of circles in these magical operations\nthat are intended to protect the operator from the spirits he has called upon. He answers\ntwo questions. First: Why is it a circular figure? Because a circle has neither beginning nor\n232\n\nPages 252:\nC e cc o d \u2019 A s c o l i a n d A n t o n i o da M o n t o l m o\nend, a property that it shares with the Prime Mover. God put the circle which was in His\nmind into the world. The circle is the most capacious figure. Second: Why does this figure\nhave the operative power? Because this circular figure is called \u201cword of God\u201d. Antonio explains that the operator makes the circle blessed through various rituals and inscriptions of\ncharacters. He also mentions pentacles and the way for preparing these arts of protection.\nIn both manuscripts (BnF lat. 7337 and Vat. lat. 4085), three \u201cexperiments\u201d are presented\nanonymously.32 Some clues, including a comparison with Antonio\u2019s genuine texts, lead to\nthe possible conclusion that Antonio da Montolmo is the actual author. These experiments\nare ascribed to three individuals. The first is Tommaso da Pizzano (Thomas de Pisan) (died\nbetween 1385 and 1389), the famous astrologer who became a physician of Charles V, King\nof France. The narrator, probably Antonio da Montolmo, writes that Tommaso da Pizzano\nhimself told him this experience when he was in Paris when he was in favour with him.\nThomas would have made an astrological talisman according to the image in order to remove scorpions from a place, which is the first of Thebit\u2019s De imaginibus. The purpose of this\ntalisman was to drive the Englishmen away from the Kingdom of France. The Kingdom\nof France was divided \u201cby imagination\u201d into four parts. Five metallic figurines were made\nunder a specific astrological chart (when Scorpio was ascendant, and other requirements).\nThe names of the English king and his main captain were written on the figurines. One of\nthe four figurines was buried in the centre of the kingdom, the four others in the middle of\neach side of the tetragon. Words explaining that this was the grave of these enemies were\nuttered. Names for expulsion were also written on the images: Baliatot, Hariaraiel and\nothers, which were probably names of spirits.\nThe second experiment is ascribed to a certain master Bartholomeo di Sangibene, a\nVenetian follower of Duke Leopold (of Austria?) (Venetorum fidelis ducis Leopoldi), who operated several times in Germany. He made five figurines, the stomachs of which were deep;\nthere he put some soil gathered from the five parts of the area concerned.\nThe narrator, Antonio himself, tells the last experiment: he observed three times that\nwhen Mars is in the sign of Gemini, and especially when it is retrograde and when Scorpio is\nascendant and when the moon is in the latter sign, an image can be made in front of which\nthe name of the enemy is written; in the same hour, the image has to be buried upside down,\nuttering Tommaso da Pizzano\u2019s words, in the place where the enemy is about to cross.\nThe other magical texts by Antonio give several evidences in favour of his identification\nwith the narrator. First, in De occultis et manifestis, he mentions the experience made for\n\u201cKing Charles\u201d (Charles V) \u201cagainst his enemies\u201d: this obviously refers to Tommaso da\nPizzano\u2019s experimentum. Second, Antonio\u2019s tale in the Glosa that he himself made talismanic\nimages at Bologna and Padua \u2013 he also alludes to his own practice in De occultis et manifestis \u2013\nis consonant with the third experiment made by the narrator himself.\nThe sources and the meaning of Cecco d\u2019Ascoli and Antonio da\nMontolmo\u2019s magic\nCecco d\u2019Ascoli and Antonio da Montolmo make use of common sources belonging to the\nform of ritual magic also called nigromancy, very often ascribed to such legendary authorities as Solomon (hence the name sometimes given to it is Solomonic magic). In Cecco\u2019s\ncommentaries, the sources are usually hidden under otherwise unknown titles ascribed to\nsuch authorities as Apollonius (De arte magica, De hyle\u2026), Astaphon (De mineralibus constellatis),\n233\n\nPages 253:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nHipparcus (De rebus, De hierarchiis spirituum, de ordine intelligentiarum, De vinculo spiritus\u2026) or\nZoroastes (for example De dominio quartarum octave spere). They are not always fake references\ninvented by Cecco; some of them are likely to be real apocryphal texts disguised by Cecco\nunder fake titles and authorities.\nFor example, Cecco refers several times in both commentaries to a book ascribed to the\nancient magician Apollonius (of Tyana): De angelica factura or De angelica factione, notably\nwhen dealing with the tropici. Antonio da Montolmo quotes a De angelica fictione attributed\nto Solomon when he addresses the Altitudines; these \u201cangels\u201d are mentioned in the Almadel\nor Liber intelligentiarum of Solomon, a deeply modified Christian-Latin version of the previous Almandal (from an Arabic origin). 33 It seems possible that Cecco had these texts in\nmind but chose to cover them with fictitious titles and names, maybe in order to confuse\nthe issue.\nBoth authors refer to the spirits of the cardinal points; Antonio gives the name of Oriens,\nCecco also gives the three other names: Amaymon, Paymon and Egim. Those names are\nactually mentioned in Solomonic sources: The Four Rings (De quatuor anulis) also called Idea\nof Solomon (Idea Salomonis) or the Key of Solomon (Clavicula Solomonis). The reason here could be\nthe condemnation of the nigromantical books by the author of the Speculum astronomiae (by\nthe middle of the thirteenth century). The quotations made by Cecco do not correspond\nexactly, as far as it can be known, to any sections of those \u201cSolomonic\u201d books mentioned by\nthe Magister Speculi, the anonymous author of this normative bibliography. By contrast,\nCecco mentions Thebit\u2019s De imaginibus, almost the only talismanic text that the Magister\nSpeculi evaluates as licit, because the talismanic images described are made according\nto pure astrology \u2013 these are \u201castrological images\u201d.34 Another reason could be Cecco\u2019s\nwillingness to build up a consistent theory of demonic places in the Sphere by referring to\nsections of the book that are half-real, half-invented.\nScholarly sources on philosophy (such as Aristotle\u2019s Ethics and On the soul) and astrology\n(Ptolemy\u2019s Quadripartitum, Alcabitius\u2019 De principiis astrologiae) are found in Antonio\u2019s works\n(scholarly texts could also be found in Cecco\u2019s commentaries). But Antonio da Montolmo\nquotes several magic sources: not only the widespread De quindecim stellis (a Hermetic text\nwhose commentary was ascribed to the astrologer Messahalla), Thebit\u2019s De imaginibus, or\nHermes\u2019s Liber formarum, but also more dubious works of ritual magic ascribed to Solomon:\nAlmadel, Clavicula Salomonis, the aforementioned De angelica fictione and a Magica allegedly\nwritten by Aristotle himself \u2013 an Ars magica was attributed by Cecco to Apollonius. Antonio\nalso refers to such great \u201cmagical\u201d authorities as Moses or Virgil.\nIt is clear from his De occultis et manifestis that Antonio knew Cecco\u2019s commentary on the\nSphere. He alludes to the \u201cauthor\u201d who wrote the chapter \u201cchronic rising and setting\u201d: this is\nSacrobosco, who wrote in the Sphere that the rising is called \u201cchronic\u201d or \u201c\u00ad temporal\u201d because\n\u201cit is the moment of the astrologers (mathematicorum)\u201d. But Antonio suggests an emendation:\nthe moment of the magicians (magicorum). This is typically the kind of \u00adnigromantical shift\nproduced by Cecco. Cecco\u2019s distinction between the three meanings of arcus \u00ad(astrological,\nnigromantical and chiromantical) is the obvious source for Antonio\u2019s distinction between the\ntwo meanings of \u201choroscope\u201d, that is astrological (horoscope means \u201cascendant\u201d) and chiromantical (a \u201ccertain sign\u201d in the hand). Thus, when Antonio in the same chapter \u00adalludes to\n\u201cthe magicians\u201d practising magic under the sign of Cancer, \u201cheart of S\n\u00ad eptentrion\u201d and other\nrequired conditions, he probably alludes to Cecco d\u2019Ascoli or, at least, to that specific section of\nhis Commentary on the Sphere where Cecco writes, \u201cif you want to make an image in which you\n234\n\nPages 254:\nC e cc o d \u2019 A s c o l i a n d A n t o n i o da M o n t o l m o\nwant an answer from some spirit, the heart of S\n\u00ad eptentrion, i.e. Cancer, which is the ascendant\nof nigromancers, must be ascendant.\u201d35\nDespite their boldness in supporting an astrological nigromancy \u2013 Antonio claims that\nhe himself practised this kind of magic \u2013 both Cecco and Antonio take particular care to\nrespect the Christian cosmological frame: good angels in the superlunary region, demons\nexclusively in the sublunary world. Both of them refer to specific circles and points of the\nSphere, but the places where the evil demons stay are always projections of these circles\nand points in the sublunary region.36 This makes sense, since in order to catch and control\nthe powers of demons, Cecco and Antonio, both Christian magicians, needed to share a\ncommon worldview with their contemporaries.\nFuture directions\nCecco d\u2019Ascoli and Antonio da Montolmo\u2019s cases give some clues for the study of the development of a Latin astral nigromancy based on an intricate demonic cosmology, that is a\nspecific demonology linked to specific parts of the sphere. The history of the surfacing of\nsuch cosmological demonologies should be written. The rise of the \u201cauthor-magician\u201d in late\nfourteenth-century Italy is another path for further studies.\nNotes\n1 On these phenomena: Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u2018Images astrologiques\u2019 au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance.\nSp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques (xiie-xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002), 492\u201395 and\n591\u2013638.\n2 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York: Columbia \u00adUniversity\nPress, 1923\u201358), 2: 948\u201368; Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cCecco d\u2019Ascoli,\u201d in Dizionario storico dell\u2019Inquisizione, ed. Adriano Prosperi, collab. Vincenzo Lavenia and John Tedeschi, 2 vols. (Pisa: Scuola normale superiore, 2010), 1: 316\u201317. For detailed studies: Cecco d\u2019Ascoli: cultura, scienza e politica\nnell\u2019Italia del Trecento, ed. Antonio Rigon (Roma: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2007).\nCommentary on the Sphere: Lynn Thorndike ed., The Sphere of Sacrobosco and Its Commentators\n(Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1949), 343\u2013411; edition of the commentary on \u201cAlcabitius\u201d: Giuseppe Boffito, Il Commento inedito di Cecco d\u2019Ascoli all\u2019Alcabizzo (Vaticano: Leo S. Olschki, 1905).\n3 On the general distinction between nigromancy and necromancy: Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science\net nigromance. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (xiie-xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la\nSorbonne, 2006), 92\u201394.\n4 Thorndike, The Sphere of Sacrobosco, 55.\n5 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cI demoni della Sfera. La \u2018nigromanzia\u2019 cosmologico-astrologica di Cecco\nd\u2019Ascoli,\u201d in Cecco d\u2019Ascoli: cultura, scienza e politica, ed. Rigon, 103\u201331.\n6 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, In Spheram, ed. Thorndike: ch. 2, 387\u201388.\n7 Ibid., 388 and 398\u201399.\n8 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, L\u2019Acerba, ed. Marco Albertazzi (Lavis: La Finestra, 2002): Bk 4 ch. 3 verse 9\n(\u201cAnch\u2019io te voglio dir como nel fuocho/ fanno venir figure i piromanti/ chiamando \u2018Scarbo\u2019,\n\u2018Mormores\u2019 e \u2018Smocho\u2019.\u201d)\n9 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, In Spheram: ch. 3, 403.\n10 Ibid., ed. Thorndike, ch. 3, 403\u20134.\n11 Ibid., ch. 2, 397.\n12 Ibid., ch. 4, 406.\n13 Ibid., ch. 3, 404.\n14 Ibid.. ch. 2, 395.\n15 John of Sacrobosco, De Sphera, ed. Thorndike, The Sphere of Sacrobosco, 93.\n16 On Floron: Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, In Spheram, ch. 2, 398\u201399 and ch. 4, 408\u20139.\n235\n\nPages 255:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\n17 Since Giuseppe Boffito, \u201cPerch\u00e9 fu condannato al fuoco l\u2019astrologo Cecco d\u2019Ascoli ?,\u201d Studi e\n\u00addocumenti di Storia e diritto 20 (1899), 357\u201382, many studies could be mentioned, amongst them: Lynn\nThorndike, \u201cRelations of the Inquisition to Peter of Abano and Cecco d\u2019Ascoli,\u201d Speculum 1 (1926):\n338\u201343; Lynn Thorndike, \u201cMore Light on Cecco d\u2019Ascoli,\u201d Romanic Review 37 (1946): 296\u2013306;\nG. A. Gentili, \u201cUn esemplare bolognese della sentenza capitale contro Cecco d\u2019Ascoli Maestro\nd\u2019Errori,\u201d Rivista di storia delle scienze mediche e naturali 44 (1953): 172\u201387; Massimo Giansante, \u201cCecco\nd\u2019Ascoli. Il destino dell\u2019astrologo,\u201d Giornale di astronomia 23, no. 2 (1997): 9\u201316; Massimo Giansante,\n\u201cLa condanna di Cecco d\u2019Ascoli fra astrologia e pauperismo,\u201d in Cecco d\u2019Ascoli: cultura, scienza e\n\u00adpolitica, ed. Rigon, 183\u201399; Graziella Federici Vescovini, Medioevo magico. La magia tra religione e scienza\nnei secoli xiii e xiv (Torino: UTET, 2000), 277\u2013311; Emanuele Coccia et Sylvain Piron, \u201cCecco d\u2019Ascoli \u00e0 la\ncrois\u00e9e des savoirs,\u201d Bolletino di italianistica 1 (2011): 27\u201337.\n18 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, L\u2019Acerba, Bk II ch. 1 v. 19\u201324 and ch. 12, v. 31 sqq.\n19 Giovanni Villani, Nuova cronica, ed. Giuseppe Porta (s.l. \u2013 Pavia: Fondazione Pietro Bombo - Guanda,\n1990\u201391), vol. 2: XI. 41, 570\u201371.\n20 Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, In Spheram, ch. 4, 408.\n21 On these condemnations, see now Alain Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique. Histoire de la d\u00e9monologie (1280\u20131330)\n(Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004). On the bull Super illius specula, see now Martine Ostorero, \u201cLes papes\net les sorci\u00e8res: la post\u00e9rit\u00e9 de Super illius specula,\u201d in L\u2019Historien et les fant\u00f4mes. Lectures (autour) de l\u2019oeuvre\nd\u2019Alain Boureau, ed. B\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, Blaise Dufal and Piroska Nagy (Paris: Les Belles Lettres,\n2017), 101\u201316.\n22 Thorndike, A History of Magic: 3, 602\u201310; Vittorio De Donato, \u201cAntonio da Montolmo,\u201d in\n\u00adDizionario biografico degli Italiani (Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana, vol. III, 1961), 559\u201360.\n23 See notably Nicolas Weill-Parot [with collab. Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se], \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s De occultis\net manifestis or Liber Intelligentiarum. An Annotated Critical Edition with English Translation and\nIntroduction,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices from the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century,\ned. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 219\u201393; Nicolas\nWeill-Parot, \u201cAntonio da Montolmo et la magie herm\u00e9tique,\u201d in Hermetism from Late Antiquity to\nHumanism, ed. Paolo Lucentini, Ilaria Parri and Vittoria Perrone Compagni (Turnhout: Brepols,\n2003), 545\u201368.\n24 Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 605\u201322.\n25 Ibid., 492\u201395 and 602ff. A previous example of an author magician could be found: B\n\u00ad erengario\nGanell and his Summa sacre magice (1347). See in addition to Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this\n\u00advolume, Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 398 and Carlos Gilly, \u201cTra Paracelso, Pelagio e Ganello:\n\u00adL\u2019ermetismo di John Dee,\u201d in Magia, alchimia, scienza dal\u2019400 al\u2019700: L\u2019influsso di Ermete Trismegisto, ed.\nCarlos Gilly and Cis van Heertum, 2 vols. (Florence: Centro Di, 2002), 1, 275\u201385.\n26 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrologie, m\u00e9decine et art talismanique \u00e0 Montpellier: les sceaux astrologiques pseudo-arnaldiens,\u201d in L\u2019Universit\u00e9 de M\u00e9decine de Montpellier et son rayonnement (xiiie-xve\nsi\u00e8cles), ed. Daniel Le Bl\u00e9vec, with collab. Thomas Granier (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 157\u201374.\n27 On the angels moving the celestial spheres: Tiziana Suarez-Nani, Les Anges et la Philosophie. S\u00ad ubjectivit\u00e9\net fonction cosmologique des substances s\u00e9par\u00e9es \u00e0 la fin du xiiie si\u00e8cle (Paris: Vrin 2002).\n28 Critical edition of the Glosa: Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio da Montolmo et la magie herm\u00e9tique,\u201d 560\u201366.\n29 Critical edition of this text with an English translation: Weill-Parot, \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s De\noccultis et manifestis,\u201d 238\u201393.\n30 On the belief in personal good and evil angels: De Socrate \u00e0 Tintin. Anges gardiens et d\u00e9mons familiers de\nl\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 nos jours, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Philippe Faure and Christian Renoux (Rennes: Presses\nuniversitaires de Rennes 2011).\n31 See the chapter on Torrella in this volume.\n32 Critical edition: Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 897\u2013900.\n33 On the Almadel and Almandal: Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9ditions critiques (Firenze: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012).\n34 See Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 25\u2013219.\n35 (2.2, 258\u201359) cf. Cecco, ch. 3, 402 (ascendens necromanticorum, ed. Thorndike; ascendens nigromanticorum,\nms. Paris, BnF, lat. 7337, p. 36).\n36 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cDans le ciel ou sous le ciel? Les anges dans la magie astrale, xiie-xive si\u00e8cle,\u201d\nM\u00e9langes de l\u2019Ecole Fran\u00e7aise de Rome. Moyen \u00c2ge 114, no. 2 (2002): 753\u201371 [=Les Anges et la Magie au\nMoyen \u00c2ge, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Henri Bresc et Beno\u00eet Gr\u00e9vin].\n236\n\nPages 256:\n18\nBe r i nga r i us Ga n e l lus a n d t h e\nSumma sacre magice\nMagic as the promotion of God\u2019s Kingship\nDamaris Aschera Gehr\nAround 1346, the Catalan magician Beringarius Ganellus completed the Summa sacre magice or Compendium of sacred magic in five books. Due to its complexity and its length of over\n200,000 words, this work stands out as the most thorough overview of Latin medieval magic\ntransmitted to our day.\nIn modern scholarship, the Summa was first signalled in the 1960s by Paul Oskar \u00adK risteller,\nwho discovered its text in a fourteenth-century manuscript in Kassel.1 Some twenty years\nlater, Carlos Gilly studied that manuscript more closely and detected a \u00adsixteenth-century\nGerman translation in a codex kept in the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin, where it is concealed\nunder the frontispiece of the \u202b \u05d0\u05e8\u05d1\u05e2\u05ea\u05d0\u05dc\u202cArbatel De magia veterum, a Paracelsistic treatise first\npublished in Basel in 1575.2 In 2009, I identified consistent sections of the original version\nof the Summa in an early sixteenth-century manuscript kept in Halle, where they come as an\naddition to the appendix of the Liber Razielis.3 These are the documents that can be related\nat present to Ganellus with certainty.4 Yet it may be that other texts of his are preserved.\nFor instance he could be the author of the anonymous tract on Christian magic entitled\nMagisterium eumantice artis, partially preserved in a late fifteenth-century manuscript copied\nin Rome.5 Only a few studies have been devoted to Ganellus and his oeuvre so far.6 In this\nchapter an outline is given in anticipation of closer treatment in my forthcoming edition of\nthe Summa.\nBiographical information on Ganellus\nUnlike many late medieval magical authors, who attribute their work to an authority of the\npast following the pseudepigraphic convention, Ganellus introduces himself by his real name.\nOn the other hand, he provides no dedication or biographical account, but just minimal hints\nabout his life and activity. Towards the end of the Summa, when describing a ritual in which\nthe angels associated with the current date are to be mentioned, he indicates \u00adMonday, 10\nJuly 1346.7 This tells us that he had probably completed the treatise by that year. \u00adElsewhere\nhe writes that the rituals of the spirit invocations must be explained in detail since the young\nhave a poor education.8 At the time of writing this, he had probably reached middle age,\nso he must have been born between the last decades of the thirteenth and the beginning of\nthe fourteenth century. In a passage expounding the use of the quadrant, Ganellus reveals\n237\n\nPages 257:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nthat his current residence is Perpignan.9 This matches the Catalan influences perceptible in\nhis Latin, already underscored by Gilly.10 The author offers another clue when he compares\nthe hooded coat (capa) used by magicians with the coat of the licentiates in Paris.11 Before\nwriting the Summa, he had thus probably been in northern France and visited the Sorbonne,\nwhere he may have acquired the title of \u201cmagister philosophus\u201d mentioned in the incipit and\nthe explicit of the Summa.12\nThe life of Ganellus during and shortly after the composition of the Summa is further\ndocumented in the acts of a trial that took place during the last months of 1347 at Mende,\na town in today\u2019s French region Languedoc-Roussillon which belonged at the time to the\nCrown of Aragon.13 In the acts, the defrocked friar Stephanus Pipini, charged for having\nmade a defixional wax figure of a bishop, recounts having made a long journey through\nSpain in search of the Liber iuratus by Honorius. Towards the end of 1343 he met in Mende\nGuarinus de Castronovo, the chamberlain of James III of Mallorca. On his advice, he\nconsulted the \u201cmagister in artibus\u201d Ganellus in Perpignan in the castle of Trassor, at the\ntime an estate of James III.14 Ganellus showed him his own copy of the Liber iuratus and\nhosted him for several months as his assistant.15 A direct connection between Ganellus and\nJames III is not mentioned in the acts, but is in principle not to be ruled out. At that time,\nthe king was waging war against his cousin Peter IV of Aragon and may have hoped to find\na remedy in the occult arts. Pipini indeed recounts having been generously rewarded for\nteaching James III the science of the philosopher\u2019s stone, a thing which Ganellus, who was\nno alchemist, could not do.16\nGanellus\u2019s subsequent reputation\nThe earliest reference to Ganellus\u2019s reputation of which we have knowledge is contained\nin the acts of the Mende trial mentioned above. There Ganellus appears as a well-known\namong the learned circles in the surroundings of Perpignan already in 1343.17 His experience with magic prior to the composition of the Summa seems to be confirmed by the\n\u00adMagisterium eumantice artis, a learned text based on citations from the Scriptures and from\nmagical literature that, if it is by him, must have been written before the Summa.18\nBut Ganellus was well known also in a wider area and his reputation endured until the\nsixteenth century. This is attested by the manuscript tradition, which up to the early modern period reached from Spain to France, Germany and possibly to Italy,19 and by authors\nactive outside the magical tradition who knew his work directly or through references by\nothers. The oldest reference is given by Johannes Trithemius in the Antipalus maleficiorum\n(1508). There the Summa turns up in a bibliography of the most important magical books in\nthe chapter De tertio genere maleficarum cuius professores commercium habent cum daemonibus manifestum, dealing with the magical practices involving the cooperation of demons. Trithemius\ndepicts the Summa as a collection of \u201cfatuous, superstitious and frivolous\u201d doctrines and\nGanellus (distortedly, as we shall see) as \u201ca soldier of the demons rather than of God\u201d.20\nI have been able to ascertain that the abbot owned his own specimen of the Summa, possibly\nthe surviving Kassel manuscript, and that he lent it to his friend, the physician and astrologer Johannes Virdung von Hassfurt (ca. 1463\u20131538) so that he could copy it. The book\nexchange is recalled in Trithemius\u2019s letter of the 20 August 1507, best known for containing\nthe first mention of the historical Faust.21 The Kassel manuscript later accompanied John\nDee on his European tour of 1583\u201389 and passed in 1586 or 1589 to either the Landgrave\nWilhelm or the learned Moritz of Hessen in Kassel.22\n238\n\nPages 258:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\nIn Le triumphe des vertuz, the miroir des princes from 1508 to 1517 commissioned by Louise de\nSavoie for the education of the future king Fran\u00e7ois d\u2019Angoul\u00eame, Jean Thenaud recounts\nthat, during a trip to hell, Albert the Great introduced him to Raziel (author of the Liber\nRazielis), Sumach (author of a book on talismans mentioned in the Summa), Sul (possibly\nSolomon), Vaxinius (author of the Liber vaccae), Abolard (Peter Abelard), Pradellus (author\nof the prologue of the Liber iuratus by Honorius),23 \u201cBerengarius, Ganellus\u201d, Roger Bacon,\nthe four kings of Toledo (including Alfonso X), Michael Scot, Honorius, Picatrix, Thebit,\nHermes and the Sibyl. A similar list of magicians appears in Thenaud\u2019s Cabale metrifi\u00e9e\nfrom 1519, where Ganellus\u2019s surname and last name are again separated by a comma and\nthus treated as the names of two separate authors.24 The latter detail seems to suggest that\nThenaud did not know Ganellus directly and quoted the list from an earlier source. \u00adGanellus\nstands out as the youngest figure in the account, so that source was probably written back\nin the fourteenth century.\nThe translator and copyist of the German version of the Summa transmitted in the Berlin\nmanuscript, probably active in the last quarter of the sixteenth century in eastern Saxony,\nintroduces Ganellus as a \u201chighly popular and experienced master of philosophy\u201d.25\nA reference to our author might be found also in the Recommendatio astronomiae. This\nanonymous, supposedly late medieval tract in defence of magic and astrology praises one\n\u201cBurgarius\u201d, author of a chapter De diffinicione mulierum et virorum or On the definition of women\nand men revealing \u201cthe most important secrets of the philosophers, similarly to well-known\nbooks as the Liber Ptholomei, the Liber Lune Hermetis, the Liber runarum, the Liber Hermetis de\ncaracteribus et sigillis and the Liber Balemi\u201d. Scholars have considered De diffinicione to be a\nchapter of the Summa and identified \u201cBurgarius\u201d with our Beringarius.26 The Summa, yet,\ndoes not contain or mention the writing De diffinicione, which is probably lost, so this identification is uncertain.\nGanellus\u2019s definition and treatment of magic\nThe Summa opens with an introduction defining magic and explaining its status:27\nMagic is the science of binding evil and good spirits by the use of the name of God,\nHis names and the names of the things of the world. Hence it follows that magic is\na science of words, because each noun is a word, since a word is each thing which\nis uttered by the tongue on condition that it can be written with letters. But there\nare many sciences of the word such as grammar, logic, rhetoric and magic [\u2026]\nmagic is about the word which serves to coerce the spiritual substance. Some words\nare indeed infused with a wonderful power created by the only Maker who is the\nalmighty God and cause of all causes, as you can well see of herbs and gems, but in\na more excellent way, almost endlessly and beyond compare. And the inexperienced\ncan ponder this through their religion. For in the Scriptures it is stated that [\u2026] God\ncreated the skies and the angels with words. [\u2026] And it is also stated that whatever\none may ask by the use of the word, if one believes with faith and without hesitation, it will happen. [\u2026] Magic thus deals with wonder-working words swarming\nout of faith or proceeding from firm belief, so that one believes in the true God and\nthe art and one\u2019s teacher and the religion to which one is devoted. But it is better\nif one believes in the Christian faith since, as my experience in magical matters\nteaches, the faith of any other religion is worthless straw.28\n239\n\nPages 259:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nBy using the term scientia rather than ars or sapientia, Ganellus classifies his subject in the\ndomain of the sciences. Magic, he explains, deals with words and stands as such alongside\ngrammar, logic and rhetoric, the disciplines of the trivium. The specific difference distinguishing magic from those sciences is its object: the wonder-working word.29 The introduction says nothing more on the epistemological status of magic, but the reason why magic\ncan be considered a science is dealt with more closely throughout the treatise. Ganellus\nuses the term \u201cscience\u201d with the meaning that it gained through the epistemological shift\nthat invested the concept of knowledge in the twelfth century under the influence of the\nAristotelian corpus. In the Summa, magical science is in effect described as a system each\ncomponent of which \u2013 be it the theoretical backgro\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 245 to page 259 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 260 to page 274 out of a total of 569:\nPages 260:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\norigins and of the immutability of its doctrine, tend to present a static image of its literature.\nUsually, they compose their writings through the revision of elder sources but do conceal\ntheir personal method and contributions. Their work lacks a metadiscursive framework and\na declared and thus clearly recognizable historical dimension, an aspect which is enhanced\nby the recurrent use of the pseudepigraphic style. Ganellus\u2019s attitude instead rather reminds\nthat of the scholastic authors. Even though he does not question the divine origins attributed to the magical literature and thus the authority of the texts, he is interested in presenting the magical tradition in its historical development that hosts phases, changes and a\nplurality of currents and theories. In line with this approach, he openly takes positions in\nthe first person when treating his subject (however, it needs to be said that since at least the\nthirteenth century other Latin magicians seem to have followed a similar line).35 He often\nsignals whether a passage is his own or a quotation and indicates the author or the title and\nthe section of his source. When arranging, again in a typically scholastic fashion, the many\nsources in a unitary system through textual hinges and cross references, paraphrases, conceptual hierarchies and clarifications of controversial questions, he mostly allows the reader\nto identify his contributions. Moreover, he strives towards rigorousness on a philological\nlevel. Some passages of the Summa reveal that he does not use all the sources that he owns\nor knows, but carefully tests the quality of the texts and selects those which, in his opinion,\nallow the most reliable exposition of the subject.36\nOn the whole, Ganellus is not interested in presenting an encrypted doctrine, but in \u00admaking\nmagic accessible to a possibly large number of persons.37 Throughout his work, he conveys\nthe idea that if magic is difficult to understand, this is due, not to its remote origins or obscurity, but to its complexity and connection to other sciences. He underscores that, in addition\nto being a part of theology and to its affinity with the sciences of the trivium, magic is significantly related to astrologia, the liberal art combining astronomy and a\u00ad strology. The magician\ntherefore needs to master this art and should ideally study it at a school before dealing with\n\u00ad agical\nmagic.38 As shall be seen below, moreover, besides a good familiarity with Latin, the m\npractice demands an acquaintance with Hebrew, Greek and Arabic, which are called,\n\u00ad epicted in the\n\u00adtogether with Latin, the \u201cfour languages of the world\u201d.39 The magician is thus d\nSumma as someone who, rather than executing ready-made ritual \u00adsequences, actively moulds\nthe ritual according to his40 purpose by applying his knowledge of the \u00adtheoretical back\u00ad hilosophical,\nground of magic, which is composed of astronomical/astrological, theological, p\ncosmological and linguistic notions. In the Summa, thus, the active approach of the magician\nto his science parallels Ganellus\u2019s approach to his subject as an author.\nThe magical rituals, their ends and their relation\nto religious worship\nThe Summa is entirely devoted to techniques for invoking evil spirits, demons, winds and\nangels, that is the branch of magic currently classified as \u201critual\u201d in both its demonic and\nangelic forms. \u201cNatural\u201d means such as talismanic garments and instruments drawing their\npower exclusively from God and from the planets do occur, but they are employed in rituals\ninvolving intermediary spiritual substances.41 The rituals described in the treatise are considerably complex and can take over a year. For their execution, a wide range of instruments\nboth verbal, such as prayers, name lists, invocations and written or uttered seals, and material, such as garments, accessories, talismans and altars, is used (Figure 18.1).\n241\n\nPages 261:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nFigure 18.1 T\n\u0007 he Sigillum Salomonis, a sigil inscribed on parchment, is one of the instruments employed\nto constrain the evil spirits (Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 42v\u201343r).\nThe ritual practices mainly fall into two models according to whether spirits, winds or\ndemons, who are evil by nature and dwell in the sublunar world, or angels, who are by nature good and reside in the heavens, are addressed. Each model in turn unfolds specifically\ndepending on the number of spiritual entities invoked, the ends pursued and the means\navailable to the magician. Notwithstanding this variety, all ritual options can be schematically divided into five phases. The magician purifies his body and soul through ascetic and\ndevotional practices. In a second phase, he prepares the material instruments to be used\nin the ritual and the site of the practice. In these phases he performs several consecrations.\nThereafter he expresses his devotion to God through orations and prayers, pleads to God\nfor support in the magical practice and invokes one or several spirits or angels in His name.\nAt this point the spirits or angels appear visibly or invisibly and perform their services for\nthe magician (in the case that evil spirits are invoked, the spirits first test the religious faith\nof the magician through temptation; in the case that his faith should prove steadfast, they\nfulfil his wishes; otherwise, they drive him to hell for eternal punishment). In the last phase\nof the ritual (occurring only in the event that the magician should prove pious), the magician discharges the invoked entities.\nThrough these rituals, goals traditional to learned magic are pursued: all forms of knowledge including the arts taught at university, magic, prophecy and the knowledge of occult\nand divine truths; the overcoming of material, spatial and temporal limitations; the transformation of things and the modification of nature; military success through illusions or\nactual destruction and killing; and the acquisition or loss of material goods, of a social\n242\n\nPages 262:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\nstatus or love. According to Ganellus and his sources, these wonders are brought about\nfor humans by the spirits and angels, who are versed in the most disparate domains of\nknowledge and action. The magician can identify the suitable addressee for his invocation\nby means of lists indicating the names and the services of the spirits or find out the spirits\u2019\nfunction by ascertaining the wonder-working virtue of their name\u2019s letters.42\nMost interestingly though, when exposing the primary and secondary ends of magic\n(causa finalis prima and secunda), Ganellus does not mention the wonders carried out for man\nby the spirits and angels. As has already been noted above, he identifies magic\u2019s primary\nends as the worship of God, the support of the poor and the fight against the unfaithful,\nand its secondary ends as the consecration and invocation (the two main ritual actions previous to the apparition of the spirits or angels). According to Ganellus, before seeking the\nservice of spirits or angels, the magician must pursue these supreme ends. As has also been\nmentioned, these ends coincide with those prescribed in scriptural teaching; this is clear\nnot only as to the primary, but also as to the secondary ends, since they always imply that\nthe magician praises God.43 So here the duties of the Christian come to include the magical practice itself, which \u2013 rather than being a means through which humans can attain\nbenefits \u2013 is first of all conceived as a form of religious worship. Ganellus explains that only\nsubsequent to the pursuit of the supreme ends can the magician\u2019s particular purposes be\nfulfilled. This happens through the mediation of the spirits and angels, who are appointed\nto serve man by God. In sum, the accomplishment of the particular goals of the magician\nis here defined as a divine reward in exchange for the execution of the primary ends. This\nalso explains the reason why according to Ganellus only Christians can be safe and fulfilled\nmagicians. Tying in with the introductory section of the Liber iuratus, he specifies that the\nmagician must not only be a faithful believer, but precisely a follower of Christ. Since they\nworship false gods, the magicians of other religions act instead beyond divine grace.44\nThe clause according to which a set of primary ends have to be pursued prior to the\nparticular ones is unique among the medieval magical texts preserved today; yet it cannot\nbe considered an absolute innovation. On the one hand, in most45 texts the ends of magic\nare identified with the particular purposes put into execution by the spirits and angels, and\nnot with religious worship or the promotion of God\u2019s Kingship. On the other hand, nevertheless, the rituals through which the spirits and angels are invoked generally comprise\nformulas in which the magician worships God and proclaims his opposition to evil, which\nis embodied by the devil and evil spirits. Already the traditional ritual is thus essentially\nfounded on a devotional component. With his clause, rather than being an absolute innovator, Ganellus appears to further highlight the relationship that ties magic to religion in the\ntradition which he is promoting.\nThe link between magic and religion is rooted in the very origins and nature of magic.\nAgain in continuity with tradition, Ganellus explains that magic is a science devised by\nGod and modelled, more precisely, on the divine act of Creation. Already in the introduction he states that the principal instruments of magic are words that are \u201cinfused with a\nwonderful power created by the only Maker\u201d. Further on he clarifies the terms according\nto which the transfer of the divine power to humans actually unfolds. The intrinsic divine\nnature of magic implies that the person who makes use of the magical words is a \u201cgod\nsimilar to God\u201d. But he also specifies that the divinity of the magician is not absolute, since\nGod is divine by nature and the magician is divine only by participation.46 This statement\nreflects the way in which the magician is depicted both by Ganellus and his sources. In the\ntradition summarized by Ganellus, man\u2019s intrinsic magical resource is generally declared\n243\n\nPages 263:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nto be religious faith. But this faith, which is by itself already an expression of man\u2019s dependency, serves merely as a starting point for a process that is ultimately executed by God,\nsince it is He who, in response to the magician\u2019s faith, permits the magical invocations to\nbe successful (here, again, is expressed the view that the primary end of magic is piety).47\nA similar status of dependency characterizes the angels and the evil spirits. The angels are\ndepicted in the texts as functionaries instructed by God to fulfil the pious magicians. The\nevil spirits, similar to the devil in the Gospels, are in addition instructed by God to prove\nman\u2019s faith. According to whether that faith is steadfast or not, they are ordered to fulfil or\npunish him.48 The subject compelling the spirits in occasion of each ritual appears therefore to be God rather than the magician. The angels, the magician and the evil spirits, who\nare the main actors of magic besides God, ultimately possess no magical power on their\nown. In line with the Scriptures, according to which God is the only possible source of\nmiracles, the ultimate actor of magic is thus declared to be God alone. The magical system\nbears here a circular structure beginning and ending in God, who is its principle and its\nfinal end.\nThe clarification of both the status of the magician and the evil spirits in the dynamics\nof magic is crucial to Ganellus, not least because the involvement of spirits (and of man\nwho, due to his free will, is a potential sinner oscillating between the good and the evil) is\na structural and irrenounceable ingredient of the magical tradition that he follows, but in\nthe meantime one major argument by which the contemporary opponents of magic reinforce their identification of magic with idolatry.49 On a similar note, by further highlighting the relationship which ties magic to religion through the treatment of the teleology of\nmagic, Ganellus intends to refute the widespread argument that magic contrasts with the\ntrue Christian faith because of its pursuit of earthly or evil-minded ends.50 The definitions\nand explanations found in the Summa are still useful today since they permit us to reach a\nclearer understanding of what late medieval theorists and magicians generally understood\nby magic. Among other things, they serve to clarify that although learned magic introduces\nnew ideas and practices in the context of Christian belief, even in its demonic form it intends\nto strictly maintain, indeed to endorse, the absolute supremacy of the one God.\nThe sources of the Summa\nThe five books of the Summa, divided into eighty-six chapters, are composed for the most part\nof quotations from older sources. These are all Latin and mainly consist of more or less substantially revised translations of Hebrew and Arabic texts. Some are quoted in full, while others occur in the form of extracts, abridgements, short references or paraphrases. Through his\nsources, Ganellus intends to represent two traditions: the ars vetus or ancient magic, founded on\nthe Old Testament and open to Jews, Arabs, Pagans and Christians, and the ars nova or modern magic, centred on the New Testament and reserved to Christians. Ganellus incorporates\nboth traditions in his work, since the second substantially stems from the first through the reuse\nof its concepts and texts. But in line with his view that only the Christian law is perfect and\nthus the true foundation for successful magical practice, he labels the Old Testament-based\nars vetus as imperfect and invites its user to complement it with the teachings of the ars nova.51\nQuantitatively speaking, the main source of the Summa and the main exponent of the\nars vetus is a pseudo-Solomonic treatise called Magica. The Magica is now lost, but many\ninsights into its contents are possible precisely through an investigation of the Summa.\nDevoted to techniques for summoning spirits and angels, its seven books were redacted\n244\n\nPages 264:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\nthrough the amalgamation of Hebrew and Arabic sources, probably in the twelfth century,\nby Christians located in Spain or France.52 The Magica was one of the most thorough Latin\npseudo-Solomonic texts circulating in the West between the twelfth and the fourteenth\ncenturies. Its relevance is reflected by recurrent mentions both within and outside the magical tradition, such as for example that by Nicolas Eymerich, who records in the Directorium\nInquisitorum having publicly condemned and burned in Spain, during the pontificate of\nInnocent VI, a Liber Salomonis in seven parts treating the invocations of demons.53\nThe author of the Magica defined magic \u2013 in terms very similar to Ganellus in his\n\u00adi ntroduction \u2013 as \u201ca holy knowledge dealing with holy names of the Maker and of the\nstars, angels, spirits and winds\u201d. 54 Thus he dealt with a word-centred magic relying\nmainly on the power of two sets of instruments: the names of God and the names of\nsome elements of Creation. He called the names of God with the term semamphoras (shem\nha-mephorash is in Hebrew the secret, unpronounceable name of God) or semiphoras. This\nhe defined as \u201cthe name whose miraculous virtue can be accomplished by means of\nfasting and prayer, faith and humility, purity and love, patience and firmness, mercy and\ntruth\u201d. 55 Ganellus in turn defines it as the \u201cname of God which can fiercely coerce the\nangels, winds, demons, spirits and souls, the stars and the other creatures so that they\nare obedient to humans\u201d. 56\nThe semamphoras stands at the centre of a specific magical tradition that originated in\nconnection with Jewish circles and developed, probably in southern Spain, more than a\ncentury before Ganellus wrote his Summa. One important source of that tradition used in\nthe Magica is the Liber semamphoras, also called Liber vite.57 The Liber semamphoras has not yet\nbeen traced, but some revisions of its text are preserved. Among these, the closest to the Liber\nsemamphoras are likely to be the still unpublished Rationes Libri semiphoras. In the anonymous\nRationes one reads that Solomon, encouraged by an old sage called Zebraymayl, opened the\nArk of the Covenant and found several media inscribed with names called \u201csemiphoras\u201d.\nTogether with objects such as the rod of Moses, the tablets of the Ten Commandments\nand twenty-four magical rings, the Ark is said to have contained a \u201cbook called Razyel\u201d\n(one text of the Liber Razielis corpus) and, what mostly interests us here, a tripartite \u201cbook\nSemiphoras\u201d that Moses received from God on Mount Sinai. The Rationes expose several\nsemiphoras that derive from the latter book and that are said to have been pronounced by\nAdam, Noah, Moses, Aaron and Joshua when performing their miracles mentioned in the\nScriptures.58\nThe Magica and the Rationes shared the idea that the semamphoras have been revealed to\nman by God and that they can be used, in combination with the names of planetary angels,\nto perform wonders and to invoke spirits. Common to both treatises was also the idea that\nmagic makes use of names containing letters of the Jewish, Arabic, Greek and Latin alphabets.59 Yet the Magica also included material related to the theoretical background of the\nRationes, but not contained in them. For example, it exposed a peculiar theory on the astral\norigins of the four alphabets that can be classified as part of the Hermetic tradition. According to Solomon, writes Ganellus, \u201cthe wise men have drawn the letters of the alphabet\nfrom the stars\u201d by connecting with lines clusters of stars internal to the classical forty-eight\nconstellations. As a result, when words are uttered, the underlying stars are named.60 Probably the lines used by the wise men can be interpreted as stellar rays and a link to the\ntheories summarized by al-Kind\u00ee in De radiis can be individuated.61 The core of the astro-\u00ad\nmagical tradition transmitted in the Magica has though most likely Jewish rather than Arab\n\u00adorigins.62 Unsurprisingly, Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim, who shows knowledge of the\n245\n\nPages 265:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\ntradition transmitted in the Magica, ascribes the invention of the astral alphabet, which he\ncalls scriptura coelestis, to the Jews.63\nFrom the semamphoras tradition, the Magica also took over the technique of the so-called\nmagical tables (tabule magicales). These tables were formed with the letters of the Hebrew,\nArabic, Greek and Latin alphabets disposed like the numbers of the Pythagorean table, but\nwith the letters proceeding from right to left (Figure 18.2).\nIn the Magica, as in the case of the astral alphabets, the Hebrew table was declared to be\nmore original than the others. From the tables, the magicians would extract (extrahere) magical names or semamphoras. Each letter bore a numerical value and the extraction was carried\nout through combinatory procedures based on mathematical principles. This technique was\ncentral in the Magica, but Ganellus also quotes other versions of the same theory \u00adattributed\nto Toz Grecus and minor authors not mentioned by name. He writes that the \u00adtables lay at\nthe core of magical science and that the advanced magician can reduce his entire practice\nto their use, since from them can be extracted not only the semamphoras but every type of\nword.64 The theory of the tables is directly linked to the Jewish prophetic kabbalah. One\ntable similar to those in the Magica can be found for example in the Sefer ha-tseruf or Book\nof the combinations of letters attributed to the thirteenth-century Spanish kabbalist \u00adAbraham\n\u00adAbulafia.65 Tables such as those provided by Ganellus, notwithstanding their clear importance in the magical theory of the time, appear in no other transmitted text of the Latin\nMiddle Ages. However, similar ones are featured in a work inspired by medieval magic,\nCornelius Agrippa\u02bcs De occulta philosophia, where the term tabula commutationum is used.66\nThe theory of the alphabets and tables documented by Ganellus is a rare instance of a\nthorough theoretical foundation of word magic and of magic\u2019s link with astrology in medieval times. Al-Kind\u00ee for example, who also treats word magic in great detail, observes\nthat words harmonize with and draw their power from heavenly figures, but he does not\nFigure 18.2 T\n\u0007 he first and second Hebrew tables, through which the magicians used to generate\n\u00adwonder-working words (Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 128v\u2013129r).\n246\n\nPages 266:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\ntreat the more basic level of the alphabets.67 Elements of the tradition treated in the Summa\nre-emerge only later, in the work of an early modern author such as Agrippa. The Summa\nand the Magica which is recorded in it are thus seminal indicators of the strong astral basis\nof medieval pseudo-Solomonic magic, a basis no less developed than that of the magic\nclassified as Hermetic.\nLet us come to the other carriers of magical power in the Magica, the names of the elements of Creation. Here we enter the domain of planetary magic. Regarding this aspect,\nthe Magica again stood in continuity with the Liber semamphoras and its tradition. Both the\nMagica and the Rationes Libri semiphoras combined the use of the semamphoras with the invocation of planetary spirits. Yet, whereas in the Rationes only the angels of the seven skies\nwere invoked,68 in the Magica the names of the planetary angels were more numerous and\ndifferentiated and were pronounced in the rituals together with the names of many other\nconcrete or abstract entities such as the hours, days, weeks, seasons, winds, elements,\nplanets and signs of the zodiac. The latter names mostly corresponded to those listed\nin the fourth book of the Liber Razielis, called Liber temporum. A close relationship thus\nlinked the Magica to the literary tradition from which also stems the Liber Razielis, a text\nthat in turn unsurprisingly highlights the importance of the semamphoras in the magical\npractice.69\nIn the rituals of the Magica, these sets of verbal instruments were used in written or spoken form, mostly embedded in magic formulae, in combination with a panoply of material\ninstruments. Of the ritual objects, the treatise indicated the features, the specific materials and the methods of preparation and utilization. Their power was deemed to spring\nfrom their material, which was considered to stand in relation to the planets, from the\ninscriptions which they bore, from their consecration and not least from an act of divine\nconcession.70\nBesides the Magica and the Liber semamphoras, Ganellus refers to several other texts of the\nars vetus. One Magica attributed to Toz Grecus, not recovered so far, shared some contents,\nsuch as spirits\u2019 lists and ritual practices, with the homonymous writing by Solomon. The\nOrationes artis veteris, a set of twenty-one orations, as well as the Orationes testimoniales, four\nlong orations corresponding to the seasons, both quoted in full in the Summa, were either\ncontained or mentioned in Solomon\u2019s Magica.71 A selection of rituals is cited from the Liber\nRazielis, of which Ganellus had the short version consisting in the translation of the \u00adHebrew\nSefer ha-Razim.72 To the ars vetus also belongs a group of writings currently classified as\n\u00adHermetic such as the Prestigia by Toz Grecus, the Liber Saturni, the Liber Lune, the Liber\n\u00adVeneris, the Liber de capite Saturni and the Liber Antimaquis, all devoted to planetary magic, and\nsome texts considered by Ganellus to be less reputable such as the Liber vacce and the Liber\nkaracterum by Sumach.\nLess space but not less importance is given in the Summa to the sources of the ars nova. The\nmain texts of this group are Honorius\u2019s Liber iuratus from which are cited rituals of angel\ninvocation, an anonymous collection of prayers called Liber trium animarum, freely inspired\nby the Psalms and written in the West probably in the first half of the fourteenth century,\nand an equally anonymous litany in which the names of the Christian saints are followed\nby a long list of spirit and angel names recurrent in the magical tradition.73 To the ars nova\nalso belong the chapters genuinely composed by Ganellus, including the sketch of a frugal\nand simplified ritual affordable to the poorest Christians,74 as well as sections, which I have\npartly discussed in this chapter, on the division of magic into parts, on the methodology\nthrough which it is best studied and taught, and on its relation to religion.\n247\n\nPages 267:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nThe aims of the author\nSumming up, it appears that Ganellus pursues several goals. First of all he intends to\npromote and divulge magic. In an epoch in which magical books are difficult to trace and\nowning them is incriminating, he collects in a unique volume those which are, in his eyes,\nthe pivotal doctrines on the subject. In parallel, through his systematic and clear explanations, he aims to expound the meaning of the science of magic. Among other things,\nhe shows that, when accessed through the sources written by the magicians, this science\nappears radically different from the way in which it is represented and interpreted by contemporary critics, who are usually outsiders not involved in magic. Ganellus furthermore\nintends to cast off magic\u2019s traditional trait of secrecy. In contrast, for example, with his\nnearly contemporary Pradellus, who establishes that each specimen of the Liber iuratus\ncan be copied only three times, thus restricting dramatically the text\u2019s circulation,75 he\nis interested in spreading magic to a possibly large number of persons, virtually to every\npious Christian. For his purpose he chooses the genre of the summa; in view of a public\npropagation, he underscores magic\u2019s affinity to the sciences taught at university. Another\nobstacle that he tries to overcome is magic\u2019s economic and social exclusiveness. According\nto tradition and in particular to the pseudo-Solomon, magic necessarily implied the use of\nlavish instruments and was reserved as such to wealthy practitioners. In Ganellus\u2019s view,\ninstead, the only essential prerequisite in every form of magical practice is the genuine\nreligious (Christian) faith of the operator. In order to break down the social boundaries\nof magic, he drafts ritual procedures that are economically and intellectually accessible\nto the middle and lower class.76 These choices respond to the aim of divulging magic.\nDivulgation, though, is not Ganellus\u2019s only purpose. As seen above, he believes that through\nmagic it is possible to put into practice religious commandments. In this respect, he even\nwrites that in the case of extreme necessity the resort to magic is not a mere possibility,\nbut a proper duty of the Christian.77 By divulging magic, Ganellus thus ultimately intends\nto deliver to Christianity an instrument through which it can, and must, promote God\u2019s\nKingship. Evidently, he envisages his own magical practice and authorship as his personal\nfulfilment of that duty.\nThe interest of the Summa for research\nThrough the Summa, our knowledge of late medieval magic and its literature is fruitfully enriched. The writing transmits ample textual material that played a central role in the magical\ndiscourse of the Latin Middle Ages but has otherwise become lost and includes still unknown\nversions of a number of surviving texts.78 Second, it was composed through ample use of\nLatin translations of Arabic, Hebrew and Greek magical literature, a source base that (with\na fate similar to that of other Latin texts on magic, the best-known of which is De radiis,\nthe translation of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s Arabic work) has not yet been recovered and is probably lost.\nThe Summa offers therefore precious insights not only for medieval Latin studies but also for\n\u00adOriental, Jewish and generally Classical studies.\nThe value of the Summa for research is also due to the high theoretical level of its discourse. Not only in the Arab and Jewish traditions (as testified by texts as De Radiis, the\n\u00adPicatrix or the corpus of the Liber semiphoras), but also in the Latin West the rituals of medieval\nlearned magic were rooted in a complex theoretical ground. Even so, most magical texts of\nthe Latin late Middle Ages preserved today present the practical aspects of magic bereft of\n248\n\nPages 268:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\ntheoretical foundations, or touch upon the theory that underlies the rituals only implicitly.\nThanks to the focus set by its author, the Summa instead combines the description of rituals\nwith theoretical sections illustrating the principles and ideas underlying magical science.\nThese sections, which are often quoted from major older sources that are now lost (such as\nthe Magica by Solomon and that by Toz Grecus), shed light on the deeper meaning that the\nrituals and their manifold components assumed in the magical system by locating them in\na cosmological, theological and philosophical framework. To this framework belong for\nexample the above-mentioned concept of the magic of the four alphabets, the astral genealogy of the alphabets or the doctrine of the tables, as well as the cosmic hierarchy and the\nposition occupied in it by the magician.\nThanks to the style tailored on the scholastic model, the contents of the Summa appear in\ngreat clarity and detail. Particularly useful for the medieval but also for the contemporary\nreader are the many definitions of seminal terms of the science of magic that are scattered\nthroughout the work. In this chapter, I have looked amongst others at the definition of\nmagic in terms of the practical part of theology. That definition, which underlines the affinity between magic and religion rather than generically identifying the two terms, enriches\nsignificantly the debate on the definition of magic, a debate which still stands at the centre\nof scholarly research.\nOn the whole, Ganellus demonstrates that Latin learned magic in its original form, when\nit was still close to the non-Latin sources from which it derived, was a remarkably refined\ndoctrine. As has been seen above, it was for example essentially rooted in the science of\nastrologia. The comparative study of the Summa alongside other late medieval texts (such as\nthe pseudo-Solomonic Clavicula Salomonis, Tractatus discipulorum Salomonis, De novem candariis\nand Almandal) suggests that the minor complexity of the latter is the result of a simplification\nprocess intrinsic to the transmission of ideas and texts over time.79\nThe Summa is also a central resource for the study of magical literature from a philological and historical perspective. Its precise dating, which is a feature uncommon in magical\nliterature, offers a reliable terminus ad quem for its contents. This implies that other texts can\nbe classified in relation to those contained in the Summa and the still fragmentary history of\nmedieval magic and its literature can be further assessed and reconstructed.\nIn addition to discussing traditional doctrines and sources, the origins of which can be\npartly traced back to the twelfth century, Ganellus offers self-authored sections and treats\nthe trends and debates of his time. The Summa is therefore an important document for the\nmagical theory and literature of the mid-fourteenth century as well. The conciliation of\nmagic with Christianity is seminal to the entire work, and the treatise contains the most\nexplicit confrontations of a fourteenth-century magician with the papal condemnation of\nmagic of which we have knowledge today. In the footsteps of the Liber iuratus, in an audacious passage probably referring to the policy of Pope John XII, Ganellus replies to the\ninterdiction of the teaching of magic and of the production of magical literature. In his\nview, the relationship between the magician and God skips any mediating instance, since\nthe bonds set by God with his believers can be broken by God alone.80 Even so, Ganellus\nmaintains some original views. Notably, in spite of his Christianizing programme, he remains true to the markedly demonic nature of magic. Unlike Honorius, his near contemporary and the founder of the ars nova, who classifies the invocation of evil spirits as a form\nof idolatry practised by the pagans, and who sets a fundamental trend for his contemporaries and followers by reducing licit Christian magic to the invocation of angels, Ganellus\nmaintains the involvement of evil spirits as an essential element that not only does not stand\n249\n\nPages 269:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nin contradiction with the religious character of magic, but even plays a vital role in the\ndefinition of the relationship between magic and religion.81\nFor these many reasons, the Summa of Ganellus is a fundamental reference point for\nachieving a more accomplished and documented panorama of late medieval magic. The\ntext is a premise for new research on the genesis, the history and the meaning of the magical\nliterature of the twelfth to fourteenth centuries and encourages us to revisit several aspects\ncentral to that tradition from a new angle.\nNotes\n1 Paul Oskar Kristeller, Iter italicum (London: Warburg Institute, 1963\u20131997), vol. 3, entry nr. 585:\nKassel, Murhardsche- und Landesbibliothek, ms. Astron. 4\u00b0 3, fols. 2r\u2013149r (hereafter Ka).\n2 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, ms. Germ. Fol. 903, fols. 3r\u2013806v (hereafter\nBe). See Carlos Gilly, Spanien und der Basler Buchdruck bis 1600. Ein Querschnitt durch die spanische Geistesgeschichte aus der Sicht einer europ\u00e4ischen Buchdruckerstadt (Basel and Frankfurt am Main: Helbing und\nLichtenhahn, 1985), 276\u201378; Sebastiano Gentile and Carlos Gilly, Marsilio Ficino and the Return of\nHermes Trismegistus (Florence: Centro Di, 1999\u20132000), 276\u201378; Carlos Gilly and Cis Van \u00adHeertum,\nMagic, Alchemy and Science Fifteenth-Eighteenth Centuries, The Influence of Hermes Trismegistus, vol. 1\n\u00ad(Florence: Centro Di, 2002), 286\u201394. On the Arbatel see Damaris Aschera Gehr, Magie und Alchemie\nin der paracelsistischen Schrift \u202b \u05d0\u05e8\u05d1\u05e2\u05ea\u05d0\u05dc\u202cArbatel De magia veterum (Basel, 1575), in: Petra Feuerstein-Herz\nand Ute Frietsch (eds.): Alchemie \u2013 Genealogie und Terminologie, Bilder, Techniken und Artefakte. Forschungen\naus der Herzog August Bibliothek, Wiesbaden 2019, forthcoming.\n3 Halle, Universit\u00e4ts- und Landesbibliothek, ms. 14 B 36, several sections from fol. 185r onwards\n(hereafter Ha).\n4 The Latin manuscripts are both fragmentary: four quires are missing in Ka, and Ha offers of the\nSumma only a selection of chapters. The gaps in the Latin manuscript tradition can be filled by\nrecourse to the German translation (with exception for the final part of chapter 20 and the entire\nchapter 21, which are missing also in the ms. Be; in addition, some passages in the German version\nare misleading).\n5 This text, preserved in the ms. Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut. 89 Sup. 38, fols.\n377r\u201379r, is edited and commented in Damaris Gehr, \u201c\u2018Spiritus et angeli sunt a Deo submissi\n\u00adsapienti et puro\u2019: il frammento del Magisterium eumantice artis sive scienciae magicalis. Edizione e attribuzione a Berengario Ganello,\u201d Aries: Journal for the Study of Western Esotericism 11, no. 2 (2011): 189\u2013217.\n6 Substantial contributions can be found in: Gilly, Spanien und der Basler Buchdruck, 276\u201378; Gentile\nand Gilly, Marsilio Ficino, 276\u201378; Gilly and Van Heertum, Magic, Alchemy and Science, vol. 1, 286\u201394;\nJan R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s Summa\nsacre magice,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire\nFanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 151\u201391; Gehr, \u201cSpiritus et\nangeli\u201d, 189\u2013217; Damaris Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione del Liber Razielis in sette libri ad Alfonso\nX il Saggio e una nuova determinazione delle fasi redazionali del trattato, della loro datazione\ne dell\u2019identita\u0300 dei compilatori coinvolti,\u201d Viator. Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 43 Multilingual\n(2012): 181\u2013210; Damaris Gehr, \u201c\u2018Gaudent brevitatem moderni\u2019: Rielaborazioni della teoria\nmagica nel tardo Medioevo sull\u2019esempio dell\u2019Almandal di Salomone,\u201d Societa\u0300 e storia 139 (2013):\n1\u201336. The Summa was the subject of my doctoral dissertation \u201cLa Summa sacre magice di Berengario\n\u00adGanello\u201d (Venezia: Universit\u00e0 Ca\u2019 Foscari, 2007).\n7 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 194v.\n8 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 84v.\n9 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 126r.\n10 Gilly, Magic, Alchemy and Science, 290.\n11 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 193v.\n12 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 3r and fol. 149r.\n13 Mende, Archives eccl\u00e9siastiques de la Loz\u00e8re, ms. S\u00e9rie G n. 936, fols. 1r\u201327r; a somewhat inaccurate transcription is found in Edmond Falgairolle, Un envo\u00fbtement en G\u00e9vaudan en l\u2019ann\u00e9e 1347 (N\u00eemes:\nLibrairie-Editeur Cat\u00e9lan, 1892).\n250\n\nPages 270:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\n14 Mende, Archives eccl\u00e9siastiques de la Loz\u00e8re, ms. S\u00e9rie G n. 936, fols. 6v\u20138r.\n15 Ibid., fols. 6v\u20137r.\n16 Ibid., fol. 3v.\n17 Ibid., fol. 17r.\n18 The dating of the Magisterium in respect to the Summa is discussed in Gehr, \u201cSpiritus et angeli,\u201d\n189\u2013217.\n19 The manuscript Ka was copied in France, Ha in Spain, Be in Germany and that transmitting the\nMagisterium eumantice artis in Rome.\n20 Johannes Trithemius, \u201cAntipalus maleficiorum,\u201d in Paralipomena opusculorum Petri Blesensis et Joannis\nTrithemii aliorumque, ed. Ianus Busaeus (Mainz: Balthasar Lippius, 1605), 297\u201398.\n21 Johannes Trithemius, De septem Secundeis [\u2026] Adiectae sunt aliquot epistolae [\u2026] (Coloniae: Ioannes\nBirckmannus, 1567), 140\u201344, letter \u201cIoannes Tritemius Abbas Monasterij S. Iacobi suburbio ciuitatis Herbipolensis Ioanni Virdungo de Hasfurt Mathematico doctissimo salutem.\u201d\n22 Gilly, Magic, Alchemy and Science, 290.\n23 This information on the elsewise unknown Pradellus is found in the acts of the Mende trial of\n1347; see Mende, Archives eccl\u00e9siastiques de la Loz\u00e8re, ms. S\u00e9rie G n. 936, fol. 4v.\n24 Jean Thenaud, Le triumphe des vertuz. Premier trait\u00e9, Le triumphe de prudence, ed. Titia J. Schuurs-Janssen\n(Gen\u00e8ve: Droz, 1997), 108; on the passage of the Cabale metrifi\u00e9e, see 312, footnote 273.\n25 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fol. 7r. Place and date of translation are suggested by the watermarks\nfound in the manuscript Be.\n26 Paolo Lucentini and Antonella Sannino, \u201cRecommendatio astronomiae: un anonimo trattato del XV\nsecolo in difesa dell\u2019astrologia e della magia,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. Charles Burnett\nand W. F. Ryan (London: Warburg Institute, 2006), 177\u201398. The Recommendatio is here dated on the\ngrounds of its alleged connection to the Summa; since no such connection exists, for the dating, a\ndifferent criterion must be found.\n27 This and the following translations from the Latin are mine.\n28 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 3r: \u201cMagica est sciencia artandi spiritus malignos et benignos per\nnomen Dei et per nomina sua ac per nomina seculi rerum. Unde sequitur quod magica est sciencia\nverborum, quia omne nomen est verbum, cum verbum sit omnis res que lingua profertur si literis\nscribi possit. Multe autem sciencie sunt verborum ut gramatica, logica, recthorica, magica [\u2026]\nmagica est de verbo quo ad spiritualem substanciam coartandam. Est enim in quibusdam verbis\nvirtus mira concreata a creatore solo qui Deus est omnipotens et causa omnium causarum, recte ut\ntu vides de herbis et gemmis, nisi quod excellenciori modo, quasi in infinitum sine comparatione.\nEt potest hoc perpendi apud inexpertos per legem suam. Quia lex ait quod [\u2026] cum verbis creavit\nDeus celos et angelos. [\u2026] Item dicit quod quicquid verbo petetur fide credendo et non hezitando,\nquod fiet. [\u2026] Magica ergo est de verbis miris ex fide pullulativis aut ex firma credulitate processivis, ita ut credat Deo vero et arti et magistro suo ac legi cui habet devotionem. Sed melius est sibi\nquod credat christiane, que est stipula utralibet aliarum frivola ut docet magice met experiencia\u201d.\n29 With different arguments, magic was already classified among the liberal arts in earlier medieval\nwritings. See Charles Burnett, Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996),\n1\u201315.\n30 The classification of the words among the material instruments of magic is to be understood in connection with the kabbalistic foundation of the doctrine promoted by Ganellus, according to which\nthe words used in magic share the nature of the word used by God in Creation and bear as such\na strong ontological status. The kabbalistic background is announced already in the introduction\nnow cited, where the word is defined as each thing which is uttered \u201con condition that it can be\nwritten with letters\u201d.\n31 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fols. 447v\u201350v.\n32 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 60v: \u201cQuia hec ars nulli profuit nisi sapientibus valde ultra omnes, non\nsapiencia mundana, que est stulticia apud Deum, sed sapiencia spirituali, cuius est ipsa secunda\npars nobilior eius, cum sit pars practica theologie omnium legum divinarum in quibus fundatur\u201d.\n33 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fols. 450v\u2013451r.\n34 The argumentative structure of the quaestio is applied substantially only in the passages ms. Ka,\nfols. 60v\u201361r, where the argument according to which the magicians test the power of God\u2019s name\nwhen using it for the conjuration of spirits is pondered, and ms. Ka, fols. 87v\u201388r, where some\ndebated aspects of the ritual of spirit invocation are discussed.\n251\n\nPages 271:\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\n35 A brief treatment of the divine revelation of magic can be found for example in Ganellus, Summa,\nms. Be, fol. 447v. The existence of other magical authors making no use of the pseudepigraphic\nstyle is attested, among others, by the same Ganellus, who mentions on several occasions the work\nof \u201cmagistri\u201d or \u201cdoctores minores\u201d.\n36 See for instance ibid., ms. Ka, fol. 40v and fol. 145r, where it is noted that the lists of angel names\ncontained in the Liber Razielis are more corrupted than those in Solomon\u2019s Magica.\n37 With the only restriction that they be pious Christians. See the next paragraph.\n38 In the Summa, astrologia stands, after \u201ctheoretical theology\u201d or the divine laws contained in the\n\u00adScriptures, as the science most close to magic. For the case that the magician should be impeded\nto study astrologia at a school, Ganellus provides a specific chapter with \u201crudiments\u201d taken from\n\u00adPtolemy\u2019s Tetrabiblos, the Liber introductorius by Alcabitius and the Liber antimaquis (a Hermetic t\u00ad reatise\notherwise preserved in an only manuscript, see Aristoteles/Hermes, \u201cLiber Antimaquis,\u201d in\n\u00adHermetis Trismegisti Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Charles Burnett (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 177\u2013221).\nSee Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 122r\u201327r.\n39 The learned character of magic, however, does not conflict with Ganellus\u2019s plan of making magic\naccessible to large numbers of believers, since he also provides a version of the magical ritual for\nthe poor and thus, we may assume, for the untaught. See the paragraph \u201cThe aims of the author\u201d.\n40 In line with Western late medieval magical literature, Ganellus holds that, similarly to priesthood,\nthe magical knowledge and practice are male prerogatives.\n41 Those of \u201critual\u201d and \u201cnatural\u201d magic are central categories used in the current scholarly classifications of learned magic, but it must be kept in mind that they do not occur in the Summa and in\nits sources.\n42 The main lists of this kind are contained in chapters 48 dedicated to demons, 59 on the planetary\nangels and 77 exposing the virtues of a particular group of spirits. The meaning of the letters is\nexplained in chapters 70 and 86.\n43 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fol. 450r\u2013v.\n44 Honorius, Liber iuratus, ed. G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), III, 16\u201326.\n45 I could find an approach similar to that of the Summa in the long version of the Liber Razielis, where\none reads that \u201cmagic is a fine and spiritual science which is formed in the skies and in man. [\u2026]\nAnd its first end is above in the skies and in the stars. And its second end resides in man, in order\nthat he may be able to operate. And the common end is the approved operation, which happens\nthrough the judgement and the knowledge of the things of the sublunar world\u201d (ms. Citt\u00e0 del\nVaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. Lat. 1300, fols. 139v\u2013140r: \u201cmagica est sciencia\nsubtilis et spiritualis formata in celis et in homine. [\u2026] Et primus finis eius est sursum in celis et in\nstellis. Et secundus finis est in homine quod sit aptus ad operandum. Et finis omnium est opus cum\nprobatione, et hoc cum intellectu et noticia rerum inferiorum\u201d). Notwithstanding the similarity of\nthe two definitions, the classification of the final ends of magic given by Ganellus remains unique,\nsince it classifies both the primary and the secondary end of magic within the divine sphere.\n46 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 196r\u2013v.\n47 See Damaris Gehr, \u201cThe Use and Meaning of Material Instruments in Medieval Magic. A Case\nStudy on the Sacred Book (liber sacer and liber consecrationis),\u201d in The Material Culture of Magic, ed. Leo\nRuickbie et al. (Brill), forthcoming.\n48 See Damaris Gehr, \u201cTowards a Definition of Medieval Magic. The Function of the Evil Spirits\nin pseudo-Solomonic Texts\u201d, forthcoming, based on the paper which I gave in November 2012 in\nOrl\u00e9ans at the conference D\u00e9monologues et d\u00e9monologies (XIIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles).\n49 Around 1326, with John XXII\u2019s bull Super illius specula, magical practices involving the summoning\nof spirits were declared to be founded on a \u201cbase servitude\u201d to evil and on a \u201cpact with hell\u201d, and\nwere classified as a form of heresy. See Joseph Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des\nHexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter (Bonn: Carl Georgi, 1901), 5\u20136.\n50 The pursuit of evil-minded ends and the legitimation of violence that goes with it is a central and\ndebated aspect of late medieval magic that deserves further study. Generally, I believe that the\nargument according to which certain strands of medieval magic contrast with the Christian doctrine because of their pursuit of evil ends is founded on an idealized interpretation of \u00adChristianity\nthat is not sustainable in the context of scientific studies. The example of Ganellus, who\njustifies the use of violence for the prosecution of the unfaithful, shows that in this tradition the discourse is nuanced and that evil-ended goals, in case they should serve to promote God\u2019s Kingdom,\n252\n\nPages 272:\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\nare admitted. On a more general level, according to all late medieval magical texts including the\nSumma, no single magical operation can be successful without God\u2019s punctual approval, whereas\nGod is said to approve only those actions that are not conflicting with His own will or law. Outside\nthe context of magical studies, this theme has been devoted several publications in the field of\nreligious studies, see for instance Coping with Violence in the New Testament, ed. Pieter G. R. de Villiers\net al. (Leiden: Brill, 2012).\n51 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 117v\u2013118r.\n52 So far, Solomon\u2019s Magica has been discussed in my publications alone, see footnote 6. I infer the text\nstructure from the circumstance that Ganellus cites from seven books.\n53 Nicolas Eymerich, Directorium Inquisitorum, vol. 2, Quaestio XXVIII (Romae: in aedibus Populi\nRomani, 1585), 336B. This passage has late been interpreted as a reference to the Liber Razielis; the\nreasons why more probably the Magica is meant are adduced in Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione,\u201d\n204\u20135.\n54 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 37v.\n55 Ibid., fol. 43r.\n56 Ibid., fol. 43v.\n57 Ibid.\n58 Rationes Libri semiphoras, ms. Ha, fols. 244r\u2013248v.\n59 Ibid., fol. 248v.\n60 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 144v and ms. Be, fol. 765v.\n61 Al-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny et al., in Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du\nMoyen \u00c2ge 41 (1974).\n62 In chapter 70 of the Summa, exposing the magical properties of the four alphabets, the Arabic,\nGreek and Latin sections appear to have been modelled on the Hebrew section.\n63 Cornelius Agrippa, De occulta philosophia libri tres, ed. Vittoria Perrone Compagni (Leiden, New York\nand K\u00f6ln: Brill, 1992), 491\u201392.\n64 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fol. 600r.\n65 Abraham Abulafia, Sefer ha-tseruf, vol. 13, ed. Amnon Gros (Yerushalayim, 2003), 48.\n66 Cornelius Agrippa, De occulta philosophia libri tres, 475.\n67 Al-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, 234.\n68 Rationes Libri semiphoras, ms. Ha, fols. 245v\u2013246r.\n69 Liber Razielis, Citt\u00e0 del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. Reg. Lat. 1300, see for instance at the fol. 11v.\n70 Ganellus cites the sections on the instruments mainly in book II. On the material instruments, see\nGehr, \u201cLuxus und Luxusdiskurse\u201d.\n71 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fols. 265r\u201366r/ms. Ka, fols. 97r\u2013100r, and ms. Ka, fols. 9v\u201328r.\n72 Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione\u201d, 203.\n73 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 111v\u2013117r, and ms. Ha, fols. 209r\u2013212v/ms. Ka, fol. 145r.\n74 Ibid., fols. 192r\u201393r.\n75 Pradellus, prologue to Liber iuratus by Honorius, I 21.\n76 Gehr, \u201cLuxus und Luxusdiskurse\u201d.\n77 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 192r.\n78 Only very short text rations of the sources contained in the Summa are today preserved in other\nwritings, be it in unpublished manuscript texts, or in texts of which an edition exists already. To\nthese text rations count some extracts from the Liber iuratus by Honorius, from the Liber introductorius\nby Alcabitius, from Ptolemy\u2019s Tetrabiblos and from the Liber Antimaquis, as well as an explanation of\nthe meaning of the letters of the Jewish alphabet which I could also find in the Liber ale, the second\nbook of the Liber Razielis.\n79 Two case studies of this simplification are Gehr, \u201cSpiritus et angeli\u201d, and Gehr, \u201cGaudent brevitatem moderni\u201d.\n80 Pradellus, prologue to Liber iuratus by Honorius, I 1\u201311; Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fols. 606v\u20137v.\n81 The fundamental role of the evil spirits is that of tempting the magician in order to test his faith.\nOn the function of temptation in the self-definition of magic, see the paragraph \u201cThe magical\nrituals, their ends and relation to religious worship\u201d.\n253\n\nPages 273:\n19\nJ e rom e Torr e l l a a n d\n\u201cA strol ogic a l Im age s\u201d\nNicolas Weill-Parot\nThe concept of the \u201castrological image\u201d is fundamental to understanding the endeavours of\nsome medieval thinkers to build a theory able to justify a natural astral magic. The Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis (\u201cRemarkable work on astrological images\u201d), written in 1496, is\nthe most comprehensive contribution to the debate about the so-called \u201castrological images\u201d,\na concept defining a certain kind of talisman that could be traced back to the mid-thirteenth\ncentury. Its author, Hieronymus Torrella (Jeroni Torrell, Jer\u00f3nimo Torrella, Jerome Torrella),\nwas born in Valencia in 1456. His father, Ferrer Torrella, a master of arts and medicine, had\nstudied at the University of Montpellier, whose school of medicine was celebrated; Jerome\ncalled him a \u201cvery famous physician and expert in the science of the stars\u201d. Jerome\u2019s brothers, Gaspar Torrella and one whose name could be Aus\u00eda, were also physicians. Gaspar was\na well-known physician of Pope Alexander VI who wrote several treatises notably on syphilis;\nthe other probably worked in Cagliari (Sardinia). Jerome, along with his brother Gaspar,\nstudied at the universities of Siena (1474) and of Pisa, where he graduated as a doctor of\nmedicine in 1477. He was the student of the renowned physicians Alessandro Sermoneta\nand Pier Leoni da Spoleto. Later, he became the physician of Queen Joan of Naples, wife\nof King Ferrante the First and sister of King Fern\u00e1ndo of Castile and Le\u00f3n \u2013 a queen who\nplayed an important political role since she was the regent from 1494 to 1496. Torrella went\nback to Valencia, the place where he completed his Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis in\n1496 (published around 1500). He is next mentioned in 1502 as \u201cexaminer\u201d (examinador) of\narts and medicine. Nothing sure is known about his later life.1\n\u201cAstrological images\u201d: a history of a concept\nThe \u201castrological images\u201d to which Torrella\u2019s work is devoted was a name given to a certain\ncategory of talismans.2 The general term \u201ctalisman\u201d can be applied to every artificial object\n(hence bearing a certain form or figure such as a seal or a figurine) endowed with a magical\npower. Within this comprehensive definition, a subcategory has to be singled out: the \u201castrological talisman\u201d, namely a talisman in the making of which astrology plays a certain role;\nits figure represents a star or a constellation or it was made at a certain astrological moment.\nTwo different kinds of astrological talisman should be distinguished: on the one hand, a\n\u201csource-figured talisman\u201d, whose figure represents the alleged main source of its power, that\nis a planet, a star or a constellation (for example, a seal of Leo represents the zodiacal sign of\nLeo); on the other hand, a \u201ctarget-figured talisman\u201d, whose figure represents the goal of the\n254\n\nPages 274:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\ntalisman (for example, a talisman for love shows two people embracing).3 Within the category\nof \u201castrological talismans\u201d, there is another subcategory of talismans, namely \u201castrological\nimages\u201d (although imago is no more than the most common translation of the Arabic word\ntilsam [talisman], which itself derives from the Greek \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1).\nThe concept of an \u201castrological image\u201d was coined in a theological and philosophical\ncontext, in the mid-thirteenth-century work Speculum astronomiae (\u201cMirror of the science of\nstars\u201d), an anonymous book sometimes wrongly ascribed to Albert the Great. The book\nproposed a normative bibliography for each part of astronomy and astrology. After addressing astrological \u201celections\u201d \u2013 the part of astrology devoted to finding the right astrological\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion\nwould have been based on a cult given to the stars, but others do not agree with this hypothesis.4\nThus, several oriental astral-talismanic texts, often attributed to Hermes or to one of his\ndisciples, were translated into Latin. But besides the importance given to astrology, these\nworks displayed many rituals, invocations and prayers addressed to the planets or astral\nspirits. This is the reason why the \u201cMagister Speculi\u201d, the author of the Speculum astronomiae,\ncalls them \u201cabominable\u201d and firmly rejects them as evil and demonic. He also banned\nanother kind of image, \u201cless prejudicial\u201d but nevertheless \u201cdetestab\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 260 to page 274 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=256\nPages: 256,255\n34 See Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 25\u2013219.\n35 (2.2, 258\u201359) cf. Cecco, ch. 3, 402 (ascendens necromanticorum, ed. Thorndike; ascendens nigromanticorum,\nms. Paris, BnF, lat. 7337, p. 36).\n36 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cDans le ciel ou sous le ciel? Les anges dans la magie astrale, xiie-xive si\u00e8cle,\u201d\nM\u00e9langes de l\u2019Ecole Fran\u00e7aise de Rome. Moyen \u00c2ge 114, no. 2 (2002): 753\u201371 [=Les Anges et la Magie au\nMoyen \u00c2ge, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Henri Bresc et Beno\u00eet Gr\u00e9vin].\n236\n18\nBe r i nga r i us Ga n e l lus a n d t h e\nSumma sacre magice\nMagic as the promotion of God\u2019s Kingship\nDamaris Aschera Gehr\nAround 1346, the Catalan magician Beringarius Ganellus completed the Summa sacre magice or Compendium of sacred magic in five books. Due to its complexity and its length of over\n200,000 words, this work stands out as the most thorough overview of Latin medieval magic\ntransmitted to our day.\nIn modern scholarship, the Summa was first signalled in the 1960s by Paul Oskar \u00adK risteller,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=269\nPages: 269\nJan R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s Summa\nsacre magice,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire\nFanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 151\u201391; Gehr, \u201cSpiritus et\nangeli\u201d, 189\u2013217; Damaris Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione del Liber Razielis in sette libri ad Alfonso\nX il Saggio e una nuova determinazione delle fasi redazionali del trattato, della loro datazione\ne dell\u2019identita\u0300 dei compilatori coinvolti,\u201d Viator. Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 43 Multilingual\n(2012): 181\u2013210; Damaris Gehr, \u201c\u2018Gaudent brevitatem moderni\u2019: Rielaborazioni della teoria\nmagica nel tardo Medioevo sull\u2019esempio dell\u2019Almandal di Salomone,\u201d Societa\u0300 e storia 139 (2013):\n1\u201336. The Summa was the subject of my doctoral dissertation \u201cLa Summa sacre magice di Berengario\n\u00adGanello\u201d (Venezia: Universit\u00e0 Ca\u2019 Foscari, 2007).\n7 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 194v.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475\n63 In some cases, this means that the rituals to use them and their goals are no longer discernable.\n64 Kassel, Murhardsche- und Landesbibliothek, MS Astron. 4\u00b0 3 and BL Sloane 313. The seals are\nat fols. 104 and fol. 4, respectively.\n65 Summa sacre magice IV.1.5 and IV.I.6. On Beringarius Ganellus, see Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume and Jan Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s\nSumma sacre magice.\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices from the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 151\u201391.\n66 The copy of the Liber iuratus in BL Sloane MS 3854, which does not include a representation of the\nSigillum Dei, was edited by G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd, Liber iuratus Honorii: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version\nof the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell, 2002).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=263\nPages: 263\nThe five books of the Summa, divided into eighty-six chapters, are composed for the most part\nof quotations from older sources. These are all Latin and mainly consist of more or less substantially revised translations of Hebrew and Arabic texts. Some are quoted in full, while others occur in the form of extracts, abridgements, short references or paraphrases. Through his\nsources, Ganellus intends to represent two traditions: the ars vetus or ancient magic, founded on\nthe Old Testament and open to Jews, Arabs, Pagans and Christians, and the ars nova or modern magic, centred on the New Testament and reserved to Christians. Ganellus incorporates\nboth traditions in his work, since the second substantially stems from the first through the reuse\nof its concepts and texts. But in line with his view that only the Christian law is perfect and\nthus the true foundation for successful magical practice, he labels the Old Testament-based]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=258\nPages: 258\nbooks as the Liber Ptholomei, the Liber Lune Hermetis, the Liber runarum, the Liber Hermetis de\ncaracteribus et sigillis and the Liber Balemi\u201d. Scholars have considered De diffinicione to be a\nchapter of the Summa and identified \u201cBurgarius\u201d with our Beringarius.26 The Summa, yet,\ndoes not contain or mention the writing De diffinicione, which is probably lost, so this identification is uncertain.\nGanellus\u2019s definition and treatment of magic\nThe Summa opens with an introduction defining magic and explaining its status:27\nMagic is the science of binding evil and good spirits by the use of the name of God,\nHis names and the names of the things of the world. Hence it follows that magic is\na science of words, because each noun is a word, since a word is each thing which\nis uttered by the tongue on condition that it can be written with letters. But there\nare many sciences of the word such as grammar, logic, rhetoric and magic [\u2026]]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210\nthe exploitation of Solomonic sources, the \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d of the late Middle Ages were\nnot insignificant. Thus, at the very start of the fourteenth century, the Benedictine monk\nJohn of Morigny embarked on a complete, progressive and very personal revision of the\nArs notoria in his Liber florum celestis doctrine.36 The Summa sacre magice (1346) of the Catalan\n\u201cphilosopher\u201d B\u00e9renger Ganell, a vast compilation of ritual magic in five books known in its\nLatin form through an incomplete manuscript, draws part of its substance from two distinct\nversions of the Liber juratus of Honorius.37 But in order to better establish its claim to offer\n\u201ca [magic] science that consists of compelling good and bad spirits\u201d, B\u00e9renger\u2019s work draws\non numerous Solomonic traditions including the Ydea Salomonis, the De officiis spirituum, the\nDe quattuor annulis, the De novem candariis, the Vinculum Salomonis, the Almandal and perhaps]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=268\nPages: 268\nof scholarly research.\nOn the whole, Ganellus demonstrates that Latin learned magic in its original form, when\nit was still close to the non-Latin sources from which it derived, was a remarkably refined\ndoctrine. As has been seen above, it was for example essentially rooted in the science of\nastrologia. The comparative study of the Summa alongside other late medieval texts (such as\nthe pseudo-Solomonic Clavicula Salomonis, Tractatus discipulorum Salomonis, De novem candariis\nand Almandal) suggests that the minor complexity of the latter is the result of a simplification\nprocess intrinsic to the transmission of ideas and texts over time.79\nThe Summa is also a central resource for the study of magical literature from a philological and historical perspective. Its precise dating, which is a feature uncommon in magical\nliterature, offers a reliable terminus ad quem for its contents. This implies that other texts can]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=268\nPages: 268\nliterature, offers a reliable terminus ad quem for its contents. This implies that other texts can\nbe classified in relation to those contained in the Summa and the still fragmentary history of\nmedieval magic and its literature can be further assessed and reconstructed.\nIn addition to discussing traditional doctrines and sources, the origins of which can be\npartly traced back to the twelfth century, Ganellus offers self-authored sections and treats\nthe trends and debates of his time. The Summa is therefore an important document for the\nmagical theory and literature of the mid-fourteenth century as well. The conciliation of\nmagic with Christianity is seminal to the entire work, and the treatise contains the most\nexplicit confrontations of a fourteenth-century magician with the papal condemnation of\nmagic of which we have knowledge today. In the footsteps of the Liber iuratus, in an audacious passage probably referring to the policy of Pope John XII, Ganellus replies to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259\nAristotelian corpus. In the Summa, magical science is in effect described as a system each\ncomponent of which \u2013 be it the theoretical background of magic, the manifold rituals,\nthe material and verbal instruments used in them or the deontology of the magician \u2013 is\nregarded and justified in its relation to the whole. Ganellus exposes the principles upon\nwhich this system rests by use of the Aristotelian doctrine of the four causes. He writes that\nGod and the magician are the first and second causae efficientes, that is the efficient causes\nenacting the magical process; the word and the material instruments are the first and second\ncausae materiales, that is the material elements necessary for the execution of the rituals;30 the\ncause in itself on the one hand and the contents of the magical teaching and the way in\nwhich magic is taught on the other hand are the first and second causae formales, that is the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=269\nPages: 269\ndefinition of the relationship between magic and religion.81\nFor these many reasons, the Summa of Ganellus is a fundamental reference point for\nachieving a more accomplished and documented panorama of late medieval magic. The\ntext is a premise for new research on the genesis, the history and the meaning of the magical\nliterature of the twelfth to fourteenth centuries and encourages us to revisit several aspects\ncentral to that tradition from a new angle.\nNotes\n1 Paul Oskar Kristeller, Iter italicum (London: Warburg Institute, 1963\u20131997), vol. 3, entry nr. 585:\nKassel, Murhardsche- und Landesbibliothek, ms. Astron. 4\u00b0 3, fols. 2r\u2013149r (hereafter Ka).\n2 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preussischer Kulturbesitz, ms. Germ. Fol. 903, fols. 3r\u2013806v (hereafter\nBe). See Carlos Gilly, Spanien und der Basler Buchdruck bis 1600. Ein Querschnitt durch die spanische Geistesgeschichte aus der Sicht einer europ\u00e4ischen Buchdruckerstadt (Basel and Frankfurt am Main: Helbing und]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=270\nPages: 270\n(Gen\u00e8ve: Droz, 1997), 108; on the passage of the Cabale metrifi\u00e9e, see 312, footnote 273.\n25 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fol. 7r. Place and date of translation are suggested by the watermarks\nfound in the manuscript Be.\n26 Paolo Lucentini and Antonella Sannino, \u201cRecommendatio astronomiae: un anonimo trattato del XV\nsecolo in difesa dell\u2019astrologia e della magia,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. Charles Burnett\nand W. F. Ryan (London: Warburg Institute, 2006), 177\u201398. The Recommendatio is here dated on the\ngrounds of its alleged connection to the Summa; since no such connection exists, for the dating, a\ndifferent criterion must be found.\n27 This and the following translations from the Latin are mine.\n28 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fol. 3r: \u201cMagica est sciencia artandi spiritus malignos et benignos per\nnomen Dei et per nomina sua ac per nomina seculi rerum. Unde sequitur quod magica est sciencia]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=263\nPages: 263\nmagic, Ganellus intends to refute the widespread argument that magic contrasts with the\ntrue Christian faith because of its pursuit of earthly or evil-minded ends.50 The definitions\nand explanations found in the Summa are still useful today since they permit us to reach a\nclearer understanding of what late medieval theorists and magicians generally understood\nby magic. Among other things, they serve to clarify that although learned magic introduces\nnew ideas and practices in the context of Christian belief, even in its demonic form it intends\nto strictly maintain, indeed to endorse, the absolute supremacy of the one God.\nThe sources of the Summa\nThe five books of the Summa, divided into eighty-six chapters, are composed for the most part]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=257\nPages: 257\nthe explicit of the Summa.12\nThe life of Ganellus during and shortly after the composition of the Summa is further\ndocumented in the acts of a trial that took place during the last months of 1347 at Mende,\na town in today\u2019s French region Languedoc-Roussillon which belonged at the time to the\nCrown of Aragon.13 In the acts, the defrocked friar Stephanus Pipini, charged for having\nmade a defixional wax figure of a bishop, recounts having made a long journey through\nSpain in search of the Liber iuratus by Honorius. Towards the end of 1343 he met in Mende\nGuarinus de Castronovo, the chamberlain of James III of Mallorca. On his advice, he\nconsulted the \u201cmagister in artibus\u201d Ganellus in Perpignan in the castle of Trassor, at the\ntime an estate of James III.14 Ganellus showed him his own copy of the Liber iuratus and\nhosted him for several months as his assistant.15 A direct connection between Ganellus and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=258\nPages: 258,259\nif one believes in the Christian faith since, as my experience in magical matters\nteaches, the faith of any other religion is worthless straw.28\n239\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nBy using the term scientia rather than ars or sapientia, Ganellus classifies his subject in the\ndomain of the sciences. Magic, he explains, deals with words and stands as such alongside\ngrammar, logic and rhetoric, the disciplines of the trivium. The specific difference distinguishing magic from those sciences is its object: the wonder-working word.29 The introduction says nothing more on the epistemological status of magic, but the reason why magic\ncan be considered a science is dealt with more closely throughout the treatise. Ganellus\nuses the term \u201cscience\u201d with the meaning that it gained through the epistemological shift\nthat invested the concept of knowledge in the twelfth century under the influence of the\nAristotelian corpus. In the Summa, magical science is in effect described as a system each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=257\nPages: 257\nhosted him for several months as his assistant.15 A direct connection between Ganellus and\nJames III is not mentioned in the acts, but is in principle not to be ruled out. At that time,\nthe king was waging war against his cousin Peter IV of Aragon and may have hoped to find\na remedy in the occult arts. Pipini indeed recounts having been generously rewarded for\nteaching James III the science of the philosopher\u2019s stone, a thing which Ganellus, who was\nno alchemist, could not do.16\nGanellus\u2019s subsequent reputation\nThe earliest reference to Ganellus\u2019s reputation of which we have knowledge is contained\nin the acts of the Mende trial mentioned above. There Ganellus appears as a well-known\namong the learned circles in the surroundings of Perpignan already in 1343.17 His experience with magic prior to the composition of the Summa seems to be confirmed by the\n\u00adMagisterium eumantice artis, a learned text based on citations from the Scriptures and from]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=271\nPages: 271\nstellis. Et secundus finis est in homine quod sit aptus ad operandum. Et finis omnium est opus cum\nprobatione, et hoc cum intellectu et noticia rerum inferiorum\u201d). Notwithstanding the similarity of\nthe two definitions, the classification of the final ends of magic given by Ganellus remains unique,\nsince it classifies both the primary and the secondary end of magic within the divine sphere.\n46 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 196r\u2013v.\n47 See Damaris Gehr, \u201cThe Use and Meaning of Material Instruments in Medieval Magic. A Case\nStudy on the Sacred Book (liber sacer and liber consecrationis),\u201d in The Material Culture of Magic, ed. Leo\nRuickbie et al. (Brill), forthcoming.\n48 See Damaris Gehr, \u201cTowards a Definition of Medieval Magic. The Function of the Evil Spirits\nin pseudo-Solomonic Texts\u201d, forthcoming, based on the paper which I gave in November 2012 in\nOrl\u00e9ans at the conference D\u00e9monologues et d\u00e9monologies (XIIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=267\nPages: 267\nof magic, he drafts ritual procedures that are economically and intellectually accessible\nto the middle and lower class.76 These choices respond to the aim of divulging magic.\nDivulgation, though, is not Ganellus\u2019s only purpose. As seen above, he believes that through\nmagic it is possible to put into practice religious commandments. In this respect, he even\nwrites that in the case of extreme necessity the resort to magic is not a mere possibility,\nbut a proper duty of the Christian.77 By divulging magic, Ganellus thus ultimately intends\nto deliver to Christianity an instrument through which it can, and must, promote God\u2019s\nKingship. Evidently, he envisages his own magical practice and authorship as his personal\nfulfilment of that duty.\nThe interest of the Summa for research\nThrough the Summa, our knowledge of late medieval magic and its literature is fruitfully enriched. The writing transmits ample textual material that played a central role in the magical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=256\nPages: 256\nFor instance he could be the author of the anonymous tract on Christian magic entitled\nMagisterium eumantice artis, partially preserved in a late fifteenth-century manuscript copied\nin Rome.5 Only a few studies have been devoted to Ganellus and his oeuvre so far.6 In this\nchapter an outline is given in anticipation of closer treatment in my forthcoming edition of\nthe Summa.\nBiographical information on Ganellus\nUnlike many late medieval magical authors, who attribute their work to an authority of the\npast following the pseudepigraphic convention, Ganellus introduces himself by his real name.\nOn the other hand, he provides no dedication or biographical account, but just minimal hints\nabout his life and activity. Towards the end of the Summa, when describing a ritual in which\nthe angels associated with the current date are to be mentioned, he indicates \u00adMonday, 10\nJuly 1346.7 This tells us that he had probably completed the treatise by that year. \u00adElsewhere]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=256\nPages: 256\nIn modern scholarship, the Summa was first signalled in the 1960s by Paul Oskar \u00adK risteller,\nwho discovered its text in a fourteenth-century manuscript in Kassel.1 Some twenty years\nlater, Carlos Gilly studied that manuscript more closely and detected a \u00adsixteenth-century\nGerman translation in a codex kept in the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin, where it is concealed\nunder the frontispiece of the \u202b \u05d0\u05e8\u05d1\u05e2\u05ea\u05d0\u05dc\u202cArbatel De magia veterum, a Paracelsistic treatise first\npublished in Basel in 1575.2 In 2009, I identified consistent sections of the original version\nof the Summa in an early sixteenth-century manuscript kept in Halle, where they come as an\naddition to the appendix of the Liber Razielis.3 These are the documents that can be related\nat present to Ganellus with certainty.4 Yet it may be that other texts of his are preserved.\nFor instance he could be the author of the anonymous tract on Christian magic entitled]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=271\nPages: 271\nof \u201cmagistri\u201d or \u201cdoctores minores\u201d.\n36 See for instance ibid., ms. Ka, fol. 40v and fol. 145r, where it is noted that the lists of angel names\ncontained in the Liber Razielis are more corrupted than those in Solomon\u2019s Magica.\n37 With the only restriction that they be pious Christians. See the next paragraph.\n38 In the Summa, astrologia stands, after \u201ctheoretical theology\u201d or the divine laws contained in the\n\u00adScriptures, as the science most close to magic. For the case that the magician should be impeded\nto study astrologia at a school, Ganellus provides a specific chapter with \u201crudiments\u201d taken from\n\u00adPtolemy\u2019s Tetrabiblos, the Liber introductorius by Alcabitius and the Liber antimaquis (a Hermetic t\u00ad reatise\notherwise preserved in an only manuscript, see Aristoteles/Hermes, \u201cLiber Antimaquis,\u201d in\n\u00adHermetis Trismegisti Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Charles Burnett (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 177\u2013221).\nSee Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 122r\u201327r.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nha-mephorash is in Hebrew the secret, unpronounceable name of God) or semiphoras. This\nhe defined as \u201cthe name whose miraculous virtue can be accomplished by means of\nfasting and prayer, faith and humility, purity and love, patience and firmness, mercy and\ntruth\u201d. 55 Ganellus in turn defines it as the \u201cname of God which can fiercely coerce the\nangels, winds, demons, spirits and souls, the stars and the other creatures so that they\nare obedient to humans\u201d. 56\nThe semamphoras stands at the centre of a specific magical tradition that originated in\nconnection with Jewish circles and developed, probably in southern Spain, more than a\ncentury before Ganellus wrote his Summa. One important source of that tradition used in\nthe Magica is the Liber semamphoras, also called Liber vite.57 The Liber semamphoras has not yet\nbeen traced, but some revisions of its text are preserved. Among these, the closest to the Liber]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=266\nPages: 266\nthe Magica again stood in continuity with the Liber semamphoras and its tradition. Both the\nMagica and the Rationes Libri semiphoras combined the use of the semamphoras with the invocation of planetary spirits. Yet, whereas in the Rationes only the angels of the seven skies\nwere invoked,68 in the Magica the names of the planetary angels were more numerous and\ndifferentiated and were pronounced in the rituals together with the names of many other\nconcrete or abstract entities such as the hours, days, weeks, seasons, winds, elements,\nplanets and signs of the zodiac. The latter names mostly corresponded to those listed\nin the fourth book of the Liber Razielis, called Liber temporum. A close relationship thus\nlinked the Magica to the literary tradition from which also stems the Liber Razielis, a text\nthat in turn unsurprisingly highlights the importance of the semamphoras in the magical\npractice.69]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\npseudo-Solomonic texts circulating in the West between the twelfth and the fourteenth\ncenturies. Its relevance is reflected by recurrent mentions both within and outside the magical tradition, such as for example that by Nicolas Eymerich, who records in the Directorium\nInquisitorum having publicly condemned and burned in Spain, during the pontificate of\nInnocent VI, a Liber Salomonis in seven parts treating the invocations of demons.53\nThe author of the Magica defined magic \u2013 in terms very similar to Ganellus in his\n\u00adi ntroduction \u2013 as \u201ca holy knowledge dealing with holy names of the Maker and of the\nstars, angels, spirits and winds\u201d. 54 Thus he dealt with a word-centred magic relying\nmainly on the power of two sets of instruments: the names of God and the names of\nsome elements of Creation. He called the names of God with the term semamphoras (shem\nha-mephorash is in Hebrew the secret, unpronounceable name of God) or semiphoras. This]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nbeen traced, but some revisions of its text are preserved. Among these, the closest to the Liber\nsemamphoras are likely to be the still unpublished Rationes Libri semiphoras. In the anonymous\nRationes one reads that Solomon, encouraged by an old sage called Zebraymayl, opened the\nArk of the Covenant and found several media inscribed with names called \u201csemiphoras\u201d.\nTogether with objects such as the rod of Moses, the tablets of the Ten Commandments\nand twenty-four magical rings, the Ark is said to have contained a \u201cbook called Razyel\u201d\n(one text of the Liber Razielis corpus) and, what mostly interests us here, a tripartite \u201cbook\nSemiphoras\u201d that Moses received from God on Mount Sinai. The Rationes expose several\nsemiphoras that derive from the latter book and that are said to have been pronounced by\nAdam, Noah, Moses, Aaron and Joshua when performing their miracles mentioned in the\nScriptures.58\nThe Magica and the Rationes shared the idea that the semamphoras have been revealed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=266\nPages: 266\nthat in turn unsurprisingly highlights the importance of the semamphoras in the magical\npractice.69\nIn the rituals of the Magica, these sets of verbal instruments were used in written or spoken form, mostly embedded in magic formulae, in combination with a panoply of material\ninstruments. Of the ritual objects, the treatise indicated the features, the specific materials and the methods of preparation and utilization. Their power was deemed to spring\nfrom their material, which was considered to stand in relation to the planets, from the\ninscriptions which they bore, from their consecration and not least from an act of divine\nconcession.70\nBesides the Magica and the Liber semamphoras, Ganellus refers to several other texts of the\nars vetus. One Magica attributed to Toz Grecus, not recovered so far, shared some contents,\nsuch as spirits\u2019 lists and ritual practices, with the homonymous writing by Solomon. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nThe Magica and the Rationes shared the idea that the semamphoras have been revealed to\nman by God and that they can be used, in combination with the names of planetary angels,\nto perform wonders and to invoke spirits. Common to both treatises was also the idea that\nmagic makes use of names containing letters of the Jewish, Arabic, Greek and Latin alphabets.59 Yet the Magica also included material related to the theoretical background of the\nRationes, but not contained in them. For example, it exposed a peculiar theory on the astral\norigins of the four alphabets that can be classified as part of the Hermetic tradition. According to Solomon, writes Ganellus, \u201cthe wise men have drawn the letters of the alphabet\nfrom the stars\u201d by connecting with lines clusters of stars internal to the classical forty-eight\nconstellations. As a result, when words are uttered, the underlying stars are named.60 Probably the lines used by the wise men can be interpreted as stellar rays and a link to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=265\nPages: 265\nIn the Magica, as in the case of the astral alphabets, the Hebrew table was declared to be\nmore original than the others. From the tables, the magicians would extract (extrahere) magical names or semamphoras. Each letter bore a numerical value and the extraction was carried\nout through combinatory procedures based on mathematical principles. This technique was\ncentral in the Magica, but Ganellus also quotes other versions of the same theory \u00adattributed\nto Toz Grecus and minor authors not mentioned by name. He writes that the \u00adtables lay at\nthe core of magical science and that the advanced magician can reduce his entire practice\nto their use, since from them can be extracted not only the semamphoras but every type of\nword.64 The theory of the tables is directly linked to the Jewish prophetic kabbalah. One\ntable similar to those in the Magica can be found for example in the Sefer ha-tseruf or Book]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=454\nPages: 454,455\n15236 instructs the user to engrave a lead lamina with a series of mostly uninterpretable\n435\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nletters ending in \u201camen\u201d.24 It is wrapped in leather or silk and, until she gets pregnant, worn\naround the neck of a woman who is trying to conceive. A less costly version of a lamina to\nprotect in childbirth is found in Wellcome MS 517 (see above, Figure 30.1). In this experiment, a simple paper lamina for a difficult birth that should be tied onto a woman\u2019s hip\nhas the names of the Four Evangelists written on it, while an accompanying prayer invokes\nElizabeth, Anne and Mary and requests that the mother is kept safe from harm.25\nLamina making traditions entered the Latin West in Arabic astral magic texts as well as\nvia early Christian adaptations of ancient lamellae. The metal laminas of astral magic were\na subcategory of astrological images. They were made at astrologically suitable times, drew]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=461\nPages: 461\nturn your back on all evil\u201d (omne malum tergabis). In this case, the figure clearly draws on the\ntradition of protective Christian amulets but it also incorporates the actions and habits of\nritual magic: it will work only when the operator puts in spiritual effort, or at least uses the\nfigure with appropriate respect, and it is intended to give him or her power over demons\nand the spiritual benefits of a pious life. From the fifteenth century onwards, small groups\nof circular amulets and larger multipurpose figures often found their way into necromantic compilations, where their protective value was especially valued for the risky work of\nsummoning demons. 50\nFigures in ritual magic texts\nIn three important works of Christian ritual magic, the Ars notoria, the Liber florum celestis\ndoctrine and the Liber iuratus, we can trace the construction, use and theorization of complex\nfigures that draw on diverse Christian, Arabic and Jewish traditions. The Ars notoria was an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nsometimes markedly different origins, histories and contents.21 If certain texts, like those\nmentioned by the author of Speculum astronomiae, perhaps circulated side by side in manuscripts from the thirteenth century, this does not mean that they had a common origin:\nthe case of the Liber Almandal, whose Arabic provenance can scarcely be in doubt, is in this\nregard appreciably different from that of the De quattuor annulis, known in different versions\nand whose origin remains to be determined. A Solomonic tradition like the Ars notoria,\nnot mentioned by William of Auvergne and the author of the Speculum astronomiae, has for\nits part a history that is well attested by manuscripts from the first part of the thirteenth\ncentury, evidently distinct from that of known Solomonic texts from this period, which\nhave not been preserved. Revisions and rewrites of these texts should also be taken into\naccount. They meant that the same tradition, even when it was well structured on a formal]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=160\nPages: 160\ntraditions are frequently noted in Latin texts. So, for example, the history of Norwegian\nmonarchs from the ninth to twelfth centuries (Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium)\nof \u00adTheodoricus monachus speaks of idols and prophecies uttered by demons in connection with ritual specialists of both genders who are called seithmen (i.e. sei\u00f0menn) \u201csorcerers,\nwitches\u201d in the vernacular.39 The king has eighty of these sei\u00f0menn brought into a building\nand burned, a story also found in other texts.40\nGiven the often tendentious character of these sources, researchers are always at pains to\nexamine the texts\u2019 comments and contexts with care, a fact that complicates, but does not\nnecessarily prevent, analysis. The same source-critical problem applies, for example, to the\npresentation of magic and magicians in relation to the old heathen religion and godhead in\nthe Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus:\nAt one time certain individuals, initiated into the magic arts, namely Thor, Odin]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=155\nPages: 155\nsources drawing on dynamic native cultural traditions.4\nOne of the most significant, and enigmatic, aspects of these earlier traditions is the practice of sei\u00f0r, a form of divination with frequently noted multicultural connections.5 The role\nof S\u00e1mi shamanism, noaidevuohta,6 or other techniques archa\u00efques de l\u2019extase \u201carchaic techniques\nof ecstasy\u201d, in Mircea Eliade\u2019s famous formulation,7 in the development of pre-Christian\nNordic religious and magical traditions has been the subject of much scrutiny, with some\nscholars favouring of its significance,8 and others viewing the relationship between the two\ntraditions more sceptically.9 Among scholars focused on the medieval literary evidence,10\nDag Str\u00f6mb\u00e4ck\u2019s 1935 classic, Sejd, merits special consideration for its early and comprehensive source-critical review of the data and for the book\u2019s methodology combining the\nfields of folklore and philology in its conclusion in favour of the S\u00e1mi connection. Just as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=199\nPages: 199\nexamining in greater depth and on a comparative basis the recurring theme of the magus\u2019\ninitiation, crystallized in some medieval Western tales in the form of the meeting between\na member of a religious order and a Toledan necromancer which results, sometimes briefly,\nin an agreement giving privileged knowledge of magic. The pattern can already be identified in Syriac literature but also in the pseudo-Clementinian tradition in Ethiopian, Latin\nand Spanish, in the form of the teaching of magic to \u00cedh\u0101 sh\u00eer or Ardeshir (in the Syriac\nCave of Treasures)62 or to \u2018Esdzir (in the Ethiopic \u201cQalementos\u201d, the seven-book Revelation\nof Peter to Clement).63 It may be compared with the episode featuring the future pope\nGerbert of Aurillac64 (e.g. in William of Malmesbury\u2019s Gesta regum Anglorum, in the Chronicle\nof Pseudo-Turpin or in Michael Scot\u2019s Liber introductorius) and all its later variations (such as\nSalimbene de Adam\u2019s Chronicle).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=182\nPages: 182\nit into the fire, and it will not burn.58 Another recipe says: when red arsenic and mercury\nare taken, and broken and confected with the juice of the herb sempervivum and the gall of a\nBull, and a man sprays his hands with it, he will not be burned. Another recipe prescribes\nthe use of the herb \u201cportaluca\u201d against visions.59 There are forms of sympathetic magic like\nthose found in the Kyranides.\nThe recipes that come from the Liber Aneguemis minor belong to a kind of magic totally\ndifferent from natural magic and the magical pharmacopeia of the texts that we have so far\nconsidered. This kind of magic appears to be more closely related to the alchemical theories\nof transformation and illusion. It includes recipes for changing the shape of a man into that\nof an elephant or horse by means of lamps; producing the illusions of specific shapes; getting\nvisions during sleep; making men invisible; inducing flooding in the house; and so on.60]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=409\nPages: 409,410\n130 examples of folded coins.53\nThere is growing archaeological evidence that folk magic was performed in rural communities as part of agricultural practices linked to the fertility of fields. Later medieval\npractices extended traditions recorded in the aecerbot charm, dating to the late tenth or early\neleventh century, in which land believed to have been cursed by a sorcerer was cleansed\nthrough an elaborate ceremony involving the blessing of turves. 54 Recent archaeological\nstudy of metal-detected objects in England has identified a pattern in which ampullae were\ndeliberately damaged before being discarded in cultivated fields.55 Ampullae were pilgrim\nsigns in the form of miniature vessels used to contain water, oil or dust collected from\nsaints\u2019 shrines and holy wells. While pilgrim badges are more typically recovered from\n390\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nexcavated, urban contexts (including the watery contexts discussed above), ampullae are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=207\nPages: 207\ncan achieve this power themselves.11 This ancient belief is indeed commonly enlisted in the\ntexts of ritual magic at the end of the Middle Ages and the \u201cSolomonic\u201d signs mentioned\nearlier played an essential role in this regard.12\nFinally, the Speculum astronomiae gives an insight into the state of play for the form of the\nLatin Solomonic tradition in a period in which no manuscripts are preserved (except in the\nparticular case of the Ars notoria, which is not mentioned by this author). Furthermore, it allows us to gauge, up to a point, the subsequent evolutions of the \u201ccorpus\u201d that can be found in\nother, later, inventories, this time together with rare preserved manuscripts. To illustrate the\nfirst case, we can turn to the inventory of libri magici made in 1508 by the abbot of Sponheim,\nJohannes Trithemius, in his Antipalus maleficiorum. A quick comparison shows that the number\nof texts attributed to Solomon rose during the latter centuries of the Middle Ages. Trithemius]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=177\nPages: 177\nand perform many other occult acts. It is a Hermetic text of natural magic that can also be\nlinked to alchemy. One indication of Hermetic origins is noted by David Pingree who, in\n\u201cFrom Hermes to J\u0101bir and the Book of the Cow\u201d, hypothesized that the word naw\u0101m\u012bs, transcribed namusa, and meaning \u201csecrets\u201d, is not in fact the Greek nomos, meaning law. Thus, the\nterm tegumentum, which is found in the Latin prologue and which means the hiding or keeping\nof secrets, can be explained. The original Syriac version would be the work of Thabit ibn\nQurra, and the Kit\u0101b \u2018an-naw\u0101m\u012bs attributable to the prophet Hermes.38\nThe Liber vaccae is divided into two books, the Aneguemis maior, with forty-six experiments\nand the Aneguemis minor with forty-one, introduced with a commentary by pseudo-Hunayn.\nThe contents of these two books are set out in the prologue. This refers to the preparation and\npreliminary study of the plants, stones, animals and tools required for the magical operation:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion\nwould have been based on a cult given to the stars, but others do not agree with this hypothesis.4\nThus, several oriental astral-talismanic texts, often attributed to Hermes or to one of his\ndisciples, were translated into Latin. But besides the importance given to astrology, these\nworks displayed many rituals, invocations and prayers addressed to the planets or astral\nspirits. This is the reason why the \u201cMagister Speculi\u201d, the author of the Speculum astronomiae,\ncalls them \u201cabominable\u201d and firmly rejects them as evil and demonic. He also banned\nanother kind of image, \u201cless prejudicial\u201d but nevertheless \u201cdetestable\u201d, the figures from\nSolomonic ritual magic that make use of characters and unknown languages. This magic, a\nmain component of so-called European nigromancy, had various origins: Christian, Jewish\nand (more rarely) Muslim.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211\nLatin texts attributed to Solomon, in their different versions, at the disposal of the scholarly\ncommunity.48 This editorial programme does not exhaust the subject, as numerous other\ntexts or experimenta of ritual magic are related in one way or another to Solomonic magic and\nas such can hardly be dissociated from it.\nIn this way, certain Solomonic traditions have emerged from the shadows. This is\nthe case with the Ars notoria, preserved in 38 medieval manuscripts and therefore widely\n\u00add istributed,49 the Almandal/Almadel50 and the Vinculum Salomonis,51 two texts preserved, in\ndifferent versions, in several manuscripts of the fourteenth and especially the fifteenth centuries. Others are the subject of preliminary studies. Although they do not resolve all the\ndifficulties, these works permit us to draw some general conclusions concerning Solomonic\nmagic in itself, and more broadly concerning Western ritual magic.]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 275 to page 289 out of a total of 569:\nPages 275:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nThe Speculum astronomiae actually defined the concept of the \u201castrological image\u201d, but\ngave no argumentation for their scientific foundation. This task was completed by Albert\nthe Great in his treatise De mineralibus (\u201cOn minerals\u201d). The starting point of his reasoning\nis the purely natural imprints or seals found in gems: the stars are the cause of these figures\nand also of the wonderful powers that they acquire. This kind of seal is easy to explain\nsince the same cause, the stars, is responsible for both the figure imprinted in the seal and\nits power. But the question becomes more intricate when tackling the artificial astrological\nseal, since in this case man gives the figure to the seal whereas the stars give it their power.\nThe gap between art and nature is therefore the main problem that Albert the Great must\novercome: man has not the demiurgic power to create new substantial forms. The answer\nconsists in putting the action of the craftsman within the causal connection between the\nstars and the seal. By choosing the appropriate astrological moment when such required\ninfluence is given by the stars, the craftsman makes himself an instrument of the stars and\nnature. Hence, the gap between art and nature is filled. 5\nOn the opposite side, Thomas Aquinas, in several works, firmly rejects the concept of the\n\u201castrological image\u201d. In his view, every kind of talisman derives its efficacy from demons.\nAll talismans are \u201caddressative\u201d, including the \u201cso-called astrological images\u201d: the only difference between these latter and the other nigromantical images is that their \u201caddressativity\u201d is implicit whereas that of nigromantical images is explicit. Thomas Aquinas\u2019s position\nis unambiguous: his rejection of the category \u201castrological images\u201d is complete. Nevertheless, a small section at the end of the chapter 105 of the third book of his Contra Gentiles gave\nrise to a debate in the fifteenth century. In these final lines, he writes that because figures\nare \u201clike specific forms\u201d, we cannot totally discard the possibility that the artefact hence\ncreated by this figure can receive an astral power. This does not mean at all that Thomas\nthought that such a possibility could occur; it was no more than a methodological stage\nwithout any belief in such a naturalistic talisman. But several supporters of the Quattrocento,\nsuch as Marsilio Ficino and Torrella, took these lines as an opportunity to credit the great\nDominican friar with a more friendly attitude towards \u201castrological images\u201d.\nThe concept of \u201castrological images\u201d was fundamental to medieval reflection on natural magic amongst theologians, philosophers and physicians. The physicians Arnald of\n\u00adVillanova (\u20201311) and Pietro d\u2019Abano (\u20201316) introduced this notion into medicine. The\ntype of image that they mentioned was a source-figured seal. The most famous astrological seal was of Leo, which was used against kidney pains and kidney stones. Arnald made\nseveral mentions of this seal, which he found in a hermetic text possibly originating in the\nJewish milieu of Montpellier, and he is known to have used it to cure Pope Boniface VIII in\n1301. Other seals were also mentioned such as the seal of Pisces against gout or the seal of\nSerpentarius (\u201cserpent-bearer\u201d or Ophiucus) against poisons.6\nThe use of these seals was justified by the concept of \u201cspecific form\u201d, a concept defined\nby Avicenna. In his Canon medicine (\u201cCanon of medicine\u201d), Avicenna, borrowing a neighbouring idea from Galen, had written that besides drugs that operate through primary\nqualities (hot, cold, moist, dry) or their mixing or complexion (complexio), there are drugs\nthat operate through their whole substance (tota substantia) or specific form ( forma specifica),\nlike the scammony that attracts the bile or, outside the field of pharmacy, the magnet\nthat attracts iron. Thus, \u201cspecific form\u201d accounts for \u201coccult properties\u201d \u2013 qualities that\ncannot be reduced to primary qualities or to the qualities directly stemming from them\nand perceptible by the senses. The \u201cspecific form\u201d of the physicians was the same concept as the \u201csubstantial form\u201d (the form of the thing as substance) of the philosophers.\n256\n\nPages 276:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nThe concept of an \u201coccult property\u201d stemming from a specific/substantial form is the\nkeystone of the discussion of \u201castrological images\u201d.\nIn order to justify this concept from a scientific standpoint, its supporters such as Albert\nthe Great, Arnald of Villanova and Pietro d\u2019Abano assume that there are two different\nkinds of occult properties. On the one hand, there are specific occult properties stemming\nfrom the specific/substantial form: every individual of a species has the same specific occult\nproperty, for example every lodestone has the power to attract iron. On the other hand,\nthere are individual occult properties stemming from a particular accidental cause, namely\na specific astrological chart, hence with a particular astrological influence. The new property comes from this new accidental form given by the stars. This second assumption is necessary to provide scientific foundations to the concept of the \u201castrological image\u201d. Whereas\nThomas Aquinas agrees with these three supporters as far as specific occult properties are\nconcerned, he strongly rejects the possibility of individual occult properties, because this\nwould actually lead to \u201castrological images\u201d.\nFrom 1348, the plague was a challenge for learned physicians. Generally, analysis of the\ndisease was kept within the rational frame of scholastic medicine. The treatises dealing with\nthe plague do not make much room for magical processes and those few magical means that\nare mentioned are always contained within a rational framework. The seal of Serpentarius is\nmentioned against the corrupted air, since it was previously thought as useful against poison.7\nThe real turning point in the history of \u201castrological images\u201d took place at the end of\nthe fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth century in Northern Italy. In the context\nof the release of the magical discourse and the rise of the author-magician,8 some \u201cnew\nmagicians\u201d such as Antonio da Montolmo and Giorgio Anselmi da Parma elaborated\non \u201castrological images\u201d, but actually betrayed and perverted the original meaning that\nthe Magister Speculi had given to this concept. Although they pretended to deal with\n\u201castrological images\u201d, many \u201caddressative\u201d means were used in their making (invocations of spirits, inscriptions of characters and so on). Therefore, the Renaissance spread\nof \u201castrological images\u201d was window dressing: behind the orthodox name, the criterion\nof \u201cnon-addressativity\u201d on which the concept had been originally built became blurred.\nThe new philosophical trends (Neoplatonism, hermeticism) contributed to make this criterion fuzzy. Marsilio Ficino, in the third book of his De vita (\u201cOn Life\u201d) (1489) entitled\nDe vita coelitus comparanda (\u201cOn obtaining Life from the Heavens\u201d), gives a comprehensive\nand renewed theory for \u201castrological images\u201d. But in his view, Nature, that is the whole\nof natural phenomena and causes, is extended far beyond the natural world of medieval\nperipateticism; hence, even such processes as the uttering of words, invocations and other\n\u201caddressative\u201d operations are included in this larger nature \u2013 a nature that itself becomes\na \u201cmagician\u201d.9 But since Ficino was aware of Pico della Mirandola\u2019s trouble with the\nChurch, he concealed somehow his true thoughts. Indeed, several Conclusiones sive Theses\nDCCCC, published in 1497 by Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, were condemned as heretical, among them a \u201cmagical\u201d one. After publishing an Apologia (1487), Pico was prosecuted\nby Pope Innocent VIII. The theologian Pedro Garsia in the Determinationes magistrales,\nwritten against Pico\u2019s Conclusiones and Apologia, had argued lengthily against \u201castrological\nimages\u201d.10 Therefore, Ficino\u2019s reasoning is cautious and contorted. Ficino suggested four\ndifferent explanations. The first follows the path of the scholastic explanation stemming\nnotably from the Speculum astronomiae or the alleged \u201cconcession\u201d of Thomas Aquinas\u2019s\nContra Gentiles, though he introduces some \u201cNeoplatonizing\u201d patterns. The second explanation, ascribed to astrologers and the Platonists, is more fully Neoplatonic and is based\n257\n\nPages 277:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\non the power of the figure ( figura). The third, attributed to the Arabs, puts forward the\nspiritus both as an impersonal pneuma, intermediary between soul and body, and possibly\nas a demonic personal spirit. One of his sources is the Picatrix, a magic book translated\nbefore 1256 in Spain, at the court of King Alfonso X of Castile, and which disappeared\nsoon afterwards; Ficino is the first known user of this book. A fourth explanation is set\nout, but its actual purpose hides Ficino\u2019s real opinion; it is an explanation that reduces the\ncause to matter (ratione materiae). The figure would play a role only insofar as its making\nimplies hammering and heating, which makes the matter able to receive the astral influence. As a consequence, Ficino pretends that he uses compound medicine made under\nthe appropriate horoscope rather than \u201castrological images\u201d. It is of course impossible\nto believe this statement, which contradicts Ficino\u2019s long, detailed analysis and his whole\ntheory of talismanic images. The final explanation, ratione materiae, would lead to a whole\nrejection of the usefulness of figure, whereas the talismans are the main topic of the third\nbook of Ficino\u2019s De vita. Thus, it is an apologetic argument aimed at avoiding trouble with\nthe Church. On the contrary, Ficino\u2019s real position is a new framework for astral magic in\nwhich the old concept of \u201castrological images\u201d is subverted, since the criterion of \u201caddressativity\u201d has been dissolved within a Neoplatonic scheme made of consonances, harmony\nand connections.11\nTorrella\u2019s Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis\nThe Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis is the only surviving work by Jerome Torrella \u2013 he\nalludes to other works but they seem to be definitely lost. The Opus is only extant in an edition\nprinted around 1500 by Alfonso de Orta.12 It is dedicated to Fern\u00e1ndo the Catholic, king\nof Castile and Le\u00f3n; the treatise appears, in several places, as a fictitious dialogue between\nTorrella and the king. Torrella tells that he wrote this book at the instigation of Ju\u00e1n Escriva\nde Roman\u00ed i Ram (\u20201515), a nobleman from Valencia, \u201cmaestro racional\u201d (royal agent with\nspecial financial functions) who had been sent on missions several times to the Kingdom of\nNaples. Ju\u00e1n Escriva had seen in Italy several golden images that had been made at a specified astrological moment and that were efficient against kidney, colon or foot aches, but he\ncould not find any treatise specifically dealing with this topic. Another reason for the treatise\nseems to lie in the fact that King Fern\u00e1ndo was suffering from a kidney stone; one of the most\nfamous \u201castrological images\u201d, the seal of Leo, was thought to be effective against this illness.\nThus, as the political situation in Naples was becoming critical, it is likely that \u00adTorrella, after\nhis coming back to Valencia, wrote this treatise dealing with this sickness because he was\neager to become a physician of King Fern\u00e1ndo. He probably had to face another specific\nproblem: maybe the Torrellas were a family of conversos from a Jewish origin;13 if so, the\nking\u2019s protection would have been even more useful.\nTorrella\u2019s treatise is a unique work specifically devoted to \u201castrological images\u201d. Its aim\nis clearly displayed in the prologue:\nWe have to make a decision on two issues. The first is: if there can be some power\ncaused by a celestial influence to heal the illness of the human body in such images\nmade by the best astrologer. The second is: if there is anything superstitious in the\nmaking of this kind of purely astrological images, and if it is licit for us, who have\na right opinion about the entirely redeeming Christian law, to make them and take\nthem with us.14\n258\n\nPages 278:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nTorrella rightly points out the two sides of the problem: are \u201castrological images\u201d scientifically possible, that is explainable by natural causes? and are they licit from a normative and\ntheological point of view? The two sides are linked: if the answer to the first question is positive, so is the answer to the second one. Science and faith go together.\nThe treatise is built according to a scholastic scheme. The first part gathers together\nmany testimonies to the efficacy and lawfulness of \u201castrological images\u201d. The second part\nshows forty-nine arguments against this claim. Two different kinds of arguments are set\nout. First, several arguments aim to destroy the foundations of \u201castrological images\u201d by\nundermining astrology itself \u2013 one of these arguments is drawn from Pico della M\n\u00ad irandola\u2019s\nDisputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem, a work against which Torrella says that he was\nabout to complete a specific book. Second, the other arguments attack \u201castrological images\u201d directly. Most of these later arguments stem from Thomas Aquinas\u2019s Summa contra\nGentiles. An artificial figure cannot change a body substantially and make it able to acquire\na new power, because the craftsman, that is a human being, cannot produce anything\nbut imperfect imitations of nature. Therefore, if the figure is effective, it is because it acts\nnot as a cause but as a sign addressed to a demon who is the real effective agent. Some\nother arguments are put forward with specific aims, such as the fact that, according to\nthe \u00admelothesia \u2013 that is the influence of specific stars or constellations on specific parts of\nthe human body \u2013 Leo does not rule kidneys, but another part of the human body. The\nthird part gives a deep analysis of the issue, and actually gives philosophical and scientific\nfoundations for this notion. And the fourth part is presented as a reply by the supporters\nof \u201castrological images\u201d to each of the forty-nine arguments contained in the second part.\nThen Torrella ends with a long and cautious conclusion.\nThe most obvious sources quoted are medieval. Torrella says that his work is a compilation and, indeed, he carefully collected most of the medieval texts dealing with astrological\ntalismans: not only the most famous (Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas, the ninth verbum\nof Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Centiloquium with Hali\u2019s commentary, Thebit, Petrus Comestor, Roger\nBacon, Arnald of Villanova, Pietro d\u2019Abano, Guy de Chauliac, Jean Gerson) but also more\nrefined sources (the astrologer John of Eschenden, the physicians Ugo Benzi and Velasco de\nTharanta, the theologian Bernardo Basin). Nevertheless, his work tackles many other topics that are more or less consistent with his general argumentation: philosophy, medicine,\ncanon law, theology, magic and especially astrology (since the science of images implies\nastrology), and within these different fields he refers to such ancient or recent authorities as\nAugustine, Isidore of Seville, Albumasar, Gratianus, Guido Bonatti, Nicolas of Lyra, Duns\nScotus, Pierre d\u2019Ailly, John Ganivet and Michael Savonarola.\nLynn Thorndike, in his great History of Magic and Experimental Science, was the first modern scholar to study Torrella\u2019s Opus. He wrote that it put \u201ca cap and climax\u201d to \u201cthe many\ndiscussions of astrological images during the Middle Ages\u201d.15 As noted later by Vittoria\nPerrone Compagni, Torrella also used a hidden source emblematic of the Quattrocento renewal: Marsilio Ficino\u2019s De vita. Although Torrella never mentions Ficino\u2019s name, he copies\nverbatim long sections of the De vita coelitus comparanda.16 Three reasons can explain why he\ndisguised those borrowings. First, it was possibly dangerous to quote such a book in Spain,\nwhere Neoplatonic-magical ideas were not as widespread as in Renaissance Italy (Torrella\ncan actually be seen as the first \u2013 though hidden \u2013 introducer of Ficino\u2019s ideas into Spain).\nSecond, Torrella was eager to set out his book as the first entirely devoted to \u201castrological\nimages\u201d, while the De vita coelitus comparanda actually contains many long chapters dealing\nwith this topic (at the end of his Opus, Torrella tells that some people told him that there was\n259\n\nPages 279:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nanother work dealing with this topic written by the Catalan physician Felipe de Soldevila,\nbut he asserts that he could not find any copy of it).17 Third, the habit of making mention\nonly of texts written by dead authors (he also alludes to the fifteenth-century Italian astrologer Giovan Battista Abioso without giving his name). Nevertheless, Torrella does not\nborrow the more innovative parts of De vita coelitus comparanda, where Ficino elaborates his\ntheory on images with Neoplatonic and \u201cspiritual\u201d concepts; he copies those sections that\nfit within the peripatetic\u2013scholastic framework.\nInterestingly enough, Torrella generally refers to several contemporaries not as writers but\nas witnesses of magical operations who give their opinions orally. They are usually located\nin Italy: Giovanni Marliani, Girolamo Manfredi, Giovanni and Alessandro Sermoneta, Pier\nLeoni da Spoleto, Filippo Barbieri or the Valencian Bartolomeo Gerp. Some of them, such as\nLlu\u00eds Mercader i Escolano or the physician Juan de Bonia, were living in Spain.18 \u00adA lessandro\nSermoneta had told that he had cured his father Giovanni from strong kidney and colon\naches with a seal of Leo. Pier Leoni da Spoleto also witnessed such cures several times. A\nVenetian physician related how the astrologer and physician Giovanni Marliani was released\nfrom his fear for thunder by using a seal of Leo (Ficino had told the same story in his De vita).\n\u00adBartholomaeo Gerp was said to have been cured of gout in Rome in 1474 thanks to a seal of\nPisces and he himself also told how he made use of this seal in order to cure one of his friends.\nTorrella also mentions the Spaniard Alfonso Ivarrondo, one of those close to Queen Joan of\nNaples, who told how he had seen, near Naples, astrological figures whose noses were bleeding and in the royal palace of Valencia other figures able to cure some diseases.\nThe two main authorities to whom Torrella refers are Albert the Great and Thomas\nAquinas. The opposition between \u201cThomists\u201d, or \u201cthose who follow Thomas Aquinas\u2019s\nopinion\u201d, and \u201cAlbertists\u201d, or those who follow Albert the Great and the astrologers, is the\nstructuring line of the whole treatise (this opposition can also be found in Ficino\u2019s De vita\ncoelitus comparanda). \u201cThomists\u201d is the name given to the opponents, since, as Torrella points\nout in the Prohemium, Thomas \u201casserts that there are no healing powers in these images,\nand that they are nothing but superstitions\u201d. On the other hand, \u201cAlbertists\u201d support the\n\u201castrological images\u201d as licit.\nTorrella is sometimes unsure of Thomas Aquinas\u2019s position. The first reason is Thomas\u2019s alleged \u201cconcession\u201d in the final lines of chapter 105 of the third book of Summa contra\ngentiles. The second reason lies in the fact that Torrella, just like Ficino, believed that De\nfato \u2013 a book in which there is a positive allusion to \u201castrological images\u201d \u2013 was written by\nThomas, whereas we know now that it has to be attributed to Albert the Great. The third\nand last reason is another spurious work, De esse et essentiis tum realibus tum intentionalibus,\nwrongly ascribed to Thomas Aquinas, in which the author approves the images described\nin the book of Abel, by which he successfully operated: he used a talisman against the\npassage of horses that used to awake him every morning. Nevertheless, Torrella does not\nfinally think that Thomas Aquinas is the real author of such a book, but ascribes it to another \u201cThomas\u201d.\nAnd lastly, Torrella is able to set out an exact summary of Doctor Angelicus\u2019s position:\nThere is, indeed, the opinion of Thomas Aquinas according to which in the images\nartificially and astrologically made, there cannot be any power caused by the celestial influence and able to cure the diseases or prevent them. On the contrary, the\nefficacy of such images has to be reduced to some evil spirit who interferes in the\nmaking of images of this kind. This is the reason why he asserts that carrying and\nmaking such images is superstitious. He actually does not believe that the figure of a\n260\n\nPages 280:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nlion made on gold could be, owing to the likeness with the celestial Leo, a cause for\nthe introduction of the celestial quality by the celestial Leo. In such a case, indeed,\nthe celestial Leo, owing to this likeness, would choose to introduce the aforesaid\nquality into the artificial lion, and hence he would operate through a choice, and\nthus it would seem to act by itself; and this is a great difficulty. A figure cannot be the\nprinciple for any purely corporeal action either, and consequently it cannot arrange\n(disponere) gold in such a way that it can receive such a quality, since arranging is acting. Although, according to the opinion of several experienced men, a figure seems\nto have an active power with regard to intellect and senses, it has none with regard\nto gold, since such an action with regard to gold is purely material and corporeal,\nand figure cannot carry out such an action.19\nIn other words, as Torrella correctly states, in Thomas Aquinas\u2019s view, if an artificial \u201castrological image\u201d acquires some power, this comes from an \u201caddressative\u201d process that implies\nthe actions of demons.\nThe Albertist position is based on the Speculum astronomiae, which is attributed by Torrella\nto Albert the Great, and also on other authentic works by him. The analysis is intricate, but\nfinally Torrella succeeds in defining the frame for this orthodox pro-talismanic position:\nSome people who follow the opinion of the astrologers thought that by reasoning, the\nopinion of Albert the Great and the astrologers could be supported with the following\nchange: in the images made in a purely astrological way, there can be a power curative\nor preservative from diseases, a power given to them by a celestial constellation [\u2026].\nIt should also be pointed out that the aforesaid image has been made by none of the\nillicit means described above, such as observations of the twenty-eight lunar mansions,\nlights, sacrifices, fumigations, worship, supplications, invocations, characters or nigromantical figures, but that it has been made at the hour when the Sun was in Leo and at\n\u00adMidheaven and so on, as set out above. Thus, Albert believes that such an object made\naccording to a certain figure acquires the power to cure a disease or to prevent from it,\nthanks to a defined figure of the heavens or constellation, and that there is no explicit\nor implicit pact in the making of a purely \u201castrological image\u201d. On the other hand, in\nthe other images Albert would grant that there is a tacit or implicit pact with the evil\nspirit, because of the characters and other processes mentioned earlier. Therefore Albert\nwould think that a Christian must avoid this kind of image \u2013 those who have been made\nwith such observations and \u00adcharacters \u2013 and not the purely \u201castrological images\u201d. And\nthose who followed Albert\u2019s opinion, when I was living in Italy, thought that if someone\nasserts that there is an implicit pact with the evil spirit in such a purely \u201castrological image\u201d, as some professors who contemplate the sacred theology think, this stems rather\nfrom their free opinion and from their zealous faith than from the authorities in Sacred\nScriptures themselves.20\nThus, the \u201cAlbertist\u201d position can be defined as supporting a purely \u201castrological image\u201d, that\n(as the Magister Speculi had it) is a non-addressative talisman whose power comes only from\nthe natural power of the stars and not from a pseudo-divine or a demonic cause. But moreover\nanother restrictive condition is added: these talismans or seals have only a corporeal power\n(they cannot act upon the soul even through indirect means, by a corporeal \u201cinclination\u201d).\nFurthermore, their effect does not exceed what Nature itself can achieve. Finally, the only licit\n\u201castrological images\u201d are those whose power are therapeutic (curative and preventive).\n261\n\nPages 281:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nTorrella himself never says explicitly that he agrees with the \u201cAlbertist\u201d position, but repeatedly writes that the issue must be decided by the theologians. This very careful attitude stems\nclearly from his fear of trouble with the Church, since, as he writes, Albert\u2019s position is not completely sure \u201cbecause it comes close to\u201d nigromancy. Ficino in his De vita coelitus comparanda had\nclaimed that he did not approve but was rather only relating (\u201cnon tam probo quam narrow\u201d),\nand he had finally asserted that he would rather use astrological medicine, for example a compound made under a specified astrological chart, than \u201castrological images\u201d \u2013 a very hypocritical assertion. Torrella follows Ficino\u2019s path, and he repeats this remark whose purpose is to\nprotect him against trouble with the Church. The Spain ruled by the Catholic Monarchs was\ncertainly even more circumspect towards magical doctrines than Italy. Nevertheless, \u00adTorrella\u2019s\nposition is obviously an \u201cAlbertist\u201d one, as testified by the structure of his treatise: a third\npart devoted to a deep analysis of doctrines in favour of \u201castrological images\u201d and the fourth\npart which is an answer to the objections of the second part. Two opposing requirements tore\n\u00adTorrella in half. On the one hand, he wanted his treatise to seem useful to King Fern\u00e1ndo, who\nwas suffering from the kidney stone \u2013 the Opus deals especially with the astrological seal of Leo,\nwhich was known as efficient against kidney aches; Torrella\u2019s main purpose was probably to\nseek a position as a royal physician. But on the other hand, he had to be cautious of the Church\nauthorities and thus could not appear too openly as a supporter of such images.\nFacing some difficult issues\nIt is impossible to run through all the topics and speculations contained in this very dense and\nrich treatise. Although Torrella assumes that his Opus is a compilation, some arguments seem\nquite original, at least in their elaboration. We can put forward a few examples.\nTorrella goes into the \u201cAlbertist\u201d explanation in depth and gives a very detailed account\nof a model which, at the same time, aims at removing every trace of \u201caddressativity\u201d in\nthe figure, and intends to preserve a real function for the figure. As Ficino had suggested,\nTorrella elaborates from the pseudo-concession of the Summa contra Gentiles. The figure is\nnot useful as a figure, but insofar as it implies a peculiar arrangement of matter so that it\nwill receive a peculiar influence from the stars. Torrella makes great use of the logical tools\nof scholasticism:\nTherefore the healing does not stem from the figure as a figure, but from the gold\nwhich has received the accidental specific form of Lion as a principle quo [an instrumental principle, a principle by which the agent acts], and from the substantial\nform of gold not absolutely but shaped by this figure under a certain constellation\nof the orbs as principle per quod [a principle through which the agent acts], and\nfrom the figure, not as a figure, but insofar as it is as such and has been made in\nsuch a way, as a principle sine quo non [necessary principle], and from the quality of\na peculiar property newly introduced by the heavens, as an instrumental principle\nor principle quo, while the action and passion of the parts of gold are cooperating in\nthe moment when this gold is melted down and cast into a figure put in a mould by\nthe goldsmith, so that such a figure may be received in the cast gold.21\nIn his investigation of the naturalistic explanation for \u201castrological images\u201d, Torrella comes\nvery close to a pattern elaborated by the philosopher Galeotto Marzio da Narni, although he\nprobably did not read him. In De doctrina promiscua (1489\u201390), Marzio gave the most achieved\n262\n\nPages 282:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nnaturalistic explanation of the \u201castrological image\u201d within a peripatetic framework. His pattern was able to fulfil both aforesaid requirements: saving the usefulness of a peculiar figure\nand putting forward a \u201cnon-addressative\u201d explanation at the same time. The figure loses any\n\u201caddressative\u201d sign, since it is reduced to an arrangement of quantities: density of matter\nand spatial distribution of volumes. It is analogous to a three-dimensional barcode that is automatically detected by a barcode reader. Natural agents (without any sense or Intelligence)\nare able to detect the difference in matter implied by such or such figure. The peculiarity of\nthe figure is saved: a figure of a dog and a figure of a lion cause two different arrangements\nof the matter (a lion has a mane, whereas a dog has not; hence, there will be a hole in matter\naround the lion\u2019s head and such a hole will not appear around the dog\u2019s head).22\nMoreover, taking his inspiration from discussions about the Eucharist and also from a\nsection of William of Auvergne\u2019s De legibus, Torrella dedicates a long section to the question\nconcerning the presence of the quality in the seal of Leo. He faces three questions dealing\nwith this intricate issue.\nArgument 35 \u2013 We have to determine if this quality extant in the figure of the\nlion is produced by the Sun and Leo and other stars in a divisible way according\nto different parts (divisibiliter et partibiliter) or entirely at the same time (tota insimul).\nMoreover, we must observe if this quality is divisible according to the division of\nthe lion or if it is entirely in the whole lion and not this part [of the quality] in this\npart [of the lion].\nArgument 36 \u2013 One has also to consider if, once a degree of the aforesaid celestial quality has been destroyed, the whole celestial quality ceases in the whole lion\nor in a part of the whole lion, or if it is not entirely annihilated.\nArgument 37 \u2013 It is asked if, once some part of the lion has been destroyed, the\nwhole power which was extant in the whole lion is entirely destroyed or if a part of\nit remains.23\nThe analysis of these problems leads to a very long and complex examination of two different models. The argumentation is complicated especially as Torrella brings together and\nsuperimposes two different logical distinctions, the first between categorematice (the word \u201ctotum\u201d, whole, is understood as such, and not as a logical function) and syncategorematice (by\nwhich the word \u201ctotum\u201d means nothing by itself but acquires a logical function when it is\njoined with other words) and the second between totum integrale (for example, \u201cunderpinning\u201d\nplus \u201cwalls\u201d plus \u201croof \u201d are equal to the totum \u201chouse\u201d) and totum universale (for example,\n\u201cman\u201d, \u201chorse\u201d, \u201ccat\u201d and so on are in the totum \u201canimal\u201d). Torrella probably wrote this long\nand sophisticated section in order to impress his royal reader.\nTorrella also confronts its model with risky logical and philosophical challenges. Thus,\nhe asks if an \u201castrological image\u201d can bring good fortune. As Duns Scot put it, good fortune\nis \u201csome quality caused by a constellation of celestial bodies in the sensitive appetite, that\nmoves it to do something from which some good thing follows, while it knows neither the\naim nor the reason of such a movement\u201d.24 This doctrine is framed by the theory of free\nwill: this quality obviously has the power of inclining a man to choose this or that, not the\npower of constraining him from such a choice. However, if we admit that an \u201castrological\nimage\u201d can receive a quality from astral influence, are we not compelled to concede that\nan \u201castrological image\u201d can be endowed with the quality or power to incline somebody\nto make good choices, hence the quality of bringing fortune? Torrella writes that this was\n263\n\nPages 283:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\nthe opinion of his revered master Pier Leoni da Spoleto, but he feels actually discomforted\nby such a hypothesis, since he wants to constrain the field of \u201castrological images\u201d only to\nmedical and corporeal goals. Therefore, he writes cautiously:\nSome people would admit that good fortune is a quality caused into us by the powers of the superior celestial bodies and so on, but that a quality imprinted in gold by\nthe celestial bodies is a cause for good fortune, I doubt.25\nThe development of \u201castrological images\u201d\nThough it was not very well known, the work of Torrella is of great importance in the history\nof the notion of \u201castrological images\u201d. But many mentions and uses of \u201castrological images\u201d\nand even intellectual elaboration about them can be found in the sixteenth century. Even such a\nphilosopher as Pietro Pomponazzi elaborates a neo-Aristotelian and astrological explanation of\nsuch a concept. Montaigne alludes to a small golden coin in which some celestial figures were\nengraved against sunburn and headache (probably a seal of Aries); he explains this efficacy\nby the power of imagination. Astrological medals made according to the pattern of pseudo-\u00ad\nArnald of Villanova\u2019s De sigillis are still extant \u2013 they bear characters and inscriptions that do\nnot fit with the original definition by the Magister Speculi. The magician-philosopher Agrippa\nof Nettesheim writes about different kinds of astrological talismans, but with an approach\nthat subverted the criterion of \u201caddressativity\u201d. Lapidaries such as those of Camillo \u00adLeonardi\n(1502), Petrus Constantius Albinius de \u00adVillanova or \u00adFranciscus Rueus also make room for astrological seals and display a knowledge of the \u00adMagister Speculi\u2019s concept of \u201castrological\nimages\u201d. Giambattista Della Porta in the first edition of De magia naturali (1558) also deals with\nastrological engravings of stones. Modern scholars still do not agree about the interpretation\nof the frescoes of the so-called \u201cSalone dei Mesi\u201d of the Palazzo Schifanoia in Florence (1469\u2013\n70): are they a painted talisman just like the \u201c\u00adfigura universi\u201d described later in Ficino\u2019s De vita\ncoelitus comparanda? On the other hand, \u00adTommaso Campanella, following Ficino\u2019s direction, was\nalso a supporter of \u201castrological images\u201d.26\nTorrella\u2019s Opus gives fundamental evidence of the medieval and early Renaissance debates around astrological talismans or astral magic and sheds light on the status of natural\nmagic in a new context in which persistent scholastic thought was faced with new trends\nsuch as Neoplatonism. It therefore offers important clues for further research concerning\nthe inheritance and metamorphosis of the concept of \u201castrological images\u201d in late Renaissance times and modern esotericism, but also concerning the connection between learned\nmedicine and magical empirica (empirical processes). Moreover, Torrella\u2019s testimony, as one\nof the first introducers of Ficino\u2019s thought in Spain (although clandestinely), invites new inquiries concerning the influence of the philosophical theory of magic of Renaissance Italy\non Spain ruled by the most Catholic Kings.\nNotes\n1 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York: Columbia Press,\n1923\u201358): 574\u201385; Vittoria Perrone Compagni, \u201cLe immagini del medico Gerolama Torrella,\u201d\nAnnali dell\u2019Instituto di Filosofia dell\u2019Universit\u00e0 di Firenze, Facolt\u00e0 di Lettere e Filosofia 1 (1979): 17\u201345; Jon\nArrizabalaga, \u201cMedicina universitaria y morbus gallicus en la Italiade finales del siglo xv: El a\u00ad rquiatra\npontificio Gapar Torrella (c. 1452\u2013c. 1520),\u201d Asclepio, 40 (1988): 3\u201338; Jon Arrizabalaga, Luis\nGarc\u00eda Ballester and Fernando Salm\u00f3n, \u201cA prop\u00f3sito de las relaciones intelectuales entre la Corona\n264\n\nPages 284:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nde Arag\u00f3n e Italia (1470\u20131520): los estudiantes de medicina valencianos en los etudios generales de\nSiena, Pisa, Ferrara y Padua,\u201d Dynamis 9 (1989): 117\u201347.\n2 On \u201castrological images\u201d: Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la \u00adRenaissance.\nSp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques, xiie-xve si\u00e8cle (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002); the following sections stem from this book. See also Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned\nMagic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n2012), 33ff.\n3 On this distinction: Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cLes images corpor\u00e9iformes du Picatrix et la magie astrale\noccidentale,\u201d in Images et Magie. Picatrix entre Orient et Occident, ed. Anna Caiozzo, Jean-Patrice Boudet\nand Nicolas Weill-Parot (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2011), 117\u201336.\n4 See notably: David Pingree, \u201cThe S\u0101bians of Harr\u0101n and the Classical Tradition,\u201d International\nJournal of the Classical Tradition 9 (2002/2003): 8\u201335. This thesis was recently criticized, for example\nKevin Van Bladel, The Arabic Hermes: From Pagan Sage to Prophet of Science (Oxford: Oxford University\nPress, 2009), 64\u2013114, but other scholars still support this view, for example Anna Caiozzo, Images du\nciel d\u2019Orient au Moyen \u00c2ge. Une histoire du zodiaque et de ses repr\u00e9sentations dans les manuscrits du Proche-Orient\nmusulman (Paris: PUPS, 2003).\n5 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cCausalit\u00e9 astrale et \u2018science des images\u2019 au Moyen \u00c2ge. El\u00e9ments de r\u00e9flexion,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des sciences 52, no. 2 (1999): 207\u201340.\n6 On Arnald of Villanova and the seals: Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrologie, m\u00e9decine et art talismanique\n\u00e0 Montpellier: les sceaux astrologiques pseudo-arnaldiens,\u201d in L\u2019Universit\u00e9 de M\u00e9decine de Montpellier\net son rayonnement (xiiie-xve si\u00e8cles), ed. Daniel Le Bl\u00e9vec, collab. Thomas Granier (\u00adTurnhout: Brepols,\n2004), 157\u201374; Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cMedicina i astrologia en el corpus arnaldi\u00e0,\u201d Dynamis 26 (2006):\n15\u201338.\n7 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cLa rationalit\u00e9 m\u00e9dicale \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9preuve de la peste: m\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie\n(1348\u20131500),\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 46 (2004): 73\u201388.\n8 See my chapter on Cecco d\u2019Ascoli and Antonio da Montolmo in this volume.\n9 Vittoria Perrone Compagni, \u201cNatura maga. Il concetto di natura nella discussione rinascimentale sulla magia,\u201d in Natura. XII Colloquio internazionale del Lessico intellettuale europeo, ed. Delfina\n\u00adGiovannozzi and Marco Veneziani (Florence: Olschki, 2008), 243\u201367.\n10 See J\u00e9r\u00f4me Rousse-Lacordaire, Une controverse sur la magie et la kabbale \u00e0 la Renaissance (Gen\u00e8ve: Droz,\n2010).\n11 On Ficino and \u201castrological images\u201d, see notably Brian P. Copenhaver, \u201cScholastic Philosophy\nand Renaissance Magic in the De vita of Marsilio Ficino,\u201d Renaissance Quarterly 37 (1984): 523\u201354;\nNicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cP\u00e9nombre ficinienne: le renouveau de la th\u00e9orie de la magie talismanique et\nses ambigu\u00eft\u00e9s,\u201d in Marsile Ficin ou les myst\u00e8res platoniciens, ed. St\u00e9phane Toussaint (Paris: Les Belles\nLettres, 2002), 71\u201390 (collection: Les Cahiers de l\u2019humanisme, 2); Darrell H. Rutkin, \u201cThe Physics and\nMetaphysics of Talismans (Imagines Astronomicae) in Marsilio Ficino\u2019s De vita libri tres. A Case\nStudy in (Neo)Platonism, Aristotelianism and the Esoteric,\u201d in Platonismus und Esoterik in byzantinischem Mittelalter und italienischer Renaissance, ed. Helmut Seng (Heidelberg: Universita\u0308tsverl. Winter,\n2013), 149\u201374 (Bibliotheca Chaldaica, 3).\n12 Critical edition with presentation and notes: J\u00e9r\u00f4me Torrella (Hieronymus Torrella), Opus praeclarum\nde imaginibus astrologicis, ed. Nicolas Weill-Parot (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2008).\n13 Jon Arrizabalaga, Luis Garc\u00eda-Ballester and Jos\u00e9 Luis Gil-Aristu, \u201cDel manuscrito al primitivo\n\u00adimpreso: La labor editora de Francesc Argilagues (fl. ca. 1470\u20131508) en el Renacimiento italiano,\u201d\nAsclepio 1 (1991): 6. J. Arrizabalaga noticed that several members with the family name \u201c\u00adTorrella\u201d\nwere condemned as \u201cjudaizantes\u201d as shown in the register of the Inquisition of \u00adValencia, \u00adpublished\nby Ricardo Garc\u00eda C\u00e1rcel, Or\u00edgenes de la Inquisici\u00f3n espa\u00f1ola. El tribunal de Valencia, 1478\u20131530\n(\u00adBarcelona: Pen\u00ednsula, 1976), 233\u201337.\n14 \u201cDuo autem querit iuditio nostro. Primum est si talibus imaginibus per optimum astrologum\n\u00adfabricatis inesse possit aliquae virtus curatiua morborum corporis humani, a caelorum influxu\ncausata. Secundum est an sit in huiusmodi imaginum pure astrologicarum fabricatione aliquid\nsuperstitionis, liceatque nobis, bene de lege saluberrima christiana sentientibus, eas facere atque\ndeferre\u201d. Torrella, Opus praeclarum, 77.\n15 Thorndike, History of Magic, IV:574.\n16 Perrone Compagni, \u201cLe immagini\u201d. See also Maike Rotzoll, \u201cOsservazioni sul De jmaginibus astrologicis di Geronimo Torrella,\u201d Rinascimento, 2d ser., 31 (1991): 219\u201337.\n265\n\nPages 285:\nN i c o l a s W e i l l - Pa ro t\n17 The name of this author appears in Symphorien Champier\u2019s De medicine claris scriptoribus\n(\u00adLyons: Janot de Camps, ca. 1506), f. 38r; cf. Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques,\u201d 787\u201389.\n18 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201c\u00bfLa hispanidad de la magia astral? El contra-ejemplo de Jer\u00f3nimo Torrella,\u201d\nLa Cor\u00f3nica 36, no. 1 (2007) (Critical Cluster: Magic in Medieval Spain, ed. A. Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s): 145\u201372.\n19 \u201cEst quippe Aquinatis Thome sententia quod imaginibus artificialiter et astrologice fabricatis minime potest inesse aliqua vis morborum curatiua aut preseruatiua a caelorum influxu causata, imo\nreducendus est effectus a talibus imaginibus causatus in spiritum malignum qui facture huiusmodi\nimaginum se inmiscet. Propter quod superstitiosum esse profitetur huiusmodi imagines \u00adafferre\natque facere. Non enim credit figuram leonis in auro fabricatam propter similitudinem cum \u00adLeone\ncaelesti esse causam inductionis caelestis qualitatis a Leone caelesti. Sic enim Leo caelestis propter similitudinem eligeret qualitatem praefatam in leonem artificiatum inducere, et sic per electionem operaretur, et sic ratione vteretur ex se, quod non paruum esse videtur inconueniens. Figura\netiam nullius actionis pure corporalis potest esse principium et per consequens neque \u00addisponere\naurum ad huiusmodi qualitatis receptionem, quum disponere sit agere. Demum tametsi figura\n\u00adsecundum nonnullorum peritorum virorum sententiam habere videatur vim actiuam respectu intellectus aut sensus, non tamen respectu auri, quum talis actio respectu auri sit mere materialis atque\ncorporalis; quam actionem minime potest atingere.\u201d Torrella, Opus praeclarum, Concl., 244.\n20 \u201c[\u2026] arbitrati sunt aliqui sententiam astrologorum sequentes disertionis causa defendi posse cum\nsequenti modificatione Alberti Magni et astrologorum sententiam quod imaginibus pure astrologice fabricatis inesse potest vis morborum curatiua aut praeseruatiua a caelorum constellatione in\neis causata [\u2026]. Dictam etiam imaginem sciendo non esse factam modo aliquo illicito superius descripto, videlicet obseruando XXVIII Lune mansiones cum luminibus et sacrificiis, fumigationibus,\nadorationibus, supplicationibus, inuocationibus, caracteribus aut figuris nicromanticis, sed in hora\nqua Sol existit in Leone et medio caeli etc., vt superius narratum est, sic enim credit Albertus tale\nfiguratum aliquam vim morbi alicuius curatiuam aut preseruatiuam acquirere a caelorum determinato situ determinataque constellatione, neque esse pactum expressum aut subauditum in editione\nhuiusmodi imaginis pure astrologice. In aliis vero aut tacitum aut subintellectum cum \u00admaligno\nspiritu concederet Albertus propter caracteres et alia paulo ante commemorata. Quare huiusmodi imagines cum talibus obseruantiis aut caracteribus factas a christiano quocumque fugiendas\n\u00adAlbertus consuleret, et non tamen imagines pure astrologicas. Quod si quis dicat in tali imagine\npure astrologica esse pactum subauditum cum spiritu maligno, vt aliqui contemplativi sacre theologie professores existimant, hoc potius voluntarie ac zelo fidei quam ex autoritatibus Sacre Scripture\ndictum esse putabant quidam Alberti opinionem sequentes, dum apud Italiam vitam degeremus.\u201d\nTorrella, Opus praeclarum, 236\u201337.\n21 \u201cEgritudinis ergo renum curatio non a figura inquantum est figura procedit, sed ab auro sub tali\nspecifica forma accidentali leonis existente tanquam principio quo, et a forma substantiali auri\nnon absolute sed vt induta tali figura in determinata orbium constellatione tanquam principio per\nquod, et figura non vt figura sed inquantum est talis taliterque fabricata tanquam principio sine\nquo non, et a qualitate certe proprietatis a caelo nouiter influxa tanquam principio instrumentali\nseu principio quo, concurrente actione et passione partium auri tempore fusionis eius ab igne et\neffusionis ipsius auri in figuram in sipia repositam ab aurifabro, vt talis figura in auro effuso recipiatur.\u201d Torrella, Opus praeclarum, III, 157.\n22 N. Weill-Parot, \u201cL\u2019irr\u00e9ductible \u2018destinativit\u00e9\u2019 des images: les voies de l\u2019explication naturaliste des\ntalismans dans la seconde moiti\u00e9 du xve si\u00e8cle,\u201d in L\u2019Art de la Renaissance entre science et magie, ed.\nPhilippe Morel (Rome and Paris: Acad\u00e9mie de France \u00e0 Rome-Somogy, 2006), 469\u201381.\n23 \u201cRatio 35 \u2013 Item talis qualitas in figurato leone existens est videndum an producatur a Sole et\nLeone et aliis diuisibiliter seu partibiliter, an tota simul. Praeterea est contemplandum an talis\nqualitas sit diuisibilis ad diuisionem leonis, vel sit tota in toto leone et non pars in parte. Ratio 36 \u2013\nEtiam oportet considerare an, destructo vno grado dicte qualitatis caelestis, in toto leone aut in\nparte aliqua totius leonis desinat tota qualitas caelestis vel non tota adnihiletur. Ratio 37 \u2013 Demum\nquaeritur si, destructa parte aliqua leonis, destruatur tota virtus in toto leone existens, an remaneat\naliqua pars eius.\u201d Torrella, Opus praeclarum, II, 111.\n24 \u201cNam quum bona fortuna, secundum Scotum, sit quedam qualitas a corporum caelestium contellatione causata in apetitu sensitiuo mouens ipsum ad aliquid faciendum, ex quo bonum aliquod\nsequitur, nesciendo finem neque talis motus rationem.\u201d Torrella, Opus praeclarum, III, 140. On the\nconcept of \u2018bona fortuna\u2019 and on the importance of the Liber de bona fortuna in the Middle Ages,\n266\n\nPages 286:\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nsee Val\u00e9rie Cordonier, \u201cNoblesse et bon naturel chez les lecteurs du Liber de bona fortuna de Thomas\nd\u2019Aquin \u00e0 Duns Scot: histoire d\u2019un rapprochement,\u201d in La nobilt\u00e0 nel pensiero medievale, ed. A. \u00adPalazzo,\nF. Bonini and A. Colli (Fribourg: Academic Press, 2016), 99\u2013134.\n25 \u201cAliqui vero, bonam fortunam esse qualitatem per vires superiorum corporum caelestium in nobis\ncausatam etc., bene concederent; sed quod qualitas in auro a caelestibus corporibus impressa sit\nbonae fortunae causa, nos dubitamus.\u201d Torrella, Opus praeclarum, III, 140.\n26 See notably Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cLe \u2018immagini astrologiche\u2019,\u201d in Il linguaggio dei cieli. Astri e simboli\nnel Rinascimento, ed. Germana Ernst and Guido Giglioni (Rome: Carocci, 2012), 241\u201354; Donato\nVerardi, \u201cGiovan Battista Della Porta e le immagini astrologiche,\u201d Bruniana & Campanelliana 21,\nno. 1 (2015): 143\u201354.\n267\n\nPages 287:\n20\nPet e r of Ze a l a n d\nJean-Marc Mandosio\nPeter of Zealand is a newcomer in the history of late medieval magic.1 No one seems to\nhave ever read his magnum opus, the \u201cElucidation of Marvelous Things\u201d (Lucidarius de rebus\n\u00admirabilibus), or even noticed its existence, before the twenty-first century. Written in the 1490s,\nthe work is preserved in a single manuscript copied around 1500, which entered at some point\nthe library of the Dukes of Burgundy, now Royal Library of Belgium.2 It was catalogued as a\nmiscellany on medicine and magic by several authors (including Peter of Zealand), though all\nthe texts it contains were actually parts of a comprehensive work, the Lucidarius, whose title\nescaped the attention of the librarians because it is buried in the prologue to the first section.\nIronically, while the Lucidarius lay undiscovered for five centuries, another of Peter\u2019s works, a\nshort untitled treatise on alchemy, circulated rather widely in manuscript form, and was even\nprinted in the seventeenth century in one of the most famous collections of alchemical texts,\nthe Theatrum chemicum \u2013 but the name \u201cPetrus de Zelandia\u201d or \u201cde Zelante\u201d was misspelled\nbeyond recognition as \u201cPetrus de Silento\u201d.3 A third work is mentioned in the Lucidarius itself:\nPeter refers to a pamphlet he wrote \u201cOn the Prolongation of Life and Retardation of Death\u201d\n(libellus de prolongatione vit\u00e6 et retardatione mortis),4 as yet unfound.\nThe sparse autobiographical data contained in the Lucidarius allows us to reconstruct the\nmain stages of the author\u2019s life. Petrus Francho5 was born around 1430 in Zealand (West\nNetherlands). This date can be inferred from the fact that he became master of arts in 1450\nat the University of Cologne. He visited France, Italy and Germany. He probably passed a\ndoctorate in medicine \u2013 even though he is simply called magister in the manuscript (114r) \u2013\nfor he made his career as a physician in connection with the court of Burgundy. He retired,\nprobably around 1490, to the Franciscan monastery of Brill, in South Holland.6 There he\ncomposed his Lucidarius, between 1491 and 1494. He did not live in seclusion, for in 1494\nhe was in Lons-le-Saulnier (Burgundy). He died around 1500, while he was collecting fresh\ndocumentation on natural magic to complement the Lucidarius. After his passing, someone\ngathered his papers and had a copy made of them, which is all we have now.\nSince it had no impact whatsoever, the historical significance of Peter\u2019s work lies in the\nproject itself. He explains in the prologue that his intent is to elucidate \u201cthe marvelous and\nextremely strange things (de rebus mirabilibus et permultum extraneis) which appear clearly before the senses of almost every man\u201d, such as \u201cthe binding of men\u201d through \u201cincantations,\nwords and fascinations, gestures and ways various and nearly innumerable, images and\ncharacters, writings, forms and figures\u201d, all of which, \u201cto the intelligence of the common\npeople, seem impossible and deprived of a sufficient cause\u201d.7 This is borrowed, with slight\nadaptations, from the opening sentence of De mirabilibus mundi, a thirteenth-century anonymous work falsely ascribed to Albert the Great.8 The \u201celucidation\u201d taken on by Peter\n268\n\nPages 288:\nPeter of Zealand\npursues a twofold objective: \u201cto make sure that, for the sake of health and the prolongation\nof life, anyone be able to know how he should govern himself, and also how to obviate in no\nsmall part the evil arts\u201d.9\nThese two goals are linked by the assumption that, to be able to resist spells, one has to\nmaster the features of human physiology, in order to \u201cgovern himself\u201d in the most effective\nway. Given his medical training, Peter is prone to consider that a healthy soul in a healthy\nbody is the best defense against any attempt by a wizard or spirit to manipulate a person\u2019s\nwill. Accordingly, the Lucidarius begins with a \u201cSummary on the Properties of the Heart\u201d,10\nto which is appended a catalogue of the different types of \u201ccordial and cheering medicines\u201d,11 both loosely based upon Avicenna\u2019s De viribus cordis et medicinis cordialibus, translated by Arnold of Villanova in 1306.12 Peter expounds the standard pneumatic theory,\naccording to which the passions of the soul are largely shaped by the \u201cspirits\u201d generated\nin the heart and carried by blood throughout the body. In the brain, the \u201cvital spirits\u201d are\ntransformed into \u201canimal spirits\u201d that are, as it were, the fuel of the imaginative faculty; as\n\u201cimaginative spirits\u201d (spiritus imaginarii), they translate the perceptions, internal condition\nand \u201caccidents\u201d of the body into feelings \u2013 joy, sadness, anger and the like. The more these\nspirits, which produce representations in the mind, are weakened or altered, the more a\nperson is suggestible and may be easily manipulated. Hence, the \u201ccordial medicines\u201d enumerated by Peter are designed to strengthen the heart and, consequently, the spirits. Those\nmedicines are divided into ten types, of which nine are \u201cmaterial\u201d whereas the tenth, of a\n\u201ccelestial\u201d nature, is the alchemical quintessence, whose wondrous effect is to prevent major\ndiseases and prolong life (15v\u201316v, 89r\u2013v).\nThe introductory chapters on physiology are followed by a lengthy \u201cSummary on\nRays\u201d.13 This reproduces in full the Latin translation of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s De radiis.14 The combination is clever. In al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s system, the rays emanating from the \u201ccelestial harmony\u201d\nimpregnate sublunar bodies and determine their properties; the sublunar bodies become\nin turn capable of emitting rays, whose power depends on the strength of the constellations\nand planets that radiated upon them at the time of their birth. In the case of humans, this\nexplains why some are more persuasive and more able than others to change external reality according to their will. In addition to this native power, imagination and desire are\nessential ingredients of success, and the capacity of strong-minded persons to concentrate\non their goal is directly linked with the strengthening of \u201canimal spirits\u201d, dealt with in the\nCompendium de viribus cordis.\nPeter accepts without reticence \u201cthe opinion of al-Kind\u00ee, a most excellent man in\neverything marvelous\u201d.15 He is aware, of course, that De radiis has been condemned, notably in the De erroribus philosophorum ascribed to Giles of Rome, as an abominable work\nteaching astral determinism and promoting pagan sacrifices.16 He counter-attacks by adding to al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s text several glosses meant to demonstrate that the theory it expounds is\nin accordance with \u201cthe opinions of the learned and the authorities of the saints\u201d.17 To do\nso, he draws upon the Book of Genesis, Proverbs and Jerome\u2019s \u201cpreface to the Bible\u201d.18\nThese references deal for the most part with the \u201chidden power\u201d of words, one of the salient\ntopics in De radiis. Peter also adduces (40v) the story of Jacob\u2019s sheep told in Genesis 30, in\norder to confirm al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s statement about the power of artificial figures to radiate upon\nthings and people and transform them. Another reference to Jerome corroborates it: in his\ncommentary on this biblical episode,19 the Father of the Church mentioned the anecdote of\nthe white woman who gave birth to a black son because she had stared at the picture of an\nEthiopian while the child was being conceived; according to Peter, this demonstrates that,\n269\n\nPages 289:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nwhen Jacob produced \u201ccattle ringstraked, speckled and spotted\u201d by making \u201cthe flock conceive before the rods\u201d prepared to this effect (Genesis 30: 37\u201339), his \u201cskill and ingenuity\u201d\nmade \u201cthe nature of the sky work together with art\u201d.20 In other words, the artificial image\n(the striped rods) was displayed by Jacob at a favourable time, according to the horoscope of\nthe conception of the sheep, so as to imprint the form of the rods on them \u2013 a feat of natural\nmagic that would have been impossible without a perfect knowledge of astrology. Thus, the\nstory recounted in Holy Scripture is fully explained by al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s theory of the emanations\nof the \u201ccelestial harmony\u201d. I know of no other medieval author who not only approved\nDe radiis openly but also reproduced it in its entirety and even tried to persuade his readers\nthat the orthodoxy of the work was guaranteed by sacred authorities.\nPeter also draws an interesting parallel between De radiis and Picatrix. Al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s treatise,\njust like the Lucidarius itself that incorporates it, deals only with the theoretical foundations\nof magic \u2013 hence its alternate title, Theorica artium magicarum. Thus, neither al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s nor\nPeter\u2019s works may be used to learn how to perform this art. Now, according to Peter, Picatrix is based on the same conceptions as De radiis (47r), but it is half-theoretical and half-\u00ad\npractical: as a handbook, it gives detailed descriptions of magical recipes, incantations and\nceremonies, which would make it very \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 275 to page 289 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437,438\nnecks in their daily lives to late medieval paintings \u2013 including portraits of the child Jesus.84\nAmulets ( philacteria, ligamenta85) and talismans (imagines, praestigia86) are usually used as\nworking terms for more or less sophisticated objects hung or worn to expel evil influences.\nAlthough of course many amulets acquire their powers during the process of their preparation, a working distinction between both terms is plausible, taking into account the words\nby Gervasius of Tilbury quoted above: amulets would be natural objects with a virtus intrinseca, while talismans acquire a virtus extrinseca as they are inscribed with figures or characters\nand often consecrated with some kind of ritual. These rituals led late medieval theologians\nto consider talismans the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima).87 Also the use of ancient\ngems as apotropaic objects should be considered:88 as the meaning of their iconography\n418\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nIn a prologue accompanying the Latin translation of a classic text on magic, Th\u0101bit ibn\n\u00adQurra\u2019s On Talismans, we are told that the translator, having thoroughly studied the courses\nof the planets and other parts of the science of the stars, went to search in parts of Spain inhabited by wild races (Hispanae partes\u2026gentes inter efferas) for something that he felt he lacked. A\n\u201cmagister\u201d had pity on him, and took down from his bookshelf a small volume written in Arabic. He told the poor man that mastery of the science of the stars was by no means adequate.\nThe scholar who knew the whole construction of the heavens (totius caeli machina) was as far\nfrom true knowledge as someone who had never tasted anything of it. His people (the Arabs),\nhowever, had subtly considered the nature and significance of the planets, both for good and\nfor evil, and had summarized their knowledge in a book called \u201cOn talismans\u201d. Having been]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=175\nPages: 175\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174\nrenders the Liber planetarum ex Scientia Abel into Latin,17 Herman refers to Iorma the Babylonian and Toz the Ionian as \u2018operators of talismans\u2019, thelesmatici\u201d.18 Other translators such\nas John of Seville and Daniel of Morley concurred, affirming talismanic magic as a science.\nThe problem with this approach to talismans was an ethical one, which put good Christians\nin a difficult position. Ultimately, magic was excluded from the philosophical curriculum\nnot for its content, because this was recognized to be ultimately founded on astrology, but\nfor its potential to be used for evil; indeed, it was described as the magistra omnis iniquitatis\n(the mistress of every iniquity). In Michael Scot, for example, the attitude to magic was\nsuspended between scientific recognition and religious condemnation.19 This ambivalent\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=275\nPages: 275\novercome: man has not the demiurgic power to create new substantial forms. The answer\nconsists in putting the action of the craftsman within the causal connection between the\nstars and the seal. By choosing the appropriate astrological moment when such required\ninfluence is given by the stars, the craftsman makes himself an instrument of the stars and\nnature. Hence, the gap between art and nature is filled. 5\nOn the opposite side, Thomas Aquinas, in several works, firmly rejects the concept of the\n\u201castrological image\u201d. In his view, every kind of talisman derives its efficacy from demons.\nAll talismans are \u201caddressative\u201d, including the \u201cso-called astrological images\u201d: the only difference between these latter and the other nigromantical images is that their \u201caddressativity\u201d is implicit whereas that of nigromantical images is explicit. Thomas Aquinas\u2019s position]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nare utilized.16 This division is most sharply made in the Speculum astronomiae of the\nmid-thirteenth century, in which the former are called \u201cnecromanticae\u201d, while the latter \u201cimagines astronomicae\u201d. But it is already present in much earlier texts. Th \u0101bit\nibn Qurra\u2019s On Talismans survives in two versions. The first, translated by Adelard\nof Bath, as we have seen, includes prayers to the spirits and suffumigations, and was\nprobably already a composite text in the original Arabic. The second partially survives\nin a \u00adJudaeo-Arabic version, and in the Latin translation of John of Seville and Limia,\nand concentrates solely on the natural forces of the planets and stars that can be used\nto make the talisman effective. In an anonymous division of sciences known from its\nincipit as \u201cUt testatur Ergaphalau\u201d, talismanic science (scientia ymaginaria) is divided\ninto pura and exorcismalis: \u201cpure\u201d is that which teaches talismans to be made without]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nspirit allows one to see, the auditory spirit allows one to hear), and the n\u012branj\u0101t that follow the\none quoted here operate through being smelt and tasted by the victim; the wild animals have\nto eat the n\u012branj, the girl has to smell the n\u012branj. What n\u012branj\u0101t do not involve is any astrological\ninput. Spiritual forces coming from the heavens are completely lacking. The prayers are not\nto celestial spirits, but to the spirits of the animals, or of the woman whose love is sought. The\nmagician\u2019s spirit has the power to draw and bind.\nThe characterizing of talismans as bodies into which spirits have been drawn would\nseem to be questionable in the light of another tradition that divides talismans into two\nkinds, those in which spirits are addressed, and those in which natural forces alone\nare utilized.16 This division is most sharply made in the Speculum astronomiae of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nArabic, but known in Latin as De physicis ligaturis.22 This short text explains how doctors use\nmagical remedies, especially amulets suspended from the body (ligaturae), as a kind of placebo: if the patient trusts the doctor sufficiently, he or she will be persuaded that the remedy\nwill be effective.23\nIt is not until the early twelfth century that we see evidence of the transmission of learned\nmagic as an elevated body of knowledge. The first example is that of Adelard of Bath,\nmentioned above. His translation of Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra\u2019s Book on Talismans (Liber prestigiorum\nThebidis) is a composite work (evidently reflecting the state of his original Arabic text), including prayers to the spirits of the planets, and suffumigations to activate the talismans,\nand quotations from Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Centiloquium and the commentary on it by A \u1e25 mad\nibn Y\u016b suf (tenth-century Cairo), and references to Pseudo-Ptolemy on the talismans of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nfor evil, and had summarized their knowledge in a book called \u201cOn talismans\u201d. Having been\nassured by the master that it was legitimate to practice the art described in this book, as long\nas it was used for a good end, the now satisfied wandering scholar translated it into Latin.1\nWhether this prologue is genuine or not,2 it shows the main elements of the position of\nArabic magic in the West:\n1.\n2.\n3.\nThat this kind of magic is the culmination of the study of the rest of the arts and\nsciences, and in particular, follows that of the astral sciences.\nThat knowledge of such magic is to be sought in Islamic realms.\nAnd that this knowledge is contained in books.\nIn this article, I shall trace, in turn, the rise of the idea that knowledge of magic is the\nculmination of human endeavour, the search for Arabic texts to provide the material for\nthis knowledge, and the transmission of this knowledge through books. The focus will be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=198\nPages: 198\nThe Speculum astronomie attributed to Albertus Magnus illustrates plainly the rational\npreoccupation to list works covering \u201castral science\u201d and to identify the works that were\nsuspected of employing demonic intervention.57 The author justifies the \u201cnaturalness\u201d of\ntalismans by arguing that the power that acts through them is a natural virtue used by man.\nHe succeeds in rendering the science of talismans compatible with Aristotelian science and\nChristian rational theology, by referring to the theory of the hierarchy of causes and subtracting phenomena from the devil, while preserving free will. 58\nThe animation of mixed bodies must be limited to recognizing or stimulating in them\nthe action of their specific virtue, as in encyclopaedic pharmacopoeias or lapidaries, and\nnot, in addition, employing the calling up of demons by invocations and inscriptions.\nWithin the broad field of scholastic natural philosophy, this limit marks the boundary of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=438\nPages: 438\nNew historiographical streams are now focusing on the power of images and the efficacy of\napotropaic objects,95 agency being the fashionable term after the late anthropologist Alfred\nGell.96 Also, sophisticated uses of art as an apotropaic device and the notion of art itself as\nprophylaxis have recently been the subject of scholarly attention.97\nAmulets and talismans were not only hung or worn on hats and dresses to invoke power\nfor healing from sickness, protection against harm, malediction of adversaries and success\nin a variety of affairs, but were also placed on walls and close to doors to keep demons\naway.98 With a similar prophylactic intention, the liminal spaces of Romanesque churches\nare decorated with a myriad of apotropaic figures, where Christian images coexist with\nothers of presumably pagan origin, as it is the case of sculptures of women exposing her]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273,274\ncategory of talismans.2 The general term \u201ctalisman\u201d can be applied to every artificial object\n(hence bearing a certain form or figure such as a seal or a figurine) endowed with a magical\npower. Within this comprehensive definition, a subcategory has to be singled out: the \u201castrological talisman\u201d, namely a talisman in the making of which astrology plays a certain role;\nits figure represents a star or a constellation or it was made at a certain astrological moment.\nTwo different kinds of astrological talisman should be distinguished: on the one hand, a\n\u201csource-figured talisman\u201d, whose figure represents the alleged main source of its power, that\nis a planet, a star or a constellation (for example, a seal of Leo represents the zodiacal sign of\nLeo); on the other hand, a \u201ctarget-figured talisman\u201d, whose figure represents the goal of the\n254\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136,135\n\u00adoriented anthology of geomantic divination (methods of answering everyday questions with\nthe help of a partially random, partially algorithmic procedure). The number of multicoloured full page charts, point diagrams, squares and combinatorial wheel systems helping\nthe user follow the divinatory practices is also exceptional. Besides divination, talismanic\nmagic is the other main focus of the handbook, including the famous talismans of the seven\nmagic squares (also appearing in Agrippa, Cardano and even on D\u00fcrer\u2019s engraving, the\n116\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\n\u201cMelancolia I\u201d), the practices of which involved suffumigations and other ritual magic elements. Besides that, the codex comprises such \u201cclassics\u201d as Thebit ibn Qurra\u2019s popular De\nimaginibus (On talismans), Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Opus imaginum, similar in nature to the previous\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29\n\u00adAshgate, 1996).\n9 Charles Burnett, \u201cTalismans: Magic as Science? Necromancy among the Seven Liberal Arts,\u201d in\nBurnett, Magic and Divination, 1\u201315.\n10 On magic at court, see the chapter by Jean-Patrice Boudet. On vernacularization, see the chapter\nby Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt.\n11 See Edward Peters\u2019s pioneering, The Magician, the Witch and the Law (Philadelphia: University of\nPennsylvania Press, 1978), 63\u2013108. For more recent studies of magic and canon law, see \u00adPatrick\nHersperger, Kirche, Magie und \u201cAberglaube\u201d. Superstitio in der Kanonistik des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts\n(\u00adCologne: B\u00f6hlau, 2010); Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford\nUniversity Press, 2006), 113\u201334.\n12 See David J. Collins\u2019 chapter in this volume; Alain Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers: une consultation de\nJean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Rome: Ecole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2003); Alain Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\npassage can be identified in an Arabic work belonging to the talismanic Pseudo-Aristotelian\nHermetica (works purporting to be the wisdom of Hermes taught by Aristotle to his royal pupil, Alexander the Great).35 Hermann says that such a spirit is called a \u201cprivatus\u201d (a familiar\nspirit) or \u201csocrates\u201d (since Socrates was known to have had a familiar spirit). He mentions the\ntalisman-makers (telesmatici), Iorma Babilonius and Tuz Ionicus,36 as summoning spirits by\nartifice or prayer, in order to bring about a certain effect, which is reminiscent of the method\nin Adelard\u2019s Liber prestigiorum.\nWith the focusing of the Arabic\u2013Latin translation movement on Toledo after the middle\nof the twelfth century, we come to the first example of translations of texts of \u201cnatural talismans\u201d: John of Seville\u2019s translation of Th\u0101bit\u2019s On Talismans (whose preface was quoted at\nthe beginning of this article) and (presumably) the same translator\u2019s book on the talismans]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=321\nPages: 321\nborrowed from written sources. Characters, symbols or anagrams were written on amulets,\non the body or on consumable substances or other objects, so that the technology of writing\nwas deeply integrated into traditional healing.17 The efficaciousness of oral performances and\nritual objects, while doubted or rejected as demonic in some religious and medical circles, was\naccepted on traditional grounds as inherited medical or religious practice, or it was justified\nby various theories regarding natural and supernatural powers.\nEarly theories and scholastic debates\nAmulets and incantations for medical purposes were matters worth serious theoretical discussion in the twelfth century. Translations from Arabic texts enabled this new theoretical turn in\nmedicine and in magic. Qusta ibn Luqa (or Costa ben Luca), a Greek-speaking Christian physician and scientist born in Baalbek (now Lebanon), wrote an essay in Arabic during the ninth]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nibn Y\u016b suf (tenth-century Cairo), and references to Pseudo-Ptolemy on the talismans of the\ndecans, and \u1e6cum\u1e6d um al-Hind \u012b on those of the individual degrees.24 The Centiloquium quotations include the oft-quoted verbum 9, that the images in this world follow those in the higher\nworld, so that the lion and the scorpion on this earth follow the constellations of Leo and\nScorpio. Adelard may also have translated two other texts on the construction of talismans\naccording to the seven planets: the Liber planetarum ex scientia Abel (\u201cThe book of planets from\nthe knowledge of Abel\u201d) and the De imaginibus septem planetarum (\u201cThe talismans of the seven\nplanets\u201d) of Belenus.25\nA more concerted attempt to translate works on magic and divination was made a little\nlater, in Northeast Spain, where Hugo Sanctelliensis, a \u201cmagister\u201d attested in a document from the cathedral in 1145, translated texts for bishop Michael of Tarazona (bishop]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\nthe talisman. The very practice of the talismanic art is a continuation of the late Antique\nart of vivifying statues or theurgy. A Latin text called Mercury of Babylon, i.e. Hermes of\nBaghdad\u2019s Flores super opera artis magice (\u201cAn anthology on the operations of the magical art\u201d)\nincludes a chapter on \u201cThe seven vivifications of each talisman\u201d (De vii vivificationibus cuiuslibet ymaginis).10 The talisman must be made in the appropriate shape: a serpent for binding\nsnakes, a woman for making a woman take off her veil, etc. They can be used against stings\nand bites, and for medical complaints such as gallstones. But, above all, they can be used\nfor having influence over other people, animals or objects, whether to harm them, or make\nthem well-disposed.\nIntense concentration with \u201ccorrect thought\u201d (\u1e0dam\u012br \u1e63a\u1e25\u012b\u1e25, intentio verax) must be brought\nto bear when making the talisman. Above all, the right astrological conditions had to be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,175\nmagic rite with smoke and the burning of incense.25 My final example from this group of\nHermetic magic texts, the De imaginibus et horis, describes the talismans to be fabricated at\ndifferent times of the day, every day of the week.26\nMy second group of Hermetic magic texts on talismans are those attributed to Belenus,\namong which the most popular and well known was the Liber imaginum Lunae. This work\nlists the talismans to be created when the moon is in each of its twenty-eight mansions.\nThe mansions refer to a star or a group of stars in which the moon appears or rests every\nnight during its monthly orbit.27 This composite text includes the De viginti quattuor horis,\nwhich lists the names of each of the twenty-four hours, specifies the classes of bodies that,\nin every single hour, direct their prayers to God, and for each hour indicates the projects\n156\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 290 to page 306 out of a total of 569:\nPages 290:\nPeter of Zealand\na statement may be in itself, its insertion into the theoretical frame of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s theory of\nmagical \u201cradiation\u201d gives it an altogether different meaning.\nOn the disputed issue of witchcraft, Peter asserts that \u201cit is commonly held that old and\nsimple-minded women, haunted by evil spirits, eat and drink with spirits and with their\nfriends and neighbours, in woods and orchards or similar places, and that they ride on a\ncat or a wolf and fly through the air, pass through glass, and do an infinity of impossible\nthings\u201d; the so-called witches are firmly persuaded that all of this really happens, but \u201cthey\nare deluded, for the evil spirit, by disturbing through a disorderly motion their humours\nand spirits, their species and fantasies, raised inside [their minds] things which do not exist\nin the outside world\u201d.30 It is thus clear that for Peter the Witches\u2019 Sabbath is a fiction, a mere\npersuasion produced by \u201cthe evil spirit\u201d. As an imaginary action, the Sabbath is similar to\nthe visions that appear in slumbers or when people are feverish or otherwise troubled, like\nfor instance when they see \u201carmies riding in the skies\u201d with \u201cthe cross of Saint Andrew\u201d, or\n\u201ca crucifix\u201d, or \u201cOur Lady appearing in the sky with Saint John, and an infinity of fantasies\ndepending on the diversity of their imaginative spirits and their species and fantasies,\u201d31\nthat is, according to their temperament and health. All this, says Peter, \u201cis common knowledge among physicians\u201d.32\nAfter the paraphrase of Pietro d\u2019Abano comes a summary of the \u201cSecrets of Albert the\nGreat\u201d,33 i.e. De mirabilibus mundi. Like his contemporaries, Peter believes that this book\npreserves the secret teachings of Albert the Great. True to his focus on theory, he borrows\nexclusively from the first part of the work, in which the author expounds the general conception of sympathies and antipathies as the foundation of natural magic, 34 while the part\nthat enumerates magical \u201cexperiments\u201d is left aside.\nOne of the aspects of De mirabilibus mundi highlighted by Peter is the importance of Plato\nas a primary source. He quotes at length the passages from \u201cPlato\u201d cited by \u201cAlbert\u201d.\nThey are actually derived from the Arabic Pseudo-Platonic Kit\u00e2b al-Naw\u00e2m\u00ees (\u201cBook of\nLaws\u201d), known in Latin under different titles such as Liber aneguemis (translitteration of\nthe Arabic title), Liber regimentis (\u201cBook of the Government\u201d) or Liber vacc\u00e6 (\u201cBook of the\nCow\u201d, because the first \u201cexperiment\u201d described is the artificial production of a cow), 35\nand quoted here as Liber tegumenti (\u201cBook of the Covering\u201d). This variant reading of the\ntitle fits well with Peter\u2019s conception of Plato as a philosopher who concealed elevated\ntruths so as to keep them out of the ignorant\u2019s reach: \u201cAnd therefore occultation should be\nused as much as possible, for he who reveals secret mysteries lessens the divinity, as Plato\nsaid\u201d.36 The two parts of this Pseudo-Platonic work were mentioned in Picatrix as \u201cthe\nGreater and the Lesser Books of Plato\u201d, 37 and it certainly guaranteed their authenticity in\nPeter\u2019s eyes, together with the fact that \u201cAlbert the Great\u201d used them as one of his main\nsources in De mirabilibus mundi. The passages quoted by Peter, who adapts them freely to\nhis purpose, deal with the arts the magus should know in order to understand how the\nsecret sciences work.38\nOnce again, Peter uses a work commonly deemed abominable \u2013 the De mirabilibus mundi\nwas one of the few medieval works that mentioned the Liber aneguemis favourably39 \u2013 as if it\nwere a genuine doctrinal authority. He plays a dangerous game by putting forth such works\nas De radiis, Picatrix or Liber aneguemis and mixing them with legitimate and even sacred\nauthorities. He has no problem either with Pietro d\u2019Abano, who was not an undiscussed\nfigure. In addition, the title of Peter\u2019s Lucidarius is reminiscent of the Elucidarius magic\u00e6 or\nLucidarium artis nigromantic\u00e6, forged in the second half of the fifteenth century under Pietro\nd\u2019Abano\u2019s name,40 even though, as to the contents, the two works have nothing in common.\n271\n\nPages 291:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nThe real Pietro d\u2019Abano wrote a Lucidator dubitabilium astronomi\u00e6, which Peter could also\nhave had in mind when he chose a title for his own work.\nPeter makes his point about the matter of authority in the chapter that follows the\n\u201c\u00adSecrets of Albert\u201d, titled \u201cAgainst Those Who Oppose the Secrets of the Philosophers\u201d.41\nHe explains that many \u201ctheologians and lawyers\u201d stubbornly outlaw these \u201csecrets\u201d out of\nsheer ignorance.42 Now, there are three ways by which truth may be grasped: experience,\nreason, authority. As De mirabilibus mundi makes abundantly clear, \u201cthe major secret arts\u201d,\nbeing occult (coopert\u00e6), \u201care not demonstrated by reason but by experience\u201d.43 The causes\nthat make them true and effective are mostly inaccessible to reason, for \u201cthe effects of many\nmarvelous works are so hidden (latentes) that the human intellect is incapable of comprehending them\u201d, and therefore \u201cone has to rely on experiments\u201d.44 These experimenta are the\ndata and recipes collected by ancient philosophers such as Plato, based upon the powers of\nman, in whom lies \u201cthe efficacy of all things, be they mineral, vegetal, animal or sensible\nbeings, and the power of images, words and sentences\u201d.45 Because of the lack of rational\ndemonstrations, though, \u201cthose who oppose the secrets of the philosophers\u201d deny their validity, and see magical \u201cexperiments\u201d as devilish tricks or outright lies. The recourse to\nauthority is thus mandatory for whoever wishes to convince them, because \u201cagainst deniers\nthere is not much to dispute about\u201d: the only way to silence them is \u201cto defeat them with\ntruthful autorities\u201d.46 Their eagerness to dismiss as well any textual reference that does not\ndisapprove of magic makes it necessary to bring forth the strongest possible authorities that\nno theologian or lawyer could deny. Just as Peter adduced Jerome\u2019s authority in support of\nal-Kind\u00ee, he now calls three theologically legitimate witnesses in defense of the \u201csecrets of\nthe philosophers\u201d.\nThe first one is Thomas Aquinas, whose De esse et essentiis contains a very positive assessment of astrological images (76v\u201378r).47 It is an apocryphal work, written in the fourteenth\ncentury. Peter is well aware that its authenticity was not generally accepted by the scholars\nof his time. The main argument against it is that it contradicts Thomas\u2019s conclusion against\nastrological images in the Summa theologi\u00e6.48 Peter\u2019s reply is that the Summa reflects an earlier\nstage of Thomas\u2019s philosophy, whereas De esse et essentiis, written in the last period of his life,\nstands as his philosophical testament, recording his progression from denial to assent concerning magic and alchemy.49 Peter recounts a personal memory in support of this opinion:\nthe first time he was told of it was in 1450 at the University of Cologne, during the lunch\nwhich followed his promotion as master of arts, \u201cwhen some doctor in theology recited the\nimage experimented by Saint Thomas\u201d.50 The theologian thus acknowledged Thomas as\nthe author of the work, referring to the astrological image described therein, borrowed from\n\u201ca very ancient book written by Abel, son of Adam\u201d: the Liber Abelis de virtutibus planetarum et\nomnibus rerum mundanarum virtutibus. This image was designed to prevent horses from crossing a stream. \u201cIt was the only image I put to the test\u201d, says the Pseudo-Thomas, \u201cand since\nthis experiment succeeded I learned that images are true and can be made.\u201d51 After the\nCologne encounter, Peter continues, the authenticity of De esse et essentiis was confirmed to\nhim \u201cby learned men in France, Italy and Flanders\u201d.52\nThe second witness is Albert the Great. Peter feels that some readers might be sceptical\nabout the De mirabilibus mundi\u2019s authorship, due to its outspoken endorsement of magic; he\nthus turns to the Speculum astronomi\u00e6 as an unquestionably authentic work \u2013 according to\nwhat was then a commonly held belief \u2013 \u201con lawful and unlawful arts\u201d. 53 He enlists, rather\nforcedly, Albert among those who \u201cdefend the art of magic, and especially the sort of astrology which is called natural\u201d,54 because the penultimate chapter of the Speculum55 \u201ctacitly\n272\n\nPages 292:\nPeter of Zealand\nresponds to the arguments of detractors\u201d by stating that every astrological image should not\nnecessarily be considered \u201can exorcism or invocation\u201d. 56 And he recalls, as we saw above,\nthat according to Albert \u201cnigromantic books\u201d should be preserved for a possible future use.\nAll this, Peter concludes, was written by Albert \u201cin recommendation of astronomy and the\nsciences of the secret workings\u201d.57\nThe third witness is the strongest authority of all, for it is none other than \u201cthe friend of\nGod named Moses\u201d, \u201can expert of the stars, who was a great magus\u201d. 58 Peter takes up the\nstory, narrated by Petrus Comestor in his Historia scholastica, of the magical ring wrought by\nMoses to make sure that his Ethiopian wife would forget he ever married her (80v\u201381r).59\nThis is his major asset, since the story comes from the respected twelfth-century handbook\nthrough which theology students all across Europe were initiated into biblical history. He\nsays triumphantly:\nLet the enemies of the secret workings answer me upon that. It reduced to silence\nevery theologian I met, and I never found one who knew what to respond about this\nlast reference, even though, by cavillation, they may invent something in regard to\nsome of the others I mentioned before.60\nIn stark contrast to the unshakable diffidence of many educated men, Peter praises the spontaneous wisdom of common people, who make earthen images \u201cin order to acquire the health\nof the whole body or of one of its parts\u201d and dedicate them \u201cto Saint Anthony or to another\nsaint\u201d; they are led to do so \u201cby a heavenly instinct\u201d that \u201cinclines their imaginative spirit and\nthe force of their imagination to such sacrifices\u201d.61 To Peter, these votive offerings are nothing\nbut a variant form of the sacrifices dealt with by al-Kind\u00ee: though the crowds believe that saints\nor angels intercede to fulfil their wishes, what actually makes these ex-votos work is the \u201ccelestial\nharmony\u201d, whose rays are focused on the prospected outcome by the people\u2019s desire and their\n\u201cimaginative spirits\u201d.62 Popular ingenuousness is opposed by Peter to the hypocrisy of friars (he\nmentions the Franciscan \u201cobservants\u201d), who anathematize astral magic as a pagan cult while\nthey tolerate that such offerings \u201cbe brought into their churches\u201d: why, he asks, do they tacitly\nencourage practices they do not approve of, \u201cif not for the sake of money\u201d?63\nHaving concluded that \u201cscience has no enemy apart from the ignorant\u201d,64 Peter delves\ndeeper into the causes of ignorance with an essay \u201cOn the Hunting of Truth\u201d,65 in which\nhe enumerates the conditions that may help or impede the human intellect \u201cto discern\nthe truth\u201d and understand \u201cthe secrets of Nature, which are astonishing and unknown to\nmost people\u201d, although they were \u201cperceived and known by many of the philosophers who\ncame before us\u201d.66 To grasp this sort of truth, rational learning, as we saw, is not sufficient.\nNevertheless, as \u201cPlato\u201d wrote,67 a thorough knowledge of dialectics, physics, astrology and\nnigromancy is required, for without these sciences one \u201ccannot understand and verify the\nthings which the philosophers wrote down, nor certify the things which appear before the\nsenses of men\u201d. Astrology in particular, which teaches \u201cthe aspects and figures of the stars,\nwhence come the powers and heavenly properties of each [sublunar] thing\u201d, and nigromancy, \u201cby which are manifested the immaterial substances [i.e. spirits] which distribute\nand govern all that is good and bad in [sublunar] things\u201d, are essential to the point.68 But\nimagination remains the key for whoever wants to understand, practise or resist magical\noperations.\nA healthy balance of the imaginative faculty depends upon six factors (84v\u201388v): the quality of air; food and drink; exercise and quiet; sleep and waking; abstinence and repletion;\n273\n\nPages 293:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nand the accidents of the soul. These are, with only slight differences, the six \u201cnon-natural\nthings\u201d (res non naturales) established by a medical tradition going back to Galen. So called\nbecause they affect the human body externally and do not proceed \u201cfrom its own nature\nand internal composition\u201d,69 they became the central topic of the widespread literature on\n\u201cregimens of health\u201d (regimina sanitatis), which was at its peak in Peter\u2019s time. He stresses how\nthe non-natural things, when distempered, impede both \u201cbodily health and the good disposition to understand and perform the works\u201d of natural magic. To meet these conditions,\nwhich \u201canyone who wishes to have an adequate knowledge of the secrets of Nature\u201d should\npossess,70 \u201ccordial and cheering medicines\u201d, together with \u201cmedicines which comfort the\nbrain\u201d, are of great help.71\nPeter also recommends leading a decorous and chaste life, wearing precious stones and\n\u201cstaying away from the incantations of old women or from the company of abusive people,\nfor they are secretly harmful\u201d.72 The seeker of truth must dedicate himself to \u201celevated,\nsubtle, rare and pleasant matters, through which the senses and the intellect are disposed to\nthe comprehension of secret and occult things\u201d.73 Conversely, \u201cmechanical labour, trade,\nlitigations, and worldly matters in general are to be avoided\u201d.74 This caveat against worldly\nor secular occupations is a recurring theme in the Lucidarius.\nA list of \u201celevated, subtle and rare\u201d questions on \u201csecret and occult things\u201d is appended\n(90r\u201392r). From then on, the work becomes for the most part a blueprint of sorts for potential\nelaboration, as only a few of these typically scholastic qu\u00e6stiones are formally answered, the\nrest being merely enumerated. One which is fully treated is: \u201cWhether it is lawful to a\u00ad cquire\nknowledge through fasting, abstinence, the scrutiny of figures, the psalmody of mysterious\nnames, reading, meditating and perceiving characters, figures and sundry forms.\u201d75 Peter\u2019s\nanswer is that it is lawful. He seizes the opportunity to point out that\nthe process of the notory art helps sedate the movement and flow of the vital, natural and animal spirits, notably those of the brain, by which the soul is sedated and\n[a man] is made prudent, wise, and capable of prophecy.76\nOne of the unworked questions is thus implicitly answered: \u201cWhether the notory art may be\npractised lawfully\u201d.77\nSystematic exposition returns with the \u201cSummary on the Office of Spirits\u201d,78 in which angelic hierarchies are described after the Pseudo-Dionysian fashion (92v\u201397r). This again gives\nway to a series of qu\u00e6stiones concerning the attitude of angels in regard to mankind (97r\u2013101v),\nmostly focused on the knowledge that they may have of human thoughts and desires and\nwhether they can interfere with them, and on the possibility that humans may influence \u201ccelestial spirits such as the intelligences which move the heavens\u201d.79 Peter\u2019s answer to this last\nquestion is yes, since \u201cit is proved by experience and by the authority of the Holy Scripture\u201d.80\nAfter the expos\u00e9 on angels comes a summary \u201cOn Evil Spirits\u201d.81 There Peter eventually\ndefines what he means by \u201cnigromancy\u201d:\nGenerally speaking, we may call \u201cnigromancy\u201d any art which makes one capable of\nsummoning evil spirits, so that they manifest themselves in order to do whatever the\ninvocator wants, whether the invocation pursues good or bad goals.82\nOnce more, a series of qu\u00e6stiones follows, but this time all of them are formally answered:\n\u201cWhether some people are naturally more apt than others to be nigromancers or to dominate\n274\n\nPages 294:\nPeter of Zealand\nevil spirits\u201d \u2013 the answer is yes83; \u201cWhether divination by invocation of demons is lawful\u201d \u2013\nthe answer is no84; \u201cWhether someone may lawfully invoke the devil to perform a task\u201d \u2013 the\nanswer is yes85; \u201cWhether heavenly bodies may terrify demons and imprint something upon\nthem\u201d \u2013 yes again.86 The last questions deal with exorcisms (107r\u201313r).\nThe final sentence of the chapter on evil spirits serves as a conclusion to the Lucidarius:\nFrom what has been elucidated above, one can plainly see how marvelous and explainable is the virtue implanted in [natural] things, whence proceed works also\nmade by men, so wonderful and astonishing to the crowd that they are deemed incredible. In many cases though, the wise shall be inclined to believe that such events\nare similar to things manifest to the senses and proven by experience.87\nIn other words, the knowledge of occult causes makes wonderment cease, and this is what ultimately distinguishes the wise from the ignorant, as stated in De mirabilibus mundi: \u201cThe duty\nof the wise man is to put an end to marvels\u201d.88 This is followed by a conventional closing\nformula, with a praise of God and an \u201cAmen\u201d, which does not imply that Peter\u2019s work was\nreally finished, nor that he stopped writing on similar topics after that. The loose structure of\nthe last chapters, with their series of answered and unanswered qu\u00e6stiones, makes clear that\nthe work was still in progress, and that Peter could consider going back to them afterwards.\nAs a matter of fact, the manuscript does not end here.\nAnother qu\u00e6stio appears after the conclusion: \u201cWhether those who are in Purgatory may\nbe absolved of their sins by the prayers of men on earth\u201d.89 The incomplete answer consists\nonly of a \u201cthird hypothesis\u201d (tertia suppositio), which states that \u201cthe Pope can bind infernal\nspirits so as to restrain them from causing harm to the souls dwelling in Purgatory\u201d.90\nThus, Peter grants the Pope a power which is akin to nigromancy, with the difference that,\naccording to the definition quoted above, a nigromancer \u201csummons evil spirits\u201d, while the\nPope may bind them but not make them appear. Peter denies him, though, the power to\ngrant indulgences to a living man, that is, the remission of his sins, for \u201cneither the Pope\nnor a Franciscan\u201d91 has the authority to perform an action that only \u201can agent of infinite\npower\u201d, i.e. God, can do.92 This thesis is similar to that of John Wyclif (d. 1389),93 condemned at the Council of Constance (1414\u201318).\nThen, there is an essay \u201cOn the Wars and Future Acts of Men, and on their Present and\nFuture Mores\u201d,94 again in the form of a qu\u00e6stio: \u201cWhether times to come shall be worse than\ntimes past.\u201d95 A cryptic astrological argumentation is displayed. It suggests that, in order\nto guess whether the misfortunes of the King of France \u2013 Charles VIII, who had just lost\nBurgundy and Artois and was starting his Italian War \u2013 would continue or not, one has\nto know whether his nativity is in accordance with \u201cthe figure of the sky at the time of the\nbeginning of his reign\u201d: for without such conditions, \u201cno person of royal descent may maintain his kingdom or keep it in peace for a long time\u201d.96 Even though this qu\u00e6stio prima is not\nfollowed by any qu\u00e6stio secunda, the essay appears to be complete, for it ends with an \u201cAmen\u201d\nand a formal explicit, bearing the date \u2013 the evening of 3 July 1494 \u2013 of its expedition from\nLons-le-Saulnier to Peter\u2019s \u201cforever true friend\u201d, a physician at the court of Maximilian I,\n\u201cKing of the Romans\u201d, named \u201cMaster Wolf\u201d.97\nAfter these qu\u00e6stiones, an intriguing document is preserved (118r\u2013119v): a series of theses\n( propositiones) against \u201csome Franciscan\u201d (quidam cordiger), who claimed that astrology is not\na true science and that Augustine rightly condemned it. Peter\u2019s response is double. First,\nit is \u201cnotorious\u201d that \u201cAugustine is deficient on many matters, as he himself acknowledged\n275\n\nPages 295:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nbefore his death, when he retracted several things he had written previously\u201d (an allusion to Augustine\u2019s Retractationes). Second, \u201cmany opinions are known to be heretical today,\nwhich in earlier times were piously believed to be true by men of knowledge\u201d.98 If the\ncontents of heresy are mutable through history, then some opinions considered heretical\ntoday might be accepted in the future. This implicit statement justifies Peter\u2019s endorsement\nof condemned works and doctrines such as Wyclif\u2019s position on indulgences. And thus, contrary to what the leading theologians of his time may say, he asserts that \u201cthe highest point\nof astronomy is magic, or the science of images\u201d.99 Peter also declares that \u201cthe astrologer-\u00ad\nphysician\u201d (medicus astrologus) has the capacity, granted \u201cby the powers and constellations\nof the stars\u201d, to make wise men out of fools and to bring back lunatics to mental health.100\nPeter then warns the Franciscan that he intends to dispute against him \u201cnext Sunday\u201d, i.e.\nin church.101 The letter containing the theses \u201cwas sent to the Franciscan, who fled and\nnever showed up\u201d102 \u2013 fortunately for Peter, who certainly would have had a difficult time,\nhad he expounded his views so openly in public. Whether the anecdote of the fleeing monk\nis true or made up, it is a witness of the tensions surrounding astrology and astral magic at\nthe end of the fifteenth century, and of the naivet\u00e9 of Peter of Zealand, who was convinced\nthat he had arguments up his sleeve so solid as to silence any opposer.\nThis first series of additional texts is followed by a proper documentary appendix.103 The\nmanuscript, in its truncated state, ends with the reproduction of two contemporary works:\nPico della Mirandola\u2019s Magical, Orphic and Cabalistic theses (199v\u2013135v), excerpted from\nhis nine hundred Conclusiones,104 published in 1486 and banned by the Church the following\nyear; and the first pages of Jacques Lef\u00e8vre d\u2019\u00c9taples\u2019s De magia naturali, Book I (136r\u2013139v),\nwritten in the 1490s. They are listed (114r\u2013v) with three other works that are not present\nin the manuscript: a treatise \u201con precious stones, on seals, and on the figures of the planets, following the method of Arnold of Villanova\u201d; \u201csome excerpts from Picatrix, useful to\nthis noble art\u201d, i.e. natural magic; and \u201csome other theoretical considerations\u201d by Johannes\nTrithemius, which may refer either to his April 1499 letter to Arnold Bostius or to the Steganographia, completed during the same or the following year.105 Thus, the Lucidarius was to\nbe followed by six works pertaining to its subject matter, some of them extremely recent and\neven written after its completion. Most surprising is the presence of De magia naturali, a work\nkept hidden by its author,106 which was impossible to find at such an early stage unless Peter\nor a close friend of his had direct acquaintance with Lef\u00e8vre or his dedicatee, Germain de\nGanay, a powerful royal counsellor and Parisian cleric (d. 1520). This, together with the\nwealth of works on astrology and magic quoted or mentioned by \u00adPeter, demonstrates that he\nwas not an isolated amateur but was connected to an active underground milieu, in which\nforbidden texts were searched for, read and passed on. As Sophie Page and Frank Klaassen\nhave shown, monasteries could be a hotbed for such activities.107\nThe presence of Pico\u2019s Conclusiones is also puzzling because the Lucidarius in itself is devoid\nof any humanistic influence whatsoever. It relies exclusively on medieval and scholastic\nsources \u2013 a fact that may be easily explained if we consider that Peter \u201ccompiled\u201d his work\nin his old age, and that the modular structure of the Lucidarius, made of compendia and qu\u00e6stiones on medical or \u201coccult\u201d matters, facilitated the recycling of earlier collections of notes.\nThen, he began to gather new works in order to keep himself up to date with the latest\ndevelopments in magical theory. Book I of Lef\u00e8vre\u2019s treatise is akin to Peter\u2019s Lucidarius, in\nthat it expounds medicinal and astral magic in a manner that bears some resemblance to\nDe mirabilibus mundi; the influences from Pico and Ficino it contains are not overwhelming,\nnor is it written in humanist style, whereas the following parts of the work are distinctly\n276\n\nPages 296:\nPeter of Zealand\nNeo-Platonic and full of classical references.108 Pico\u2019s Conclusiones are another matter entirely, especially regarding their most enigmatic cabalistic side, and their main relation\nwith Peter\u2019s project is that they confirmed that magic was an ancient wisdom, grounded in\nbiblical secret truths.\nThe great absence is Marsilio Ficino. Roughly the same age as Peter (he was born in\n1433), he often used the same sources \u2013 as far as magic, astrology and medicine were\n\u00adconcerned \u2013 and dealt with the same matters, notably in Book III of his De vita, published in\n1489. Peter seems unaware of Ficino\u2019s works and translations, since he knows only the medieval Plato. It is very strange that, accessible as they were, they could escape his attention\nwhile he eagerly collected other hard-to-find works.\nIt would be too long to enumerate all the books or authors mentioned by Peter. We have\nalready seen what use he made of theological sources. On medicine, Avicenna stands out\nas his main authority. On astrology, Ptolemy is cited several times, together with Al\u00ee ibn\nRidw\u00e2n\u2019s commentary on the Centiloquium. On medicinal alchemy, John of Rupescissa and\nPseudo-Arnaldian works are placed in the foreground. And on magic, the core sources\nare De radiis, Picatrix, De mirabilibus mundi and Pietro d\u2019Abano, around which Peter built his\nLucidarius, in close connection with Avicenna\u2019s De anima. Solomonic magic is cursorily mentioned several times,109 and there is hardly any reference to Hermes.110\nAll those sources and disciplines are glued together by the focus on imagination that\ncharacterizes Peter\u2019s conception. The core topic of the whole Lucidarius is to establish how\nimagination and the \u201cimaginative spirits\u201d that serve it may be strengthened, protected\nfrom accidents or intrusions, modified and directed. This way, the two explicit goals of\nthe \u00adLucidarius are carried out, namely the preservation or restoration of health, and \u201chow\nto obviate the evil arts\u201d.111 On the last point, however, Peter\u2019s stance is ambiguous, to say\nthe least. He promotes astral magic, which to him is not an \u201cevil art\u201d at all, but he also\nadvocates the notory art and (with the support of \u201cPlato\u201d) nigromancy.112 Whether Peter\u2019s\ninvolvement in nigromancy went further than a mere generic praise is impossible to ascertain. In contrast to his discretion on that matter, the profusion of astrological technicalities\nhe displays shows that he duly practised astrology, for medicinal as well as divinatory and\napotropaic ends (through judicia and electiones).\nThe \u201cElucidation of Marvelous Things\u201d is by no means a magical handbook. It is a\nwork on magical theory, which investigates in much more detail the occult natural principles upon which magic is grounded than the workings of magic itself. In regard to recent\ndiscussions about the concept of \u201cauthor-magician\u201d, I would definitely say that Peter of\n\u00adZealand does not enter this category. He is not a magician but, as it were, a metamagician,\nwho does not teach magic but expounds its philosophical foundations \u2013 just as metamathematics deals with the philosophical foundations of mathematics. Furthermore, he does\nnot introduce himself as an author in the full sense of the word, but as a compiler: he states\nin the prologue that he \u201cdecided to compile an elucidation\u201d (lucidarium quemquam compilaturus).113 It is not an affectation of modesty, since the derivative nature of his work is apparent from the onset. It can be described as a summary of summaries, which paraphrases\nand digests works already aimed at theoretical synthesis such as Avicenna\u2019s De viribus cordis\net medicinis cordialibus, al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s De radiis, and the De mirabilibus mundi.\nVery little, if anything, of what Peter says is original, but that is not the point. He did not\n\u00ad hilosophers\u201d \u2013\nmean to collect his personal views but those of the physicians and the \u201csecret p\nwho are to him, in typically medieval fashion, the real \u201cauthors\u201d, i.e. authorities \u2013 against\nthe theologians and lawyers who refuse to acknowledge them. Therefore, his singularity lies\n277\n\nPages 297:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nmore in the way he puts together the authoritative bricks of his intellectual construction,\nand in the candor of his statements, often verging on heresy, than in some unheard of conception. Showing off originality would have been at odds with his focus on demonstrating\nthe consensus of the wise men of the past, be they natural philosophers or holy men: a\nconsensus so strong as to overwhelm the arguments of \u201cthose who oppose the secrets of\nthe philosophers\u201d \u2013 the paradox being that this consensus is in effect so weak that it needs\nto be supported by an array of apocryphal works to appear more legitimate. The focus\non consensus and the compositional unity of Peter\u2019s Lucidarius are exemplified by the way\nhe rephrases his sources so as to make them echo Avicenna\u2019s or al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s conceptions.114\n\u00adPeter is expert at eliciting implicit affinities in the different works he stitches together, and\nit makes their combination very coherent.\nDespite the fact that this work remained unread, the Lucidarius was not a notebook compiled for Peter\u2019s private use. He wanted to persuade, using the standard scholastic disputational methods in defense of the \u201csecret sciences\u201d, not only through the form of qu\u00e6stiones or\nsets of propositiones, but also suppositiones, literally \u201chypotheses\u201d, into which several chapters\nare divided. The latter formal choice may be a precaution, aimed at pretending that Peter\u2019s\nassertions were mere exploratory views. This cosmetic \u201chypothetical\u201d stance is at odds with\nhis tendency to state his positions rather boldly, with recurring phrases such as \u201cI, Peter of\nZealand\u201d (ego Petrus de Zelandia),115 and to go straightforwardly against what he perceives as\ncommon and unfounded prejudices.\nWhy did he fail to publish a work that was obviously his life task? The easy answer is that\nhe never really completed it; but this may have been the consequence of a semi-conscious\nfear that its release could put him in very deep trouble, just as it happened to Pico in 1487\nand to Trithemius in 1499.\nNotes\n1 See Jean-Marc Mandosio, \u201cLatin technique du xiie au xviiie si\u00e8cle,\u201d Annuaire de l\u2019\u00c9cole pratique\ndes hautes \u00e9tudes: Section des sciences historiques et philologiques <http://ashp.revues.org/249>, 141\n\u00ad(2008\u201309), 143 (2010\u201311), 144 (2011\u201312), 145 (2012\u201313), 146 (2013\u201314), 147 (2014\u201315), 148\n(2015\u201316); Jean-Marc Mandosio, \u201cThe Use of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s Treatise On Rays in Peter of Zealand\u2019s\nElucidation of Marvelous Things (End of the 15th Century),\u201d Micrologus 24 (2016): 425\u201356.\n2 Brussels, Biblioth\u00e8que Royale de Belgique, MS Latin 10870-75 (one or more quires are missing at\nthe end). I am preparing the edition of Peter\u2019s Lucidarius. All subsequent references to Peter\u2019s works\nare to this manuscript.\n3 Opus Petri de Silento, in Theatrum chemicum, vol. 4 (Strasbourg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1659), 985\u201397.\n4 See below, note 71.\n5 He calls himself \u201cPetrus Francho\u201d (or \u201cFranconis\u201d) \u201cde Zelandia\u201d. His name would be in French\n\u201cPierre Franchon\u201d or \u201cFran\u00e7on\u201d, and in Dutch \u201cPieter Francken\u201d or \u201cVranckx\u201d.\n6 Hence his other name: \u201cPetrus de Brielis\u201d or \u201cBrielis frater\u201d.\n7 \u201cDe rebus mirabilibus et permultum extraneis apparentibus clare ante sensus hominum fere omnium, est ligatio hominum, et virtutum naturalium, vitalium, animalium et motivarum, breviter\nomnium virtutum, per incantationes, per verba et fascinationes, et gestus et modos varios et fere\ninnumerabiles, et per imagines et caracteres, scripturas, formas et figuras, et per multa valde\ndiversa qu\u00e6 apud intellectum communis populi videntur impossibilia nec causam sufficientem\nhabentia,\u201d f. 3r.\n8 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Antonella Sannino, Il \u201cDe mirabilibus mundi\u201d tra tradizione magica e filosofia\nnaturale (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011), 85. The work was first printed as Opus\nAlberti Magni de mirabilibus mundi (Cologne: Johann Koelhoff the Elder, ca. 1473).\n9 \u201cLucidarium quemdam compilaturus, dignum duxi primum de viribus humani cordis compendiose aliqua pr\u00e6mittere, ut reliqua clarius intelligibilia fiant, et pro sanitate et vit\u00e6 etiam\n278\n\nPages 298:\nPeter of Zealand\nprolongatione quisque scire valeat qualiter se gubernare debeat, et malis etiam artibus obviare in\nparte non modica,\u201d f. 3r.\n10 Compendium de viribus cordis, ff. 3r\u201312r.\n11 De cordialibus et l\u00e6tificantibus multipliciter dictis, ff. 12r\u201316v.\n12 This work was appended to Avicenna\u2019s Canon medicin\u00e6 in late medieval and Renaissance editions.\nA critical edition by Michael McVaugh is in progress.\n13 Compendium de radiis, ff. 16v\u201347v.\n14 Al-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Fran\u00e7oise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale\net litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge 41 (1974): 139\u2013260. For the sake of convenience, I assume that al-Kind\u00ee is\nthe author of the work, even though this issue is debated.\n15 \u201c[\u2026] secundum sententiam Alchindi, viri excellentissimi in omnibus mirabilibus,\u201d f. 22v.\n16 See d\u2019Alverny and Hudry\u2019s introduction, 139\u201341.\n17 \u201c[\u2026] adducendo sententias quorundam aliorum doctorum et auctoritates sanctorum quantum\npotero,\u201d f. 22v. For a complete survey of Peter\u2019s glosses, see Mandosio, \u201cThe Use of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s\nTreatise,\u201d 440\u201355.\n18 Letter 53 (to Paulinus of Nola) in modern editions of Jerome\u2019s correspondence.\n19 Saint Jerome\u2019s Hebrew Questions on Genesis, transl. C. T. R. Hayward (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995),\n67.\n20 \u201c[\u2026] ad instar virgarum arte et ingenio Jacob sic formatarum. Quare vides clare quod forma et\nfigura etiam artificialis inducit effectum et variat effectum etiam naturalem. Ita imago \u00c6thiopis\ndepicta et concepta in imaginativa mulieris hora casus seminis in matrice potest esse causa ut\nfilius nascatur niger ut \u00c6thiopus extra tamen Ethiopiam, [\u2026] c\u00e6li tamen natura cum arte ad hoc\noperante,\u201d f. 41r.\n21 \u201cEt bene fecit ecclesia prohibendo ne publice in universitate h\u00e6c legantur, ne animo vindicandi\net appetitu nocendi, divites seu magnates, reges et principes saperent et per se h\u00e6c vel per alios in\neffectu deducerent, et ipsi seipsos invicem destruerent. Quare Picatrix libro primo incantat illos ad\nquos scientia horum poterit pervenire, ne pandatur indoctis et indignis sapere, sed solum personis\nsecretis et sapidis, sub p\u0153na anathematis,\u201d f. 63v. Cf. Picatrix: The Latin Version of the \u201cGh\u00e2yat alHak\u00eem\u201d, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 6 (Prologue, 4), 15 (Book I, 4, 33).\n22 \u201cDe libris vero nigromanticis, sine pr\u00e6judicio melioris sententi\u00e6, videtur quod magis debeant reservari quam destrui et comburi. Tempus enim jam prope est, quod propter quasdam causas quas\nmodo taceo, quo saltem occasionaliter proderit inspexisse illos,\u201d f. 80r. Cf. Speculum astronomi\u00e6, 17,\ned. and transl. Paola Zambelli et al., The \u201cSpeculum astronomi\u00e6\u201d and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology and\nScience in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 270\u201371.\n23 An spiritus potest immutare voluntatem hominis et per quem modum, ff. 47v\u201350r.\n24 De visionibus et apparitionibus, ff. 50r\u201351r.\n25 Utrum confidentia infirmi de medico conferat ad ejus sanitatem habendam, ff. 51r\u201356r.\n26 Utrum incantatio conferat in curatione \u00e6gritudinum (Ex conciliatore in medicinis dictus Petrus de Albano Paduanus\ndoctor famosus, ff. 56r\u201364r). This chapter of the Lucidarius was most inaccurately edited by B\u00e9atrice\nDelaurenti, \u201cVariations sur le pouvoir des incantations: le trait\u00e9 Ex Conciliatore in medicinis dictus\nPetrus de Albano de Pierre Franchon de Z\u00e9lande,\u201d Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge\n74 (2007): 173\u2013235. She has also edited Pietro d\u2019Abano\u2019s original qu\u00e6stio: Delaurenti, \u201cPietro\nd\u2019Abano et les incantations: pr\u00e9sentation, \u00e9dition et traduction de la differentia 156 du Conciliator,\u201d\nin M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie entre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet et al. (Florence:\nSismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 39\u2013105.\n27 \u201c[\u2026] experientia potest monstrari et demum ratione persuaderi pr\u00e6cantationem conferre [\u2026],\nut aperte illud summum sacramentum cum aliis multis ostendit eucharisti\u00e6.\u201d Pietro d\u2019Abano,\nConciliator, differentia 156, ed. Delaurenti, 77; see also her comments in \u201cVariations sur le pouvoir\ndes incantations,\u201d 192\u201393.\n28 \u201cQuare patet quod conditiones et circumstanti\u00e6 requisit\u00e6 multum operantur ad executionem\neffectus,\u201d f. 58v. Cf. Compendium de radiis, ff. 36v, 37v, 40v; al-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, 244, 245, 251.\n29 \u201cEt ideo si sacerdos dicat verba illa absque intentione instituentis vel memoria, dico ego Petrus de\nZelandia quod non fit translatio panis in sacramentum,\u201d f. 58v.\n30 \u201cQuare dicunt communiter vetul\u00e6 et simplices in quibus maligni spiritus agunt, quod comedunt\net bibunt cum spiritibus et cum amicis et vicinis in silvis et in viridario vel in consimili loco, et equitant super cattum vel lupum et volitant per aerem, transiunt per vitrum, et infinita impossibilia.\n279\n\nPages 299:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\nSed h\u00e6c omnia vere judicantur: referendo ad apparitiones imaginarias, vere dicunt se vidisse et\nh\u00e6c fecisse secundum proxima instrumenta per qu\u00e6 fiunt eorum judicia. Quia secundum visa\nillorum fantasmata intelligunt, judicant et eligunt, agunt et voluntas eorum immutatur, sed decipiuntur. Quia malignus spiritus, disturbando motu inordinato humores et spiritus et species ac\nfantasmata, fecit apparere interius qu\u00e6 exterius non sunt in rerum natura,\u201d f. 48v\u201349r.\n31 \u201cIta sunt consimili modo quidam asserentes se videre gentes armorum equitare in aere versus\noccidens vel oriens aut septentrionem, et antecedere crucem sancti Andre\u00e6; alii crucifixum; alii\nnostram dominam apparere in aere cum sancto Johanne; atque infinita fantasmata talia diversa,\nsecundum diversitatem spiritus imaginarii et specierum seu fantasmatum,\u201d f. 51r.\n32 \u201cEt hoc est quotidianum apud medicos et bene cognitum,\u201d f. 51r.\n33 Ex secretis Alberti Magni, f. 64r\u201376r.\n34 De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 85\u2013107.\n35 Pseudo-Plato, Liber aneguemis, ed. Paolo Scopelliti and Abdessattar Chaouech (Milan: Mimesis,\n2006).\n36 \u201cEt ideo quantum fuerit possibile occultatione utendum est, quia deitatem minuit qui secreta mysteria divulgat, ut dicit Plato,\u201d f. 56v. Here, Peter follows Pietro d\u2019Abano (Conciliator, differentia 156,\ned. Delaurenti, 71), but the sentence quoted came not from Plato but from Marbode\u2019s Lapidary:\n\u201cNam majestatem minuit qui mystica vulgat,\u201d Marbode of Rennes, Liber lapidum, v. 8, ed. Maria\nEsther Herrera (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2005), 7. Peter ascribes it to Plato, probably under the influence of Macrobius, In somnium Scipionis, I, 2, 17\u201321, ed. Mireille Armisen-Marchetti (Paris: Les\nBelles Lettres, 2001), 8\u20139, who explained at length that this opinion was typical of the Platonists.\n37 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, II, 12, 59 (88).\n38 An example is given below, note 68.\n39 See Dag Nikolaus Hasse, \u201cPlato Arabico-Latinus: Philosophy, Wisdom Literature, Occult Sciences,\u201d\nin The Platonic Tradition in the Middle Ages: A Doxographic Approach, ed. Stephen Gersh and Maarten J.\nF. M. Hoenen (Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 2002), 56.\n40 See Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cPietro d\u2019Abano magicien \u00e0 la Renaissance: le cas de l\u2019Elucidarius magice (ou\nLucidarium artis nigromantice),\u201d in M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie entre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance, ed. Boudet\net al., 295\u2013330.\n41 Contra adversantes secreta philosophorum, ff. 76r\u201381v.\n42 \u201cSunt in hoc mundo plures viri litterati, ut theologi et jurist\u00e6, qui ut plurimum adversantur et\nsecreta philosophorum condemnant ex ignorantia quam de eis habent,\u201d f. 76r.\n43 \u201c[\u2026] omnes artes secret\u00e6 majores [\u2026], quia sunt coopert\u00e6, non declarantur ratione sed experientia,\u201d f. 74r.\n44 \u201cQuia multorum mirabilium operum sunt tam latentes effectus quod humanus intellectus nequit\neos comprehendere [\u2026], quare standum est experimento,\u201d f. 75r\u2013v.\n45 \u201cEt in ipso [homine] invenitur efficaciam omnium rerum et mineralium et vegetabilium et animatorum et sensitivorum et imaginum et verborum virtus ac sermonum,\u201d f. 74r.\n46 \u201cEt quia contra negantes non est multum pro nunc disputandum, sed eos auctoritate veridica\ndevincere ut deinceps sileant [\u2026],\u201d f. 76r.\n47 Opusculum pr\u00e6clarum beati Thom\u00e6 Aquinatis quod de esse et essentiis tum realibus tum intentionalibus inscribitur,\ned. Ludovicus Rigius (Venice: Santriter & De Sanctis, 1488), I, 4, 2 (Utrum forma corporum superc\u00e6lestium sit esse\u2026).\n48 \u201cEt si dicat quis quod sanctus Thomas in secunda secund\u00e6 qu\u00e6stione 95 [sic] reprobavit imagines\nastrologicas, igitur vel hic liber non est ejus vel contradicit sibi ipsi [\u2026],\u201d f. 78r\u2013v. Cf. Thomas\nAquinas, Summa theologi\u00e6, IIa II\u00e6, 96, 2.\n49 \u201c[\u2026] dico quod hic bene fatetur quia diu non credidit talia in diebus suis prioribus, et quod liber\nhic ab eo editus est posterioriter scripto suo in secunda secund\u00e6. Quia in isto dicit infra de mineralibus quod diu non credidit alchimiam esse veram scientiam [\u2026]. Tamen dicit quod tandem\ndevenit per rationem naturalem et per experientiam ad verum effectum, et narrat ibidem quamplurima per eum experta in alchimia,\u201d f. 78v.\n50 \u201cEt quod hic liber de essentiis realibus ejus sit, habui primo in anno jubil\u00e6i 1450 in universitate\nColoniensi, hora prandi promotionis me\u00e6 in artibus, ubi quidam doctor theologi\u00e6 recitavit jam\ndictam imaginem expertam sancti Thom\u00e6,\u201d f. 78v.\n51 \u201cNon tamen has imagines probavi omnes sed unam. [\u2026] Propter quod experimento didici veras\nesse imagines et fieri posse,\u201d f. 77v. Cf. Pseudo-Thomas, De esse et essentiis, I, 4, 2.\n280\n\nPages 300:\nPeter of Zealand\n52 \u201cEt de post in Francia et Italia et in Flandria a doctis idem teneri, scilicet quod sit ejus liber pr\u00e6fatus de essentiis realibus ad regem Sicili\u00e6,\u201d f. 78v\u201379r.\n53 \u201cInsuper auctoritas Alberti Magni est ad idem in libro suo de artibus licitis et illicitis [\u2026],\u201d f. 79r.\n54 \u201c[\u2026] ubi defendit magicam artem, et maxime astrologicam qu\u00e6 dicitur naturalis,\u201d f. 79r.\n55 Speculum astronomi\u00e6, 16, ed. Zambelli et al., 270\u201371.\n56 \u201cEt idem Albertus infra circa finem libri respondet tacite ad argumenta contradicentium, dicens\nquod [\u2026] hoc non videtur esse exorcismus vel invocatio [\u2026],\u201d f. 79v.\n57 \u201cH\u00e6c ille Albertus in speculo, in recommendationem astronomi\u00e6 et secretorum operum scientiarum,\u201d f. 80v.\n58 \u201cAdhuc restat adducere contra adversantes testimonium magnum, ut ipsius amici Dei qui dicitur Moyses, vir astrorum peritus,\u201d f. 80v. \u201c[\u2026] Moyses, vir astrorum peritus qui magnus fuit magus,\u201d f. 76r\u2013v.\n59 Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, II (Liber Exodi), 6 (De uxore Moysi \u00c6thiopissa), ed. Emanuel\nNavarro (Madrid: Antonio Gonzalez de Reyes, 1699), in Patrologia Latina, vol. 198 (Paris: Migne,\n1855), 1144.\n60 \u201cRespondeant mihi ad h\u00e6c adversarii secretorum operum. Obmutescunt enim hic omnes theologi quos vidi, nec vidi unum nec inveni qui sciat respondere ad istud ultimo inductum, licet\ncavillando aliquid fabulantur super quibusdam aliis pr\u00e6allegatis,\u201d f. 81r.\n61 \u201cConfirmat pr\u00e6dicta ipsum vulgus quod ducitur instinctu natur\u00e6 c\u00e6lestis. Nam imagines varias\ncomponit terreas integras et partiales, ut imagines capitis aut pectoris, brachiorum et manuum,\nalii pedum et tibiarum, cum confidentia magna et ferventi desiderio, causa adipiscendi sanitatem\nvel totius corporis aut alicujus partis, offerentes talia sancto Anthonio aut alteri sancto, juxta diversos vulgi instinctus inclinantes spiritum eorum imaginarium et virtutem eorum imaginativam\nad talia sacrificia,\u201d f. 81v.\n62 \u201cCum ergo obsecrationes ad deum ab hominibus devot\u00e6 mentis desiderio et cum debita solemnitate fiunt pro aliquo motu inducendo in subjecta materia, sequitur optatus effectus, harmonia\nc\u00e6lesti in omnibus primo loco cooperante. Ad deum non solum diriguntur obsecrationes, sed\netiam ad spiritus. [\u2026] Cum autem motus et imagines fiunt in aere vel in alio elemento vel elementato [\u2026], non est ex operatione spirituum sed tantum ex conditione c\u00e6lestis harmoni\u00e6, materiam\naptante ad tales nutus et talium imaginum receptionem [\u2026],\u201dCompendium de radiis, f. 38v. Cf.\n\u00adal-Kind\u00ee, De radiis, ed. d\u2019Alverny and Hudry, 247\u201348.\n63 \u201cEt cur tunc observantes et alii requisitas imagines arte factas sufferunt apportari ad eorum templa nescio, si sileant et proculcant hoc potius, nisi propter eorum emolumenta,\u201d f. 81v.\n64 \u201cConcludamus igitur quod scientia non habet inimicum nisi ignorantem,\u201d f. 81r.\n65 De veritatis venatione, ff. 81v\u201392v.\n66 \u201cPrimum quidem perqu\u00e6rendo qu\u00e6 permultum impediunt intellectum nostrum discernere verum\nad ejus perfectum, et secretorum natur\u00e6 opera qu\u00e6 admiranda sunt et a multis ignota. [\u2026] qu\u00e6\ntamen a nostris pr\u00e6decessoribus philosophorum plurimis fuerunt percepta et cognita,\u201d f. 82r.\n67 Cf. Pseudo-Plato, Liber aneguemis, freely quoted in De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 97: \u201cPlato vero\ndixit\u2026\u201d\n68 \u201cPlato vero dicit in libro tegumenti: Qui non fuerit artifex dialectic\u00e6 [\u2026], et qui non fuerit eruditus\nin scientia naturali [\u2026], et qui non fuerit doctus in astronomia et in aspectibus et figuris stellarum,\nex quibus est virtus et proprietas sublimis uniuscujusque rerum, et quarto qui non fuerit doctus in nigromantia, qua manifestantur substanti\u00e6 immateriales qu\u00e6 dispensant et administrant omne quod\nest in rebus ex bono et malo, non poterit intelligere et verificare omnia qu\u00e6 philosophi scripserunt,\net certificare omnia qu\u00e6 apparebunt apud sensus hominum, et evadet cum tristitia animi,\u201d f. 70r.\n69 \u201cQu\u00e6 sex res non naturales dicuntur sic respectu nostri corporis, quia sunt ei extrinsec\u00e6, et non\nde sua natura et compositione intrinseca,\u201d f. 84v.\n70 \u201cQuare si corpori occurrant etiam absque temperamento, idest modo distemperato, ipsum ducendo\nextra temperamentum, tunc impediunt corporis sanitatem et bonam intelligendi dispositionem et\nexercendi opera, ut convenit bene sapienti secreta natur\u00e6 rimari volenti ac sapere,\u201d f. 84v.\n71 \u201cSecundum adjutorium est uti cordialibus, uti l\u00e6tificantibus, uti cerebrum confortantibus, de quibus\nlatius in libello nostro de prolongatione vit\u00e6 et retardatione mortis mentionem fecimus,\u201d f. 89r. See\nalso the section of the Lucidarius dedicated to \u201ccordial and cheering medicines\u201d (above, note 11).\n72 \u201cTertium adjutorium est portare se honeste et caste, lapides pretiosos penes se habere [\u2026]. Quartum est se cavere ab incantationibus vetularum aut abusorum conversationibus, ne impedimenta\nsecrete inferant,\u201d f. 85v.\n281\n\nPages 301:\nJ e a n - M a rc M a n d o s i o\n73 \u201cQuintum est occupari circa altissimas, subtiles et raras ac placentes materias, cum per ipsas disponitur sensus et intellectus ad secreta occultaque intelligendum,\u201d f. 89v.\n74 \u201cSecundum quod nocet sunt opera mechanica, mercationes et emptiones ac venditiones, placitationes, et omnes occupationes circa temporalia,\u201d f. 88r.\n75 \u201cUtrum sit licitum acquirere scientiam per jejunia, abstinentias, figurarum inspexiones, et per\nignota nomina psallendo, legendo et meditando intuendoque caracteres et figuras ac formas diversas,\u201d f. 91v.\n76 \u201cSecundo, dico quod ille processus artis notori\u00e6 confert ad sedandum motus et inundatione\nspirituum vitalium, naturalium et spirituum animalium, ut cerebri, quibus sedatur anima, et fit\nprudens et sapiens ac ad prophetiam aptus,\u201d f. 91v.\n77 \u201cUtrum ars notoria possit licite exerceri,\u201d f. 91r.\n78 Compendium de spirituum officiis, ff. 92v\u2013101v.\n79 \u201cAn spiritus hominis potest immutare spiritus c\u00e6lestes ut intelligentias c\u00e6li motrices,\u201d f. 99v.\n80 \u201cDicendum est igitur ad qu\u00e6situm quod sic. Probatur experimento et auctoritate sacr\u00e6 scriptur\u00e6\n[\u2026],\u201d f. 100v.\n81 De malignis spiritibus, ff. 101v\u2013113r.\n82 \u201cEt sic generaliter potest dici nigromantia omnis ars, omne magisterium convocandi malignos\nspiritus ut appareant ad aliquid faciendum quod invocator intendit, sive ad bonum sive ad malum\nfuerit talis invocatio [\u2026],\u201d f. 102r. See also above, note 68.\n83 \u201cMovetur hic qu\u00e6stio, utrum scilicet aliqui sunt naturaliter plus habiles et apti ad esse nigromantici, aut ad habendum dominium super spiritus malignos. Dicendum quod sic [\u2026],\u201d f. 102r.\n84 \u201cAlia etiam movetur qu\u00e6stio, utrum divinatio per invocationem d\u00e6monum sit licita. Dicendum\nquod non [\u2026],\u201d f. 103r.\n85 \u201cQu\u00e6ritur insuper, an quis possit invocare diabolum licite ad aliquod opus perficiendum. Dicitur\nquod sic [\u2026],\u201d f. 104v.\n86 \u201cItem qu\u00e6ritur, utrum corpora c\u00e6lestia possunt terrere d\u00e6mones et aliquid imprimere in ipsos.\nDicendum quod sic [\u2026],\u201d f. 104v.\n87 \u201cEx jam sursum delucidatis patet quatinus mirabilis et denarrabilis virtus sit indita rebus, unde\ntam admiranda procedunt per hominum etiam opera populoque stupenda tanquam incredibilia.\nIn pluribus tamen ad sensum evidentia et experimentis approbata inclinabuntur sapientes ad\ncredendum consimilia,\u201d f. 113r.\n88 \u201cOpus sapientis est facere cessare mirabilia rerum,\u201d De mirabilibus mundi, ed. Sannino, 85.\n89 \u201cUtrum illi qui sunt in purgatorio possunt absolvi a peccatis per orationes hominum in terris,\u201d\nf. 113v.\n90 \u201cQuare papa potest ligare spiritus infernales ne vexent animas in purgatorio existentes,\u201d f. 114r.\n91 This is clearly ironic, for Peter himself, being at Brill, was probably a Franciscan of the third order.\nHe attacks Franciscans on two other occasions for their greediness and their misunderstanding of\nastral magic (see above, note 63, and his controversy with a friar recounted below).\n92 \u201cPropositio: Indulgere p\u0153nam et culpam seu offensionem requirit agens infinit\u00e6 potenti\u00e6, qualis\nnon est papa nec cordiger,\u201d f. 119v.\n93 See Robert N. Swanson, Indulgences in Late Medieval England: Passports to Paradise (Cambridge:\n\u00adCambridge University Press, 2007), 297: \u201cFor Wyclif [\u2026] God alone grants indulgence for sins.\u201d\n94 Super guerris et futuris hominum actibus et moribus pr\u00e6sentibus et futuris, ff. 114v\u2013118r.\n95 \u201cQu\u00e6stio prima: Utrum tempora ventura pejora prioribus instant,\u201d f. 114v.\n96 \u201cNon potest aliquis ex regali progenie regnum ipsum obtinere aut pacifice in ipso diu perseverare,\nnisi fuerit ejus nativitas conveniens figur\u00e6 c\u00e6li hora inceptionis regni,\u201d f. 117v.\n97 \u201cExpletum per Petrum Franchonis de Zelandia, Brielis frater, tamquam verum semper amicum,\nex Ludone Salnerii in comitatu pro nunc Burgundi\u00e6 commorantem, die 13 Julii hora vesperarum,\nad magistrum Lupum medicum in curia regis Romanorum, anno Christi 1494, transmissum,\u201d\nf. 118r.\n98 \u201cPropositio notoria: Augustinus in multis deficit, ut ante mortem cognovit et plura retractando\nreprobavit plura prius per ipsum conscripta. Multa nunc sunt cognita h\u00e6retica, prius a scientificis\nviris pie credita esse vera,\u201d f. 119r.\n99 \u201cSublimitas astronomi\u00e6 est magica, seu imaginum scientia,\u201d f. 119r.\n100 \u201cMedicus astrologus per fatuos facere sapientes et restituere per virtutes et constellationes astrorum insanos ad usum rationis et rect\u00e6 voluntatis,\u201d f. 119v.\n282\n\nPages 302:\nPeter of Zealand\n101 \u201cH\u00e6c die dominica proxima sustinere intendo contra vos,\u201d f. 119v.\n102 \u201cAd cordigerum missa fuit h\u00e6c littera, qui postea fugiens non comparuit,\u201d f. 119v.\n103 For full details, see Mandosio, \u201cThe Use of al-Kind\u00ee\u2019s Treatise\u201d, 435\u201338. The Brussels volume\nalso contains (1v\u20132r) an anonymous classification of magic (inc.: \u201cMagia est multiplex et partitio\nest triplex\u201d), copied by another hand on a separate leaf, and bound together with the original\nmanuscript.\n104 Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Conclusiones DCCCC, ed. Stephen A. Farmer, Syncretism in the West:\nPico\u2019s 900 Theses (Tempe: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1998).\n105 \u201cHic debent sequi [\u2026] liber de lapidibus pretiosis et de sigillis et figuris planetarum secundum\nmodum Arnoldi de Villanova, et postea [\u2026] conclusiones comitis de Mirandula de magia naturali, et etiam conclusiones magistri Jacobi Fabri in magia sua naturali, et etiam aliqua excerpta\nex Picatrici huic nobili arti servientia, cum quibusdam aliis theoreticis ex abbati Spahensis,\u201d\nff. 114r\u2013v.\n106 It was never published, is preserved in very few manuscripts (of which only one contains the\ncomplete text), and its existence was only discovered in the beginning of the twentieth century.\nSee Jacques Lef\u00e8vre d\u2019\u00c9taples, La Magie naturelle/De magia naturali, vol. 1: L\u2019Influence des astres, ed.\nJean-Marc Mandosio (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2018).\n107 Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval\nUniverse (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013); Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance (University Park:\n\u00adPennsylvania State University Press, 2012).\n108 See Mandosio, \u201cLe De magia naturali de Jacques Lef\u00e8vre d\u2019\u00c9taples: magie, alchimie et cabale,\u201d in\nLes Muses secr\u00e8tes: kabbale, alchimie et litt\u00e9rature \u00e0 la Renaissance, ed. Rosanna Gorris Camos (Geneva:\nDroz, 2013), 39\u201379.\n109 Clavicula Salomonis, f. 63v; Solomon as author of the Ars notoria, ff. 88r, 91v; the \u201cpentacles of\n\u00adSolomon,\u201d ff. 102, 103r.\n110 He appears only once as \u201cHermogenes\u201d, author of the Liber septem planetarum ex scientia Abel, f. 77r.\n111 See above, note 9.\n112 See above, note 68.\n113 See above, note 9.\n114 See above, notes 27\u201328, an example regarding Pietro d\u2019Abano.\n115 See above, note 29.\n283\n\nPages 303:\n\nPages 304:\nPart IV\nT h e m e s ( m agic a n d\u2026)\n\nPages 305:\n\nPages 306:\n21\nM agic a n d nat u r a l ph i l osoph y\nSteven P. Marrone\nThe story of the relation between magic and natural philosophy in the Middle Ages begins in\nthe twelfth century. Before then, the issue was hardly relevant. Not that there were no fields\nof magical learning or practice in those early centuries that we might want to link to natural\nphilosophy \u2013 or, to use a modern term, natural science. Valerie Flint\u2019s work on magic in the\nearly Middle Ages reminds us that at no time was astrology entirely absent from the cultural\nworld of medieval elites.1 And as we shall soon see, astrology was one of the areas often\nthought of as part of magic that could plausibly vie for a place among the sciences of nature\nin the high and later Middle Ages. But the problem is that there existed, before the twelfth\ncentury, virtually no conception of a realm of knowledge formally distinct from all other\nlearning and characterized as being \u201cscientific\u201d. Thus, there was even for educated minds\nbefore the twelfth century nothing that could be designated in the language of the time as\nnatural philosophy \u2013 or again as we might prefer, nothing specifically identified as natural\nscience. Hence, for those early medieval centuries, there was nothing natural philosophical\nto which magic could be said to relate.\nAll this changed around the turn of the eleventh century to the twelfth. It was then that in\nthe cultural circles of a literate, Latinate learned sort there began to emerge the notion of natural philosophy. The idea was dependent on the even more basic conviction that a part of knowledge could be separated from all the rest, characterized formally as of special certainty and\nassociated with careful analysis and logical rigour. Even if we have to wait until the thirteenth\ncentury for this special body of knowledge to be designated by the explicit word \u201cscience\u201d (scientia), in practical terms already in the twelfth century, most of the conditions for calling a portion\nof what was known \u201cscientific\u201d had begun to be met. Among the causes for this development\nmust be included from the late eleventh century on a greater awareness in the Latin West of traditions of learning in Islamic, Hebrew and Greek cultures that had maintained a place for science, ultimately harking back to Aristotelian foundations. On the back of this awareness arose\nan enterprise of translation, initiated in the 1100s but continuing through the Renaissance, by\nmeans of which was made available a massive amount of knowledge that was self-consciously\nscientific. A good part of this knowledge concerned itself with the natural world.\nThe sciences of magic\nThe rediscovery of the \u201cscientific\u201d provided the minimum necessary to pose the question of\nhow magic related to natural philosophy. But the borrowing of a treasury of scientific learning from Greek, Hebrew and espec\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 290 to page 306 out of a total of 569. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 307 to page 321 out of a total of 569:\nPages 307:\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nthat was, also in quite self-conscious terms, magical. There existed therefore from the twelfth\ncentury in the West much more in the way of magic to be related to and compared with the\nnewly emergent science of nature. This novel reality made itself apparent already by the\nmiddle of the century. We see it first of all in an awareness of fields of learning that long tradition had associated with magic, and interestingly enough mention of these fields crops up\nin overviews of what constituted the new natural philosophy or natural science. Dominicus\nGundissalinus was a cleric active in Toledo, early in the second half of the twelfth century.\nIn his work, On the Division of Philosophy, he reached back to the tenth-century Arab scholar\nAl-Farabi to produce a list of what he said were the eight particular sciences falling under\nthe rubric of natural science. They were in the order in which Farabi had presented them:\nthe science of judgements, the science of medicine, the science of necromancy according to\nphysics (nigromantia secundum physicam), the science of images, the science of agriculture, the\nscience of navigation, the science of alchemy and the science of mirrors.2\nThe science of judgements consisted in the art of making prognostications by looking to\nthe positions of the planets and stars. Though the distinction between the terms \u201castronomy\u201d and \u201castrology\u201d was never firm in the twelfth or the thirteenth centuries, we can draw\non our own usage to say that this judgemental science corresponded to the field of astrology.\nThe science of medicine needs no explanation, but the science of necromancy according\nto physics proves difficult to pin down. Just the use of the word \u201cnecromancy\u201d makes us\naware that some sort of magic was at play here. Yet, it is not clear what kind of magic that\nwas. Most scholars are inclined to think of it as at least closely related to what soon would\nbe designated by some medieval thinkers as \u201cnatural magic,\u201d an area of speculation and\npractice that will be dealt with later in this chapter. The science of images presents another\nart that will be touched upon later. Here, it suffices to say that it involved astrology and the\nfabrication of magical images or devices with which to accomplish marvellous acts. The\nscience of agriculture would again appear to need no comment, although it must be noted\nthat there were texts transmitted through the Arabic making available a sort of magic of\nwondrous combinations to be applied in the growing and use of plants and animals. As for\nthe science of navigation, it too speaks for itself, while the science of alchemy is likewise\nself-explanatory but this time indicative of a field long associated with magic. Bringing up\nthe rear is the science of mirrors, part of a much wider arena of speculation called optics but\nhere perhaps linked as well to a practical art of producing wonders.\nGundissalinus\u2019s list is reproduced by another twelfth-century inquirer about natural science, the English scholar Daniel of Morley, and was apparently widely familiar as late as\nthe thirteenth century.3 Important for us is that it confirms how much of magic was brought\ninto the Latin West in the train of the new science imported largely from the Arabic world.\nEqually significant is that, with the exception of astrology, these areas of magical learning\nwere, from what we can tell, entirely unavailable in the West before this twelfth-century\nborrowing. They were therefore new fields in the fullest sense of the term. For much of the\ntwelfth century, they remain more rubrics for exotic areas of knowledge than substantive\nfields, the particulars of which were available to and understood by the scholars who made\nmention of them. At least, the path lay open for eventual acceptance of them when pertinent translations were made and scholars began to delve into them to become familiar with\nthe actual theory and practice of the art. That stage was reached by the early thirteenth\ncentury. And it is over the course of the thirteenth century that we see the magical arts or\nsciences \u2013 including all of those in Gundissalinus\u2019s list \u2013 go from being mere names to bodies of knowledge both comprehended and often put into practice.\n288\n\nPages 308:\nM a g i c a n d n at u r a l p h i l o s o p h y\nAstrology\nLet us therefore look at the fields of magic that have the closest link to the natural sciences.\nHere, modern scholarship has concerned itself both with the substance of what was involved,\nin theory as well as in practice, and with the exact nature of the relationship to science. We\nshall want to do the same thing in summary form here. To begin, we turn to astrology. This\nis a magical art \u2013 although many medievals would have been reluctant to associate it with\nmagic \u2013 whose potential position among the natural sciences was more firmly grounded than\nfor any other sort of magic. In fact, it was commonplace to set astrology, the judgemental\nscience of the stars and planets, under the rubric of astronomy, one of the four traditional\nmembers of the quadrivial arts and a science long venerated for its ability to explain features\nof the natural universe. The Mirror of Astronomy (Speculum astronomiae), a late thirteenth-century\ncomposition written primarily to defend the science of images mentioned before, followed\nthe usual paradigm by dividing astronomy into two parts, which we can call the theoretical\nand the practical.4 Theoretical astronomy laid down the mathematical rules for the motions\nof the heavens and then determined the place of all the heavenly bodies at any specified\ntime. Practical astronomy, on the other hand, put forth what the Mirror designated as the\nscience of astral judgements, which employed the data produced in theoretical astronomy to\nmake predictions of the future and to gauge the disposition of things here below, including\ncrucially human beings, depending on the moment of their appearance in the sublunar\nworld. This latter science was, of course, what we call astrology. According to the Mirror, it\nrepresented a most valuable part of the natural sciences.\nMany thinkers of the high Middle Ages would have emphatically agreed with the Mirror\u2019s\nestimation. No aristocratic or royal court of the period could be without its astrologer to calculate the most advantageous time to undertake any endeavour, and no university-educated\nphysician would apply medicine without taking the counsel of astrology into consideration.\nEven those who were wary of astrology in general had to admit that there must be a grain of\ntruth in some of the claims astrologers made for their prognostications and maybe all of their\nanalyses of the dispositions of things. It was a principal of Aristotelian natural science, after\nall, that the motion of the heavens exercised a preponderant influence on the generation of\nthings in the earthly realm. So the question was not whether some of astrology was valid\nbut rather how much. By the late thirteenth century, it had practically been established that\nthe process upon which astrology depended and by which the stars and planets influenced\nthings below was dependent on light rays emitted by bodies in the heavens, the science of\nwhose action had been charted most exactly by the great Arab thinker and mathematician\nAl-Kindi. By this measure, astrology drew upon principles of operation as concrete and as\nopen to description, thus not occult, as any other act of nature.\nDespite its apparent naturalness, however, astrology still drew from some quarters\nfiery words of denunciation. William of Auvergne and Robert Grosseteste were not the\nonly theologians to say that it must be combated with fire and sword. Curiously enough,\n\u00adGrosseteste\u2019s attack on its validity did nothing to undermine its claim to being reliant on\nnatural processes. One of the two arguments Grosseteste used against astrology focused\ninstead on the ability of human beings to put it into practice. 5 No one, he said, was capable\nof registering with sufficient precision the time and place of a person\u2019s birth so as to be able\nto differentiate that person\u2019s horoscope from that of someone else \u2013 say, a twin \u2013 born under\nnearly the same stars. But if astrology was to work, such differentiation had to be possible.\nThe theory behind astrology might then have been correct, but still one would have to deny\n289\n\nPages 309:\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nit a place among the sciences available to mankind. As for Grosseteste\u2019s second argument, it\ntotally ignored either natural mechanisms or their suitability for being measured. Instead,\nit laid against astrology the complaint that if it worked as claimed, then its prognostications\nput at risk the freedom of the human will. This was a common charge, and one that astrologers continually attempted to evade by saying that they predicted only conditions within\nwhich the will had to act while exercising its still unfettered freedom of choice. Again, no\nassault on astrology\u2019s natural pretensions but rather a moral challenge to those who put it\ninto practice.\nAlchemy\nPerhaps second only to astrology with a claim to being one of the natural sciences was \u00adalchemy.\nIts association with magic probably had as much to do with its opposition to \u00adAristotle\u2019s explanation of natural action according to the elemental properties of mixed \u00adbodies \u2013 all real\nobjects in the sublunar world \u2013 as with its penchant for hiddenness and with the fact that in\naddition to seeking to change base metals to precious ones it also was engaged in the search\nfor the elixir of life. For modern scholars, one important question has been how to characterize this science or art. On the one hand, alchemical texts speak with a highly metaphorical\nlanguage, itself quite difficult to decipher, and purport to deal with the matter of the ultimate\ngoal of human life and offer what seem to amount to prophecies of the future. There are\nthose who would argue that such concerns constituted the primary aim of alchemy and that\nits talk about the transmutation of metals was largely metaphorical garb. Yet, there remains\nthe fact that changing metals from one kind to another, and especially transforming base\nmetals into gold, occupy the bulk of alchemical writings. Efforts in the past two decades by\nWilliam Newman and Lawrence Principe to understand these writings in concrete terms\nthat can be translated into the discourse of modern chemistry and even to try out some of\nits assaying recipes have given substance to the counterclaim that here is where the focus and\ngoal of alchemy lay, with the moralizing overtones representing mere ephemera.6 Of course,\nit is possible that both aims are what medieval alchemists had in mind, but it will take many\nmore attempts to delve into the alchemical literature for the precise proportion between the\ntwo aims to be decided. Maybe the answer will vary widely from work to work.\nSuffice it to say that for our present concerns, the aspect of alchemy tending towards the\nanalysis of what we would recognize as chemical compounds and ultimately geared to the\ntransformation of one substance into another bears the closest resemblance to natural science. And again the results of recent research have not only confirmed the seriousness with\nwhich alchemists pursued their transmutational goals but also revealed how important the\nefforts of the alchemists were in leading to the emergence of modern chemistry. It was the\nalchemists, with their vision of the combination and recombination of more fundamental\nsubstrates, and not the university-educated scholastics, dependent on an Aristotelianizing\nnotion of irreversible mixture of the four elements, that led the way to modern chemistry\u2019s\nconcept of compounds capable of being broken down into their elemental components,\nwhich could then be compounded anew in different ways. Moreover, the actual assaying\nof substances that alchemists practised in their endeavours to find the way to gold nurtured habits of proceeding that underlay the quantitative analyses of seventeenth-century\n\u201cchymists\u201d, in turn the forerunners of modern-day chemists with their experimental methods of both investigating phenomena and validating hypotheses.7 From the perspective of\neither of these general assertions about the relation between medieval and modern ways of\n290\n\nPages 310:\nM a g i c a n d n at u r a l p h i l o s o p h y\napproaching what we think of as chemical reality, it should come as no surprise that Isaac\nNewton was an enthusiastic alchemist all his adult life.\nNatural magic\nOf course, if we are thinking about magic\u2019s relation to natural science, we cannot overlook the\none area of the medieval magical art that advertised its relation to the processes of nature \u2013\nthat is, natural magic. The descriptor \u201cnatural magic\u201d actually appears first in the Latin West\namong the works of William of Auvergne in the second quarter of the thirteenth century.\nWhether or not he invented the term, it is clear that the substance of what he was describing\nwith it had been circulating in learned circles since the influx of so much of Arabic magic into\nthe West from the beginning of the twelfth century. As William saw it, and as those who would\ncall themselves natural magicians would continue to assert for several centuries, the subject\nof natural magic had to do with the production of wondrous works. Wonders, of course,\nhad long been associated with magic, and in William\u2019s day, the literature that bore most directly on the production of such marvellous results consisted of what were known in Latin\nas \u201clibri naturalium narrationum\u201d, or what we might call books of natural philosophy. The\nsame tradition carried through into early modern times, and current scholarship has begun to\nplumb the depths of this major current in the literary world of magical texts. From the work\nof Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park to that of William Eamon, a foundation now exists\nfor the further study of this material in both its medieval and its early modern instantiations.8\nWilliam of Auvergne located natural magic as the eleventh part of natural science, and\nits naturalness was evident even in its name. What made it magical was that it had to\ndo with the workings of occult powers (virtutes occultae), labelled as occult or hidden either\nbecause the ways of their operation were not understood or because their existence was\nnot apparent to the majority of humankind.9 A common example would have been the\narranging for the production of things, such as frogs, lice and worms, whose generation in\nthe natural world seemed to occur spontaneously and not by generation from parents. In\nsuch a case, the emergence of the living beings was to be traced back to seeds buried deeply\nin certain natural substances such as decaying flesh. By manipulating such substances, the\nnatural magician could gather together the appropriate seeds and force a spontaneous generation that would astound onlookers. Again, William of Auvergne commented that by the\nadroit combination of just the right matter containing just the right seeds, it should be possible to produce species of animals never before seen. In other words, natural magic promised\nto extend the boundaries of nature, and enthusiasts like Roger Bacon, whose category of\n\u201cexperimental science\u201d included what normally passed as \u201cnatural magic,\u201d held out hope\nthat through its use untold marvels would result.\nOf course, the magical side of such strange works led some in educated circles to denounce natural magic as an evil art. Indeed, its promoters, from early thinkers like William\nof Auvergne to the famous sixteenth-century natural magician Giambattista Della Porta,\nthought it wise to admit that in the wrong hands it could be put to nefarious use, insisting\nall the while that in itself it was neither immoral nor worthy of anything but praise. In\nfact, as suggested before, the rubric \u201cnecromancy according to physics,\u201d which appeared\nin those twelfth-century lists of the sciences traceable to Al-Farabi, probably denoted what\nwould a century later be called natural magic, so that even by their words some of the early\ndefenders of the art or science invited criticism and condemnation. But everyone in the\nscholarly world, even a theologian like Thomas Aquinas, had to recognize that some of\n291\n\nPages 311:\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nthe workings of occult powers in nature were fully innocent, sometimes beneficial. If they\nhesitated to use the terminology \u201cnatural magic\u201d, they were referring all the same to phenomena that many of their contemporaries described as magical. One recurrent example\nof such an occult operation in nature was iron\u2019s attraction to a magnet. And no one would\nhave claimed that the magnet\u2019s powers, for all their wondrousness, should be regarded as\nsuspect or shunned by inquiring minds. The basilisk, whose power to kill if it was engaged\nin sight was also accepted across the board, constituted another instance of natural magic\nmentioned frequently in medieval texts. There were moreover the special and occult properties of precious metals and gemstones. As with the sapphire\u2019s reputed power to stanch the\nflow of blood, many of these latter powers were of particular utility in medicine.\nDiscussion of how these occult virtues actually worked reverted to explanations that had\nbeen advanced in antiquity. It was clear that the normal view of the natural agency of material substances would not apply, for the action was often exercised at a distance and in any\ncase it could not be accounted for by ascribing it to the elemental qualities of a mixture: hot,\ncold, dry and wet. Galen had suggested with regard to medicines that where occult powers\nwere at work they had to be traced back to the whole substance, whose total operation could\nsupersede that of the elemental components, and medieval thinkers readily adapted the account to their own needs. One version of the borrowing was to claim that in such instances\nthe active substance or object worked \u201caccording to its whole nature\u201d. By the middle of the\nthirteenth century, it had become common to associate the process with the specific form\nof the agent. In that case, the operation could be said to arise \u201cfrom the whole species\u201d\n(a tota specie), which again short-circuited action by elemental properties.10 By the terms of\neither explanation, the normal laws of generation or material action were bypassed, but by\na form of causality that remained resistant to further explanation and hence, even for those\ndescribing it, largely hidden and wondrous. In other words, the occult quality of the forces\nupon which the actions of natural magic depended did not entirely disappear even in the\nface of claims that they were fully natural.\nMedicine\nAs has already been suggested, many phenomena associated with natural magic found their\napplication in medicine. Medical science thus constitutes another area where modern scholars should expect to find an overlap between magic and natural philosophy. Of course, the\nuse of astrology to determine the critical time to apply medicine or to undertake a medical\noperation represented a further link between magic and medical learning. Since medicine\u2019s\nrelationship to magic is the subject of another chapter of the present volume, there is no\nreason to investigate the issue further here. The interested reader should turn to the appropriate chapter.\nThe science of images\nYet, there remains one more area of magic important for its relation to natural science. And\nhere the matter was fraught with greater controversy than for any of the other areas examined so far. The magical art in this instance was the science of images, mentioned in those\ntwelfth-century lists borrowed from Al-Farabi but for practical purposes available to scholars\nin the West only from the thirteenth century. It was an art that relied upon the power of\nthe stars to bring to an image object fabricated at just the right moment special powers to\n292\n\nPages 312:\nM a g i c a n d n at u r a l p h i l o s o p h y\nintervene in the operations of the natural world. Sometimes associated with the casting or\nfabrication of the image was the recital of particular words or incantations, intended again\nto focus certain powers on the images. The art had begun among the ancient S\u0101bians of\nHarr\u0101n, from which it migrated into the Arabic world, where it emerged in several texts important for the art\u2019s transmission to the Latin West. Among these are two translated already\nbefore the end of the thirteenth century. The court of King Alfonso X of Castile was known\nfor the vigour of its scholarly life, and it was at the behest of Alfonso that was translated\nthere \u2013 first into Castilian and later into Latin \u2013 in the second half of the thirteenth century\na work of Spanish origin, probably from the eleventh century, the Aim of the Sage (Ghay\u0101t\nal-hak\u012bm). This is the genesis of the famous Picatrix, named after the presumed author of the\ntext and redolent of S\u0101bian magical practice. A second work, translated surely by the same\ntime, was the Book of Images attributed in the Middle Ages to Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra. It, too, takes\nits roots from the tradition of the Harr\u0101nian S\u0101bians.\nIt is easy to imagine how such magical lore would attract the ire of theologians, already\nby the thirteenth century alarmed by the proliferation in Latin of works of magic providing\nsufficient details for actual practice. Bad enough that the practitioners of the science of images turned to the stars to bring down special powers into engraved or cast image objects.\nBut, as noted, the image-makers also frequently uttered combinations of words or incantations to strengthen the forces drawn from the heavens. Thomas Aquinas spoke for many in\nthe schools of theology when he argued that the very use of words was sign of an intention\nto convey a message and when he concluded that the subjects who would receive such\ncommunications must be demons. It was no surprise to those of Thomas\u2019s ilk that works\nlike Picatrix would choose to call their art a kind of necromancy. Yet, among the science\u2019s\ndefenders were many who claimed that nothing more was at work in the crafting of images\nthat could produce wonderful effects than manipulation of the powers of nature. For its defenders, therefore, the science of images fell completely under the rubric of natural science.\nThomas\u2019s contemporary Roger Bacon was one of those who undertook an explanation of\nhow the science of images could be not a call to demons but rather an appeal to the natural\nworld. In his Opus maius, a work of visionary claims for the sciences addressed directly to\nthe pope, Bacon contended that the work of the stars on the confected images had to be\ntraced back to his theory of natural action by means of the multiplication of species, forms\nemanating in all directions from agents in the natural world. A similar argument, he added,\ncould be made about the potency of words. In fact, since the rational soul possessed greater\ndignity than the stars, its ability to project species endowed with power should be even\ngreater than that of the heavens. Words were, he implied, connected to such soul-induced\nspecies, perhaps even identical with them. In short, when a skilful operator cast an image\nat a suitably chosen moment under the stars, reciting at the same time the proper incantation, a work would result \u201cof wondrous power to alter the things of this world.\u201d11 And all\nthis would be entirely natural, in the end no different, we might think, from producing a\nmaterial tool to accomplish a material task, like cutting wood. A similar chain of reasoning\nheld sway among proponents of the science of images up through the Renaissance. From\nthis perspective, this science was plainly natural.\nA much studied text from the later thirteenth century, long attributed to Albert the Great\nbut more likely from the pen of a learned supporter of astrology, Campanus of Novara,\ntook a different tack. Instead of arguing positively for the naturalness of the science of\nimages, the Mirror of Astronomy \u2013 already introduced earlier \u2013 attempted to distinguish the\nscience from its more nefarious imitators, which deserved the legitimate condemnation of\n293\n\nPages 313:\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\ntheological critics.12 The first of these was an art that was outright \u201cabominable\u201d and that\ndepended on the actions of fumigation and invocation. Second came an art only slightly\nless evil, rightfully designated as \u201cdetestable\u201d, which relied upon the inscription of characters and exorcism, the latter word often used as a synonym for invocation. As should be\nclear from the activities involved in them, these two magical arts engaged themselves in\ncalling upon spirits or higher beings to accomplish the wonders they produced. Of course,\nthose spirits or beings had to be demonic, and so the arts had to be avoided as demoniacal,\nimplicating the perpetrator in grievous sin. In contrast, the authentic science of images\nshunned evil spirits and made use solely of natural powers of the world, much of the sort\ndescribed by Roger Bacon, to bring the marvellous forces of the heavens down to earth. It\nwas in effect a practical art, calling upon astrology in the fabrication of image objects here\nbelow, infused with wondrous powers of action.13 Yet, the author of the Mirror was able to\nname only one work in Latin satisfactorily representative of this art, and that was the Book\nof Images attributed to Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra and mentioned before. In point of fact, moreover,\nthe Book of Images was not free of the invocations and exorcisms the Mirror claimed had to\nbe avoided. Nicolas Weill-Parot has even argued that all the way up to early modern times,\nno one succeeded in devising a science of images to meet the specifications of the Mirror.14\nPerhaps it was an impossible goal.\nExperiment\nIn addition to these fields of magic that were well developed by the high Middle Ages and\nhave attracted the attention of scholars working on the medieval period, there are also a few\nthemes of research that need to be mentioned if we are to understand the relation between\nmedieval magic and natural science. First, there is the matter of experiment or empirical\nknowledge. Standard accounts of the history of science associate the Middle Ages with a\ndeductive paradigm for scientific cognition, where statements worthy of such designation\nare drawn by demonstrative argument from presumably unassailable principles. It is only\nwith early modernity, so the same account goes, that scholars began to turn their attention\nto the principles themselves, seeking not only grounds for the epistemic confidence in those\nprinciples already recognized but also new principles altogether, and in areas of the natural\nworld hitherto unexplored. Here, the role of experiment came to be regarded as crucial,\nemployed as a method of establishing the truth of universal statements and as a source for\nfurther principles open to fresh investigation. It is then of more than passing interest that a\nmajor body of magical literature in the Middle Ages consisted of what were called \u201cbooks of\nexperiments\u201d (libri experimentorum).15\nIn many cases, the books of experiments offered directions for acts of necromancy or\nconjuring, presented one after another in long lists of singular experiences that one might\nhave with such acts of magic. But sometimes a book of experiments would be a list of recipes\nfor what might be considered examples of the art of natural magic. What was important\nin both cases was the expectation that an actual experience was foundational for whatever\nknowledge one would draw from the actions involved. There is therefore already in the\nthirteenth century a growing awareness among university scholars, and sometimes enterprising thinkers outside the university walls, that experience or what we might even call\n\u201cexperiment\u201d had an epistemic role to play, one beyond the Aristotelian acceptance that\nin the end almost all human knowledge derived from information gathered by the senses.\nRoger Bacon was one of those scholastics who most loudly trumpeted this science-certifying\n294\n\nPages 314:\nM a g i c a n d n at u r a l p h i l o s o p h y\nrole of experiential cognition. Though he advanced such claims throughout his work, he\nwas most emphatic on this score when speaking of his \u201cexperimental science\u201d. It was noted\nearlier that much of what Bacon meant by experimental science fell under the rubric of\nnatural magic, productive of various wonders. Now it must be added that even \u2013 or perhaps\nespecially \u2013 in natural magic, Bacon held that the marvellous experience \u2013 or experiment \u2013\nguaranteed a scientific commitment of certitude about the results.16 At least in this magical\nguise, experimental science constituted the ultimate arbiter of most of the other sciences.\nTo make this observation does not amount to going back fully to Alistair Crombie\u2019s\ncontention from the early 1950s that the tradition of scholasticism represented by those\nlike Robert Grosseteste and Bacon foreshadowed the notion of experiment\u2019s scientific role\nas put forth in the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century.17 As the case of Bacon\nplainly shows, the medieval emphasis on experiment was often tied to the experience provided by performing an act of magic and not to the verifying role of controlled experiment.\nBut that should not prevent us from recognizing medieval magic\u2019s hand in drawing thinkers\u2019 attentions to the particularities of experience as serving an epistemic function. Out\nof this awareness surely arose some of the cognitive habits that would, by the seventeenth\ncentury, underwrite the turn to an empirical science in a more modern sense of the term.\nHere, too, we should remember the observation noted before that alchemy, another magical science, generated much of the foundation for what we think of as modern chemistry.\nAnd in this latter case, we witness already in the thirteenth century the emergence of techniques that will be adopted by early modern chemists. Newman and Principe have begun\nto show us how much the careful assaying of late medieval alchemists fed directly into the\nquantitative methods of early modern chymists and thence into the cognitive world of early\nmodern science.\nA limiting case for natural causation\nSecond among the special themes we need to look at if we are to appreciate the importance of medieval magic for the concerns of historians of natural science is one that has to\ndo with the limiting role played by the notion of magical causation. Magic, and especially\nnatural magic, pointed to places in the natural world where, as indicated before, the normal\nprocesses of causation were superseded by the workings of a cause that, because it was not\nopen to further investigation as, for example, causation by the elemental properties, had to be\nlabelled \u201coccult\u201d. This meant that in debating whether a specific natural phenomenon was\noccult or not, scholastic thinkers were led to examine the question of the boundaries of natural causation. In my own work, I have suggested therefore that magic provides a significant\nlocus for our own investigation of medieval ideas of causality in the natural world.18 For me,\nthe issue has been one of determining when in the Middle Ages we begin to see scholastics\nturn towards the expectation that causes in nature will have to work by contiguity \u2013 that is,\nthe abandonment of the notion of natural causation at a distance. I have proposed that we\nlook into the disputational literature of the high and later Middle Ages for moments when\nthe subject of magic arises, expecting that the discussion of magic will force our scholastics\nto set the limit of the means of operation of a natural cause. But the same holds true for\nmedieval debate over the line between natural operations and phenomena that have to rely\non the intervention of demons. In this case, even a discipline like the science of images might\nhold clues for where medieval thinkers thought the reach of the normal processes of nature\nended, so that recourse to the power of spirits and demons had to begin.\n295\n\nPages 315:\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nConversely, the debate over workings of causality in the natural world exercised an effect on magic, or at least on what was considered to be magical in the eyes of theologians\nand inquisitors. Thomas Aquinas rejected, for example, the notion that words possessed a\nnatural power of their own whereby they could influence events at a distance. Therefore,\nwherever incantations or any spoken formulas were involved in a magical operation, he\ndenied that any natural process was at work. Instead, the words had to be informative,\nspoken as in common human discourse but this time intended for an invisible audience,\ndemonic spirits. Magical arts like the science of images, insofar as it involved recitation of\nchains of words or names, thus had to be demonic. In cases like this, examination of the\nparameters of scholastic understanding of action and change in nature can prepare us for\nunderstanding how magic was thought to occur. The demonization of magic that several\nscholars, Alain Boureau chief among them, have located in the late thirteenth and early\nfourteenth centuries can by this reading be traced back at least in part to changes in the\nconception of nature.19\nThe ars notoria\nFinally, a last theme to consider, though in this instance we are dealing less with the substance\nof natural science and more with knowledge of it. One of the most widespread sorts of\nmagic among university scholars in the high and late Middle Ages was what was called the\nars notoria, or the notorial art.20 It prescribed a strict regimen of ablution and moral purity,\naccompanied by at least a month-long observance of rituals demanding the speaking of\ncomplicated verbal formulas while looking at sometimes elaborate images, all with the intention of gaining knowledge of specific arts or scientific disciplines. The aim was to bypass\nthe long years of study in the classroom in order to be endowed with a cognitive treasury by\ndint of ritual alone. Among the arts for which precise rituals had been devised were the four\nmembers of the quadrivium. In addition to the mathematical arts of arithmetic and geometry, they included the natural science of astronomy (the other is music). It is hardly surprising\nthat such a programme would be attractive to many students at the universities. Perhaps\nmore perplexing is that its notoriety lasted so long, given what must have been countless\ninstances of disappointed expectations.\nFuture directions\nSince the study of learned magic in the Middle Ages is, with the exception of the work of\nLynn Thorndike, a relatively recent phenomenon, all of the subjects dealt with so far in this\nchapter stand in need of further development. They all, therefore, offer appropriate avenues\nfor future research. But a few areas of interest, some of which have barely been investigated\nby scholars of medieval magic, demand our special attention. They are, one might say, subjects where the profits from an investment of scholarly capital promise to be especially great.\nWe can begin with the field of natural magic. Interest in William of Auvergne, who was fascinated with natural magic and may have coined the phrase by which it came to be known,\nhas begun to pick up of late. But there are centuries between William\u2019s time and the period\nof the great natural magicians of the Renaissance \u2013 the sixteenth-century Della Porta mentioned before being perhaps the most renowned \u2013 where the trail of natural magic has been\nallowed to grow quite cold. We need to know much more about what natural magic consisted\nin during the intervening three hundred years. Who was interested in it? What works of\n296\n\nPages 316:\nM a g i c a n d n at u r a l p h i l o s o p h y\nnatural magic were composed, or what translations made, and exactly what sort of material\ndid they contribute to the tradition? What relation did medieval natural magic bear to that\nof the Renaissance, and was the development from the former to the latter continuous, or\nwas it marked by a dramatic shift?\nSometimes related to natural magic were the books of experiments (libri experimentorum). Though some of the experiments collected in handbooks in the Middle Ages offered\nrecipes for works of necromancy, many promised to give their practitioners experience in\nthe wonders of the natural world. It was noted before how such wonders were most often\nlinked causally to occult forces. And investigation of how such occult causality was conceived, especially again in the long stretch of years between the thirteenth century and\nthe Italian Renaissance, is worthy of special attention. But here, where the connection to\nnatural science is particularly close, there are two paths of research that demand much\ngreater attention in the decades to come. First of all, we need to delve into the work of the\n\u201cexperimenters\u201d in the medieval world of learning \u2013 figures like the Peter of Maricourt\nso effusively praised by Roger Bacon \u2013 so as to understand how their efforts \u2013 in the case\nof Peter, exploration of the phenomenon of the magnet \u2013 fed into magic or how magical\ntraditions influenced what they did.21 We need to know much more about these people\nand to have greater familiarity with their work, neither of which is very likely without\nconsiderable searching out in medieval manuscript collections. Second, much remains to\nbe done in understanding how medieval \u201cexperiments\u201d relate to the experimental current\nof the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century. Not that the medieval figures were\nexperimenters in the modern sense of the word. Yet, the enthusiasm for experience as an\navenue towards knowledge and a certifier of truth certainly fed into a similar excitement\nfelt by seventeenth-century empiricists like Francis Bacon. We need to know much more\nabout this process.\nNot too far afield is an area of magic modern scholarly knowledge that is just in its infancy. The Nabataean Agriculture is a work of early magic available in Arabic before the high\nMiddle Ages and translated into Latin by the thirteenth century.22 It represents a type of\nmedieval magic concerned primarily with plant lore and detailing the way the extraordinary, even magical properties of herbs and occasionally other substances could be turned\nto medical use. A similar text was the work On the Wonders of the World, recently edited\nby Antonella Sannino.23 Here is a strain of magic about which little is known but which\nprobably figured quite large in Latin learned circles in the Middle Ages. Like the books\nof experiments, these works of medico-magical wisdom are probably best seen as belonging at least in part to medieval natural science, especially if we approach them from the\nperspective of those who promoted and drew from them. Locating such works in medieval\nmanuscripts, editing them and then studying what they had to say are projects deserving\nof scholarly attention.\nFinally, I return to the science of images and to alchemy. Little connects these two in\nthe realm of magic, but both are important for our understanding of the ties between\nmedieval magic and natural science. In each case, moreover, it is how they were used\nand practised that is of just as much interest as how they were expounded in the literature\nsurrounding them. For alchemy, a major start in this direction is found in the work of\nNewman and Principe commented on before. For the science of images, there is actually\nvery little that has so far been done. Either could be the basis for an excellent programme\nof future work. The payoff for our appreciation of medieval magic and natural science is\nlikely to be great.\n297\n\nPages 317:\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nNotes\n1 Consult Valerie I.J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991).\n2 Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae/Uber die Einteillung der Philosophie, ed. and trans.\nAlexander Fidora and Doroth\u00e9e Werner (Freiburg-im-Breisgau: Herder, 2007), 76.\n3 See Daniel of Morley, \u201cPhilosophia\u201d X, 158, ed. Gregor Maurach, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 14\n(1979): 239.\n4 Speculum astronomiae 1 and 3, ed. Stefano Caroti, Michela Pereira and Stefano Zamponi, under the\ndirection of Paola Zambelli (Pisa: Domus Galilaeana, 1977), 6\u20138 and 13\u201314.\n5 For Grosseteste\u2019s arguments, see his Hexa\u00ebmeron V, ix, 1, and V, x, 1. ed. Richard C. Dales and\n\u00adServus Gieben (London: Oxford University Press, 1982), 165\u201367.\n6 See, for example, William R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire. Starkey,\nBoyle and the Fate of Helmontian Chemistry (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Lawrence\nM. Principe, The Secrets of Alchemy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2013).\n7 For both claims, see William R. Newman, Atoms and Alchemy. Chymistry and the Experimental Origins of\nthe Scientific Revolution (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2006).\n8 Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150\u20131750 (New York: Zone\nBooks, 1998); William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature. Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early\nModern Culture (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991).\n9 On such occult powers or qualities, see especially Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrology, Astral Influences,\nand Occult Properties in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,\u201d Traditio 65 (2010): 201\u201330.\n10 See Brian P. Copenhaver, \u201cScholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic in the De vita of Marsilio\nFicino,\u201d Renaissance Quarterly 37 (1984): 523\u201354; \u201cNatural Magic, Hermetism and Early Modern\nScience,\u2019 in Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. David C. Lindberg and Robert S. Westman,\n261\u2013301 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).\n11 For all this on species, see Roger Bacon, Opus maius IV, 2, cc. 1\u20133, and IV, treatise on astrology, in\nThe \u201cOpus maius\u201d of Roger Bacon, 2 vol., ed. John Henry Bridges, and supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1897, and London: Williams and Norgate, 1900), vol. 1, 109\u201319 and 395\u201399.\n12 See the convincing arguments about authorship advanced by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani in Le\nSpeculum Astronomiae, une \u00e9nigme? Enqu\u00eate sur les manuscrits (Florence: Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2001).\n13 Speculum astronomiae 11, ed. Caroti et al., 27\u201333.\n14 Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au moyen \u00e2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion,\n2002), 84\u201385.\n15 On medieval \u201cexperiment\u201d, see especially Expertus sum. L\u2019exp\u00e9rience par les sens dans la philosophie naturelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, Actes du colloque international de Pont-\u00e0-Mousson, 5\u20137 f\u00e9vrier 2009, ed. Thomas B\u00e9natou\u00efl\nand Isabelle Draelants (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011).\n16 Bacon, Opus maius VI, c. 2 and unnumbered, ed. Bridges, vol. 2, 172\u201373, 202 and 215\u201319.\n17 Alistair C. Crombie, Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimental Science 1100-1700 (Oxford:\n\u00adOxford University Press, 1953).\n18 Steven P. Marrone, \u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d Early\nScience and Medicine 14 (2009): 158\u201385.\n19 See Alain Boureau, Satan the Heretic, trans. Teresa L. Fagan (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press,\n2006).\n20 Consult the new edition by Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen Age. Introduction et \u00e9dition critique\n(Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007).\n21 On Peter, begin with Petrus Peregrinus de Maricourt, Opera. ed. Loris Sturlese and Ron B. \u00adThomson\n(Pisa: Scuola Normale Superiore, 1995).\n22 So far, only its Arabic version has been edited: Ibn Wahsh\u012byah, Kit\u0101b al-Fil\u0101hah al-Nabat\u012byah.\n\u00adL\u2019Agriculture nabat\u00e9enne. 3 vol. ed. Tawf\u012bq Fahd (Damascus: Al-Ma \u2018had al-\u2018llm\u012b al-Farans\u012b, 1993\u201398).\n23 Antonella Sannino, Il De mirabilibus mundi tra tradizione magica e filosofia naturale, (Florence: Sismel\nEdizioni del Galluzzo, 2011).\n298\n\nPages 318:\n22\nM e dici n e a n d m agic\nPeter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan\nIntroduction, concepts and terminology\nPioneering early eighteenth-century histories of medicine by Daniel Le Clerc and John\nFreind regarded their new subject as a history of the doctrines of the great doctors from\n\u00adHippocrates onwards. When they came across anything in their physician authors that\nsmacked of magic or charms they were scornful and dismissive, referring to \u201csuperstitious\nreceipts\u201d. The eclipse of humoral theories and the emergence of laboratory-based medicine\nat the end of the eighteenth century only served to reinforce this negative attitude amongst\nhistorians of medicine. But history itself changed as a discipline. With a new value attached,\nfrom the mid-nineteenth century onwards, to examining the manuscript records of medieval medicine by German scholars like Julius Pagel and Karl Sudhoff, and French scholars\nlike Charles Daremberg, magical healing began to seem a subject worthy of serious study.\nFrom another direction, national movements to collect and study folk traditions (in time to\nbecome the discipline of \u201cFolkloristik\u201d) were beginning to build national corpora of charms\nand rituals whose development was understood as a continuous process from an era before\nthe beginning of written records. The publications resulting from this scholarly mining of\noriginal sources for medicine and magic were impressive in their size and scope, and modern\nhistorical scholarship has still only partially digested these findings.1\nThere has been a strong temptation in twentieth-century scholarship on medicine and\nmagic in the Middle Ages to try to separate healing into categories defined as rational (usually scholastic medicine), religious (employing prayer, and the intercessory power attributed\nto the Virgin Mary and the saints) and magical (amulets, spells, charms). As pointed out\nby Peregrine Horden in \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with Early Medieval Medicine?\u201d, this has often\nresulted in a dismissal of early medieval medicine as a deplorable mixing up of these categories, whereas later medieval medicine is congratulated for having sorted them out. The\ncategories themselves are derived from twentieth-century paradigms that have little real usefulness as analytic tools for historians. Instead, Horden argues for an approach recognizing\nthat early (and late) medieval scribes and readers had no problem themselves in juxtaposing\nand combining prognostications and remedies various in origin into textual miscellanies\nwhose character was essentially pragmatic \u2013 whatever worked in healing justified itself.2\nFor the purposes of this chapter, magic serves as an umbrella term for a variety of specific\nhealing and medical practices that elsewhere we have termed \u201cperformative rituals.\u201d3 The\nfoundation of such practices is twofold: first, such rituals are intrinsically repeatable, and,\nindeed, their value depends in part on their being known to have been previously iterated.\nIn other words, they have acquired a certain traditionality within the communities in which\n299\n\nPages 319:\nP e t e r M u rr ay J o n e s a n d L e a T. O l s a n\nthey are used. Second, such performative rituals manifest in a number of different forms, for\nexample, wearing or carrying amulets,4 including textual ones,5 reciting or writing charms\nand prayers,6 and carrying out procedures thought to work on the basis of past trials or experience (experimenta).7 A convenience of this approach is that it does not require decisions about\nthe religious status of healing practices. This is useful since some practices that were acceptable and orthodox at one point in time or in one community of Christians, for example the\nuse of saints\u2019 names or the names of God, were rejected as being demonic or idolatrous at another. The people who practised magic in this sense of performative rituals might be priests\nor doctors, wise women or cunning men in local communities, householders or sick people.\nMagic in Anglo-Saxon medicine\nAnglo-Saxon medicine deserves separate consideration in this essay partly because\n\u00adAnglo-Saxons were writing and translating books of medicine in the vernacular before\n1100 in England, earlier than anybody else in Europe. Most of Anglo-Saxon medicine\nis consolidated in four Old English books compiled between the ninth and the eleventh\ncenturies, derived from a variety of sources: late antique Latin medicine, monastic medicine with Byzantine connections, Scandinavian runes, Irish medicine and local vernacular traditions. Its magical cures consist of verbal incantations, written or herbal amulets,\nand ritual action.8\nIncantations to the earth (Precatio terrae), mother of all medically beneficial plants and\nfood crops, were recorded for those who collected herbs as well as a long ritual to restore\nthe land and the fertility to fields and animals damaged by sorcery or poisoning.9 It incorporated the veneration of the earth as mother of the crops, consigning the fertility to\nthe protection of the cross and the church. Anglo-Saxons might follow a simple Roman\nform, as in Bald\u2019s Leechbook: \u201cI pick you, artemisia, that I may not be weary on the road.\u201d\nMore elaborate rituals appear, especially for disturbances attributed to spiritual or demonic\ncauses.10 In Leechbook III, one requires that the plant collector approach reverently at a specific time (Thursday evening) and recite the words from Christian liturgy, the Benedicite, a\nPater Noster and a litany, before sticking a knife in it and departing to return the following\ndawn. Then, he goes to church silently to recite the same prayers, collects the plant and\nlays it with the knife on the altar in the church. The healer prepares a drink by adding the\nplant called bishopswort, and lichen taken from a stone cross and boiled milk. Afterwards,\nhe recites more liturgical rites and makes the sign of the cross in four directions with a\nsword before administering it to the sick for an illness called in Anglo-Saxon \u201celf-adle\u201d,\nthat is, a sickness attributed at some point in the past to elves.11 We do not know exactly\nwhat elf-adle was, but judging from the three remedies for it in Leechbook III, it was a serious systemic ailment that might last nine days. The most intriguing collection of medical\nremedies from the perspective of magic and ritual cures is British Library MS Harley 585,\na manuscript written before 1025. The first part of the manuscript (folios 1\u2013129) contains\nthe expanded Old English Herbarium. The second part of the manuscript (the lacnunga folios\n130r\u201393r) repeatedly incorporates rituals into its herbal prescriptions, as when the person\nwho is treated for erysipelas must stay awake all night before the summer solstice and drink\nat cockcrow, dawn and sunrise. Masses are sung over plants for a salve to cure the \u201cflying\nvenom\u201d. Incantations readily incorporate Christian exorcism rites, invoking the evangelists\nwith the sign of the cross. The compiler, clearly a Christian and probably a monk, invested\nliturgical, scriptural, doctrinal singing with healing powers, as seen in his recipe for a holy\n300\n\nPages 320:\nM e d i c i n e a n d m ag i c\nsalve against poisonous bites. The cure is called a salve, but is actually a potion to be drunk\nby the healer on behalf of those under threat. An anatomically detailed account of the human body constitutes a Lorica, a metrical Christian prayer, in which the verbal recitation\nof body parts from \u201cskull, head with hair, and eyes\u201d to \u201cspleen with winding intestines\u201d\nwill be preserved from pestilence, weakness and pain. Greek letters written along the arms\nrelieve fever especially with invocations of saints. Or sacramental wafers may be inscribed\nwith the names of the seven sleepers to cure fever accompanying an Old English metrical\ncharm that rids the sick person of her harm.12\nDespite the distinctive character of some of the magical and ritual elements in \u00adA nglo-Saxon\nmedicine, there are continuities with aspects of later medieval healing, for example, the use of\n\u00ad hristian\nwritten amulets, incantations of herbs, formulae like sator arepo (the magic square), C\nlegends such as the seven sleepers and the Veronica legend, the tradition of the heavenly\nletter and the intense use of liturgical materials and devotions to the cross for protection\nagainst demons. Some practices like writing and tying on amulets and incanting herbs are\ncontinued from Roman practices, while other rituals are derived from Christian legends and\nliturgy through monastic sources. Early sources for magical and ritual healing among the\nAnglo-Saxons multiply and ramify during the late Middle Ages, and although new magical\ntechniques such as alchemy and astrology develop, the sick and fearful still had recourse to\ntherapeutic practices in the later Middle Ages that existed during the Anglo-Saxon period.\nMateriality and orality\nBoth materiality and orality contribute to a thicker, better contextualized understanding of\nperformances intended to cure illnesses, or prevent harms, because in contrasting ways they\nemphasize aspects of medical magic often overlooked by textual studies. Material substances\nand spoken language are essential aspects of magical remedies. Each of these warrants our\nattention. Moreover, the combination of a numinous object or substance and a voiced ritual\nconstitutes a familiar type of cure, where making something and saying something have\nmagical consequences.\nA commonplace medieval assumption was that every part of creation could be used for\nhealing since God intended that creation to be for human use. Things endowed with magical healing properties were identified in long-established Latin textual genres like herbals,\nlapidaries and bestiaries. Extracts from these found their way in turn into short vernacular\ntexts on materia medica. Francis Br\u00e9vart provides an excellent survey of those in German,\ngiving specific examples of wonder plants (vervain), minerals (the Aries seal designed by\nArnau of Villanova) and animal parts (from the vulture).13 By and large when these things\nwere used for healing, they were perishable and no longer survive as material evidence or\nonly in tiny numbers. But there are important archaeological remains of manufactured\nmagical objects used in healing. These range from Muslim healing bowls to cramp rings,\npersonal jewels, brooches and pilgrim badges. Many of these objects are inscribed or are\ndecorated with images, as means of promoting their apotropaic and healing purposes. The\nmore precious the object, the more likely it is to have survived, so we have to be careful not\nto give undue significance to those affordable only to the aristocracy.14\nSpoken formulas necessarily employ attributes of breathed language, from meaningless\nsounds to the symbolic. Such features include meter, rhyme, repetition, the prevalence of\nnonsense syllables, magicae voces, and the like, being among the most common. Meaningless,\nmagical words are a familiar register in the language of magical healing.15 Of outstanding\n301\n\nPages 321:\nP e t e r M u rr ay J o n e s a n d L e a T. O l s a n\nimportance is the most obvious characteristic of orality \u2013 that spoken and sung remedies\nassume the presence of the healer in the same space as the patient. The presence of an\nauthoritative and trusted speaker and a human voice, whether or not the patient or those\nstanding around understand the words, changes the psychological circumstances of the\nsick, answering the complaint not only with an implied confrontation to rid the sick of it, but\nthe reinforcement of hope for relief. More often than not, incanted remedies are accompanied by physical medicines, prayers and ritual gestures, all of which contribute to the effect\nof a verbal remedy. The circumstances and actions in which healer, patient, and observers\nare joint participants and the sufferer is the focal point of multiple healing strategies belong\nto the oral\u2013aural world, in our era as well as in the past, in which presence in time and\nspace, as well as concrete objects, is a key factor.\nMost of what we know a\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 307 to page 321 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 322 to page 336 out of a total of 569:\nPages 322:\nM e d i c i n e a n d m ag i c\nis grounded in Greek medical ideas that the motions of the mind (soul) affect the humours of the\nbody and the reverse. For example, a choleric person, one whose body is dominated by choleric\nhumour, has a tendency to feel anger in the soul; by the same token, someone prone mentally\nto anger increases choler in the body with consequences to physical health. Second, if the mind\nbelieves something strongly, the body will respond. Qusta reports having healed a noble who\ncomplained of not being able to have sex because of being \u201ctied\u201d by a spell. Qusta was unsuccessful in changing his mind until he hit on the clever device of reading him a passage from The\nBook of Cleopatra in which a spellbound man was cured by coating himself in raven\u2019s gall and\nsesame oil. After hearing the passage, the patient was convinced, carried out the prescription,\nand being cured, could have sex again. Like an incantation, the story strengthened the man\u2019s\nconfidence so that he acted and found relief. According to Qusta, the complexion of the soul is\nhelped by an incantation, adjuration or suspension around the neck, but if a medicine is joined\nwith it, health will come more quickly, since the soul is aided by an incantation and the body by\nmedicine; in the conjunction of the two, the health of each one necessarily follows speedily.20\nMaaike van der Lugt has carefully studied Urso of Salerno\u2019s Aphorisms and his \u00adCommentary\non incantations.21 According to Urso\u2019s natural philosophy, expounded in his Gloss to\n\u00adaphorism 39,22 the air around the physician is purified through his respiration and then\ndrawn in by the patient. Through this exchange, the patient\u2019s spirit is changed or replaced\nwith a purer spirit diffused through his bodily humours and members resulting in a cure.\nThere is a downside. A bad physician can corrupt the air around him via his breath or his\nspeech, so that when the patient draws in this impure air, he suffers corruption in body and\nsoul and he is weakened and becomes subject to disease. Finally, Urso\u2019s Gloss also extends\nthe effect of a physician to the manner in which the physician speaks to his patient. The\nphysician \u201cby promising health firmly with soothing speech and pleasant promises,\u201d eases\nthe patient\u2019s mind, increases his confidence in recovery, and cheers him up. The heart, previously constricted by the intensity of his illness and fear of death, is dilated, takes in air and\nspirit and boosts the power that governs the body enough to bring on a \u201cperfect crisis\u201d. Pain\nitself is relieved by focusing the mind on recovery, so that the patient\u2019s spirit withdrawing\nfrom the part of his body in pain towards his brain no longer feels it.\nThese arguments clearly work on the borderline of theology and natural philosophy as\nvan der Lugt has shown in the case of Urso. The concept of healing action through the use\nof words in charms and prayers was a subject that became the focus of intense scholastic debate in the medieval university. It was a matter of common agreement that verbal formulas\ndid possess this power, the virtus verborum \u2013 the question was how they achieved this effectiveness. The theologian William of Auvergne had suggested in the 1230s that this effectiveness\nhad nothing to do with the meaning of the words, even though music and sound do have\ncertain natural effects on man. The suspicion was that demons must be involved in incantation. Roger Bacon (1266\u201368), however, argues that three natural phenomena combine to\ncreate the power of words.23 One is the power of the stars, which emit rays that infuse all\nthings on earth and are emitted by all earthly objects containing elements. From Al-Kindi\u2019s\nDe radiis stellarum, he takes the idea that sounds (speech sounds) contain two kinds of power,\none the force from the stars and another from the soul projected by human speech. Sounds,\nwhether heard or not, propagate a celestial force, which is strongest when used at the moment when planet or constellation most closely related to the objects has most influence\non them and on the souls of the participants. But Bacon stresses the intentionality in those\ninvolved, for \u201cthe power of the human soul\u201d (anima rationalis) is essential to the successful\nconveyance of the power of words. To project its species, a soul uses words.\n303\n\nPages 323:\nP e t e r M u rr ay J o n e s a n d L e a T. O l s a n\nThe physician Pietro d\u2019Abano (1250 or 1257\u20131315 or 1316) agreed that the meaning\nof words could not explain the power of healing charms and prayers but argued that this\npower was derived from the soul of the speaker and that of the listener so that one had persuasive power over the other built on a relationship of trust. The sources of d\u2019Abano\u2019s argument go back to the De physicis ligaturis of Qusta ibn Luca. Later in the fourteenth century,\nNicole Oresme argued instead that the particular configuration of sounds is the source of\nthe power of words. A particular state or defect of the imagination on the part of the listener\nis required to make incantation effective. Both d\u2019Abano and Oresme accept a naturalistic\nframe of explanation of the virtus verborum, rejecting the role of demons.24\nMedical conditions and complaints\nFrom the perspective of people with certain common or chronic medical problems, a ritual,\namuletic or verbal remedy provided accessible therapy.25 Doctors were not necessarily the\nfirst people approached for cures, especially when the sufferer lived in the countryside, lacked\nthe money to pay a doctor or the complaint was minor. Magical remedies, including amulets,\ncharms and ritual cures, might be offered by anyone who possessed the knowledge to relieve\nthe specific complaint or who could offer some preventative magic for recurrent symptoms.\nIn the case of medical problems caused by maleficium or sorcery, the evil magic had to be\nremoved by magical means.26 Individuals who came to be called \u201ccunning men\u201d or \u201ccunning women\u201d in Britain made healing and divination their particular concern.27 On the\nother hand, a civic-minded villager like Robert Reynes, the fifteenth-century reeve of Acle,\nincluded charms that could be used as amulets for fevers, the falling evil and toothache in his\ncommonplace book; he was not a healer. Such ritual remedies cost the healers who administered them little more than personal time with a client.28 But such therapies and protections\nof health could be painted or written by cloistered religious, as Friedman has shown.29\nNot all symptoms were equally amenable to ritual or magical therapies. W.L. Braekman\nlists twenty-nine human ills for which magical therapies were prescribed in the Netherlands, most of which can be found elsewhere in Europe.30 German charms for healing\nrecorded before 1200 include many to staunch bleeding and treat fevers, wounds, blindness,\nworms, falling sickness, sore throat, ganglion cists and catarrh or head cold.31 From the\nthirteenth century, charms, amulets and personal rituals were available to stop bleeding,\ninduce sleep, ease childbirth and relieve fevers, stomach problems, diarrhoea, wounds and\nsores, gout and worms. Perennial complaints that come and go like headaches, toothaches,\nnosebleeds and some eye complaints could be helped by charms, sometimes combined with\na medicinal remedy. Mental disturbances and epilepsy were often managed with ritual or\namuletic treatments. Among acute conditions, bleeding was one of the most common complaints for which rituals were available. From cuts to nosebleeds to serious wounds threatening to bring on shock, to excessive menstruation and flux, or bloody diarrhoea, healing\nrituals were available to stem the flow.\nOld wounds and sores including painful felons and fistulas, gout, superficial cankers,\nmouth cankers and cancers of the womb belonged to a group of related maladies. Effective medicinal cures consisted of plasters and unguents; but fistulas, felons and worms\nwere amenable to charms alluding to Job\u2019s suffering or to counting-down formulae. Fresh\nwounds were treatable by an encounter charm Tres boni fratres, in which Christ instructs\nthe three good brothers to give up looking for herbs and use oil and wool and a charm to\nstop bleeding and prevent infection instead.32 Wounds caused by arrows or bolts might\n304\n\nPages 324:\nM e d i c i n e a n d m ag i c\nrequire the ritual use of molded wax to remove the foreign object. Metal plates with crosses\ninscribed on them, accompanied by voiced devotions to the five wounds of Christ, were\napplied like bandages to wounds. Verbal devotions to each of Christ\u2019s wounds, known as the\ncharm of Saint Susanna, reputedly delivered in a letter from heaven by the Angel Gabriel,\ncould be recited over a wound so that like Christ\u2019s wounds it would not be painful or the\nflesh become corrupted.33\nFevers were diagnosed according to their intensity and recurrence. Those lasting more\nthan one day could be treated with ritual administrations of holy words to be consumed\non leaves or apples or communion hosts over three days.34 Sleep could be induced in a sick\nperson through writing the name Ishmael on a leaf and laying it under the restless person\u2019s\nhead. Childbirth was an ever-present condition fraught with the possibility of suddenly going wrong at any time with life-threatening consequences to the child and the mother. An\nAnglo-Saxon woman concerned about bringing her child to term might have warded off\nmiscarriage by stepping over a grave while repeating verses in Old English and strengthen\nhope of a good pregnancy by similarly stepping over her sleeping husband. A wealthy fifteenth-century lady during her \u201clying-in\u201d period might borrow a long prayer roll for contemplation and perhaps to be wrapped about her waist by her helpers to prevent sudden\ndeath of her child or herself. Amulets were tied to the thigh or carried on the body and\nrecited over the heads of women going into labour. Some birth amulets had to be removed\nquickly after the birth lest the woman be put in danger.35\nSome diseases were attributed to demons and evil spirits and could be exorcised through\nverbal charms or prevented with amulets. Epilepsy, called the falling sickness or falling evil\nin the vernaculars, was treatable at the time of an attack by a word such as ananizapta or\nthe names of the Three Kings spoken in the victim\u2019s ear. A demon was one cause sometimes suggested for it. Constantine the African recommended accompanying the patient to\nchurch for masses over several days. A later medical ritual, recommended by John Arderne,\nrequired writing an amulet containing the names of the Three Kings, Jasper, Melchior and\nBalthazar, with blood taken from the little finger of the patient, then enclosing within it\ngold, frankincense and myrrh.36\nThere is striking continuity in the medical conditions treated with rituals and charms\nextending into the late Middle Ages. From around the middle of the thirteenth century,\nthere was a revival of the genre of Practica, treatises written by learned university doctors\non the practice of medicine organized in head to toe order of ailments.37 Practica included\nknowledge relating to both the preservation of health and the treatment of disease with diet,\nmedication and surgery. These writings were systematic in terms of their presentation of the\ndefinition, causes, signs, prognosis, regimen and therapeutics for each medical condition.\nBut, though the main thrust of the Practica was to consider each condition in terms of its\npathology of qualities and humours, as university teaching of medicine required, and to\nrecommend regimen and treatment by contraries to restore the balance or temperament\nappropriate to each individual patient, the prognostics and recipes included in these Practica\ntreatises did not always conform to this rational model. In an important article, Danielle\nJacquart drew attention to the willingness of the authors of the Practica, particularly after\nthe Black Death in 1347\u201350, to include in their recommendations occult practices whose\njustification was their experiential success rather than their rationality.38 Apart from astrology and alchemy, these practices included those that we may label as magical \u2013 rituals,\namulets, charms and treatments dependent on the occult virtues of animals, minerals and\nplants. No argument is usually advanced to justify the inclusion of these practices in the\n305\n\nPages 325:\nP e t e r M u rr ay J o n e s a n d L e a T. O l s a n\nPractica, and often they appear to be included as remedies of last resort. The same observation can be applied to contemporary treatises in the tradition of learned or rational surgery\ndescribed by Michael McVaugh.39\nPractica texts were sources for physician\u2019s handbooks and recipe collections but they themselves also absorbed charms and rituals circulating in recipe form.40 In an English context,\nLea Olsan has searched systematically for charms and prayers in four medical authors, two\nof whom wrote Practica texts, the Compendium of Gilbertus Anglicus and the Rosa Anglica of\nJohn Gaddesden. The other authors included were the fourteenth-century surgeon John\nArderne and the fifteenth-century compiler of both medical and surgery texts, Thomas\nFayreford.41 Almost all the texts listed for these four authors concern remedies for particular\ncomplaints, though there are also three prayers to be recited before gathering herbs and one\ncharm to free a prisoner (out of eighty-one texts in total). The most popular use of charms is\nto stop bleeding, but there are also many charms for toothache, for fevers, for epilepsy and for\n\u201cspasm\u201d. Conception and childbirth are a focus for charms and rituals too. Charms for these\ncomplaints and others, with the exception of \u201cspasm\u201d, also appear in late medieval medical\ncommonplace books and remedy books. These were compiled for institutions, households\nand individuals not as academic texts like the Practica but as reservoirs of practical remedies\nand recipes. In the area of veterinary medicine, rituals and charms are also found in remedy\nbooks or added to texts in just the same way as with human medicine.42 The official attitude\nof the medieval church to these healing rituals varied at different times and places, but there\nare plenty of examples copied into the margins of private prayer books and books of hours.43\nMagic and impotence: causes and cures\nMagic may be the cause of health problems as well as a means of treating them. Certain conditions could be considered as having been the result of malevolent human use of magical\npower. One condition more than others seems to have been the focus of medieval attention \u2013\nthat of impotence. Catherine Rider has made impotence the focus of a study that brings\ntogether the medieval discourses of canon law, theology, medicine, as well as the literature\nof chronicle and hagiography. Around 1150, impotence caused by maleficium was mentioned\nin the Decretum of Gratian, a work that became a canon law textbook, and in the Sentences of\nPeter Lombard, a work that became the set text for teaching theology in medieval universities. This form of hostile magic was of great dynastic as well as religious importance because\nit provided a uniquely acceptable reason in the eyes of the Church for the annulment of a\nmarriage. The treatment of cases of magically caused impotence was first discussed in detail\nin the Pantegni of Constantine the African, a treatise translated from the Arabic in the late\neleventh century. Rider\u2019s book offers in Appendix 1 an edition and translation of this influential Latin text, and the shorter text derived from it entitled \u201cRemedies against Magic\u201d.44\nIn all these learned Latin texts, practices that might cause or remedy impotence are mentioned as objects of scholastic analysis. But as Rider shows narrative works such as histories\nand saints\u2019 lives contain incidental information about actual cases of impotence magic, and\nthere were court cases arising in the late Middle Ages where accusations were made. For\npriests and friars confronting potential examples of maleficium, there were pastoral manuals\nlike the Summa confessorum of Thomas of Chobham, which contained advice on grounds for\nannulment. Thomas argued that magic was never a valid reason, and recommended that\nthe victim should fast and pray to God to be absolved from the magical spell. Most of what\nwe know of maleficium and how to deal with it in legal and pastoral contexts is derived from\n306\n\nPages 326:\nM e d i c i n e a n d m ag i c\nthese authoritative texts and Rider sees them as part of \u201ca process of negotiation between\npopular and learned culture\u201d.45 On the medical front, writings in the Practica tradition like\nthe Compendium of Gilbertus Anglicus presented remedies for impotence caused by maleficium in the form of diet, potions made of herbs, ointment and plasters to be worn over the\nkidneys. For the same medical problem, he also includes a theriac, usually a medicine for\npoisons, and a plaster of St John\u2019s wort, supposed to be effective against demons. But if even\nthese fail, there is a ritual remedy, an empiricum.46\nFuture directions\nOne of the themes of this chapter has been the way that magical healing as performative\nritual is to be found in a wide variety of written sources \u2013 not just in books containing medical texts but in religious books and in practical books written for the use of communities and\nhouseholders. Often rituals are unique items added by owners to their personal books, in the\nmargins or between texts, as well as being found as elements within a text that may have been\nwidely transmitted. What is more the history of medieval magical healing has to encompass significant geographical and temporal variety. The emergence of distinct vernacular\ntraditions within Europe from the Anglo-Saxons onwards means that the shared heritage\nof Latinate culture cannot simply be assessed as a uniform development, much the same in\none part of the continent as another. Though a lot of performative rituals can be shown to\nhave had a long history, demonstrating impressive continuity over a millennium, these rituals\nwere nevertheless also subject to variation depending on the contexts in which they were performed. A formula invoking the help of the holy mothers (of the Virgin, of Christ, of St John\nthe Baptist) in childbirth may be written as an amulet or recited by a priest or used as a recipe\nby a medical practitioner, at different times or places. It follows from this that researchers\ninterested in understanding the contingencies of magical healing in the Middle Ages must be\nprepared to look far afield. This is daunting but also spells opportunity for the enterprising.\nThere is a wealth of discoveries to be made by the personal examination of manuscripts, for\nin most cases magical healing is not something of which the cataloguers of manuscripts can\ngive notice. So the most urgent task for the historian of magical healing is a kind of fieldwork,\ncollecting specimens, analyzing them in the light of other specimens already known and\nunderstanding the manuscript contexts and social circumstances in which they are found.47\nFieldwork of another kind has been taking place in the modern disciplines of ethnography and folklore studies \u2013 not so well established in the UK but flourishing elsewhere.\nWithin university departments in these disciplines, there are systematic surveys of the use\nof incantation and ritual in modern cultures, most often conceived of in terms of folk narrative research. An impressive quantity of material recorded in many different vernacular\nlanguages has been collected, and those researching magical healing in the Middle Ages\ncould profitably engage with the many publications that draw on these surveys. Many of\nthe charms and rituals recorded in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are remarkably\nsimilar in terms of their motifs and applications to healing to those found in medieval manuscripts.48 Of course, it would be a mistake to assume that a ritual involving the writings of\nnames on an amulet that can be found in a fourteenth-century manuscript is effectively the\nsame ritual as that recorded by folklorists in a twentieth-century village \u2013 but the similarity\nshould provoke serious thinking about the continuity and changes involved. Up until now,\nmedieval historians have been slow to take up the challenge this material represents. But\nthe sequence of conferences held over the last decade under the auspices of the Committee\n307\n\nPages 327:\nP e t e r M u rr ay J o n e s a n d L e a T. O l s a n\non Charms, Charmers and Charming of the International Society for Folk Narrative Research has given medievalists and folklorists the chance to engage with each other to their\nmutual profit.49\nEarly modern source material for magical healing also exists in considerable abundance.50 Paradoxically much of this comes from those most hostile to magical healing.\nThose who compiled handbooks of charms and rituals to be condemned not only preserved\nthem for others to read, but sometimes actively encouraged by their publications the very\npractices they wished to eradicate. This was evidently the case with the Discoverie of Witchcraft by Reginald Scot, which listed practices unable to stand up to the scrutiny of rationality and true religion.51\nIn terms of thematic approaches to medieval magical healing, there are significant gaps\n(or opportunities) when it comes to the investigation of particular medical complaints or\nconditions. Catherine Rider\u2019s work on impotence magic (see above) is a good example of\nthe kind of case study that can be carried out. By bringing together medical, religious and\nlegal sources, multiple perspectives open up, though this will not apply to every complaint.\nConception and childbirth is another area recently studied. 52 But that leaves many other\nconditions indicated under \u201cMedical conditions\u201d above still to research. By concentrating\non those specific parts of Practica literature, practitioner\u2019s notebooks, recipe collections and\nremedy books that deal with a particular condition, it is possible to pick out the incantations\nor rituals included and look at them as part of the spectrum of remedies on offer for that\ncondition. Magical techniques for medical prognostications to determine whether a patient\nwill live or die or the sex of a child also deserve more study as do the ritual aspects of veterinary medicine.53\nNotes\n1 In medicine, see, for example, the publications of Karl Sudhoff (1853\u20131938) and the journal\nSudhoffs Archiv; for folklore, Ferdinand Ohrt, Danmarks Trylleformler (Copenhagen: Nordisk Forlag,\n1917\u201321).\n2 Peregrine Horden, \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with Early Medieval Medicine?\u201d Social History of Medicine 24\n(2011): 5\u201325.\n3 Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for Conception and Childbirth in\nEngland, 900\u20131500,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89 (2015): 406\u201333.\n4 Liselotte Hansmann and Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck, Amulett und Talisman: Erscheinungsform und Geschichte\n(Munich: Callwey, 1966) is the most wide-ranging survey of amulets.\n5 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006).\n6 Edina Bozoky, Charmes et pri\u00e8res apotropa\u00efques. Typologie des sources du Moyen \u00c2ge occidental 86\n(Turnhout: Brepols, 2003).\n7 Chiara Crisciani and Jole Agrimi, \u201cPer una ricerca su \u2018experimentum/experimenta\u2019: riflessione epistemologica e tradizione medica (secoli XIII\u2013XV),\u201d in Presenza del lessico greco e latino nelle lingue contemporanee, ed. Pietro Janni and Innocenzo Mazzini (Macerata: Universit\u00e0 di Macerata, 1990), 9\u201349.\n8 M.L. Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 130\u201358;\nAudrey Meaney, \u201cExtra-medical Elements in Anglo-Saxon Medicine,\u201d Social History of Medicine 24\n(2011): 41\u201356.\n9 On this Anglo-Saxon Field Remedy, Debby Banham, \u201cThe Staff of Life: Cross and Blessings in\nAnglo-Saxon Cereal Production,\u201d in Cross and Cruciform in the Anglo-Saxon World: Studies to Honor the\nMemory of Timothy Reuter, ed. S.L. Keefer, K.L. Jolly and C.E. Karkov (Morgantown: West Virginia\nUniversity Press, 2010), 279\u2013318; Ciaran Arthur, \u201cPloughing through Cotton Caligula A.VII:\nReading the Sacred Words of the Heliand and the Aecerbot,\u201d Review of English Studies, New series,\n65 (2013): 1\u201317.\n308\n\nPages 328:\nM e d i c i n e a n d m ag i c\n10 Karen Louise Jolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996).\n11 Alaric Hall, Elves in Anglo-Saxon England: Matters of Belief, Health, Gender, and Identity (Woodbridge:\nBoydell, 2007), 104\u20138; Jolly, Popular Religion, 160\u201362.\n12 Anglo-Saxon Remedies, Charms, and Prayers from British Library MS Harley 585: The Lacnunga, 2 vols., ed.\nand transl. Edward Pettit (Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen Press, 2001), nos. xvii, xviii, xxv, lxiii, lxv, lxxxi.\n13 Francis B. Br\u00e9vart, \u201cBetween Medicine, Magic, and Religion: Wonder Drugs in German\n\u00adMedico-Pharmaceutical Treatises of the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Centuries,\u201d Speculum 83\n(2008): 1\u201357.\n14 Emilie Savage-Smith, \u201cIslamic Magic Texts vs Magical Artefacts,\u201d Societas Magica Newsletter 11\n(2003): 1\u20136; on cramp rings, see the London Science Museum site at: www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/\nbroughttolife/objects/display.aspx?id=92460; Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cMiddleham\nJewel: Ritual, Power and Devotion,\u201d Viator 31 (2000): 249\u201390; R.W. Lightbown, Mediaeval European\nJewellery (London: Victoria & Albert Museum, 1992), nos. 1\u201331; Geoff Egan and Frances Pritchard,\nDress Accessories c.1150\u20131450 (London: HMSO, 1991), nos. 1308, 1309, 1313, 1336, 1337, 1360\u201363,\n1618; Brian Spencer, Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges. Medieval Finds from Excavations in London, 7\n(Woodbridge: Boydell, 2010).\n15 Haralampos Passalis, \u201cFrom the Power of Words to the Power of Rhetoric: Nonsense Pseudo-Nonsense\nWords, and Artificially Constructed Compounds in Greek Oral Charms,\u201d Incantatio: An International\nJournal on Charms, Charmers and Charming 2 (2012): 6\u201322.\n16 Peter Murray Jones, \u201cAmulets: Prescriptions and Surviving Objects from Late Medieval England,\u201d\nin Beyond Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges: Essays in Honour of Brian Spencer, ed. Sarah Blick (Oxford:\nOxbow Books, 2007), 92\u2013107.\n17 In Don Skemer\u2019s definition, \u201cTextual amulets \u2026 were generally brief apotropaic texts, handwritten or mechanically printed on separate sheets, rolls, and scraps of parchment, paper, or other flexible writing supports of varying dimensions.\u201d Skemer, Binding Words, 1. See also W.L. Braekman,\nMiddeleeuwe witte en zwarte magie in het Nederlands taalgebied. Gecommentarieerd compendium van incantamenta\ntot einde 16de eeuw (Gent: Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde, Reeks 6,\n1997); Dick E.H. de Boer, \u201cProtego-proterreo. Making an Amulet by Mutilating a Manuscript,\u201d\nQuaerendo 41 (2011): 112\u201325.\n18 Judith Wilcox and John M. Riddle, \u201cQusta ibn Luqa\u2019s Physical Ligatures and the Recognition of the\nPlacebo Effect,\u201d Medieval Encounters: Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture in Confluence and Dialogue 1\n(1995): 1\u201348 (esp. 33, lines 58\u201364, line 73, trans. p. 42).\n19 Wilcox and Riddle, \u201cPhysical Ligatures,\u201d 22.\n20 Ibid., 33.\n21 Maaike Van der Lugt, \u201cThe Learned Physician as a Charismatic Healer: Urso of Salerno (Flourished End of Twelfth Century) on Incantations in Medicine, Magic, and Religion,\u201d Bulletin of the\nHistory of Medicine 87 (2013): 307\u201346, Appendix 2 (335\u201346).\n22 In what follows, we have relied on van de Lugt\u2019s Appendix both for the Latin and the translations.\n23 Roger Bacon, Opus maius, IV, p. 395, as cited by B\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, La puissance des mots, virtus\n\u00adverborum: d\u00e9bats doctrinaux sur le pouvoir des incantations au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Cerf, 2007), 159.\n24 Delaurenti, La puissance des mots; B\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, \u201cActing Through Words in the Middle\nAges: Communication and Action in the Debates on the Power of Incantations,\u201d www.cairnint.info/article-E_ASSR_158_0053--acting-through-words-in-the-middle-ages.htm [accessed 9\nSeptember 2015]; M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magic entre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance: autour de Pietro d\u201dAbano,\ned. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Franck Collard and Nicolas Weill-Parot (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del\n\u00adGalluzzo, 2013).\n25 For general surveys of conditions for which magical remedies existed, see Handw\u00f6rterbuch des Deutschen\nAberglaubens, 10 vols., ed. Hanns B\u00e4chtold-Staubli and E. Hoffmann-Krayer (Berlin: \u00adWalter de\nGruyter, 1927\u201342).\n26 See below, pp. 306\u20137.\n27 Owen Davies, Popular Magic: Cunning Folk in English History (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007);\nWillem De Bl\u00e9court, \u201cWitch Doctors, Soothsayers and Priests. On Cunning Folk in European Historiography and Tradition,\u201d Social History 19 (1994): 285\u2013303.\n28 Though of course these services were not cheap for the consumer necessarily: see Davies, Popular\nMagic, 86\u201389.\n309\n\nPages 329:\nP e t e r M u rr ay J o n e s a n d L e a T. O l s a n\n29 John B. Friedman, Northern English Books, Owners, and Makers in the Late Middle Ages (Syracuse, NY:\nSyracuse University Press, 1995), 167\u201370.\n30 Translated from the Dutch: haemorrhoids, bloodstilling, fiery skin, burns, diarrhoea, corns, \u00adepilepsy,\nabscess, birth and afterbirth, child\u2019s failure to thrive, headache, uvula swelling, canker, fever, cramp, sore\nbreasts, spleen, skin diseases, eye complaints, plague, fingertip infections?, rabies, sleep, stone, toothache, foreign object in the body, wounds, worms, and others [cured by saints]. \u00adBraekman, \u00adMiddeleeuwe\nwitte en zwarte magie, VII\u2013VIII, 48\u2013203.\n31 Handw\u00f6rterbuch des Deutschen Aberglaubens, entries \u201cSegen,\u201d and \u201cLonginussegen\u201d, \u201cJordansegen\u201d,\netc. for specific types of verbal cures; Eleonora Cianci, Incantesimi e benedizioni nessa letteratura tedesca\nmedievale (IX\u2013XIII sec.), G\u00f6ppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistik 717 (G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle Verlag,\n2004).\n32 Eleonora Cianci, The German Tradition of the Three Good Brothers Charm (G\u00f6ppingen: K\u00fcmmerle Verlag, 2013); Lea T. Olsan, \u201cThe Three Good Brothers Charm: Some Historical Points,\u201d Incantatio 1\n(2011): 48\u201378.\n33 Lea Olsan, \u201cThe Corpus of charms in the Middle English Leechcraft Remedy Books,\u201d in Charms,\nCharmers and Charming: International Research on Verbal Magic, ed. Jonathan Roper (London: Palgrave\nMacmillan, 2009), 222\u201323.\n34 Alessandra Foscati, Ignis sacer: una storia culturale del \u201cfuoco sacro\u201d dall\u2019antichita\u0300 al Settecento (Florence:\nSismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2013); Lea T. Olsan, \u201cThe Language of Charms in a Middle English\nRecipe Collection, ANQ 18 (2005): 29\u201335.\n35 Jones and Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals\u201d; Don C. Skemer, \u201cAmulet Rolls and Female Devotion in\nthe Late Middle Ages,\u201d Scriptorium 55 (2001): 197\u2013227.\n36 Lea T. Olsan, \u201cCharms and Prayers in Medieval Medical Theory and Practice,\u201d Social History of\nMedicine 16 (2003).\n37 Luke Demaitre, \u201cTheory and Practice in Medical Education at the University of Montpellier in\nthe Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,\u201d Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 30\n(1975): 103\u201323; Luke Demaitre, \u201cScholasticism in Compendia of Practical Medicine, 1250\u20131450,\u201d\n\u00adManuscripta 20 (1976): 81\u201395; Luke Demaitre, Medieval Medicine: The Art of Healing, from Head to Toe\n(Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2013).\n38 Danielle Jacquart, \u201cTheory, Everyday Practice, and Three Fifteenth-Century Physicians,\u201d Osiris 6\n(1990): 140\u201360.\n39 Michael McVaugh, The Rational Surgery of the Middle Ages (Firenze: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo,\n2006); Michael McVaugh, \u201cIncantationes in Late Medieval Surgery,\u201d in Ratio et Superstitio: Essays\nin honor of Graziella Federici Vescovini, ed. Giancarlo Marchetti, Orsola Rignani and Valeria Sorge\n\u00ad(Louvain-La-Neuve: F\u00e9d\u00e9ration internationale des instituts d\u2019\u00e9tudes m\u00e9di\u00e9vales, 2003), 321\u201329.\n40 For definitions and discussion of remedy books, see Tony Hunt, Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-Century\n\u00adEngland: Introduction and Texts (Cambridge, MA: D.S. Brewer, 1990), and Linda Ehrsam Voigts, \u00ad\u201cScientific\nand Medical Books,\u201d in Book Production and Publishing in Britain, 1375\u20131475, ed. Jeremy Griffiths and\nDerek Pearsall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 345\u2013402.\n41 Olsan, \u201cCharms and Prayers,\u201d 343\u201366.\n42 See for example Bernard Ribemont, \u201cScience et magie: la th\u00e9rapie magique dans l\u2019hippiatrie\nm\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d in Zauberer und Hexen in der Kultur des Mittelalters, ed. Danielle Buschinger and Wolfgang\nSpiewok (Greifswald: Reineke-Verlag, 1994), 181.\n43 Catherine Rider, \u201cMedical Magic and the Church in Thirteenth-Century England,\u201d Social History\nof Medicine 24 (2011): 92\u2013107; Catherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England \u00ad(London:\nReaktion Books, 2012), 55\u201369; Eamon Duffy, Marking the Hours: English People and Their Prayers,\n1240\u20131570 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), ch. 5.\n44 Re-edited by Enrique Montero Cartelle as \u201cRemedia contra maleficia: Origen y formac\u00edon,\u201d\n\u00adRevista de Estudios Latinos 10 (2010): 131\u201358.\n45 Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 214.\n46 Rider, Magic and Impotence, 163\u201365; Jones and Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals,\u201d 412\u201314.\n47 Laura Mitchell, \u201cCultural Uses of Magic in the Fifteenth Century,\u201d Ph.D. thesis, University\nof \u00adToronto, 2011; L\u00e1szl\u00f3 S\u00e1ndor Chardonnens and Rosanne Hebing, \u201cTwo Charms in a Late\n\u00adMedieval English Manuscript at Nijmegen University Library,\u201d Review of English Studies, 62 (2010):\n181\u201392, New Series; Rebecca M.C. Fisher, \u201cThe Anglo-Saxon Charms: Texts in Context,\u201d RMN\nNewsletter 4 (May 2012): 108\u201326.\n310\n\nPages 330:\nM e d i c i n e a n d m ag i c\n48 See, for example, Patricia Ann Clark, A Cretan Healer\u2019s Handbook in the Byzantine Tradition, Text, Translation and Commentary (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011) and James Kapal\u00f3, Text, Context and Performance:\nGagauz Folk Religion in Discourse and Practice (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2011).\n49 See www.isfnr.org/files/committeecharms.html for an overview of this activity. A number of the\nconferences have given risen to monographs noticed there.\n50 For a valuable recent example from Eastern Europe, see Emanuela Timotin, Paroles protectrices,\nparoles gu\u00e9risseuses. La tradition manuscrite des charmes roumains (XVIIe-XIXe si\u00e8cles), (Paris: Presses de\nl\u2019Universit\u00e9 Paris-Sorbonne, 2015). For English material, see above all, Jonathan Roper, English\nVerbal Charms (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 2005).\n51 Frank Klaassen and Christopher Phillips, \u201cThe Return of Stolen Goods: Reginald Scot, Religious\nControversy, and Magic in Bodleian Library, Additional B. 1,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 1 (2006):\n135\u201376.\n52 Jones and Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals\u201d.\n53 Matthew Milner, \u201cThe Physics of Holy Oats: Vernacular Knowledge, Qualities and Remedy in\nFifteenth-Century England,\u201d Journal of Medieval Early Modern Studies 43 (2013): 219\u201345; Joanne\nEdge, \u201cLicit Medicine or \u2018Pythagorean necromancy\u2019? The \u2018Sphere of Life and Death\u2019 in Late\nMedieval England,\u201d Historical Research 87 (2014): 611\u201332.\n311\n\nPages 331:\n23\nI l lusion\nRobert Goulding\nIn 1829, Eus\u00e8be Salverte published an essay on magic, in which he attempted to find a universal explanation for all supposed magical acts.1 Writing in an age in which technology was\njust beginning to transform human life, Salverte looked to science as a key to understanding\nmagic. The marvels attributed to magicians, he argued, were nothing other than the exploits\nof scientists, misunderstood by an ignorant populace. And where such an explanation did\nnot seem plausible, Salverte suggested that ancient \u201cmagicians\u201d had learned to harness the\npowers of lenses and mirrors in order deliberately to mislead the gullible. Sir Walter Scott, in\nhis Letters on Demonology and Witchcraft the following year, proposed similar arguments, though\nwith less of a technological bent; and, in 1832, David Brewster wrote in response to Scott\na series of Letters on Natural Magic, in which he introduced English readers to the details of\n\u00adSalverte\u2019s arguments. All three works enjoyed great popularity into the early twentieth century. Their influence can be seen not only in contemporary accounts of magic but also in\nVictorian publications on stage magic and \u201cphantasmagoria,\u201d which presupposed a continuity between ancient and medieval magic, and nineteenth-century special visual effects.2\nMagic, in other words, was some type of illusion, either deliberately inflicted by magicians (using quite marvellous technology), or the product of ignorance in the face of science.\nThis naively \u201cscientistic\u201d theory was quite ahistorical: to begin with, the technology of illusion these authors presupposed simply did not exist in antiquity or the Middle Ages. And\nin the light of modern anthropological and historical theories of magic, the nineteenth-\u00ad\ncentury illusion theory seems like a quaint oddity. Perhaps because this was the background\nagainst which our modern notions of magic developed, the very category of \u201cillusion\u201d has\nalmost entirely disappeared from the historiography of magic.3 Yet, it is mistake to dismiss illusion from the scholarly discourse on magic. First, because there are many ancient\nand medieval magical experimenta whose only purpose seemed to be to produce illusory\nappearances. And second, and most importantly, because illusion was in fact one of the\nmost important explanatory tools for medieval philosophers and theologians: magic, for the\nmost part, was an illusion. In this essay, I will limit myself to the role that illusion played in\nthe medieval understanding of magic; at the end, I will suggest some directions for future\nresearch, including on illusory experiments.\nAugustine on magic and illusion\nIn the midst of his long battle with pagan authorities over the nature of their gods, \u00adAugustine\nengaged with a story recorded by Varro,4 that the great Greek warrior Diomedes, after his return from Troy, was constantly accompanied by birds: his former companions and comrades\n312\n\nPages 332:\nI l lu si o n\nin arms, magically transformed. Varro reported that the apotheosized Diomedes was worshipped to his own day on the island of Diomedea, and his temple was thronged with birds \u2013\nthe descendants of the very same birds that had once been his companions in Troy. \u00adAugustine\nwas, of course, sceptical of this story. For one thing, if Diomedes was really a god, why could\nhe not change the birds back into men? But more importantly, he seized on something that\nVarro himself seemed to have some doubts about: the very fact of the men being transformed\ninto birds. Varro tried to make this aspect of the story more plausible by citing other cases\nof animal transformation: Circe\u2019s turning of Odysseus\u2019s men into beasts, for example. And\nAugustine himself had heard stories of Italian landladies who transformed young men into\nbeasts of burden by feeding them magically tainted cheese; they retained their human, rational minds, even as they were put to work in the farmyard, until they were finally restored to\nhuman shape, with full memory of all that had befallen them. Augustine\u2019s own countryman,\nApuleius, had recorded a very similar incident a couple of centuries earlier, in his Golden Ass\n(a work that Augustine was unsure whether to classify as autobiography or fiction).\nBut how did these transformations come about? Could men really be turned into\n\u00adanimals \u2013 and even have animal descendants centuries later? Of course, Augustine allowed, God can do anything he wants, and might well punish or favour someone with\nsuch a transformation. But none of these cases seemed to be the work of God. Augustine\nimplied that they must instead have been the work of demons, acting (as they must always\nact) with the permission of God. Demons, however, are incapable of any real creation, but\ncan only alter appearances. Moreover, it is impossible to imagine that the human form (still\nless the human mind), both fashioned by God, could be changed in substance by demons.\nSo, in cases where people have experienced such a transformation, they have really only\nbeen made to experience a phantasticum hominis, a phantasm or illusion of a man, by which\n\u00adAugustine appears to mean the shape that a man can take in his dreams or wanderings of\nhis imagination. Whoever was seen to be transformed in fact lay asleep somewhere, while\nhis phantasticum was presented to the senses of the witnesses; indeed, the victim himself\nmight be made to experience the phantasticum rather than his own form and senses.\nThe transformation of Odysseus\u2019s men must thus have been an illusion: no one was really changed; but to both Odysseus and his men themselves, they seemed to be changed\ninto brute beasts. The story of Diomedes was a little more difficult to explain by means of\nillusion: these were real birds that had reproduced after their kind for centuries. Augustine\nsuggested that, in this case, the demons used a sleight of hand to substitute real birds for\nDiomedes\u2019s companions: \u201cConjuring tricks ( praestigiae) of this sort cannot be difficult for\ndemons (provided God\u2019s judgement permit).\u201d5\nIn Augustine\u2019s attack on Varro\u2019s story of Diomedes, we can discern a theory of magic \u2013\na theory that was to be enormously influential on subsequent Christian authors. Magical\neffects were brought about by demons (with God\u2019s permission), but their power did not\nextend to actually changing substances, and especially not the human body and mind. Instead, they were permitted only to create phantasmata, or illusions. These illusions were like\ndreams, but were much more vivid \u2013 indistinguishable, in fact, from reality.\nIn a very few cases, real alterations seemed to have taken place. One troubling example\nconcerned the competition between Moses and Aaron, and Pharaoh\u2019s magicians, where\nthe magicians turned their staffs into snakes, having seen Aaron do the same thing at\nthe direction of God (Exodus 7:10\u201313). Had Aaron performed magic? What distinguished\nhis feat from that of the Egyptian magicians? Augustine believed, uncontroversially, that\n\u00adA aron\u2019s miracle had been performed directly by God. But in one discussion of this episode,\n313\n\nPages 333:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\nAugustine wrote that Pharaoh\u2019s magicians also really (not just apparently) turned their\nstaffs into snakes, by magical incantations and the intervention of demons, who had been\ngranted this extraordinary right to change the substance of something in order to bring\nabout Pharaoh\u2019s downfall.6 This curious biblical incident would continue to test theories of\nmagic through the medieval period.\nAugustine\u2019s theory of magic was not original with him. Rather, he was hewing quite\nclosely to an understanding of magic that had been worked out by earlier Christian authors.\nIn the writings of Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Lactantius and many others, magic was taken to be\na kind of fraus (deception), elusio (delusion or illusion) or phantasm. It might be effected by a\ndeception or sleight of hand that was within the skill of any trained human, or by means of\na sleight of hand so difficult that only a demon could do it. Even in the latter case, however,\nit was still an illusion, insofar as it made that which was not present, appear to be present.\nCases in which magic brought about real changes in the world were the rarest of exceptions,\nand were treated as extraordinary events that fell outside of the explanatory scope of the\ntheory.7\nMedieval theories of illusion\nTwo important elements of the ancient theory \u2013 illusion or imagination (phantasia and its\ncognates), and trickery (praestigia or praestigium) \u2013 were shared by the scholastic theorists of\nmagic, despite the variety among the principal authors. There was a consensus that magic\nwas either natural, or illusory, or a mixture of both. They agreed, in other words, that even\nthough magic seemed miraculous and entirely outside the normal order of nature, this was\nonly an appearance. Where scholastic authors differed was in how they divided up the labour, as it were. Were the deceptive appearances the work of the magician? Or were they the\nwork of demons? And, in each case, were they brought about by the methods of conjurors\nand jugglers, or did the agent, human or demonic act directly on the imagination or senses\nof the observers? Finally, having determined where the causation lay, was anyone criminally\nculpable for these illusions?\nWilliam of Auvergne\nOne of the earliest and most important medieval theorists of magic was William of Auvergne\n(c. 1180\u2013c. 1249), who was the bishop of Paris from 1228 until his death. As a recent study\nof his work has argued, William\u2019s work represents an early attempt to engage with the newly\navailable Aristotelian texts \u2013 not in order to develop an Aristotelian natural philosophy or\nmetaphysics for its own sake, but in order to sustain a fundamentally Augustinian theology,\npicking up bits and pieces from Aristotle, the commentary tradition, as well as scientific and\nmagical texts.8 Unsystematic though he may have been, there emerges from his writing a\nclear desire, inspired by Aristotle, to explain the world naturalistically, even mechanistically,\nand to attempt to discover the modes of causation (perhaps unseen) between substances\nthat produce marvellous effects.9 In the course of sifting through the various phenomena\nthat might be taken to be inexplicable in these terms (particularly magical effects), William\ndeveloped the notion of \u201cnatural magic,\u201d a term that first appears in his work.10 He certainly\nabhorred genuine demonic magic, which he insisted should be eradicated (to use one of his\nfavourite phrases) \u201cby fire and sword.\u201d However, such truly diabolical magic formed a rather\nsmall part of those actions that were popularly believed to be magical. In other words, under\n314\n\nPages 334:\nI l lu si o n\nthe guise of attacking magic, William set out a robust defence of natural magic, saving many\nmarvellous and (to that point) inexplicable actions from the suspicion of demonic collusion.\nHis work is of relevance to us here because (as one might expect from this Augustinian\nthinker) illusion plays a very central role in his explanation of magical effects. And the importance of his work cannot be overstated: the categories he sets out will be invoked both\nby inquisitors and witch-hunters, and by pious natural magicians well into the seventeenth\ncentury.\nThe passage that is most often cited from William\u2019s work occurs towards the end of his\nvast treatise De universo, in a chapter entitled \u201cOn the three types of magical actions, and on\nthe marvellous virtues of certain things.\u201d11 At the very beginning of the chapter, William\nset out two principal divisions in apparently magical acts, both of them illusory, but in\ndifferent ways. The first involves the quickness of hands \u201csuch as the placing and moving\nof certain things, which are commonly called manipulations or shufflings, and these are\ngreat marvels to men, until they know how they are done.\u201d12 In other words, these are the\nkinds of illusions that are done by jugglers and other entertainers; they do not play a large\nrole in William\u2019s theory, but later readers of his work will make more use of this category.\nThe second type of magic will occupy most of William\u2019s attention: phenomena that \u201chave\nno reality at all outside of appearance, which are brought about by the addition or removal\nof certain things.\u201d13\nWilliam began his examination of this second genus of magic with an illusion with certain types of lamps that produce misleading visions.14 His first example is a lamp made\nof wax and \u201csulphurated\u201d snake skin. This lamp is lit in a place where there are no other\nlamps, and where the floor is strewn with straw and chaff: then, he said, the individual\npieces of straw would seem to be snakes slithering through the house. The colours in the\nsnake skin impart a similar greenness to the pieces of straw, while the motion of the flame\nmakes them appear to move. It was, then, a familiar trick of the light: he compared the illusion to mistaking a leaf for a frog by night, or a stick to a snake. So too did piles of rotting\nvegetation, fish scales and \u201cthe back-ends of certain insects\u201d seem to be fires. William was\nin fact rationalizing an experiment that, in its original form, simply stated that lighting\nsuch a lamp would conjure up the appearance of countless snakes; William added all of the\ndetails about the straw on the floor, the flickering, green light and so on, in order to bring\nthe effect claimed of the lamp into the realm of naturally explicable causation.15\nHe did something similar with a lamp that is one of the very oldest illusions of this type.\nThe original recipe (attributed to Anaxilaus) called for the tears or semen of an ass to be\nmixed with the oil in a lamp. When the lamp was lit, all of those in the room would appear\nto have the head of an ass. William talked instead of a candle, the wax of which is blended\nwith ass\u2019s semen or tears. Aside from some quite reasonable doubts whether you could mix\nwax with these substances \u2013 and whether such a candle would actually light \u2013 William had\nno difficulty believing that semen, at least, could bring about so wonderful an effect, and\nquite naturally reproduce its own image.\nThe justification for William\u2019s argument is found in the previous chapter, which is ostensibly concerned with the power of music, but which actually ranges over a wide variety\nof phenomena that affect the soul, apparently invisibly. Behind many such phenomena,\nWilliam argued, is the inner vis imaginationis, a powerful faculty of visualization which,\nfor most human beings, lies obscured by the vices of the soul and the disturbances of the\nsenses, but can be released by various artificial means: gazing at a shiny object as a means\nof divination, or in certain magical mirrors.16 But, William emphasized, nature will always\n315\n\nPages 335:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\noutstrip art and the power even of the imagination; even alchemy cannot bring about the\nkinds of transmutations that nature can. From sheep, we get milk; we can turn it into butter,\ncheese and whey, but nature, far more marvellously, will transform it into the blood, flesh\nand bone of growing lambs. There are the examples of miraculous stones generated in the\nforeheads of reptiles and amphibians. And finally, and most importantly, semen, which can\nbring about the generation of all kinds of animals, in all their parts \u2013 and within its marvellous generative power, there is a divine art, which could be taught by God to humans.17\nSemen thus has a \u201cmagical,\u201d but entirely natural virtue \u2013 to generate and reproduce after\nits kind, and was for William a paradigm for a certain type of marvellous object and magical operation:\nThere are also other things that are brought about by the mixing together and\nblending of natures, many of which are known, but many more of which are as yet\nhidden away. He who knows the hidden powers and possibilities of these natures,\ndoes many marvellous things, and would be able to do things that were even more\nmarvellous, if there were the possibility of using plenty of these things, and if there\nwere sufficient knowledge of them; for this reason, men of this sort have been called\n\u201cmagi,\u201d meaning \u201cmen who do great things (magna),\u201d although the word has also\nbeen interpreted to mean that they are evil men (mali), who do evil things. But those\nwho do these things through the ministry of demons truly should be called and\nconsidered evil men, doing evil.18\nTo return to William\u2019s candle, it is now clear how it might fit into his general scheme of\ncausation. The effects of the candle, whether \u201creal\u201d or not, are entirely explicable given the\nmarvellous powers found in semen; moreover, the manipulation of these powers, even to the\nridiculous end of placing an ass\u2019s head on peoples\u2019 heads, is quite blameless, and nothing\nmore than a kind of expertise in the natural powers of substance. At the same time, the\neffects of this lamp cannot but recall Augustine\u2019s unfortunate young men who were apparently transformed into asses. Semen may have the ability to generate real things, but (if we\ntake \u00adAugustine seriously) if men appear to be asses, it can only be an appearance. William is\nentirely in agreement with Augustine. He noted, in this context, that it is very easy to make\nillusions (apparentia) of this kind, bringing about a great effect with very slender cause, for,\namong all the senses, vision (and its internal counterpart, the vis imaginationis) is the easiest to\ndeceive.19 By just a small infectio (by which William could mean either a disease or a manipulation), it can seem that everything is black, or pointed, or shaking or receding \u2013 and countless\nother deceptions. And then there is the praestigium, whereby someone thinks his hand is the\nhoof of an ass and is embarrassed to take it out of his lap, \u201cwhich perhaps you\u2019ve read in this\nsort of experiment books, if you recall.\u201d20 So long as we can be sure that demons were not\ninvolved, this illusion too must have been performed in a similar way: by lighting a specially\nprepared candle, or anointing the hand itself, in order to affect the outward or inward senses.\nBut how can we be certain that an illusion is natural, and not the work of evil spirits?\nWilliam considered, in contrast, a praestigium he found in an experiment book, which would\nmake water appear where there is no water. The illusion was effected by firing an arrow\nmade of a certain kind of wood, from a bow made of yet another kind of wood, strung with\na certain kind of cord. Unlike the candle illusions, in this illusion, none of these substances\nhad the natural power of generating water (whether in reality or as an appearance). So\nthe effect must actually have been brought about by demons, attracted by the fact that the\n316\n\nPages 336:\nI l lu si o n\nmaterials are not used in any way (utique). For the books say that one must collect such and\nsuch wood, or stone, or liquid or whatever else at a particular day and hour \u2013 and that,\nsaid William, is worship (oblatio): service and worship of demons.21 Of course (he added),\nthe writers of the experiment books did not actually mention worship; if they did, no one\nwould ever try the experiment. And this is precisely the sign of diabolical fraud in these\nsorts of experiments: that materials are brought together that, in themselves, have no power\nto do what they promise; unknown to the practitioner, they are in fact used to worship the\ndemons, and to ensnare the unwitting experimenter into collusion with diabolical powers.\nAs William went on to say, he permitted only experiments where the materials had been\ncollected \u201canyhow\u201d (utique), not at special times, or while making certain incantations. In\narticulating this difference, he may have been echoing Pliny\u2019s similar distinction between\nmedicine, and the confection of medicine, astrology and religion that he considered to be\nmagic.22 The ingredients in Pliny\u2019s own recipes are often indistinguishable from those of\nthe \u201cMagi,\u201d except that his recipes never call for the materials to be gathered at an astrologically propitious time, while saying certain words, and so forth \u2013 elements that Pliny\nconsiders too superstitious.23 In this same chapter, William actually went on to consider a\nmarvel reported by Pliny: the power of the mineral heliotrope to cause invisibility.24 But\nwhereas Pliny rejected this power out of hand, because, according to the Magi, it only\nmanifested itself after certain incantations had been made, William is willing to consider\nthat it has this effect, so long as there are no such superstitious accompaniments and the\npower arises purely through the natural virtues of the stone. Having made this distinction,\nWilliam went on robustly to defend the existence of myriad virtutes occultae in things, which\ndemonstrate God\u2019s power, and which could, with the right intentions, be used blamelessly\nby the faithful.\nThis, then, is one important part of William\u2019s account of illusion: on the one hand, certain substances can give\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 322 to page 336 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\nit laid against astrology the complaint that if it worked as claimed, then its prognostications\nput at risk the freedom of the human will. This was a common charge, and one that astrologers continually attempted to evade by saying that they predicted only conditions within\nwhich the will had to act while exercising its still unfettered freedom of choice. Again, no\nassault on astrology\u2019s natural pretensions but rather a moral challenge to those who put it\ninto practice.\nAlchemy\nPerhaps second only to astrology with a claim to being one of the natural sciences was \u00adalchemy.\nIts association with magic probably had as much to do with its opposition to \u00adAristotle\u2019s explanation of natural action according to the elemental properties of mixed \u00adbodies \u2013 all real\nobjects in the sublunar world \u2013 as with its penchant for hiddenness and with the fact that in\naddition to seeking to change base metals to precious ones it also was engaged in the search]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91,92\nthem out.\nAlchemy is aptly described as the operation of body on body, since its materials are the\nwhole of God\u2019s creatures within the sublunar sphere, divided into animal, vegetable and\nmineral. Alchemical recipes use only corporeal ingredients. No numinous influences are\nbrought to bear in the mixing of these ingredients \u2013 whether they be the rays of the planets,\nor the effects of spirits. The planets feature not as spiritual influences but only as the names\nennobling the metals.\n72\nA r a b i c m ag i c\nIn the case of talismans, the body is the material out of which the talisman is made,\nnoble materials for good effects, base materials for bad. The spirit is brought into the body\nto enliven it, by means of prayer (khi\u1e6dab, oratio) and the burning of incense (dakhn, suffumigatio). The vaporous nature of the smoke encourages the ghostly nature of the spirit to enter\nthe talisman. The very practice of the talismanic art is a continuation of the late Antique]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=484\nPages: 484\nincorporation of \u201cexperimental science\u201d (scientia experimentalis) into the medieval university\ncurriculum. By experimental science Bacon meant a testing of conclusions made with the\nother sciences through the human senses. His ruminations had positive implications especially for the practice of alchemy, a way of investigating material substances that was\ninvigorated in the Christian West, again, through the introduction of texts of Arab and\nPersian origin. Bacon seems to have been drawn to alchemy by a text wrongly ascribed to\nAristotle and circulating in thirteenth-century Europe, the Secret of Secrets. Other specifically alchemical texts that influenced Bacon and other scholastics were ascribed to J\u0101bir ibn\nHayy\u0101n (Latinized as Geber). Alchemy, though not welcomed into the medieval university curriculum, did attract the interest of many scholastics. Among the problems it posed\nChristian thinkers was its appeal to spirits, interpreted by many as demons. Working with a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\naddition to seeking to change base metals to precious ones it also was engaged in the search\nfor the elixir of life. For modern scholars, one important question has been how to characterize this science or art. On the one hand, alchemical texts speak with a highly metaphorical\nlanguage, itself quite difficult to decipher, and purport to deal with the matter of the ultimate\ngoal of human life and offer what seem to amount to prophecies of the future. There are\nthose who would argue that such concerns constituted the primary aim of alchemy and that\nits talk about the transmutation of metals was largely metaphorical garb. Yet, there remains\nthe fact that changing metals from one kind to another, and especially transforming base\nmetals into gold, occupy the bulk of alchemical writings. Efforts in the past two decades by\nWilliam Newman and Lawrence Principe to understand these writings in concrete terms]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\nWilliam Newman and Lawrence Principe to understand these writings in concrete terms\nthat can be translated into the discourse of modern chemistry and even to try out some of\nits assaying recipes have given substance to the counterclaim that here is where the focus and\ngoal of alchemy lay, with the moralizing overtones representing mere ephemera.6 Of course,\nit is possible that both aims are what medieval alchemists had in mind, but it will take many\nmore attempts to delve into the alchemical literature for the precise proportion between the\ntwo aims to be decided. Maybe the answer will vary widely from work to work.\nSuffice it to say that for our present concerns, the aspect of alchemy tending towards the\nanalysis of what we would recognize as chemical compounds and ultimately geared to the\ntransformation of one substance into another bears the closest resemblance to natural science. And again the results of recent research have not only confirmed the seriousness with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=137\nPages: 137\nforward in these texts were not only consulted but also followed and taken seriously.\nIn contrast to divination, natural magic and talismanic magic, alchemy provided a\n\u00adterritory for the authors of the region to prove their originality. While many were copies\nof Western texts (theoretical works by John of Rupescissa and Arnau de Villanova as well\nas recipes attributed to Albert the Great, Raymund Lull, Roger Bacon and others), this is\nthe genre in which the most numerous texts of local origin were produced. The Alchemical\nMass of Nicolaus Melchior is certainly the most exceptional among them, to which one\ncan add the first genuine alchemical tract from Bohemian territories, the Processus de lapide\nphilosophorum (On the Philosopher\u2019s Stone) and the Aenigma de lapide (Enigma on the Stone) both\nwritten by a monk named Johannes Ticinensis ( Jan T\u011b\u0161\u00ednsk\u00fd),24 and another treatise written in the vernacular in 1457, entitled Cesta spravedliv\u00e1 (The Rightful Way) attributed later to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\nwhich alchemists pursued their transmutational goals but also revealed how important the\nefforts of the alchemists were in leading to the emergence of modern chemistry. It was the\nalchemists, with their vision of the combination and recombination of more fundamental\nsubstrates, and not the university-educated scholastics, dependent on an Aristotelianizing\nnotion of irreversible mixture of the four elements, that led the way to modern chemistry\u2019s\nconcept of compounds capable of being broken down into their elemental components,\nwhich could then be compounded anew in different ways. Moreover, the actual assaying\nof substances that alchemists practised in their endeavours to find the way to gold nurtured habits of proceeding that underlay the quantitative analyses of seventeenth-century\n\u201cchymists\u201d, in turn the forerunners of modern-day chemists with their experimental methods of both investigating phenomena and validating hypotheses.7 From the perspective of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nmirrors.8\nThe common feature of all these sciences is man\u2019s manipulation of nature, and changing\nthe natural course of things. It is difficult to draw the line between magic and other forms of\nhuman intervention in nature. But a convenient place to begin is again, the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm\nof Maslama.\nThe divisions of magic\nThe Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm was translated into Castilian in 1256 and soon after, into Latin, under the title Picatrix.9 It divides magic (si\u1e25r, nigromantia) into three parts \u2013 talismans, n\u012branj\u0101t\nand alchemy, according to the operation of spirit (r\u016b\u1e25) and body (jasad): n\u012branj\u0101t involve the\noperation of spirit on spirit, talismans, of spirit on body, and alchemy, of body on body.\nEven though the Latin translation somewhat garbles this passage, it is still useful to consider\nwhich texts might fit into these three divisions, and how a Latin scholar might have sought\nthem out.\nAlchemy is aptly described as the operation of body on body, since its materials are the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488\nthe dominant understanding of how the natural world worked was shifting in this period\ntowards an Aristotelian model; second, as mentioned above, because although Aristotle\u2019s\nwritings little addressed topics that explicitly or directly might be considered magic by\n\u00adthirteenth-century lights, his Arab and Jewish commentators did, and an important aspect\nof the high medieval reception of Aristotelianism was figuring out whether and how to sieve\nthe Arab and Jewish accretions out of the Aristotle. Albert, with the encouragement of his\nDominican superiors, set about the unprecedented task of paraphrasing all known works\nof Aristotle, and commenting on many as well. In consequence, he was drawn to address\ntopics such as astrology, divination, alchemy, etc., fields that the Mediterranean commentators had addressed extensively even if Aristotle had not, and were of broader contemporary\ninterest to medieval Christian society.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=307\nPages: 307\nthat there were texts transmitted through the Arabic making available a sort of magic of\nwondrous combinations to be applied in the growing and use of plants and animals. As for\nthe science of navigation, it too speaks for itself, while the science of alchemy is likewise\nself-explanatory but this time indicative of a field long associated with magic. Bringing up\nthe rear is the science of mirrors, part of a much wider arena of speculation called optics but\nhere perhaps linked as well to a practical art of producing wonders.\nGundissalinus\u2019s list is reproduced by another twelfth-century inquirer about natural science, the English scholar Daniel of Morley, and was apparently widely familiar as late as\nthe thirteenth century.3 Important for us is that it confirms how much of magic was brought\ninto the Latin West in the train of the new science imported largely from the Arabic world.\nEqually significant is that, with the exception of astrology, these areas of magical learning]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nof the Introduction to Astrolog y and the Centiloquium attributed to Ptolemy, but added the book\nof talismans of Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra and perhaps some other magical texts.7\nIn a division of science occurring in a Latin translation of an as yet unidentified Arabic\ntext, De ortu scientiarum (\u201cOn the rise of the sciences\u201d), as a part of the practical parts of physics, \u201cnecromantia\u201d finds a place among the physical sciences:\nThe parts of this science (physics) according to what the first wise men have said\nare eight: i.e. the science of (astrological) judgements, the science of medicine,\nthe science of necromantia according to physics, the science of talismans, the science of agriculture, the science of navigation, the science of alchemy, which is\nthe science of converting things into other species, and the science of (burning)\nmirrors.8\nThe common feature of all these sciences is man\u2019s manipulation of nature, and changing]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=137\nPages: 137\na certain Bohemian alchemist, Johannes Lasnioro ( John of Laz). These sources show that\ninterest in alchemy exceeded the circle of those who were able to read Latin. Archaeological\nevidence, for instance the retorts, vessels, trays, alembics, phials, and other glass, wooden\nand metal objects excavated from the alchemical-metallurgical laboratory of Oberstockstall (forty miles north-west from Vienna, not far from the Bohemian lands), testifies that\nthis interest was not only theoretical.25 It is hard to tell how many laboratories functioned\nin monasteries and aristocratic courts in the fifteenth century. Oberstockstall was active in\nthe mid-sixteenth century and the real boom in such practices took place around the end\nof the sixteenth century in the region, related to the court of Rudolf II. Nevertheless, one\ncan plausibly suppose that they were not born out of nothing. The southern frontier of the\nCentral European region, the town of Pula gave birth to the famous alchemical text, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=163\nPages: 163\nbroader reach in other ways as well, such as a higher degree of cross-disciplinary work from\nsuch fields as the history of science and the history of ideas, than has thus far been the case.\nCertainly, the extent to which we understand an area like alchemy will prove central to\nproviding a clearer image of the degree to which elite concepts of magic from the Continent\npenetrated medieval Scandinavia.\nThis issue points to a further sphere where one senses more research could profitably\nbe invested, namely, Scandinavia\u2019s contacts with non-Scandinavian cultural traditions.\nThus, the relationships of Nordic magical traditions to those of their Baltic neighbours,\nand colonial possessions, are of great interest, and although important work has been done\nwith respect to the S\u00e1mi and adjacent Finnic peoples,56 there is undoubtedly more to be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=190\nPages: 190\ncould play the role of a symbol, following the example of the Physiologus\u2019 animal sections.\nAt the same time, in the natural philosophy of the thirteenth century, in Latin and in\nHebrew,3 every compound sublunary body, whether it is mineral, vegetal or animal, was\nconstituted of elements and primary qualities which together made up its complexion. This\nconcept of complexion was well understood only after the translation from Arabic, in c. 1230,\nof the Aristotelian work De generatione et corruptione.4 As a consequence, whether in the field\nof physics, medicine, physiology, zoology or alchemy, the cause of a transformation was\nexplained by the effect resulting from the property of the body at the origin of this action.\nThe lapidaries are another rich scholarly literature describing natural properties. Often]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=484\nPages: 484\nChristian thinkers was its appeal to spirits, interpreted by many as demons. Working with a\nnotion similar to William\u2019s natural magic, Bacon argued against the prevailing notion that\nalchemy succeeded only with demonic assistance. He outlined, rather, natural forces, latent\nin the objects, which the alchemist was striving to tap. Bacon\u2019s arguments attempted, analogously to William of Auvergne\u2019s, to remove alchemy from the shadow of the demonic.8\nThe study of celestial influences on the terrestrial world and human society posed similar\nchallenges to scholastic thinkers. The study of the celestial bodies and their movements,\nthe responsibility of mathematicians, was uncontroversial insofar as it was a study of God\u2019s\nCreation and the principal means for telling time and making calendrical calculations. The\nmedieval Christian West had a more ambivalent stance regarding the study and exploitation of celestial influences: while certain kinds of influence on the natural world and human]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nothers \u2013 a \u00adfavourite example of Carl Gustav Jung when elaborating on his analogy between\nthe lapis philosophorum and Jesus Christ. The alchemical mass incorporates the stages and\nmaterials of the alchemical process (vitriol, saltpetre, the philosopher\u2019s stone, the sperm of\nphilosophers and others) into the framework of the Holy Mass (Introitus Missae, Kyrie, Graduale,\nVersus, Offertorium, Secretum and so on). The text equilibrates between being a practical alchemical text and a prayer rich in alchemical symbolism. Both the circumstances of the birth of\nthis text and the life of its author are enigmatic. Melchior has not left much further trace\nin historical documents. It has long been supposed that the author was an otherwise known\nactor of the time (perhaps Nicolaus Olah (1493\u20131568), Archbishop of Esztergom, \u00adcounsellor\nof Queen Mary of Habsburg) hidden under a pseudonym. Although not \u00adnecessarily the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nuntrained charlatan; he studied in the best medical school of his day, in Montpellier, and\nhis texts demonstrate good mastery of the Latin idiom. His ideas were by no means mainstream in medieval medicine, but they were not as unrealistic as they may seem today: they\nare well rooted in the natural magic of the \u201cexperimenta\u201d literature and in the medieval\ngenre of \u201csnake-tracts\u201d (Schlangentraktate) that were popular in the medical circles at the time.\nThis literature explained the occult virtues of animals in general and of snakes and frogs in\nparticular.19\nThe alchemical mass\nNicolaus Melchior\u2019s early sixteenth-century alchemical text, the Processus sub forma missae\n(\u00adProcess in the Form of the Mass), dedicated to Wladislas, King of Hungary and B\n\u00ad ohemia,\nreceived particular attention in early modern and modern times, and was \u2013 among\nothers \u2013 a \u00adfavourite example of Carl Gustav Jung when elaborating on his analogy between]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=195\nPages: 195,196\nwhich recalls the interpretation given by Petrus Alfonsi, (4) the science of images, that is\n176\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nto say talismans or astral magic in a more general sense, (5) agriculture, (6) navigation,\n(7) the \u00adscience of mirrors (catoptrics) and (8) alchemy.40 Charles Burnett has shown that\n\u00adGundisalvi\u2019s division was taken from the De ortu scientiarum, a work on the division of\nsciences that was adapted from an anonymous Arabic work.41 This text probably also influenced Daniel of Morley, an Englishman who said that he went to Toledo at the end of the\ntwelfth century to observe the dynamism of the new Arabic sciences. In his Liber de naturis\ninferiorum et superiorum (between 1175 and 1187), he mentioned \u201cthose who calumniate astrology\u201d (astronomia).42 He classifies nigromancia among the eight sciences that derived from\nastrology and benefited from it. For Daniel of Morley, in comparison with the writings of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=39\nPages: 39\nthat will always prove inadequate. From one culture to another and even within a culture,\nthere will always be different constitutive terms brought together explicitly or (perhaps\nmore often) by assumption under an aggregating term, adding to the imprecision of the\nterm. An argument can be made for or against including astrology as a form of magic, although \u00adelements of astrology are clearly entailed in various forms of magic, most obviously\nthe magical use of inscribed astrological images. It is harder to justify viewing alchemy as\nmagic, but a history of magic must take it into account among the \u201coccult sciences\u201d imported from Arabic culture in the high medieval West.19 As for the term \u201cmysticism\u201d, I have\ngiven what some might see as an overly restrictive set of constitutive terms: some might\nwish to include certain forms of visions, even if they are not theoerotic, and some would\nemphasize links between paramystical phenomena such as the stigmata and what I take as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93,94\nThe division into \u201cspiritual\u201d and \u201cnatural\u201d can be applied more widely. \u00adA lchemical\nand astrological texts (to the extent that they are classified as magic) fall under the category of \u201cnatural\u201d. But so does a whole tradition of \u201cnatural\u201d experiments (some of which\n74\nA r a b i c m ag i c\nare described as n\u012branj\u0101t) which one finds in works attributed to the alchemist J\u0101bir ibn\n\u1e24ayy \u0101 n (c. 721\u2013815) \u2013 the Kit \u0101b al-Tajm \u012b\u02bf (\u201cThe book of assembling\u201d) and the Flos naturarum (\u201cThe flower of natural things\u201d) \u2013 the Kit \u0101b al-Sum \u016b m (\u201cThe book of poisons\u201d) and\nAl-Fil \u0101\u1e25a al-Naba \u1e6d iyya (\u201cThe Nabatean agriculture\u201d) by Ibn Wa \u1e25 shiyya (fl. tenth century)\nand the Kit \u0101b al-Naw \u0101 m\u012bs (\u201cThe book of laws\u201d) attributed to Plato (translated into Latin\nas the Liber vacce \u2013 \u201cThe book of the cow\u201d).20 The last-mentioned work consists of a series\nof experiments, such as producing bees from a cow (hence the Latin title), inducing rain]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=312\nPages: 312\nthe schools of theology when he argued that the very use of words was sign of an intention\nto convey a message and when he concluded that the subjects who would receive such\ncommunications must be demons. It was no surprise to those of Thomas\u2019s ilk that works\nlike Picatrix would choose to call their art a kind of necromancy. Yet, among the science\u2019s\ndefenders were many who claimed that nothing more was at work in the crafting of images\nthat could produce wonderful effects than manipulation of the powers of nature. For its defenders, therefore, the science of images fell completely under the rubric of natural science.\nThomas\u2019s contemporary Roger Bacon was one of those who undertook an explanation of\nhow the science of images could be not a call to demons but rather an appeal to the natural\nworld. In his Opus maius, a work of visionary claims for the sciences addressed directly to\nthe pope, Bacon contended that the work of the stars on the confected images had to be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=311\nPages: 311\nuse of astrology to determine the critical time to apply medicine or to undertake a medical\noperation represented a further link between magic and medical learning. Since medicine\u2019s\nrelationship to magic is the subject of another chapter of the present volume, there is no\nreason to investigate the issue further here. The interested reader should turn to the appropriate chapter.\nThe science of images\nYet, there remains one more area of magic important for its relation to natural science. And\nhere the matter was fraught with greater controversy than for any of the other areas examined so far. The magical art in this instance was the science of images, mentioned in those\ntwelfth-century lists borrowed from Al-Farabi but for practical purposes available to scholars\nin the West only from the thirteenth century. It was an art that relied upon the power of\nthe stars to bring to an image object fabricated at just the right moment special powers to\n292]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=316\nPages: 316,317\nFinally, I return to the science of images and to alchemy. Little connects these two in\nthe realm of magic, but both are important for our understanding of the ties between\nmedieval magic and natural science. In each case, moreover, it is how they were used\nand practised that is of just as much interest as how they were expounded in the literature\nsurrounding them. For alchemy, a major start in this direction is found in the work of\nNewman and Principe commented on before. For the science of images, there is actually\nvery little that has so far been done. Either could be the basis for an excellent programme\nof future work. The payoff for our appreciation of medieval magic and natural science is\nlikely to be great.\n297\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nNotes\n1 Consult Valerie I.J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991).\n2 Dominicus Gundissalinus, De divisione philosophiae/Uber die Einteillung der Philosophie, ed. and trans.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=312\nPages: 312,313\nmaterial tool to accomplish a material task, like cutting wood. A similar chain of reasoning\nheld sway among proponents of the science of images up through the Renaissance. From\nthis perspective, this science was plainly natural.\nA much studied text from the later thirteenth century, long attributed to Albert the Great\nbut more likely from the pen of a learned supporter of astrology, Campanus of Novara,\ntook a different tack. Instead of arguing positively for the naturalness of the science of\nimages, the Mirror of Astronomy \u2013 already introduced earlier \u2013 attempted to distinguish the\nscience from its more nefarious imitators, which deserved the legitimate condemnation of\n293\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\ntheological critics.12 The first of these was an art that was outright \u201cabominable\u201d and that\ndepended on the actions of fumigation and invocation. Second came an art only slightly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=307\nPages: 307\non our own usage to say that this judgemental science corresponded to the field of astrology.\nThe science of medicine needs no explanation, but the science of necromancy according\nto physics proves difficult to pin down. Just the use of the word \u201cnecromancy\u201d makes us\naware that some sort of magic was at play here. Yet, it is not clear what kind of magic that\nwas. Most scholars are inclined to think of it as at least closely related to what soon would\nbe designated by some medieval thinkers as \u201cnatural magic,\u201d an area of speculation and\npractice that will be dealt with later in this chapter. The science of images presents another\nart that will be touched upon later. Here, it suffices to say that it involved astrology and the\nfabrication of magical images or devices with which to accomplish marvellous acts. The\nscience of agriculture would again appear to need no comment, although it must be noted\nthat there were texts transmitted through the Arabic making available a sort of magic of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=195\nPages: 195,196\nwhich recalls the interpretation given by Petrus Alfonsi, (4) the science of images, that is\n176\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nto say talismans or astral magic in a more general sense, (5) agriculture, (6) navigation,\n(7) the \u00adscience of mirrors (catoptrics) and (8) alchemy.40 Charles Burnett has shown that\n\u00adGundisalvi\u2019s division was taken from the De ortu scientiarum, a work on the division of\nsciences that was adapted from an anonymous Arabic work.41 This text probably also influenced Daniel of Morley, an Englishman who said that he went to Toledo at the end of the\ntwelfth century to observe the dynamism of the new Arabic sciences. In his Liber de naturis\ninferiorum et superiorum (between 1175 and 1187), he mentioned \u201cthose who calumniate astrology\u201d (astronomia).42 He classifies nigromancia among the eight sciences that derived from\nastrology and benefited from it. For Daniel of Morley, in comparison with the writings of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=313\nPages: 313\ndepended on the actions of fumigation and invocation. Second came an art only slightly\nless evil, rightfully designated as \u201cdetestable\u201d, which relied upon the inscription of characters and exorcism, the latter word often used as a synonym for invocation. As should be\nclear from the activities involved in them, these two magical arts engaged themselves in\ncalling upon spirits or higher beings to accomplish the wonders they produced. Of course,\nthose spirits or beings had to be demonic, and so the arts had to be avoided as demoniacal,\nimplicating the perpetrator in grievous sin. In contrast, the authentic science of images\nshunned evil spirits and made use solely of natural powers of the world, much of the sort\ndescribed by Roger Bacon, to bring the marvellous forces of the heavens down to earth. It\nwas in effect a practical art, calling upon astrology in the fabrication of image objects here\nbelow, infused with wondrous powers of action.13 Yet, the author of the Mirror was able to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98\ncollections contain anonymous translations, and few clues as to whether the Latin texts rely\nimmediately on the Arabic.\nWe are, however, aware that these books were known, for Daniel of Morley already\nrefers to \u201cscientia de imaginibus, quam tradit liber Veneris magnus et universalis, quem\nedidit Thoz Grecus\u2026\u201d (the science of images, which the great and universal Book of\nVenus, published by Thoz Grecus, handed down). 50 Hermann of Carinthia, as we have\nseen, knows works attributed to Toz the Greek and Germa the Babilonian. William\nof Auvergne in his De legibus (1228\u201330) and De universo (1231\u20136) provides a substantial\nlist of these works in the context of criticizing them. 51 About thirty years later, a fuller\nlist is provided in the Speculum astronomiae (ca. 1260), which, notoriously, provides titles\nand incipits of all texts on the science of talismans, dividing them into necromantic\n(or spiritual) and \u201castronomical\u201d. And some ten years later, the Errores philosophorum,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=312\nPages: 312\na work of Spanish origin, probably from the eleventh century, the Aim of the Sage (Ghay\u0101t\nal-hak\u012bm). This is the genesis of the famous Picatrix, named after the presumed author of the\ntext and redolent of S\u0101bian magical practice. A second work, translated surely by the same\ntime, was the Book of Images attributed in the Middle Ages to Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra. It, too, takes\nits roots from the tradition of the Harr\u0101nian S\u0101bians.\nIt is easy to imagine how such magical lore would attract the ire of theologians, already\nby the thirteenth century alarmed by the proliferation in Latin of works of magic providing\nsufficient details for actual practice. Bad enough that the practitioners of the science of images turned to the stars to bring down special powers into engraved or cast image objects.\nBut, as noted, the image-makers also frequently uttered combinations of words or incantations to strengthen the forces drawn from the heavens. Thomas Aquinas spoke for many in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=204\nPages: 204\n43 On the science de prestigiis and the science of images, and on the influence of Adelard of Bath\non Daniel of Morley in this respect, see Charles Burnett, \u201cTh\u00e2bit ibn Qurra the Harr\u00e2nian on\n\u00adTalismans and the Spirits of the Planets,\u201d La Cor\u00f3nica 36 (2007): 13\u201340, esp. 19\u201320.\n44 This was shown by Charles Burnett, \u201cVincent of Beauvais, Michael Scot and the \u2018New Aristotle\u2019,\u201d\nin Lector et compilator. Vincent de Beauvais, fr\u00e8re pr\u00eacheur. Un intellectuel et son milieu au XIIIe si\u00e8cle, ed. Serge\nLusignan and Monique Paulmier-Foucart, Rencontres \u00e0 Royaumont (Gr\u00e2ne: Cr\u00e9aphis, 1997),\n189\u2013213.\n45 Speculum naturale 1, c. 16, ed. Burnett, \u201cVincent of Beauvais, Michael Scot,\u201d 200\u2013201.\n46 Hugo de Sancto Victore, Didascalicon, II, ed. C. Buttimer, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance\nLatin 10 (Washington: The Catholic University Press, 1939), 1639: Also in Epitome Dindimi in philosophiam, ed. Buttimer, 197.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=313\nPages: 313\nbelow, infused with wondrous powers of action.13 Yet, the author of the Mirror was able to\nname only one work in Latin satisfactorily representative of this art, and that was the Book\nof Images attributed to Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra and mentioned before. In point of fact, moreover,\nthe Book of Images was not free of the invocations and exorcisms the Mirror claimed had to\nbe avoided. Nicolas Weill-Parot has even argued that all the way up to early modern times,\nno one succeeded in devising a science of images to meet the specifications of the Mirror.14\nPerhaps it was an impossible goal.\nExperiment\nIn addition to these fields of magic that were well developed by the high Middle Ages and\nhave attracted the attention of scholars working on the medieval period, there are also a few\nthemes of research that need to be mentioned if we are to understand the relation between\nmedieval magic and natural science. First, there is the matter of experiment or empirical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=307\nPages: 307\nin overviews of what constituted the new natural philosophy or natural science. Dominicus\nGundissalinus was a cleric active in Toledo, early in the second half of the twelfth century.\nIn his work, On the Division of Philosophy, he reached back to the tenth-century Arab scholar\nAl-Farabi to produce a list of what he said were the eight particular sciences falling under\nthe rubric of natural science. They were in the order in which Farabi had presented them:\nthe science of judgements, the science of medicine, the science of necromancy according to\nphysics (nigromantia secundum physicam), the science of images, the science of agriculture, the\nscience of navigation, the science of alchemy and the science of mirrors.2\nThe science of judgements consisted in the art of making prognostications by looking to\nthe positions of the planets and stars. Though the distinction between the terms \u201castronomy\u201d and \u201castrology\u201d was never firm in the twelfth or the thirteenth centuries, we can draw]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=308\nPages: 308\nof the natural universe. The Mirror of Astronomy (Speculum astronomiae), a late thirteenth-century\ncomposition written primarily to defend the science of images mentioned before, followed\nthe usual paradigm by dividing astronomy into two parts, which we can call the theoretical\nand the practical.4 Theoretical astronomy laid down the mathematical rules for the motions\nof the heavens and then determined the place of all the heavenly bodies at any specified\ntime. Practical astronomy, on the other hand, put forth what the Mirror designated as the\nscience of astral judgements, which employed the data produced in theoretical astronomy to\nmake predictions of the future and to gauge the disposition of things here below, including\ncrucially human beings, depending on the moment of their appearance in the sublunar\nworld. This latter science was, of course, what we call astrology. According to the Mirror, it\nrepresented a most valuable part of the natural sciences.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=314\nPages: 314,315\nturn towards the expectation that causes in nature will have to work by contiguity \u2013 that is,\nthe abandonment of the notion of natural causation at a distance. I have proposed that we\nlook into the disputational literature of the high and later Middle Ages for moments when\nthe subject of magic arises, expecting that the discussion of magic will force our scholastics\nto set the limit of the means of operation of a natural cause. But the same holds true for\nmedieval debate over the line between natural operations and phenomena that have to rely\non the intervention of demons. In this case, even a discipline like the science of images might\nhold clues for where medieval thinkers thought the reach of the normal processes of nature\nended, so that recourse to the power of spirits and demons had to begin.\n295\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=277\nPages: 277,278\nthem with us.14\n258\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\nTorrella rightly points out the two sides of the problem: are \u201castrological images\u201d scientifically possible, that is explainable by natural causes? and are they licit from a normative and\ntheological point of view? The two sides are linked: if the answer to the first question is positive, so is the answer to the second one. Science and faith go together.\nThe treatise is built according to a scholastic scheme. The first part gathers together\nmany testimonies to the efficacy and lawfulness of \u201castrological images\u201d. The second part\nshows forty-nine arguments against this claim. Two different kinds of arguments are set\nout. First, several arguments aim to destroy the foundations of \u201castrological images\u201d by\nundermining astrology itself \u2013 one of these arguments is drawn from Pico della M\n\u00ad irandola\u2019s\nDisputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem, a work against which Torrella says that he was]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nsciences historiques et philologiques) and Chair of \u201cHistory of Science in Medieval Latin\nWest\u201d. His research deals with scientific rationality confronted with external challenges\n(magic, especially astral magic) and internal challenges (occult properties, magnetic attraction, abhorrence of a vacuum). He has published notably Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen\n\u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance. Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques (xiie-xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris, 2002); an\nedition of J\u00e9r\u00f4me Torrella (Hieronymus Torrella), Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis, (Florence,\n2008); and Points aveugles de la nature: la rationalit\u00e9 scientifique m\u00e9di\u00e9vale face \u00e0 l\u2019occulte, l\u2019attraction\nmagn\u00e9tique et l\u2019horreur du vide (xiiie-milieu du xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris, 2013).\nMark Williams studied Classics and English before undertaking graduate work in Celtic\nStudies at Jesus College, Oxford. He is a Darby Fellow and Tutor in English at Lincoln]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273,274\n254\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\ntalisman (for example, a talisman for love shows two people embracing).3 Within the category\nof \u201castrological talismans\u201d, there is another subcategory of talismans, namely \u201castrological\nimages\u201d (although imago is no more than the most common translation of the Arabic word\ntilsam [talisman], which itself derives from the Greek \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1).\nThe concept of an \u201castrological image\u201d was coined in a theological and philosophical\ncontext, in the mid-thirteenth-century work Speculum astronomiae (\u201cMirror of the science of\nstars\u201d), an anonymous book sometimes wrongly ascribed to Albert the Great. The book\nproposed a normative bibliography for each part of astronomy and astrology. After addressing astrological \u201celections\u201d \u2013 the part of astrology devoted to finding the right astrological\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=447\nPages: 447\nWolf): 110\u201329.\n78 Olah, \u201cDemons and Mages in Renaissance Florence,\u201d 172\u201380.\n79 Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cImagen y ritual\u201d; and my forthcoming book El arte de fabricar dioses: imagen y ritual en\nla Edad Media (Madrid: Akal). The magical and miraculous powers of images are among the main\ntopics of two classic books with different approaches, mostly anthropological and psychological\nthe first one and historical the second one: David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the\nHistory and Theory of Response (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1989) and Hans Belting, Bild\nund Kult: Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst, Munich: C.H. Beck, 1990 (English translation: Likeness and Presence: History of the Image Before the Era of Art (Chicago, IL: Chicago University\nPress, 1997). Recently see Horst Bredekamp, Theorie des Bildakts (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,\n2010).\n80 Claude Gaignebet and Jean-Dominique Lajoux, Art profane et religion populaire au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=433\nPages: 433\nwhich show that his claims of religious orthodoxy are seriously undermined.\nThe magic of images\nWhile artists in the early Middle Ages had linked depictions of magic with paganism and\nidolatry, by the thirteenth century ideas about natural magic seemed to have led to a kind\nof gradual acceptance of magic as a legitimate subject of study.57 However, the magic of\nimages was considered the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima), mostly when it was accompanied by invocations to the devil.58 In the fourteenth-century handbook for preachers\nknown as Fasciculus morum, it is said that the main activity of necromancers is to \u201craise devils\nin their circles that are expected to answer their questions\u201d, and second only to that they\n\u201cmake figures of people in wax or some other soft material in order to kill them\u201d.59 In Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, we can see how a magician is enchanting a wax figure in the\npresence of angels and the familiar spirit who has brought the figure.60]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 337 to page 351 out of a total of 569:\nPages 337:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\ncertain suffumigations that were said to be able to bring about dreams that were not only\nvivid but also actually contained illuminations from God.\nYou should know that the eye of an Indian turtle, and the heart of a hoopoe, and\neverything else of this type have the power of attracting vapors that deepen sleep,\nand generate visions in dream, and because of this, by their powers they may free\nthe soul from its heaviness, and make it ready, \u2026 and in this way prepare it for\nreceiving illuminations.29\nWilliam could not leave the matter here; it would be theologically difficult (to say the least)\nto maintain that by burning such bizarre substances, one could more or less compel God to\ndeliver illuminating dreams. The solution, William explained, could be found in substances\nthat were known to have virtutes horrificae, such as one reads about in \u201cbooks of tricks\u201d (in libris\npraestigiorum).30 There one learns that if something inimical to human nature (such as the\nliver of a crow) is buried secretly, anyone visiting that place will feel inexplicably terrified.\nNow, fear and horror are emotions that can drive the soul inward, shaking it from its close\nconnection with the body, and hence making it more susceptible to illuminations.31 It would\nnot be unusual, then, concluded William, if the turtle\u2019s eye or hoopoe\u2019s heart had the same\npower to terrify (and thus, indirectly, made illuminations possible).32\nSuch, then, is William\u2019s theory of illusions, as they may be brought about by natural substances. It remains to consider the illusions that demons create, which is the subject of an\nentire chapter of the De universo.33 He begins with the example of coins that keep returning\nto their sender.34 Just as a bow and arrow that causes the illusion of a flood must be the\nresult of demonic activity, so too a repeatedly returning coin must be the work of demons,\nsince gold and silver can have no virtus gressibilis aut volatilis. Demons can easily create appearances of coins when there are none there. Saints\u2019 lives record that demons often take\non the form of beautiful women or serpents; it would be even easier for them to transform\nthemselves into coins.\nAs he did with the other, natural illusions, William thought through the mechanics by\nwhich the demons could change their form, and came to much the same conclusion: that the\ntransformation was only apparent, and took place in the vis imaginationis. His argument proceeds, essentially, by eliminating any alternatives. Many have thought that demons forms\nwere in the air, but that is impossible: air cannot retain forms. William was very likely thinking of the optical transmission of visual species through the air: although the apparent forms\nof things move from the visible object to the eye, the air never \u201cholds on\u201d to those appearances in mid-flight, as it were. Thus, demons too would be unable to fashion appearance\nin the air. The optical interpretation of this passage is supported by William\u2019s subsequent\nstatement that no transparent object could hold their forms, for, after all, one can only make\na mirror (which does hold images) by obstructing a transparent glass with opaque lead. Nor\ncould such illusions be effected by altering the form of a solid, material body. Demons (or\ntheir assumed appearances) are able to disappear in a moment; but when forms are imposed\non physical objects (as in painting or sculpture), they can only be removed with effort. \u201cAnd\nso all that remains is that a form of this type is only in the soul of the person who is being\ndeceived by it.\u201d35 Demons can (always provided God permits) create illusions very easily by\n\u201cpainting\u201d (depingere) in the imagination; and these are not merely untrue thoughts, but will\nbe sensual experiences, indistinguishable in their perceived reality from the genuine contents of the senses \u2013 much like the illusory appearances we experience in dreams.36\n318\n\nPages 338:\nI l lu si o n\nWilliam went on to examine some difficult cases that might seem to involve actual physical transformation; and, in each case, he showed that the transformations were illusory, in\nthe sense that the only real change was in the imaginations of the observers. For example,\nsome report that demons transform a reed into a horse; but this cannot actually be the\ncase. Either the imagination is fooled so that it perceives the reed as a horse, or (which is\nprobably more likely) there never was a reed in the first place, only a horse that had been\nmade to appear to be a reed! He concluded with a very vivid illusion which, he said, was\noften reported by the people of Brittany. According to their accounts, this would happen to\na lone traveller on the road. He would suddenly find himself in a fabulous castle, where he\nsaw a very beautiful woman dressed as a queen; then he would enjoy a sumptuous feast with\nher before, inevitably, a night of exquisite lovemaking.37 But then the entire scene suddenly\nwould disappear, the traveller discovering that he has spent the night lying in the filthy\nmud, between the thigh bones of a cow,38 and his horse has been tied to a tree all night and\nhas eaten nothing (thereby thwarting his next day of travel). \u201cAnd I remember that I could\nhave seen a man to whom this illusion occurred, but I didn\u2019t go to see him, by my own negligence and laziness,\u201d William added.\nThis account corroborated much of his theory of illusion. The reality was that one had\nbeen lying in the mud all night, relieving oneself between the thigh bones of a cow \u2013 and\nthat sorry situation would be abundantly clear the moment one awoke. The castle, and the\nqueen, had no reality except in the vis imaginationis where (as in other cases of illusion) they\nwere experienced not as thoughts, but as things actually present and happening. They were\nin a sense a dream, but a dream imposed from outside. And, as the bishop bluffly puts it,\nwhen it came to being in a beautiful castle and making love to a beautiful woman, \u201cwhat\nman hasn\u2019t had a dream like that?\u201d39 The purpose of the illusion, so far as one can tell,\nseemed to be to humiliate the traveller and delay his journey. Even though demons cannot\nchange the appearances or forms of anything (in reality), they can, like any other agent,\nmove things with which they are in contact. So it is the demon who pushes the traveller into\nthe stinking mud, between the thighs of a dead cow, and it is also the demon who ties up\nhis horse for the night.\nWilliam seems more to pity the recipients of illusions, than to blame them, except when\nthe deceived are women. For example, peasant women believe that a Domina abundia rides\nwith her fellow witches, from house to house, bringing prosperity (and illusory banquets)\nwherever she enters. So welcome are her visits that women leave out food and drink at night\nto attract these visitors.40 Such appearances are, of course, merely the manipulation of the\nimagination by demons; but the women\u2019s response is idolatry, and must be \u201crooted out with\nfire and sword\u201d (igneque et gladio exterminanda). And, in a very troubling passage, William\ndescribes the belief that stryges and lamiae come into houses at night, seize children and then\nare seen to butcher, roast and eat them. All of this is mere illusion: demons do not have\nbodies, and do not eat. But, he adds, God does sometimes permit them really to kill babies,\nin order to punish parents who love their children more than they love God. The butchering, cooking and eating are just typically grotesque demonic play with the imagination; but\nthe murder of the children \u201cis an expedient, and healthy way to deal with these parents,\nbecause the cause of offense to the creator is removed.\u201d41\nWilliam\u2019s theory of illusion, and the limits he put on the real versus the illusory action of\ndemons, formed the basis of subsequent medieval theories of magic and illusion. In what follows, I will consider, more briefly, several medieval authors who respond, each in their own\nway, to William\u2019s theory. First, the arguments of pseudo-Albertus Magnus and Thomas\n319\n\nPages 339:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\nAquinas; then, the more sceptical and naturalistic thought of Nicole Oresme; and finally,\nthe inquisitors\u2019 handbook Malleus maleficarum, in which William\u2019s theory (and its later developments) was used to identify those who are culpable for consorting with demons.\nPs.-Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas\nOne of the major sources of illusionistic experiments in the Middle Ages and Renaissance\nwas the De mirabilibus mundi, part of the enormously popular Liber aggregationis attributed to\nAlbertus Magnus. This treatise was prefaced with a defence of magic on natural grounds;\nwhile philosophically unsophisticated, its ubiquity meant that its arguments had considerable\ninfluence on later theories of magic.42\nAccording to this theory, magical effects were brought about by the soul, which had the\ncapacity to make substantial changes in the world when in a state of extreme emotional\nexcitement. The rituals and incantations of magic served only to bring the soul into that\npitch of emotion, such that its natural powers can be exercised \u2013 the author cited Avicenna\nfor this notion.43 In the case of natural magic, some substances caused marvellous effects\nbecause they drew together things that were in sympathy with them, or repelled those that\nwere antagonistic. Alternatively, just as in medicine, hot substances cure cold conditions,\nand vice versa, so too the marvellous effects of natural substances may work by an application\nof actives to passives (to use a phrase coined later by Aquinas, to express the same concept).\nThe similarities with William\u2019s theory are evident. But the author of this preface differed\nfrom William in his conviction that all magic was blameless, because demons were never\ninvolved. Even ritual magic, he insisted, brought about its effects by natural means, not demonic. What is more, in the cases of both ritual and natural magic, the alterations made\nwere real, not illusory. In fact, this preface to the largest and popular medieval collection of\nillusions has absolutely nothing to say about illusion at all! One consequence, for later readers of this text such as Cornelius Agrippa and Athanasius Kircher, is that illusion would\ncome to be treated as just another natural change, an application of actives to passives.\nMoreover, the distinct purpose that it had in William of Auvergne of deception would be\neroded; in both Agrippa and Kircher, the element of the marvellous becomes much more\nimportant.\nAquinas\u2019s theory of magic, in contrast to that of pseudo-Albertus, restored the roles both\nof demons and illusion. The groundwork for his theory is laid in the Summa contra gentiles, in a\nchapter that states \u201cthat spiritual substances bring about certain marvels, but these are not\nreally miracles.\u201d44 Like the author of the De mirabilibus mundi, Thomas opened his discussion of magic by engaging with Avicenna. Marvellous events, from extraordinary cures to\nbewitchments, might seem to us to be outside the order of nature, but only because we had\na view of the world that was limited to physical causation. As Thomas explained, Avicenna\nbelieved that spiritual substances, whether planetary intelligences or human souls, were\nable to take direct action in the world, a corollary to Avicenna\u2019s (Neoplatonic) conviction\nthat the spiritual entities moving the planets emanated all of the substantial forms of things\nin our world, and thus brought about, by spiritual intervention, the natural but occult effects that proceed merely from a substance being what it is. The power of the human soul to\naffect things at a distance was a consequence of its origin from higher spiritual substances;\nso too, for that matter, was the power of a magnet to draw iron from afar.\nThomas himself, however, rejected Avicenna\u2019s theory that substantial forms emanated\nfrom celestial movers, and thus also its corollary on marvellous effects. On the one hand, he\n320\n\nPages 340:\nI l lu si o n\nfollowed Aristotle rather than Avicenna in insisting that all material forms (which include\nsubstantial forms) must always derive from material forms in other material objects. On\nthe other, he insisted that the effects these forms have in the world must be through contact\nand local motion (here agreeing with William of Auvergne that the Aristotelian model of\ncausation through contact must apply to even the most marvellous effects). As for inexplicable cures and bewitchments, Aquinas thought there could be only one explanation:\nangels or demons brought about these effects by manipulating material objects. The effects\nonly seemed miraculous because we could not see the agent, nor could we have the same,\nfull knowledge of natural actions that angels and demons enjoyed. The effects of ritual\nmagic (he went on to explain) could not be attributed to celestial influences,45 but were also\nbrought about by demons using natural means to produce astounding effects. William of\nAuvergne had argued that, where simple natural explanations failed, the effects must be attributed to the natural action of demons, who accepted the actions of the magician as a kind\nof oblatio. Aquinas, however, insisted that the sigils and magical words must mean something\n(at least to the demon), and communicated the magicians\u2019 wishes.\nAs for the mechanics of illusion, Aquinas had considered this subject in his Sentences\ncommentary, where he raised the question whether demons can make real changes in the\nmaterial world \u2013 a question which he answered in the affirmative.46 The changes were of\ncourse natural: demons could only act by joining active qualities with corresponding passive ones,47 so that the effect followed from natural causes, sed praeter consuetum cursum naturae.\nThey might, for example, bring together actives and passives that were not usually found\nconjoined in nature, or bring them together with greater force, or in greater magnitude.\nThese effects were not unnatural, but at the same time were not found in the ordinary\ncourse of nature; they were preternatural.48 As a consequence, demons could not bring\nabout anything that was not already lying passive in nature. They could not, for example,\nrevive the dead; or at least, \u201cthey cannot do it in reality, but only by illusions (in praestigiis),\nas will be explained later.\u201d49 Where such explanations were insufficient, Aquinas relied\non a theory of deception that was clearly indebted to William: either the demons directly\naffected the imaginatio to bring about effects indistinguishable from real sense experience, or\nthey offered puzzling appearances to the senses, akin to the lamps that filled the house with\nsnakes. Both types of deception were beyond ordinary human capacity, but were nevertheless entirely physical and within the bounds of natural action. 50 As he argued in the Summa\ntheologiae, demonic alteration of the imagination, and physical cloaking of material objects\ncould be so powerful that multitudes of people could be deceived at once \u2013 a possibility that\nWilliam of Auvergne was much less willing to entertain.51\nNicole Oresme\nIn the fourteenth century, Nicole Oresme offered a strong naturalistic resistance to Aquinas\n(and William), while at the same time developing William\u2019s theory of imagination much further.52 Oresme devoted the first chapter of his De causis mirabilium to marvels involving vision,\nan account that was clearly influenced by his reading of the thirteenth-century optician and\ndemon-sceptic, Witelo. Oresme, like Witelo, thought that some illusions came about through\ntricks of the light; the real wonders, however, involved the imagination, a faculty which operated according to physical laws analogous to those that governed vision. In a theorem on the\nrainbow, Witelo had cited a passage from Aristotle\u2019s Meteora recounting the story of a man\nwhose sight was so weak that\n321\n\nPages 341:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\nhe always saw an image in front of him and facing him as he walked. This was\nbecause his sight was reflected back to him. Its morbid condition made it so weak\nand delicate that the air close by acted as a mirror, just as distant and condensed air\nnormally does, and his sight could not push it back.53\nIf the visual sense could create an illusory mirror image, perhaps, with the help of the imagination, it might conjure up other images as well. If \u201cSortes\u201d saw his dead father in his\nown room, it may be because he already had the species of his dead father in his internal\nimaginative faculty and, while thinking intently about him, refashioned an imperfectly perceived stick or shadow in his room into an image of his father. In the same way, someone can\nwithdraw within himself and then appear to see \u201cPeter or a fortress.\u201d54 Similarly, a fearful\nman, thinking about someone dead, will also mistake a shadow for that man, just as he will\nthink that a mouse or a creaking door at night is a thief. Under the spell on the one hand, of\npowerful emotion, which abstracts the mind from the external world, and, on the other, of a\nvivid interior species, all kinds of illusions are possible.\nThe similarities to William\u2019s theory of illusion are obvious. Oresme also believed that\nthose with disordered humours had a less secure attachment between the inner and outer\nworld, and so were more susceptible to such illusions. 55 And there is no end to the kinds of\nillusions that are possible. A fearful man might see a wolf in the field, or a cat in his room,\nand judge it to be an enemy or a devil; a pious man, on the other hand, deep in prayer,\nwould judge that it is an angel. It is in these last examples that we see Oresme\u2019s most radical\ndeparture from William of Auvergne. William did not doubt that demons were responsible\nfor some praestigia, even if they brought them about naturally. Supernatural agency is completely missing from Oresme\u2019s account, and even the appearances of angels or demons are\nexplicable in entirely natural terms.\nOresme explored in more detail the connections between illusion, magic and sleight of\nhand in his treatise on the configurations of qualities and motions \u2013 a work much better\nknown for its important place in the history of physics. His treatment of magic began by\nacknowledging that some magic may involve demons \u2013 in particular, that sort of magic in\nwhich the magician orders demons to do certain favours for him (for which he reserves the\nname \u201cnecromancy\u201d). But these demons could only act with God\u2019s permission to carry\nout God\u2019s will, and hence they only pretended to obey the necromancer; in reality, they\nwere assisting God in bringing about the magician\u2019s ruin. The kind of magic that involves\ndemons, then, was really about the action of God in the world. That is a matter for theologians, so Oresme puts it to one side. The rest of magic (almost all magic, as it turns out) will\nbe amenable to rational explanation, without recourse to the supernatural. 56\nExcluding demonic necromancy, the magical art that remains has three \u201croots\u201d: false\npersuasion, the application of things and the power of words.57 The first is essentially the\npower of suggestion. Both the observer and the magician may be convinced of the power\nof celestial bodies, or that certain words or prayers can conjure demons. Simple minds are\nshaken by terror, and per fortem ymaginationem the man leaves his senses, and begins to see\nand hear things that are not there. And, pace Aquinas, Oresme insisted that the spells and\nconjurations had no meaning.58 Different cultures used different spells and addressed different beings: ancient magic addressed the ancient gods, while the contemporary ars notoria\nis Christian, invoking saints and angels. If there were something objectively powerful in the\nspells, both would not be efficacious. When they worked, it was through a combination of\nautosuggestion and a heightened expectation of success. Divination by gazing into shiny\n322\n\nPages 342:\nI l lu si o n\nobjects he explained much as William of Auvergne had done, as a kind of amplification\nof the internal imaginative sense. He may even have tried it out himself, to go by his vivid\ndescription of the arrival of a vision: the shiny object, he wrote, will appear to grow vastly\nin size, even as large as the heavens.59\nThe second root concerns \u201cillusion,\u201d in the sense of some kind of trickery or deception\nby the magician, and is divided into three parts: changing the senses, truly altering things\n(about which he says very little) and mathematical illusion (mathematica illusio).60 The senses\ncan be changed by various substances, many of which are familiar enough from William of\nAuvergne\u2019s work: plants, stones, sperm and other materials. Among his examples, Oresme\ncited Augustine\u2019s story of the man who ate poison hidden in a cheese, and was apparently\ntransformed into a packhorse. But for Oresme, the man in Augustine\u2019s story was overcome\nentirely by the natural effects of the poison; demons were not involved at all. Nevertheless,\nhe was wary of people experimenting with semen, or other \u201cabominable mixtures\u201d (mixtiones\nabhominandae) found in texts like the Liber vacce; they do not involve demons, but nevertheless\nare not bona experimenta, and are rightly prohibited because they appeal to a kind of culpable\ncuriosity, by trying \u201cto violate the secrets of their chaste mother Nature.\u201d61 \u201cMathematical\u201d\nillusions, on the other hand, rely on the skill of the practitioner, rather than the properties of\nnature. As Oresme put it, the magician deludes (illudit) those who are present\nby means of that part of mathematics which is called perspective, or by any other\napplicable means, such as mirrors, quickness of motion, sleights of hands, and\nmuch else; and this is the sort of thing that jugglers usually do.62\nGenerally, these illusions were harmless, and similar optical illusions took place at night without any intention from anyone to deceive.63\nThe third and final root concerned the use of sounds and incantations, in the context of\nritual magic. If, as he had said before, their power did not reside in any meaning, how did\nthey bring about their effects? They were, he argued, yet another example of the magician\u2019s\nsingular skill of holding up a mirror to the soul of the person deceived, as he argued in a\nconcluding chapter \u201con the way the soul is deceived by the magical art.\u201d Recalling the theory, derived from Aristotle\u2019s Meteora, that he had propounded in De causis mirabilium, he wrote\nthat all of the magical roots \u2013 suggestion, poisons, suffumigation, words and rituals \u2013 created\na kind of dissociation in the mind, so that it reflected back the imagination into the sense.64\nThe Malleus maleficarum\nFrom this survey of medieval theories of illusion, it is evident that illusion (praestigium, delusio,\napparentia) was central to premodern theories of magic, and could refer to a wide variety of\nphenomena, from conjuring tricks, to demonic apparitions, and an equally wide range of\ncauses, from human skill, to natural influences, to demonic interference. Thus, the medieval\nunderstanding of illusion is not at all the same as the modern psychological or philosophical\nnotion of illusion as a false belief about the world65 \u2013 not least because medieval notions of\nillusion usually involve an agent imposing the illusion on the unwitting subject. And although\nthe term was intended to explain magic and bring it within the grasp of reason, as a category\nit was at least as contested as magic itself.\nIt was the participation of other parties in the creation of illusion that particularly interested inquisitors and witch-hunters. The most notorious work on the judicial treatment of\n323\n\nPages 343:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\nwitches \u2013 the Malleus maleficarum, first published in 1487 under the authorship of Heinrich\nKramer and Jacob Sprenger \u2013 took a professional interest in illusion, and the involvement of\ndemons in the production of illusions, especially in a chapter with the self-explanatory title,\n\u201cWhether witches may work some prestidigitatory illusion so that the male organ appears\nto be completely removed from the body.\u201d66 In this much ridiculed part of the text,67 the\nauthors soberly considered the apparently widespread belief that witches were not only the\ncause of male impotence, but could even steal the penis altogether; in the course of their\ndiscussion, they provided a careful, scholastic analysis of illusion itself.\nIn the first place, they agreed that something was certainly happening to men\u2019s penises:\nmale genitals were under attack, because God allowed them to be, a consequence of their\nbeing organs of sinfulness. But were witches really absconding with them? This question\nwent to the heart of the issue of whether demons are able to effect real, substantial change\nin the world, or only to conjur illusions. As the authors note (and as we have seen), the\ntradition is ambiguous on this point. In the most famous proof passage,68 we recall that\nAugustine had insisted that any change wrought by demons to living things (such as turning men into donkeys) was merely an illusion; on the other hand, he seemed to suggest that\nPharaoh\u2019s magicians could actually turn their staffs into snakes.69 And men themselves\ncould remove other men\u2019s genitals (by castration) \u2013 so, on the principle that demons act by\nnatural means, surely they could do the same? The Malleus concluded that the member can\nbe removed both in reality and by praestigiosa operatione; but when witches (or their demons)\ndid it, it is always through illusion.70 This last conclusion seemed to be based on empirical\nobservation: just as it was well known that men did in fact have their penises stolen, so too\n(as the authors would verify by several anecdotes) they just as often had them eventually\nrestored \u2013 something that would presumably be difficult if they had really been severed.\nSo, the disappearance of the penis must be merely illusory. But that does not mean that\nit is harmless or innocent. In order to show that the witch must be condemned even for this\nillusory theft, the Malleus was able to draw on the long tradition of medieval thought on\nillusion. And first, they clarified what they meant by illusion:\nBut that illusion does not take place in the imagination of the sufferer, because\nhis imagination can truly and really estimate that some thing is not present, since\nthrough no operation of the external sense (sight, or touch) does he perceive it to\nbe present. And so it can be called a true theft of the member, on the part of the\nimagination of the victim, but not on the part of the thing itself. How this can be,\nsome further things need to be noted.71\nIn their typical, poorly worded style, the authors were trying to make the point that the\ntheft was not \u201cimaginary\u201d in the sense I might imagine that I am a boiled egg, or have no\nhead \u2013 delusions that would be just errors of the imagination, which could be corrected by\nthe external senses. In the case of penis theft, the imagination seems to be correct in judging\nthat the member is missing, because all of the external senses will corroborate the impression\nof absence in the imagination. This is a powerful kind of illusion, and the tradition from\n\u00adWilliam of Auvergne onwards had prepared them to make sense of it.\nThe Malleus divided illusions into two main categories: the first, in which the outer senses\nor inner imagination were directly altered; and the second, in which they were indirectly\ndeluded, by some kind of trick.72 The first kind of illusion always involved demonic action,\nand so was always culpable; the second kind might be demonic, or human, and was accordingly culpable or innocuous.\n324\n\nPages 344:\nI l lu si o n\nDirect illusions, the first class, could themselves be divided into three types. The first and\nthe third will be familiar to us already from William of Auvergne and other theorists of\nillusion. The senses themselves of the victim can be altered, \u201cso that what is visible becomes\ninvisible to him, what is tangible, intangible,\u201d and so on.73 This was a natural (though difficult) operation, and so was within the powers of a demon. Or, (the third mode), this sort\nof illusio praestigiosa could be effected by directly altering the imagination and phantasy, so\nthat one imagined something as if it had been presented to the external senses. Again, this\nwas natural and within the power of the devil and his minions, because (just as \u00adWilliam\nof Auvergne had argued) this sort of thing happens all the time in dreams, when the imagination provides images just as if they were really in the senses. To these two types of\ndirect, clearly diabolical illusions, the Malleus added one more (the second, in their division).\nRather than changing the victim\u2019s perceptions via the senses or imagination, the devil\ncould take a less subtle route: by placing a piece of flesh-coloured material over the victim\u2019s\npenis, the devil could obscure the member from both touch and sight. This final, bizarre\nexplanation was added no doubt to explain the circumstance in which several witnesses,\nincluding the parish priest, confirmed the victim\u2019s perception that his penis had been stolen.\nThe sharing of an illusion by many people had always been the most difficult part of any\ntheory of illusion, from William of Auvergne to Oresme; this sort of protoplasmic sheath\nsolved the problem.\nTo the second class of illusion \u2013 indirect delusions or tricks \u2013 they gave the general name\npraestigia, which the authors glossed with Isidore of Seville\u2019s definition: \u201ca tricking (delusio) of\nthe senses, and especially of the eyes.\u201d74 Again, this class was divided into three types, of\nwhich two do not involve the intervention of demons. First were the tricks done by wandering\nentertainers, better called delusio (with the etymological emphasis on playfulness) than praestigium, \u201csince it is artificially done by the agility of men who show things and conceal them,\nas in the case of the tricks of jugglers and mimes.\u201d The second embraced all those feats of\nnatural magic that could give false appearances to things: the Malleus repeats, from Thomas\nand other authors (most likely William of Auvergne), the experimentum involving a lamp that,\nwith its flickering light, could make surrounding objects appear to be writhing snakes.\nThese two types of \u201cindirect\u201d illusion were, therefore, definitely harmless and permitted.\nThe third type occupied more ambiguous ground since it comprised actions apparently\nperformed by a witch or magician, in which the real agent was actually a demon, acting\nwith the permission of God and within nature. This final type was itself divided into five\nsubtypes, the first of which will immediately show how problematic this division might be.\nIt included anything done by an artful trick (artificiali traiectione) that surpassed human skill.\nDemons, it need hardly be said, excelled at stage magic, \u201cbecause whatever a man knows\nhow to do, [the devil] knows how to do it better by art.\u201d75 It therefore became a matter of\njudgement whether a particular trick explicable through sleight of hand was harmless entertainment, or had been done so well that the devil must have been involved.76\nFuture directions\nThe central place of illusion in medieval theories of magic is evident. At the same time,\neven in this rapid survey, one can see that medieval authors had a different understanding\nof the extent of the purely illusory. Consider, for example, the lamp that would change the\nappearance of bystanders into asses, or would make a room fill up with snakes \u2013 only two of\ndozens of similar effects recorded in experimental literature. William of Auvergne, and many\nwho read his work, had no difficulty believing that such lamps were possible, and that they\n325\n\nPages 345:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\nbrought about their effects by the natural effects of substances within them. Yet, a modern\nreader, with equal conviction, knows that the lamps cannot bring about such an effect \u2013 and\nif such an effect was experienced, it must have some origin other than the natural substances\ninfused into the oil, and probably unrelated to the lamp.77 We have also seen that medieval\ntheorists saw a continuity between \u201cjuggling\u201d and genuine magic, in that marvellous effects\nthat could not be explained as deceptions of the senses might be attributed to demons performing tricks with more skill than humans could ever master.\nTwo directions for future research suggest themselves. First, a systematic study of purely\nillusory magical experiments is very much needed. My own preliminary investigations suggest that at least three different types of material cohabited quite comfortably in medieval\ntexts. First, there are experimenta that are easily reproducible illusions. Among these are\ndescriptions of conjurors\u2019 sleights of hand, and the ubiquitous practical jokes found in such\ncollections, to make cooked meat appear to be raw or writhing with worms.78 In a second\nclass are those that purport to bring about an illusion by directly calling upon a demon or\nother power. A third class are the puzzling cases, as already mentioned, of magic that does\nnot work, to borrow a term from an important study of magic in literature.79 In these cases,\nthe text instructed the reader to follow certain non-magical steps to bring about an effect.\nTheir form is precisely like those of the first class; but the effect they promise to produce is\nnot reproducible. What is the scholar to make of such recipes? Did medieval authors themselves think of them any differently from other types of recipes? Did they try them? Some\nof these questions may be difficult to answer. What seems to be clear, however, is that the\nrecipes in the third class (magic that does not work) have more longevity than the descriptions of real, reproducible tricks. They appear in more contexts, and over a larger extent of\ntime, than the rarer material that actually reveals the actual practices of street performers\nand jugglers.\nAnd that brings us to a second area for further research: the world of magic as an entertainment. This, again, is an area on which surprisingly little has been written.80 One\nopen question is whether there is continuity between ancient itinerant performers and the\njugglers of the medieval period. Some of the tricks attributed to each, in the limited texts\nthat have been studied, seem similar, but need to be studied more fully. There is some very\ninteresting material that has been compiled by modern stage magicians, in the professional\nmagazines of their guilds, but these specialist studies have been entirely neglected by modern historians of magic. The question is an important one. The patristic and medieval\nauthors who developed the illusionistic theory of magic most likely confronted illusion directly in the performances of entertainers, which helped to set for them the bounds of what\nthey thought illusion could accomplish. Modern historians of magic have tended to ignore\nentirely the kind of performance that we call \u201cmagic\u201d today, in favour of demonic or ritual\nmagic. But it may be that we cannot entirely comprehend even the latter, without knowing\nmore about the illusions that entertained spectators at court and at the fair.\nNotes\n1 \u201cDes sciences occultes ou Essai sur la Magie, les prodiges et les miracles.\u201d\n2 Terry Castle, \u201cPhantasmagoria: Spectral Technology and the Metaphorics of Modern Reverie,\u201d\nCritical Inquiry 15 (1988): 26\u201361.\n3 There is very little on illusion in Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). Two recent surveys of the history of magic barely mention illusion\nat all: The Cambridge History of Magic and Witchcraft in the West: From Antiquity to the Present, ed. David\n326\n\nPages 346:\nI l lu si o n\nJ. Collins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015); Brian Copenhaver, The Book of Magic:\nFrom Antiquity to the Enlightenment (London: Penguin, 2016).\n4 Also in the Aeneid 11.246\u20137.\n5 De civitate dei 18. 18.\n6 De civitate dei 10. 8.\n7 The most comprehensive survey of early Christian theories of magic is Francis C.R. Thee, Julius\nAfricanus and the Early Christian View of Magic (T\u00fcbingen: J.C.B. Mohr/Paul Siebeck, 1984).\n8 Thomas B. de Mayo, The Demonology of William of Auvergne: By Fire and Sword (Lewiston, NY: Edwin\nMellen Press, 2007), 47.\n9 This point is made most forcefully in recent work by Steven Marrone, who places William at the\nbeginning of a \u201cprotomechanistic\u201d movement in scholastic philosophy. See, for example, Steven P.\nMarrone, \u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d Early Science and\nMedicine 14, no. 1\u20133 (2009): 170. William (at De universo II.2.76) reduces causation to contrariety (an\nagent erases a contrary quality in a patient), and assimilation (when the agent impresses its own similitude on a patient). He gives the examples of something cold becoming hot by the action of the\nactually hot, or a place becoming illuminated by the presence of a lamp. These modes of causation\napply both to common experiences and (almost always) to the uncanny effects of magic. We can\nsee here the germ of the standard trope that magic comes about through the application of actives\nto passives.\n10 On William\u2019s use, for the first time, of the term magia naturalis, see Marrone, \u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism\u201d, 173, n. 24.\n11 De universo II, pars III, cap. 22. The text used here is William of Auvergne, Opera omnia, quae hactenus\nreperiri potuerunt (Paris, 1674) 1:1059\u201361. All subsequent references to page numbers (and columns\nand sections within those pages) will be to this edition.\n12 De universo 1059aA.\n13 De universo 1059aA. William does not say what his third type magic is. Marrone assumes, plausibly,\nthat the third type must be (by elimination) magic in which demons really are involved: Marrone,\n\u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d 168. It may also be possible\nthat the third class are the praestigia, or opera ludificatoria \u2013 marvellous things that these men do, for\nwhich we cannot find a cause \u2013 to which William turns his attention towards the end of the chapter\n(1061aB); these may or may not involve demonic action.\n14 These lamps have a long and complicated history in natural magic, from at least the fifth century\nBC to the seventeenth century. For a sketch of this history, see R.D. Goulding, \u201cReal, Apparent\nand Illusory Necromancy: Lamp Experiments and Historical Perceptions of Experimental Knowledge,\u201d Societas Magica Newsletter (2006): 1\u20137.\n15 The version recorded in the roughly contemporary Liber aggregationis attributed to Albertus Magnus\nreads:\nA beautiful lamp, to make the house seem to be completely full of snakes and images, as long\nas the lamp is lit. Take the fat of a black snake and the skin of a black snake, and a funeral\nshroud. Make a wick from the shroud, then smear it with the fat, and put the snake skin inside\nit; then light it with elder oil in a green or black lamp.\nSee Liber aggregationis, seu liber secretorum Alberti Magni de virtutibus herbarum, lapidum et animalium\nquorundam (London, 1483), sig. e3v\u2013e4r.\n16 De universo 1057bC. William refers to the ars triblia vel syntriblia attributed to Artesius, that is, the ars\nsintrilla of Artephius, for which see Nicholas H. Clulee, \u201cAt the Crossroads of Magic and Science:\nJohn Dee\u2019s Archemastrie,\u201d in Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance, ed. Brian Vickers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 57\u201371. At 1058aH, he describes the visions obtained\nby gazing into the speculum Apollinis, by which he most likely means the mirror of Apollonius, which\nwas reputed to be able to reveal things happening in other places. See Eileen Reeves, Galileo\u2019s Glassworks: The Telescope and the Mirror (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), ch. 1.\n17 De universo 1058bG-H. To complete the analogy to milk, and to alchemical processes, William elsewhere argues that semen itself is concocted out of blood; when demons impregnate women, they\nmust be using human semen \u2013 but semen they have made themselves out of human blood. See\nMayo, The Demonology of William of Auvergne: By Fire and Sword, 172.\n18 De universo 1058bH.\n327\n\nPages 347:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\n19 De universo 1059aD.\n20 De universo 1059aD. I have not found this experiment in any medieval collection.\n21 De universo 1059bA.\n22 NH 30.2.\n23 See Naomi Janowitz, Magic in the Roman World: Pagans, Jews and Christians (London: Routledge, 2002), 13.\n24 NH 37.165. Heliotrope is bloodstone, or chalcedony.\n25 De universo II, pars III, cap. 20: \u201cOn the various radiations coming from God into human souls, and\nconcerning the obstacles to their reception.\u201d\n26 Although there is clear kinship between William\u2019s \u201cilluminative\u201d metaphors of knowledge and the\nPlatonism of Augustine, William in fact rejects Platonism quite vehemently, and any \u00adsuggestion that\nknowledge occurs by means of pre-existing truths or recollection. In a more Aristotelian way, he\nbelieves that the soul has certain capacities for knowledge, which may then be fulfilled by the illumination of knowledge, especially from God or angels (these capacities having perhaps been \u00adstimulated\ninto activity by the senses, which he does not seem to consider sources of knowledge per se). It must\nbe said that William\u2019s epistemology is neither entirely clear nor particularly \u00adconsistent. See Lewis,\n\u201cWilliam of Auvergne,\u201d sec. 7.7.2.\n27 De universo 1053aD.\n28 De universo 1053bA-B.\n29 De universo 1057bD.\n30 De universo 1058aE.\n31 William argues at length (1053bC) that the fearful, mad, ill, angry and others in extreme passion\nare more susceptible to illuminations, for that very reason: that their soul becomes disconnected\nfrom the body.\n32 It should be noted that William\u2019s explanation for the inclusion of such substances, while ingenious,\nis probably not correct. The eyes of animals are frequently listed among the ingredients in lamps\nand fumigations that cause illusions, and there can be little doubt that this is a kind of sympathetic\nmagic: to alter the sight, use eyes. Moreover, other parts of the turtle (especially its bile) were\nconsidered particularly efficacious for vision; see Pliny, NH 32.37\u201338: \u201cthe bile of turtles clarifies\nthe sight,\u201d and \u201cturtle bile mixed with honey remedies all faults of vision.\u201d The magical Liber vacce\nuses this ingredient several times, including in a suffumigation that, when used during the day, will\n\u201cdarken the world and you will see all the stars and the moon, until the world is afraid of it\u201d (MS\nCambridge, Corpus Christi, fol. 148v: \u201cquando tu suffumigabis cum ea in die, manifeste obtenebratur mundus et videbis stellas omnes et lunam, donec timeat mundus ex illo\u201d); this recipe calls\nfor turtle bile mixed with a paste of black henna (if that is the meaning of \u201cadipem qui dicitur alcatak,\u201d or alcatam in some other manuscripts: \u201ckatam\u201d is black henna). The mixture of a black dye\nwith a substance that sharpens the vision is quite appropriate for darkening the world and making\nthe stars visible in daytime.\n33 De universo II, pars III, cap. 23: \u201cOn the trickeries of demons, whereby they make some things appear that do not exist, and by what power spiritual substances can move bodies.\u201d\n34 Such a feat was attributed in antiquity to a certain Pases, who was frequently mentioned (as Pases\nor Pasetes) in early modern writings on magic. Cornelius Agrippa, for example, mentions him in\nhis chapter on praestigia, De incertitudine et vanitate scientiarum (Cologne, 1531), sig. i1v. So too does\nRobert Burton in the Anatomy of Melancholy; see Philip Butterworth, Magic on the Early English Stage\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 18\u201319. The ultimate source for these writers\nseems to be Suidas, s.v. \u03a0\u1f71\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2. According to Suidas, Pases was a magician who was able to make banquets and waiters appear by means of his spells, and then to vanish again. He also had a half-obol\ncoin that, if he spent it, would come back to him \u2013 and hence his name had become proverbial as\n\u201cPases\u2019 half-obol\u201d (perhaps in the same sense as the English \u201cbad penny\u201d). William may have met\nthis story, or proverb, in some patristic source.\n35 De universo 1061bB-D.\n36 De universo 1062aE.\n37 The illusion William described reminds one of an elaborate illusion described in a much later\nnecromantic manual; see Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth\nCentury (Stroud: Sutton, 1997), 50\u201353.\n38 De universo 1065aB. \u201cinter ossa crurium vaccae unius\u201d \u2013 this is probably meant to be the sensory\nfoundation on which the demons build the illusion of sexual intercourse with the queen.\n39 Ibid. 1065aD.\n328\n\nPages 348:\nI l lu si o n\n40 Ibid. 1066aH-bF. The same figure as \u201cDame Habonde,\u201d appears in the Roman de la Rose. See John\nM. Steadman, \u201cEve\u2019s Dream and the Conventions of Witchcraft,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas 26,\nno. 4 (1965): 571.\n41 De universo 1066bG.\n42 An edition of the Latin text of the magical theory (which was excised from some translations),\ntogether with a brief commentary, may be found in Antonella Sannino, \u201c\u2018Facere cessare mirabilia\nrerum\u2019: magia e scienza nel \u2018De mirabilibus mundi.\u2019\u201d Studi filosofici 30 (2007): 1000\u201316.\n43 Sannino identifies the source as Avicenna\u2019s commentary on De anima; Ibid., 50. There is clearly\nsome similarity here to William of Auvergne\u2019s theory of the vis imaginationis (perhaps because Avicenna was a common source); though it should be noted, for William, the effects of the imagination\nare illusory, while for ps.-Albertus they are real.\n44 Thomas Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles (Turin and Rome: Editio Leonina, 1946), III.103. I am indebted to the analysis of this chapter and the next, in Marrone, \u201cMagic and the Physical World in\nThirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d 174\u201380.\n45 Summa contra gentiles III.104. The attribution of particular effects to heavenly action goes beyond\nAvicenna\u2019s Neoplatonic theory of general celestial causation. The editor of the Leonine edition of\nAquinas\u2019s works suggests that he had in mind De civitate dei X.11, where Augustine quotes with apparent approval a passage from Porphyry\u2019s Letter to Anebo, in which the Platonic philosopher argues\nthat the banal, or immoral, effects of magical rituals cannot be imputed to the celestial gods, but\nare the work of demons.\n46 Thomas Aquinas, Scriptum super libros sententiarum magistri Petri Lombardi Episcopi Parisiensis. 4 vols., ed.\nPierre Mandonnet and Marie Fabien Moos (Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1929\u201347), book II, dist. 7, q. 3,\nart. 1.\n47 Scriptum super libros sententiarum, II. dist. 7 q. 3 art. 1. \u201cDaemones ad determinata passiva possunt\nconjungere activa.\u201d This seems to be the first use of this phrase \u2013 conjoining or applying actives\nto passives \u2013 which will become part of the standard vocabulary thenceforth for understanding\npreternatural effects. For its use, for instance, by Pietro Pomponazzi in the sixteenth century, see\nAnthony Ossa-Richardson, \u201cPietro Pomponazzi and the R\u00f4le of Nature in Oracular Divination,\u201d\nIntellectual History Review 20, no. 4 (2010): 441\u201342.\n48 The classic text on this important medieval and Renaissance category is Lorraine Daston and\nKatharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150-1750 (New York: Zone Books, 1998).\n49 Scriptum super libros sententiarum, II. dist. 7 q. 3 art. 1.\n50 Ibid. dist. 8 q. 1 art. 5.\n51 Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, 6 vols. (Turin, 1891), I. q. 114 art. 4.\n52 For Oresme\u2019s dependence in this and other works on William of Auvergne\u2019s De universo, see Bert\nHansen, Nicole Oresme and the Marvels of Nature: A Study of his De causis mirabilium with Critical Edition,\nTranslation, and Commentary (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1995), 57. All future\npage references to Oresme\u2019s De causis mirabilium will be to this edition. On the fortuna of Oresme\u2019s\nwork in the history of scepticism, see Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in\nEarly Modern Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 265\u201366.\n53 Meteora III.4 (373b1).\n54 De causis mirabilium ch. 1, l. 120 (p. 156). There is perhaps an echo here of the castle illusion described by William of Auvergne.\n55 De causis mirabilium ch. 1, ll. 177\u20138 (pp. 160\u201361).\n56 De configurationibus 2. 25. 35; Marshall Clagett, Nicole Oresme and the Medieval Geometry of Qualities and\nMotions: A Treatise on the Uniformity and Difformity of Intensities known as Tractatus de configurationibus qualitatum et motuum (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 336. All future page references will\nbe to this edition.\n57 De configurationibus, 2. 26.\n58 Ibid., 2. 27.\n59 Ibid., 2. 29.\n60 Ibid., 2. 31.\n61 Ibid., 2.32 (pp. 360\u201361).\n62 Ibid., 2. 31 (pp. 358\u201359).\n63 Oresme referred the reader to Witelo\u2019s uncompromisingly naturalistic and anti-demonic De natura\ndemonum; Witelo considered illusions of supernatural beings that can accidentally seem to arise in dim\nlight. This text is edited in Jerzy Burchardt, List Witelona do Ludwika we Lw\u00f3wku \u015al\u0105skim: Problematyka\n329\n\nPages 349:\nRo b e rt G o u l d i n g\nteoriopoznawcza, kosmologiczna i medyczna (Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 1979). Renata \u00adMikolajczyk, \u201cNon\nsunt nisi phantasiae et imaginationes: A Medieval Attempt at Explaining Demons,\u201d in Communicating with the Spirits, ed. G\u00e1bor Klaniczay, Eva Pocs and Eszter Csonka-\u00adTakacs (Budapest: Central\nEuropean University Press, 2005), 40\u201352 provides a useful summary and analysis of the treatise.\n64 De configurationibus, 2. 33.\n65 This point is well made by Simon During, Modern Enchantments: The Cultural Power of Secular Magic\n(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), 32.\n66 Jakob Sprenger and Heinrich Institoris, Malleus Maleficarum (Cologne, 1520), ch. 9 (sig. G3r).\n67 For an account both of the contemporary and modern scholarly reaction to this part of the \u00adMalleus,\nand its sources in folkloric accounts, see Moira Smith, \u201cThe Flying Phallus and the Laughing Inquisitor: Penis Theft in the \u2018Malleus Maleficarum,\u2019\u201d Journal of Folklore Research 39 (2002): 85\u2013117.\nPenis theft is still blamed on witches in parts of the world. See http://www.reuters.com/article/\nus-witchcraft-idUSN2319603620080423.\n68 De civitate dei, 18. 18.\n69 Ibid., 10. 8.\n70 Sprenger and Institoris, Malleus Maleficarum, sig. G3v.\n71 Ibid., sig. G4r.\n72 See also During, Modern Enchantments: The Cultural Power of Secular Magic, 33.\n73 Sprenger and Institoris, Malleus Maleficarum, sig. G4r.\n74 Ibid., sig. G4v.\n75 Ibid., sig. G5r.\n76 During argues, more strongly, that the ambiguity of the distinctions in the Malleus is inevitable,\nbecause of the authors\u2019 conceptions of reality and unreality, as expressions of God\u2019s will. Human\nillusion, or magic as entertainment is, in his reading of this passage, deliberately placed under suspicion (despite its apparent exemption), because its means, and the kind of reality it produces, are\nidentical to the works of the devil. See Modern Enchantments: The Cultural Power of Secular Magic, 33.\n77 The first sign of this sceptical attitude towards these experiments seems to be in the seventeenth\ncentury, in the work of Athanasius Kircher.\n78 On this sort of material, see Bruno Roy, \u201cThe Household Encyclopedia as Magic Kit: Medieval\nPopular Interest in Pranks and Illusions,\u201d Journal of Popular Culture 14 (1980): 60\u201369; Melitta Weiss\nAdamson, \u201cThe Games Cooks Play: Non-Sense Recipes and Practical Jokes in Medieval Literature,\u201d in Food in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Melitta Weiss Adamson (New York: Garland\nPub., 1995), 177\u201396.\n79 See Helen Cooper, \u201cMagic That Does Not Work,\u201d Medievalia et Humanistica 7 (1976): 131\u201346.\nCooper\u2019s interest is different from ours; she points out that, because of its ease in resolving plot difficulties, magic came to be seen as banal and uninteresting in medieval literature. Far more exciting\nwas magic that failed, or magical objects that were never used.\n80 Matthew Dickie has a little on ancient performers in Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World\n(London: Routledge, 2001). On medieval jugglers, see Laura H. Loomis, \u201cSecular Dramatics in the\nRoyal Palace, Paris, 1378, 1389, and Chaucer\u2019s \u2018Tregetoures,\u2019\u201d Speculum 33, no. 2 (1958): 242\u201355.\n330\n\nPages 350:\n24\nM agic at cou rt\nJean-Patrice Boudet\nIn the societies of the late Middle Ages, courts \u2013 those of sovereigns and those of secular and\necclesiastical princes \u2013 are privileged domestic spaces for the political elites, places of power\nrepresentation and centres of rivalries of all kinds, involving often illicit practices. The use\nof magic and repression of it should be considered in this highly competitive sociopolitical\ncontext, where individual strategies seem to oppose the norms imposed by the Church and\nthe secular powers. But recent research focused on some particularly revealing periods of\ncrisis suggests that the sovereign powers \u2013 those of the Pope, kings and territorial princes \u2013\nhave not built themselves up only in opposition to magicians, sorcerers and witches, but also,\nto some extent, with their help.\nCourtly magic\nMagic is an essential component of courtly romances and court culture from the Central\nMiddle Ages to the Renaissance. It appears particularly in the Arthurian literature and\nthe \u201cantique romances\u201d of 1150\u201370, especially in the Roman d\u2019Alexandre and in Beno\u00eet de\nSainte-Maure\u2019s Roman de Troie. Beno\u00eet, a tourangeau cleric who was probably in the service\nof King Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine, defines himself in his Roman as devin (diviner,\nsoothsayer). Although it applies to the field of romantic fiction, this identification encourages\nDavid Rollo to speak of a translatio nigromantiae parallel to the translatio studii and contemporary\nwith the construction of the myth of Toledo as a capital of magic.1 Indeed, the affirmation of\ncourtly magic corresponds to an imaginary appropriation process that forms the basis of the\nsuperiority of the clerical litterati, that is mastery of the Latin language and its grammar. It is\ntestified by the promotion of a new meaning of \u201cgramaire\u201d in Old French: when Ulysses and\nDiomedes came to Troy, the first wonderful thing they saw was a \u201ca pine tree, with branches\nof refined gold cast through magic, nigromancy and grimoire\u201d (\u201cDevant la sale aveit un pin/\nDont les branches furent d\u2019or fin/ Tresgetees par artimaire,/ Par nigromance e par gramaire,\u201d Roman de Troie, vv. 6265\u201368). The rhyme \u201cartimaire/ gramaire\u201d also appears in the\nRoman de Thebes and its association with \u201cnigromance\u201d gives a double meaning to the word\n\u201cgramaire\u201d, grammar and grimoire, the second one refering to a book of conjuration whose\nmagical properties allow one to do many things, including raise a person from the dead.2\nPerhaps, like the invasion of magical themes in Arthurian literature, this transfer from\nthe area of clerical magic and miracle to the fictional universe in the vernacular aims \u201cto\nchallenge the clerics\u2019 monopoly of the sacred and to affirm the legitimacy of the supernatural domination claimed by the aristocracy\u201d.3 But it is more generally a phenomenon of\nacculturation between \u201cclergy\u201d and \u201cchivalry\u201d that is taking place here, a phenomenon\n331\n\nPages 351:\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nbetter observable in the court societies of the three last centuries of the Middle Ages.4 In\nany case, the fact that the character of the court magician is often more positive than negative in the vernacular literature confirms the importance of social demand in this area.\nIn German romance, for example, \u201cmagicians were not just fringe figures, representatives\nof superstition and low culture, but elegant, learned and powerful courtiers, whose services\nwere valued in the center of power.\u201d5 Courtly literature has probably done more to inspire\nthe attitude of governments on this than the warnings pronounced by court clerks like John\nof Salisbury in his Policraticus (1159).\nMagic at court in the thirteenth century\nSignif\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 337 to page 351 out of a total of 569. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 352 to page 366 out of a total of 569:\nPages 352:\nM a g i c at c o u rt\nThe long version of Liber introductorius is valuable in that it illuminates the judgement of\nDante Alighieri on Michael Scot, \u201cwho knew very well all the games of magical tricks\u201d (Inferno, XX, vv. 115\u201317). However, one may question the authenticity of this version, well fitted\nto discredit Frederick II through his astrologer, while the short version, deprived of most of\nthe deviant passages, seems more \u201cpolitically correct\u201d but may be the result of an equally fictitious construction. The legend of Michael Scot is inevitably linked to that of Frederick II.\nKing of Castile and Le\u00f3n (1252\u201384), cousin of Frederick II and son of Ferdinand III and\nBeatrice of Swabia, Alfonso X was chosen as king of the Romans in 1257 and renounced the\nimperial throne in 1275. The cultural model he wants to follow, which contributes to the\nattribution of the nickname el Sabio (the Wise or the Savant), is Solomon\u2019s: like Solomon,\nthe king must participate in the divine wisdom, which gives him the power to govern and to\nbe a \u201clord of justice, connoisseur of good and prudence\u201d. Hence the importance he attaches\nto his legal work; but that wisdom is supposed also to animate his quest for \u201cphilosophy\nand all other sciences\u201d, to give him the ability to know nature and its secrets, to understand\nthe past and try to predict the future, like the famous king of Israel, who was understood\nsince Antiquity to have been a kind of exorcist, magician and astrologer. Alfonso\u2019s policy\nof patronage for the translation and composition of scientific and magical books must be\nunderstood in this context. Moreover, Alfonso X is a direct heir of Arabic science as well as\na dreamer searching for universal knowledge. It is in this spirit that in 1254 he states that he\nwishes to establish, in Seville, in his privileged place of residence, estudios e escuelas generales\nde lat\u00edn e ar\u00e1bico. There is a direct link between that decision and the patronage of scientific\ntranslations by the Wise King. His policy in this regard is remarkably coherent: it transfers,\nmainly in the Castilian language, the Arabic science of the stars and Arabic and Jewish\nmagic. His activity in this last field appears in the following table.\nMagical works translated or written under the patronage\nof Alfonso X9\nDate\nTitle\ncompleted Lapidario\nin 1250,\nrevised ca.\n1275\n1256\u201358\nPicatrix\n1276\u201379\nca.\n1280\u201384\n?\nAuthors\nTranslators\nTranslations\u2019 Characteristics\n\u201cAbolays\u201d\nand others\nYehuda ben\nMoshe and\nGarci P\u00e9rez\nCompendium of four lapidaries\ntranslated from Arabic to Castilian\nMaslama\nal-Qur\u1e6dub\u012b\nYehuda ben\nMoshe and\nAegidius de\nThebaldis?\n?\nMagical compendium translated from\nArabic to Castilian and from Castilian to\nLatin\nLibro de las\n?\nformas e\nymagenes\nLibro de\n?\nastromagia\nLiber Razielis\n?\nin seven books\n?\nIohannes\nclericus\n( Juan\nd\u2019Aspa?)\n333\nAn astral magic compendium translated\nfrom Arabic to Castilian\nAn astral magic compendium translated\nfrom Arabic to Castilian\nA compilation of magic translated in\npart from Hebrew to Latin and then to\nCastilian, as suggested by the prologue,\nor a Latin compilation based in part on\na older version in two books and perhaps\nfalsely attributed to Alfonso X in the\nfourteenth century\n\nPages 353:\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nThe Lapidario was completed in 1250, two years before the accession of Alfonso to the\nthrone of Castile, and was revised in around 1275. It is kept in an original manuscript of the\n\u00adEscorial. It is actually four separate lapidaries; the first and most important is attributed to an\n\u201cAbolays\u201d of whom nothing is known. The whole was translated into Castilian by the principal Jewish translator of the entourage of Alfonso, Yehuda ben Moshe ha-Kohen, helped\nby Garci P\u00e9rez, cleric of the King. The first three lapidaries are astrological. In Abolays\u2019\nlapidary, 301 stones are classified according to the twelve signs of the zodiac. In the second\nlapidary, the stones are classified according to the thirty-six decans; in the third according to\nthe seven planets, and in the fourth in the order of the Arabic alphabet.\nIn addition to the Lapidario, which may be considered a work of natural magic, Alfonso\nX commissioned the translation and composition of several treatises on astral and ritual\nmagic, and was the only European sovereign of the Middle Ages to have done so. Two astral magic compilations in Castilian date from the last eight years of his reign: the Libro de\nlas formas e ymagenes, now lost but of which remains a very detailed table of contents,10 and\nthe Libro de astromagia, of which remains the original manuscript, a superb illuminated codex of the Vatican Library where we find ten texts and forty remarkable miniatures representing the degrees of the zodiac signs, the decans, the mansions of the Moon, the talismans\nof the planets and signs, the planetary angels, sacrifices to the spirits of the planets and\nthe accompanying suffumigations.11 But above all, the Castilian king left his mark in the\nhistory of magic by the translation of two famous works, the Picatrix and the Liber Razielis.\nThe Picatrix is a Latin translation of the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm (The Aim of the Wise), a compendium written in al-Andalus in the middle of the tenth century by Maslama al-Qur \u1e6d ub\u012b.12 It\nwas made from a Castilian version (of which only fragments remain) written in 1256 at the\nrequest of Alfonso X, but the prologue does not reveal the identity of the translators; perhaps Yehuda ben Moshe for the Castilian version and Aegidius of Thebaldis for the Latin.\nAegidius translated for Alfonso two major astrological works from Castilian, the Liber de\niudiciis astrorum of Hali Abenragel and Hali Abenrudian\u2019s commentary on Ptolemy\u2019s Quadripartitum. Allegedly inspired by more than 200 treatises, among which are different astral\nmagic works, the encyclopeadia of the Brethren of Purity and the Book of Nabatean agriculture, the Picatrix gives great prominence to the magical and astrological talismans, prayers,\nsacrifices and suffumigationes stellarum intended to influence the planetary spirits. It has been\npartly written and translated from the perspective of its potential political and military use,\neven if that purpose is unequally manifested among its four books and their chapters. This\nis particularly the case in chapter 5 of Book I, where politics is one of the main goals (ten of\nthirty-three), almost equal with love\u2013unlove affairs (eleven) and with prosperity or physical\ndestruction (nine).13 There are thus talismans \u201cto be loved by reges and magnates\u201d, \u201cfor the\nmaster [of a country] to be loved by his people who will always obey him\u201d, \u201cto get a dignity\nfrom the master\u201d, \u201cto increase the power of cities that will continue to be prosperous\u201d, \u201cto\ndestroy an enemy\u201d, \u201cto destroy a city\u201d, \u201cto prevent buildings from being built\u201d, \u201cthat the\nking\u2019s wrath fall on someone\u201d and so on. But it is in chapter 7 of Book III that we found this\nbeautiful ritual inspired directly by Eastern astrolatry:\nIf you want to pray to the Sun and ask him something, for example to ask for the\ngrace of a king, for love of lords and the benefits generated by this, you will make\nthe Sun favorable by placing it in the ascendant, and in his own day [Sunday] and\nhour. Put on a king\u2019s clothing, silky, yellow and mixed with gold; place on your head\n334\n\nPages 354:\nM a g i c at c o u rt\na golden crown and on your finger a gold ring, and you will take the appearance of\nthe most eminent Chaldean [Persian] men, as the Sun was the master of their ascendant. Enter into a remote house reserved for the operation; put your right hand\non the left and look at the Sun with caution and humility [\u2026] Then take a golden\ncenser and a beautiful rooster with a beautiful neck [sic: a beautiful crest in Arabic].\nAbove his neck, put a small lighted candle wax that is located at the far end of a\nstick [of aloe in Arabic] to the length of one palm; in the heat of the censer put the\nsuffumigation described below. As the Sun rises, turn the rooster up to it and, while\nthe smoke of the incense rises continuously, say:\nYou who are the root of heaven, who are greater than all the stars and all the\nplanets, you who are holy and honored, I ask you to grant my prayer, to give me\nthe grace and love of such a king and all other kings. I implore you, for He who\ngives you life and light. You are the light of the world. I invoke you with all your\nnames: Yazemiz [sic: for \u0160ams] in Arabic, Sol in Latin, Maher in Chaldean, Lehuz\nin \u00adRoman [Byzantine Greek; Lehuz is a transliteration of Helios], Araz in Indian.\nYou are the light of the world and its brightness; you stand in the middle of the\nplanets. It is you who, by your virtue and your heat, produce generation in the\nworld [\u2026] I ask you, by your height and your will, to deign to help me that such a\nking and all other kings on earth put me in an elevated and sublime position, and\nthat I will have domination and height as you who are the master of the planets and\nstars, from which they receive light and radiance. I ask you, you who are the root of\nall the firmament, to have mercy on me and be attentive to the prayers and requests\nthat I have made.14\nPerhaps this operation was never put into practice in late medieval Europe: it is in complete\ncontradiction with the Christian faith; we find no trace of the Picatrix in European libraries\nbefore 1425, and among the twenty manuscripts preserved of this famous treatise, none\ndates from before the mid-fifteenth century. Nonetheless, this kind of text reveals the expansion of the potential scope of magic allowed by the Arab\u2013Latin translations of the twelfth\nand thirteenth centuries.\nAs for the Liber Razielis, inspired by the Sefer Raziel ha-Malach (the Book of the Angel\n\u00adRaziel), it is preserved in two main versions: a version in two books, translated from H\n\u00ad ebrew,\nseems the oldest but is only preserved in a manuscript of the mid-fifteenth century (Paris,\nBNF, MS lat. 3666); and a version in seven books placed under the patronage of \u00adA lfonso\nX and whose translation seems to have been done by a cleric of his entourage called in the\nprologue \u201cIohannes clericus\u201d and identified by Alfonso d\u2019Agostino as Juan d\u2019Aspa. The\nversion in seven books is preserved in two main manuscripts: in the oldest, an Italian codex\nof the second half of the fourteenth century, the Liber Razielis is isolated, while in the second\none, which dates from around 1500, the treatise is accompanied by ten appendices, whose\ntranslation seems to have also been commissioned by Alfonso X.15 According to Alfonso\nD\u2019Agostino, this version of the Liber Razielis was established from a Castilian translation\nmade around 125916; according to Damaris Gehr, the attribution of this version to the patronage of Alfonso is a fiction that does not predate the fourteenth or fifteenth centuries.17\nIn fact, we are probably dealing not with a translation from Hebrew into Latin through\nthe Castilian, but with a Latin compilation of which the Castilian version is lost, coming\nperhaps partly from Hebrew via the version in two books.\n335\n\nPages 355:\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nAnyway, the basic theme that unites the pieces of this puzzle is the secret initiation, essential to the exercise of power. Raziel (\u201csecret of God\u201d in Hebrew) is an angel who appeared to\nAdam three days after his expulsion from Paradise and who gave him a magic book revealing the mysteries of creation. Two annexes to the Liber Razielis are devoted to the Semaphoras:\na knowledge of this hidden and omnipotent God\u2019s name, found by Solomon, is likely to give\nto the magician king, a new Moses, a quasi-divine power over the elements and men, a\npower that could allow him to know the secrets of his people and defeat his enemies.\nOne can see here the phantasmagoric aspect of the motivations of Alfonso X\u2019s patronage,\nespecially at the end of his reign, when he was in a particularly delicate political position.\nThe long version of the Liber Razielis nevertheless circulated in Spain and, from the fourteenth century, in France and Italy. Two of these volumes were recorded in the library of\nCharles V and Charles VI of France, the latter having also recovered the original manuscript of the Alfonsine Astromagia and a French translation of the Libro de las formas e ymagenes,\ncommissioned by his uncle, John, Duke of Berry.18\nMagic and political affairs in the late middle ages\nIt is clear enough that the proliferation of texts and magical manuscripts that can be observed in Europe from the fourteenth century and even more in the fifteenth century may\nbe explained by a sociocultural demand concerning first some members of court society and\ntheir vicinity. This is particularly evident for magical tricks and illusionist performances as\npart of court entertainment, of which we can see some remarkable examples in manuscripts\ncoming from fifteenth-century military engineers, such as those of Conrad Kyeser\u2019s Bellifortis,\nof which the most beautiful specimen was sent in 1405 to Rupert, King of the Romans, or\nGiovanni Fontana\u2019s Bellicorum instrumentorum liber.19 But it is also the case for ritual magic treatises requiring the participation of clerics such as the Clavicula Salomonis (Key of \u00adSolomon),\nreported for the first time by Pietro d\u2019Abano in 1310, where three chapters of Book I are\ndevoted to experiments of grace and favour, of hatred and destruction and of mockery and\ndeception.20 Even if we take the example of necromancy (more exactly \u201cnigromancy\u201d, that\nis demonic magic and divination), we can see, reading the mid-fifteenth-century manual\npublished by Richard Kieckhefer, that aims of the same type are almost predominant: in this\nmanual, fourteen experimenta of forty-two, that is a third, can be qualified as illusions; four are\nfor the acquisition of a horse or a spirit with its appearance, two are to obtain a boat or a flying throne, two others are expected to lead to the emergence of a banquet and a castle with\nits defenders and an innumerable army and, finally, three rituals are intended to achieve invisibility.21 And if we accept Kieckhefer\u2019s idea that this kind of magic was particularly suited\nto a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d,22 we must clarify that we do not see it as an underworld mainly\ncomposed of disaffected clerics, but rather as an underground and informal network, whose\nreal or supposed influence may ascend to the top of both secular and ecclesiastical society.\nThe place occupied by the charges relating to magic in the great wave of political trials of the early fourteenth century, orchestrated by the lawyers of the entourage of the\nKing of France Philip the Fair and their allies against Pope Boniface VIII, the Bishop of\nTroyes Guichard and the Templars, can be better explained in this context.23 Magical\npractices, real or imagined, have become power issues of great importance between the\nkings of France and England, the papacy, the cardinals and prelates, their advisors and\nother members of their courts. The policy of repression of magic and divination performed\nby Pope John XXII (1316\u201334) against great prelates like Bishop of Cahors Hugues G\u00e9raud,\n336\n\nPages 356:\nM a g i c at c o u rt\nthe Archbishop of Aix Robert de Mauvoisin, the Visconti of Milan and other more modest\nindividuals (mostly members, like him, of the clergy in southwestern France) may be seen in\na similar perspective, although John XXII, after asking in 1320 a panel of experts whether\nthe ritual magic practices could be considered as a factum hereticale, finally move back on\nthat point, for fear of being overwhelmed by the Inquisition.24 Hence, perhaps, the unofficial publication in 1326 or 1327 of the bull Super illius specula, which remained apparently\nin draft form in the archives of the Avignon papacy until the revelation of its existence by\nNicolas Eymerich in his Directorium Inquisitorum (1373), and the impunity that seems to have\nbenefited some high-flying magicians such as the Catalan cleric Beranger Ganell, a member of the entourage of King Jacques III of Mallorca and author of the Summa sacrae magicae,\na major treatise probably started at the royal court in Perpignan but completed in 1346,\nwhile Jacques and Beranger were in exile in Montpellier.25\nAstral magic seems even to have been used at the court of France, during the reign of\nCharles V (1364\u201380), for a military issue. If one believes the Italian astrologer Antonio\nda Montolmo, known as author of a De occultis and manifestis, \u201cMaster Thomas de Pizan\nof \u00adBologna, then physician to the King of France [Charles V], expelled the English companies from the Kingdom\u201d, adapting against the English soldiers the first experimentum of\nThabit ibn Qurra\u2019s De imaginibus (translated into Latin from Arabic in the twelfth century),\ndesigned to drive scorpions away from any place:\nHaving shared in imagination the whole territory of the kingdom of France into\nfour parts, he took a certain amount of land in the middle of the territory, as well\nas a certain amount of land in the middle of each of the said four parts. [\u2026] While\nthe ascendant was in Scorpio, the Moon was in the same sign and Mars was retrograde in Gemini, five images [talismans] were made [\u2026] representing a naked man,\nimages which were immediately filled and consolidated, and on the front of each\nimage was marked the name of the King of England or the master of the said companies. [\u2026] Then, on time and under the aforesaid constellation, the said images\nwere buried by several people, toward the middle of the territory, and each of the\nother four to the middle of the fourth part of that territory, reciting these words:\nThis is the perpetual burial and total destruction and annihilation of N. \u2014 that is\nto say the captain or king \u2014 and all his office and his supporters. This is their perpetual expulsion from the kingdom [\u2026] so that neither he nor any of his officers or\nany of his followers can in any way remain in this realm, but be forever expelled and\nput to flight irreversibly as this work will continue, with God\u2019s permission. Amen.\nAnd the images were buried upside down with hands or arms behind their backs.\nAnd in no time, that is to say in a few months, all the above companies fled the\nkingdom without a fight. [\u2026] The names of the expulsion that were written on the\nback of each of the five images were these: \u201cBaliatot, Hariaraiel, Kafieil, Abrail,\nAfal, Haidaienil, Maimeil, Kafieul, Gemeo, Helin, Varchalin, Arsal, disturb you,\ngrab you and run away from this kingdom, you and all your supporters!\u201d\nThe twelve names cited here are names of angels and demons of the planets, so we may note\nthe illusory nature of the concept of imago astronomica being purely natural, formulated in the\nmiddle of the thirteenth century by the author of Speculum astronomiae, when one seeks to put\nit into practice. Furthermore, the only possible date corresponding to the rare astronomical\nevent described in this text \u2013 a retrogradation of Mars in Gemini, with the Moon in the\n337\n\nPages 357:\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nascendant in Scorpio \u2013 which could coincide with the presence of Thomas de Pizan at the\ncourt of France (1365\u201387) is 25 October 1375 at seven o\u2019clock in the morning. Dawn would\nprobably be a good time for a magic ritual, but France and England are in a truce period\n(since 1 July 1375) and the English do not need to be driven out of the heart of the kingdom,\nsince they have already left \u2026 so we have here an exemplum which poses as an experimentum.26\nApart from this fictional exploit, magic and magicians appear to have played only a minor\nrole in the course of the Hundred Years\u2019 War. But at a time when almost everyone believes in\nthe reality of their power to spread the good and the bad, \u201cnigromancers\u201d represent important psychological weapons that alter the balance of power and a potential danger that must\nbe taken into account, used or destroyed. This is particularly the case, it seems, at times of\ncrisis or apparent weakness of royal or papal power, such as during the madness of Charles\nVI (1392\u20131422). Charles was the subject of a half-dozen magical attempts intended to deliver\nhim from his evil. Other examples include the madness of Henry VI, the end of the Great\nSchism and the end of the reign of Charles VII, when Otto \u00adCastellani was accused of having\nused the services of the magician Pierre Mignon to replace Jacques Coeur as treasurer of the\nking.27 The court of the Duke of Burgundy, at the end of the principality of Philip the Good,\nseems also to have been a laboratory in this matter, as is shown by the extraordinary trial of\nwhich John of Burgundy, Count of Etampes, was the object in 1463.28 He was accused of having sponsored and participated in, using the services of two doctors and an apothecary from\nBrussels, an attempt at the hatred bewitchment of Count Charles de Charolais (the future\nCharles the Bold) and love bewitchments of Philip the Good and the King of France, Louis\nXI. This double attempt was considered by one of the witnesses at the trial, also a physician of\nBrussels, as intended to put \u201cin the court of Monseigneur [Philip the Good] the most serious\ntrouble which was in the court of a prince for a hundred years\u201d. It provoked the vengeance of\nCharles the Bold, who shortly after his accession as Duke of Burgundy in 1468 expelled John\nof Burgundy, meanwhile become Count of Nevers, from the Order of the Golden Fleece.\nThe political use of sorcery and English kings\u2019 fear of it have been well studied since\nthe 1970s.29 But it is only recently that the role of magic affairs in court societies has been\nstudied without a positivistic point of view that sees in these affairs nothing more than phenomena of political manipulation. If we examine more closely the example of Charles VI\u2019s\nreign, we see that between 1390 (two years before his first attack of madness) and 1410, at\nthe courts of the King of France and of the Pope and in princely circles, a series of about\ntwenty magic cases. They seem to become epidemic, despite their diversity, because they\nprimarily affect the curial circles. Combining the approach of magical practices and the\npolitical aspects, we find here that magic does not play only an instrumental role but may\nbe considered as a central function in the exercise of power. The magicians claim \u201cto bind\nand unbind\u201d,30 thus usurping the power of the clergy, the official Church and emerging\nStates, and becoming guilty of a crime against divine and human majesty. That is why\nthe question of omnipotence, which is at the heart of magical practices, also explains at\nkey moments how magic may become a kind of State heresy, articulating the power of the\nprince and the omnipotence of God. This is vividly illustrated by Jean Petit\u2019s justification\nof tyrannicide (1408), which for the first time in Europe fully detailed the different degrees\nof majesty affected by these criminal practices in order to exalt a defence of majesty itself.31\nSo the famous affair involving Jean de Bar, magician of the Duke of Burgundy Philip the\nBold, and the condemnations of magic by the Parisian Faculty of Theology in 1398 are not\nat all isolated, as the persecution of magic is the counterpart of magic\u2019s success and of the\ndanger it poses for holders of political power.32\n338\n\nPages 358:\nM a g i c at c o u rt\nAccording to William R. Jones, \u201c the English \u2018witch-plots\u2019 of the fifteenth century were\npromoted by the same conditions a century before in France \u2014 fierce partisanship on the\nhighest levels of society, dynastic uncertainty and a politics of crime and scandal\u201d33 \u2013 but the\nsituation is not the same in Italy, where learned magic seems to have been more tolerated.\nIt is no coincidence that a large proportion of late medieval magical manuscripts preserved now are of Italian origin.34 The better conservation of astral magic codices in Italy\nthan elsewhere in Europe may probably be explained by the sociocultural advancement\nof astrology in universities and the Italian city states during the Renaissance. Conversely,\nSolomonic magic manuscripts were more likely to be preserved in England and Germany,\nin connection with the development of the first books of exorcism in Germany around\n1400 and in reaction against the Roman papacy during the Reformation. A review of a\nmanuscript such as Paris, BNF, Italian 1524, copied in 1446 for a member of the court of\nthe Duke of Milan Filippo Maria Visconti, differentiates between the spheres of public and\nprivate in the upper classes of the city states of the peninsula in a manner that is more pronounced than usual elsewherein Europe. This manuscript includes an anonymous Necromantia containing nearly 250 experimenti, and an Italian translation of the Clavicula Salomonis\ntaken very probably from a copy of the Latin text that was in the library of the Duke Filippo\nMaria in Pavia in 1426. An original thematic feature of this codex, probably related to its\nbeing in Italian and to the fact that the recipient was a lay member of the ducal court, lies\nin the balance of love and sex magic. This is especially so in the Necromantia, of which twothirds of the experimenti concern secret love and sexuality.\nThe position of learned magic in the East-Central European royal courts is more uncertain.35 Wenceslas IV, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Bohemia (1361\u20131419), possessed\nsome books of divination and ritual magic in his library and had a copy of Kyeser\u2019s Bellifortis. Another copy of it can be identified in the book collection of Wenceslas\u2019s brother, the\nnext Emperor and Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg. Kyeser spent some time in\nseveral courts, the most important of which was that of Wenceslas. He may have played\nthe role of a court magician and may have also been involved in the political conflicts of\nthe court of the two brothers. A few decades later, Henry the Bohemian, probable author\nof the Prayer Book of King Wladislas \u2013 a rare example of treasure hunting, combining a series\nof prayers and incorporating parts of the Ars notoria, the Liber visionum of John of Morigny\nand methods of crystallomancy \u2013 found himself in a delicate situation in the Polish court.\nIn 1429, he was accused of conjuration of demons and propagation of Hussite ideas, and\nhe was almost executed as relapsus, like Jean de Bar thirty years before. But unlike Jean de\nBar, royal support saved his life and he was only imprisoned. Benedek L\u00e1ng concludes that\nwhile the magician\u2019s political influence in the royal court made the case of Jean de Bar\nmore serious, and led ultimately to his execution, in the East-Central European area,\nmonarchs stood on the other side, usually trying to defend the magician under trial.\nFuture directions\n\u201cMagic at court is thus a complex and shifting issue, for a long time visible more in fears and\naccusations than in actual evidence.\u201d36 This judgement is all the more true for those parts\nof Europe where first-hand documentation is almost totally lost and we know about magical\npractices in a way even less fully and directly than elsewhere. Such is the case of the Iberian\nPeninsula in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, where magical manuscripts appear to\n339\n\nPages 359:\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nhave been systematically destroyed, probably due to the effectiveness of the Spanish Inquisition, and the magicians\u2019 activities are known almost solely through external sources such asprosecutions and treatises against magic arts. In fact, we have proof that manuscripts of this\nkind were still circulating at the court of Castile in the fifteenth century: Enrique, Marquis of\nVillena, in his Tratado de aojamiento (Treatise on the Evil Eye), composed around 1425, refers to\nthe Picatrix, to the Kyranides, to the Hebrew Kabbalah, to Costa ben Luca\u2019s De physicis ligaturis\nand to the Liber aggregationis ascribed to Albertus Magnus.37 The literary fame of Enrique de\nVillena, the obvious passion he shows for magic, divination and astrology in several of his\nworks, and the fact that part of his library was burned after his death in 1434 by the Bishop\nof Segovia Lope de Barrientos helped to make a kind of Spanish foreshadowing of the Faust\nmyth.38 But we cannot see the wood for the trees and there is still certainly much work to do\non magic in Spain and Portugal in the late Middle Ages.\nAnother field of research related to the study of curial circles which remains largely unexplored is that of magical recipes and books of secrets in vernacular languages other than English or French, less marked than treatises in Latin, and sleeping especially in Italian libraries.39\nFinally, it is necessary to undertake a systematic study of the social status of magic \u00adactors \u2013\nprofessional magician did not really exist except as a romance character or a \u00adstereotype \u2013 as\nwell as of the distribution of tasks between men and women in magic affairs that affected\nthe courts and their periphery. Some great ladies, who were accused of magic, such as\nCountess Mahaut of Artois (in 1316), Eleanor Cobham, Duke Humphrey\u2019s second wife (in\n1441) or Jacquetta of Luxembourg, King Edward IV\u2019s mother-in-law and dowager duchess\nof Bedford (in 1469), may have sponsored some political spells, but witches seem most of\nthe time to have played a secondary role in curial magic affairs. However, courts, cities and\nrural societies located close to each other were porous environments that communicated\nfreely, and where practices and rituals circulated unchecked by any barrier between literate\nand illiterate people.\nNotes\n1 D. Rollo, Glamorous Sorcery. Magic and Literacy in the High Middle Ages (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000), ch. 3, \u201cBeno\u00eet de Sainte-Maure. Magic and Vernacular Fiction,\u201d\n57\u201396 (especially 71 and 74).\n2 Rollo, Glamorous Sorcery, 121; T.B.W. Reid, \u201cGrammar, Grimoire, Glamour, Gomerel,\u201d in Studies in French Language, Literature and History Presented to R. L. Gr\u00e6me Ritchie (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1949), 181\u201388; Dictionnaire \u00e9tymologique de l\u2019ancien fran\u00e7ais, vol. G, ed. K. Baldinger\n(\u00adT\u00fcbingen: M. Niemeyer, 1995), col. 1202\u20133.\n3 A. Guerreau-Jalabert, \u201cF\u00e9es et chevalerie. Observations sur le sens social d\u2019un th\u00e8me dit merveilleux,\u201d in Miracles, prodiges et merveilles au Moyen \u00c2ge. XXV e Congr\u00e8s de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 des Historiens M\u00e9di\u00e9vistes de\nl\u2019Enseignement Sup\u00e9rieur Public (Orl\u00e9ans, 1994) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1995), 145.\n4 See for example the French versions of the myth of the translatio studii et imperii in the XIIIth and\nXIVth centuries: L\u2019Image du monde de Gossuin de Metz, ed. O.H. Prior (Lausanne: Payet, 1913) 77\u201380;\nLes Grandes Chroniques de France, vol. VII, ed. J. Viard (Paris: Champion, 1932), 61; S. Lusignan, Parler\nvulgairement. Les intellectuels et la langue fran\u00e7aise aux XIII e et XIV e si\u00e8cles (Paris and Montr\u00e9al: Librairie\nphilosophique, 1987); J.-P. Boudet, \u201cLe mod\u00e8le du roi sage aux XIII e et XIV e si\u00e8cles: Salomon,\nAlphonse X et Charles V,\u201d Revue historique 310, no. 3 (2008): 545\u201366.\n5 S. Maksymiuk, The Court Magician in Medieval German Romance (Frankfurt and Berlin: P. Lang, 1996), 178.\n6 Cf. C. Burnett, \u201cMichael Scot and the Transmission of Scientific Culture from Toledo to Bologna\nvia the Court of Frederick II Hohenstaufen,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 101\u201326.\n7 Munich, BSB, MS Clm 10268, fol. 17va; Paris, BnF, MS nouv. acq. lat. 1401, fol. 36rb: \u201cMagica\nquidem ars destruit religionem divine legis et culturam demonum persuadet.\u201d\n8 Munich, BSB, MS Clm 10268, fol. 114ra-va.\n340\n\nPages 360:\nM a g i c at c o u rt\n9 Cf. J.-P. Boudet, Entre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d. Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XII e-XV e\nsi\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 189\u201390; L. Fern\u00e1ndez Fern\u00e1ndez, Arte e Ciencia en el\nscriptorium de Alfonso X el Sabio (El Puerto de Santa Mar\u00eda: Ca\u0301tedra Alfonso X el Sabio, 2013).\n10 See the recent edition of Alfonso el Sabio, Lapidario, Libro de las formas e im\u00e1genes que son en los cielos,\ned. P. S\u00e1nchez-Prieto Borja (Madrid: Fundaci\u00f3n Jos\u00e9 Antonio de Castro, 2014), 327\u201392.\n11 Alfonso X el Sabio, Astromagia (Ms. Reg. lat. 1283a), ed. A.D\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992);\n\u201cTratado de astrolog\u00eda y magia\u201d de Alfonso X el Sabio, facsimile, 2 vol. (Valencia: Grial, 2000).\n12 See C. Burnett, \u201cMagic in the Court of Alfonso el Sabio: The Latin Translation of the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm,\u201d in\nDe Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric II \u00e0 Rodolphe II. Astrologie, divination et magie dans les cours (XIIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles), ed. J.-P. Boudet,\nM. Ostorero and A. Paravicini Bagliani (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2017), 37\u201352.\n13 Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Gh\u0101yat Al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, ed. D. Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986),\n15\u201325.\n14 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, 128. See more generally J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLes recettes magiques pour s\u2019attirer\nles faveurs des grands,\u201d in La Cour du Prince, Cour de France, cours d\u2019Europe, XII e-XV e si\u00e8cle, ed. M.\nGaude-Ferragu, Br. Laurioux and J. Paviot (Paris: Champion, 2011), 321\u201338.\n15 MSS Vatican, Reg. lat. 1300, fol. 1\u2013202v (second half of the XIVth century) and Halle, \u00adUniversit\u00e4tsund Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 14.B.36 (ca. 1500).\n16 Alfonso X el Sabio, Astromagia, 39\u201345.\n17 Cf. D. Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione del Liber Razielis in sette libri ad Alfonso X il Saggio e una\nnuova determinazione delle fazi redazionali del trattato, della loro datazione e dell\u2019 identit\u00e0 dei\ncompilatori coinvolti,\u201d Viator Multilingual 43 (2012): 181\u2013210.\n18 See L. Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, vol. II (Paris: Champion, 1907), 103, 115 and\n117, nos 616, 699, 700, 714. Cf. also A. Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical Manuscripts of Alfonso\nX,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996): 14\u201323. Charles VI also possessed a Semiphoras and the pseudo-platonic Liber vaccae (Delisle, nos 715 and 677).\n19 Conrad Kyeser aus Eichst\u00e4tt, Bellifortis, vol. I, ed. G. Quarg (D\u00fcsseldorf: VDI-Verlag, 1967), 15\u201316,\n56\u201367 and 78\u201389; vol. II, fol. 11v\u201312, 90v\u201399, 106; Le macchine ciffrate di Giovanni Fontana, ed. E.\nBattisti and G.S. Battisti (Milan: Arcadia, 1984), 88, 94\u201397, 99\u2013100, 131, 134\u201335, 137 and 140. In\nthe Bellifortis, Kyeser depicted himself summoning demons.\n20 MS Coxe 25 (Latin codex of the end of the XVth century, formerly preserved in Amsterdam, Bibliotheca Philosophica Hermetica 114), 106\u20139; Paris, BnF, MS ital. 1524 (Italian translation copied\nin 1446), fol. 214\u201315v and 216v\u201317v.\n21 R. Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1997),\n42\u201368 (commentary), 208\u201326, 231\u201336, 240 and 344\u201345 (texts).\n22 R. Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), ch. 7,\n151\u201375.\n23 See notably Boniface VIII en proc\u00e8s. Articles d\u2019accusation et d\u00e9positions des t\u00e9moins (1303\u20131311). \u00c9dition\ncritique, introductions et notes, ed. J. Coste (Rome: L\u2019Erma di Bretschneider, 1995); \u00adBoudet, Entre science\net \u201cnigromance\u201d, 469\u201372; A. Provost, Domus Diaboli. Un \u00e9v\u00eaque en proc\u00e8s au temps de Philippe le Bel (Paris:\nBelin, 2010); J. Th\u00e9ry, \u201cA Heresy of State. Philip the Fair, the Trial of the \u2018Perfidious Templars\u2019,\nand the Pontificalization of the French Monarchy,\u201d Journal of Medieval Religious Cultures 39, no. 2\n(2013): 117\u201348.\n24 A. Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers. Une consultation de Jean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Rome: Ecole\nfranc\u0327aise de Rome, 2004); A. Boureau, Satan the Heretic. The Birth of Demonology in the Medieval West,\ntrans. Teresa Lavendar Fagan (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2006).\n25 See S. Baron, \u201cUn proc\u00e8s de magie en G\u00e9vaudan et ses enjeux politiques (1347),\u201d Cahiers de Recherches M\u00e9di\u00e9vales et Humanistes, 33 (2017), 385\u2013417.\n26 Cf. N. Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance. Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et\npratiques magiques (Paris: Champion, 2002), 605\u201311 and 897\u2013900 (edition of the Latin text); Boudet,\nEntre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d, 403\u20138.\n27 P. Braun, \u201cMa\u00eetre Pierre Mignon, sorcier et falsificateur du grand sceau de France,\u201d in La faute, la\nr\u00e9pression et le pardon. Actes du 107e Congr\u00e8s national des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s savantes (Brest, 1982). Section de philologie et\nd\u2019histoire jusqu\u2019\u00e0 1610, vol. I, Paris, 1984, 241\u201360, repr. in P. Braun, Droits en devenir (Limoges: Presses\nuniversitaires de Limoges, 1998), 221\u201342.\n28 See A. Berlin, Magie am Hof der Herz\u00f6ge von Burgund. Aufstieg und Fall des Grafen von \u00c9tampes (Munich:\nUVK Verlagsgesellschaft Konstanz, 2016).\n341\n\nPages 361:\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\n29 W.R. Jones, \u201cPolitical Uses of Sorcery in Medieval Europe,\u201d The Historian 34 (1972): 670\u201387; H.A.\nKelly, \u201cEnglish Kings and the Fear of Sorcery,\u201d Mediaeval Studies 39 (1977): 206\u201338, repr. in H.A.\nKelly, Inquisitions and Other Trial Procedures in the Medieval West (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), text VII.\n30 J.-P. Boudet and J. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLier et d\u00e9lier: de Dieu \u00e0 la sorci\u00e8re,\u201d in La l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 implicite, vol. I, ed.\nJ.-Ph. Genet (Paris and Rome: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2015), 87\u2013119.\n31 See J.-P. Boudet and J. Chiffoleau, \u201cMagie et construction de la souverainet\u00e9 sour le r\u00e8gne de\nCharles VI,\u201d in De Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric II \u00e0 Rodolphe II. Astrologie, divination et magie dans les cours (XIIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cle),\ned. Boudet et al., (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014), 157\u2013239.\n32 J.R. Veenstra, Magic and Divination at the Courts of Burgundy and France. Text and Context of Laurens\nPignon\u2019s Contre les devineurs (1411) (Leiden: Brill, 1997); J.-P. Boudet, \u201cLes condamnations de la\nmagie \u00e0 Paris en 1398,\u201d Revue Mabillon 12 (2001): 121\u201357, n.s.\n33 Jones, \u201cPolitical Uses of Sorcery,\u201d 673.\n34 J.-P. Boudet, \u201cDes savoirs occultes et illicites? Les textes et manuscrits de magie en Italie (XIV e \u2013\nd\u00e9but du XVI e si\u00e8cle),\u201d in Fronti\u00e8res des savoirs en Italie \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9poque des premi\u00e8res universit\u00e9s (XIII e-XV e si\u00e8cle),\ned. J. Chandelier and Aur\u00e9lien Robert (Rome: E\u0301cole franc\u0327aise de Rome, 2015), 509\u201339.\n35 B. L\u00e1ng, \u201cWere East-Central European Royal Courts More Tolerant vis a vis Astrology and\nMagic in the 15th century?\u201d in De Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric II \u00e0 Rodolphe II. Astrologie, divination et magie dans les cours\n(XIII e-XVII e si\u00e8cle), ed. Boudet et al., 255\u201369.\n36 A. Lawrence-Mathers and C. Escobar-Vargas, Magic and Medieval Society (Abingdon: Routledge,\n2014), 12.\n37 Enrique de Villena, Tratado de aojamiento, ed. A.M. Gallina (Bari: Adriatica Editrice, 1978), 109\u201314,\n116. Besides the Picatrix, Enrique de Villena seems to have read and probably owned several other\nAlfonsine books of magic, especially the Liber Razielis and the Libro de las formas e ymagenes.\n38 Cf. notably A. Torres-Alcal\u00e1, Don Enrique de Villena: un mago al dintel del Renacimiento (Madrid: J.\nPorru\u0301a Turanzas, 1983); \u00c1. Mart\u00ednez Quasado, Lope de Barrientos, un intelectual de la corte de Juan II\n(Salamanca: San Esteban, 1994); F. \u00c1lvarez Lopez, Arte m\u00e1gica e hechiceria medieval. Tres tratados de\nmagia en la corte de Juan II (Valladolid: Editora Provincial, 2000).\n39 See for example W. Braekman, Middeleeuwse witte en zwarte magie in het Nederlands taalgebied. Gecommentarieerd compendium van incantamenta tot einde 16de eeuw (Gent: Koninklijke academie voor Nederlandse\ntaal- en letterkunde, 1997) and S. Giralt, \u201cThe manuscript of a medieval necromancer: Magic in\nOccitan and Latin in ms. Vaticano BAV, Barb. lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019histoire des textes IX (2014): 221\u201372,\nn.s.; J.-P. Boudet, Fl. Gal and Laurence Moulinier-Brogi, Vedrai mirabilia! Un libro de magia dell\u2019 Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017).\n342\n\nPages 362:\n25\nM agic a n d ge n de r\nCatherine Rider\nThe relationship between magic and gender has received substantial attention since the 1980s\nwhen, in response to the rise of women\u2019s history and gender history, scholars of early modern\nwitchcraft began to examine why women were disproportionately likely to be put on trial as\nwitches in many parts of Europe. Work on this issue has since taken a wide variety of approaches,\nfrom early analyses that focused on misogyny as the motivating factor for witch trials, to more\nsophisticated discussions that set witchcraft in the context of wider attitudes to the body, sexuality\nand gender roles in early modern society.1 More recently, attention has also turned to the men\nwho were accused of witchcraft, and the relationship between witchcraft and masculinity.2\nMagic and gender, then, is a well-established topic for research but much of this work\nhas concentrated on the witch trials of the late fifteenth to seventeenth centuries rather than\non the Middle Ages. In contrast, as the chapters in this volume show, the research field of\nmedieval magic has developed in other directions, with much research into magical texts,\necclesiastical discourses about magic and the records of fifteenth-century trials, to name a\nfew key areas. Many studies of these topics mention gender but it has rarely been their major\nfocus. For example, a 2001 article by Michael Bailey suggested that the emphasis on women\nin fifteenth-century writing about witchcraft marks an important departure from earlier ecclesiastical condemnations that focused largely on learned, demonic magic practised by men,\nbut this is one part of a broader argument about changing conceptions of magic in the later\nMiddle Ages.3 Similarly, Jean-Patrice Boudet\u2019s 2006 survey of medieval magic notes (following earlier work on late medieval witchcraft trials) that in the fifteenth century, documented\naccusations against women began to outnumber those against men for the first time. Like\nBailey, Boudet links this development to a change in the kinds of magic that concerned the\necclesiastical and secular authorities: before the early fifteenth century, the authorities focused\nprimarily on ritual magic, which was almost exclusively a male activity, whereas after this\ntime, new concerns about popular magic and the growing association between magic and\ndevil worship made it easier to imagine women gaining access to magical power. However,\nthis is a small part of a large volume, much of which focuses on learned forms of magic and\ntheir social contexts.4 Several scholars based at the University of Lausanne, who have done\nimportant work on fifteenth-century witchcraft trials in the Alps, have also raised issues of\ngender (notably Martine Ostorero and Catherine Ch\u00e8ne), and this work will be discussed in\nmore detail below.5 Nevertheless, the majority of the Lausanne studies focus on other issues\nsuch as the development of the image of the witches\u2019 sabbath, trial procedures and the range\nof factors that caused certain individuals to be brought to trial.\nThus, although there have been important insights, comparatively little work has discussed magic and gender in depth for the Middle Ages, or has ranged across different kinds\n343\n\nPages 363:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nof source material to explore broader patterns. This chapter will survey what has been done\nso far and suggest some future directions. It will start by highlighting the questions that\nhave been studied most often, which focus on the relationship between magic and women.\nTo what extent was magic especially associated with women in the Middle Ages? If magic\nwas strongly associated with women, why was this and how might it be connected to the\ndevelopment of the stereotype of the female, devil-worshipping witch in the fifteenth century? From there, the chapter will move on to look at two smaller bodies of research that\nhave discussed gender: studies that examine how far individual magical practices were regarded as male or female activities, and work on one of the major source bases that has been\nused in recent years to assess how far learned stereotypes about magic \u2013 including gender\n\u00adstereotypes \u2013 may have reflected the situation in practice: trial records.\nA female activity? Stereotypes and the origins of the female witch\nThe idea that women were especially likely to do magic appears in some very well-known\nmedieval sources. One of the most notorious and most often quoted is the Malleus Maleficarum, written in 1486 by two inquisitors, Heinrich Kramer (also known as Institoris) and\nJakob Sprenger, to describe the comparatively new crime of diabolical witchcraft:\nEverything is governed by carnal lusting, which is insatiable in them [women] \u2026\nand for this reason they even cavort with demons to satisfy their lust. More evidence\ncould be cited here, but for intelligent men it appears to be reasonably unsurprising\nthat more women than men are found to be tainted with the Heresy of Sorceresses \u2026 Blessed be the Highest One, Who has, down to the present day, preserved\nthe male kind from such disgraceful behaviour.6\nAccording to Kramer and Sprenger, this connection between magic and lust made women\nmore likely than men to do all kinds of magic, but it also made them especially likely to do\nmagic in order to control love and sex \u2013 arousing love, causing impotence or infertility, or\neven stealing men\u2019s penises. The Malleus discussed these subjects in detail, and modern scholars have also done so, with the unusual stories of penis theft attracting particular attention.7\nA reading of the Malleus can therefore give the impression that medieval clergy viewed\nmagic as a female activity, at least in part because of misogynistic anxieties about women\u2019s\nsexuality and fears about the power magic might give women over men. This idea contains\nsome truth but in the last twenty years, scholars have explored the Malleus and other ecclesiastical texts that talk about women and magic in more depth, seeking to add complexity and\nnuance to this general picture. Hans-Peter Broedel\u2019s 2003 study of the Malleus emphasized\nthat Kramer and Sprenger\u2019s views did not come out of nowhere; rather, they drew on older\nmisogynistic stereotypes and took material from a range of earlier texts which stated that\nwomen were more prone than men to commit the sins of magic and \u201csuperstition\u201d. Where\nKramer and Sprenger departed from these stereotypes was in their assertion that witchcraft\nwas almost always done by women, which was a more radical position than the one taken by\ntheir sources.8 Other scholars have sought to put the Malleus into its fifteenth-century context\nby arguing that its emphasis on women was part of a wider change taking place in attitudes\nto magic. In particular, Bailey, Boudet, Ostorero and Ch\u00e8ne have highlighted that many\nfifteenth-century clerics placed a greater emphasis on women\u2019s magic than could be seen in\nearlier texts: like Broedel, they argue that Kramer and Sprenger adopted a position that was\n344\n\nPages 364:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nradical but comprehensible in the light of what other writers were saying.9 Around the same\ntime, another scholar took a different approach to the Malleus\u2019s misogyny. Walter S\n\u00ad tephens\u2019s\n2002 study of demonology and sex highlighted that only a small part of the Malleus discusses\nwomen\u2019s propensity for witchcraft. For Stephens, modern historians focus too much on misogyny and ignore other important aspects of this complex text.10 Despite their different approaches and conclusions, these studies have all underlined the importance of placing the\nMalleus\u2019s comments on women in a broader intellectual context instead of discussing them in\nisolation and allowing this one text to dominate discussions of medieval magic and gender.\nWhile the studies cited above have focused on changing attitudes to women and magic\nin the fifteenth century, other scholars have turned instead to the period before 1400. The\nimpulse behind this work has often been to trace the origins of the fifteenth-century stereotype of the female witch. Therefore, several studies have focused on identifying earlier sources that depict women engaging in magical practices similar to those described in\n\u00adfi fteenth-century witchcraft literature such as flying or love- and sex-related magic.11\nMany of the texts used for this enterprise have been works of canon law, theology or\npastoral care and a number of these did indeed associate women with certain kinds of\nmagic in ways that resemble the later stereotype of the witch. The most influential and\nmost discussed of these texts is a piece of canon law first recorded by Regino, abbot of\nPr\u00fcm in around 906 and known from its opening word as the Canon Episcopi.12 In this\ncanon, Regino criticized women who believed they flew with the goddess Diana at night.\nHe argued that these women could not really fly but were instead deceived by the devil, who\nmade them mistake dreams of flying for reality. In the mid-twelfth century, the Canon was\ncopied into Gratian\u2019s Decretum, which became one of the main canon law textbooks used\nin medieval universities, and from there its ideas were transmitted to many later writers,\nincluding eventually fifteenth-century treatises on witchcraft.13 Later, witchcraft writers\ntook a very different view of these night flights from Regino: unlike him, they often saw\nthe women\u2019s flights as a real, physical phenomenon rather than a dream. But however the\nwomen\u2019s flight was interpreted, this much quoted and authoritative passage singled out\nwomen as the believers in one form of magic that later became a key part of the witchcraft\nstereotype and so has attracted scholars\u2019 attention.\nOne of the major challenges for medievalists when they study comments on women and\nmagic such as those found in the Malleus Maleficarum or the Canon Episcopi is that most of\nthose comments were written by educated clergy. Our view of whether magic was, or was\nnot, seen as a female activity in the Middle Ages is therefore dominated by the views of one\nsocial group, men who were on the whole expected to be celibate and (if they were university\nscholars, friars or monks) spent much of their time in all-male environments. Arguably, these\nmen may have been especially likely to regard magic as a female sin or to repeat misogynistic\nstereotypes about \u201csuperstitious\u201d women who were lustful and easily deceived by the devil.\nSources produced by and for other sectors of society do exist: as other chapters in this volume\nmake clear romance literature, medical and scientific texts and archaeology allow us to explore other, less ecclesiastical perspectives. Nevertheless, when we study stereotypes relating\nto magic and gender, it is often difficult to move beyond ecclesiastical depictions of magical\npractitioners such as Regino\u2019s or Kramer and Sprenger\u2019s and hear other voices.\nThis does not mean that any discussion of medieval women and magic tells us about little\nexcept general clerical misogyny, however, and detailed studies have offered a range of more\nnuanced interpretations. One approach has been to explore the diversity of views among\nthe educated clergy who wrote the majority of our sources. This approach has stressed that\n345\n\nPages 365:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nmedieval \u201cecclesiastical\u201d writing on magic was not monolithic and instead encompassed a\nwide range of authors and genres. \u201cEcclesiastical\u201d texts ranged from detailed, scholastic treatises like the Malleus Maleficarum or one of its key sources, Thomas Aquinas\u2019s Summa Theologiae,\nto the simpler sermons and treatises on sin and confession which were designed to educate\nthe clergy and laity and which are discussed in detail in Kathleen Kamerick\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume. This large body of texts, written across Europe, over several centuries, and across\nmany genres, did not offer a single view of magic and its practitioners. There were some\ncommon themes: for example, drawing on St Augustine, most clergy associated magic with\ndemons and condemned it. Nevertheless, they varied in their details and emphases. Work by\nMichael Bailey, Kathleen Kamerick and Alain Boureau, as well as my own work, has therefore sought to explore the range of clerical views of magic and the debates that took place\namong learned writers.14 These scholars have shown that although some authors stated, or\nimplied, that women were especially prone to magic and the related sin of \u201csuperstition\u201d, others described both male and female magical practitioners. For example, exempla (short moral\nstories collected for use in sermons) told stories of male magicians who invoked demons as\nwell as describing \u201csuperstitious\u201d women.15 There were also ecclesiastical writers who did not\nsay much at all about the gender of magical practitioners and preferred to focus on different\nissues, such as the exact nature of the relationship between magicians and demons, or the\nquestion of whether or not certain unofficial ritual practices were legitimate or superstitious.16\nMore work could be done to explore both the diversity of clerical views and the long-term\ncontinuities. Looking at the differences between genres of ecclesiastical writing is one possible\napproach: did certain genres, such as canon law or exempla, lend themselves to discussing gender\nin particular ways? Variations over time and space are also a fruitful area for study. As noted\nabove, several scholars have argued that women became increasingly associated with magic in\nthe fifteenth century but what, if any, changes took place in earlier centuries and how regionally\nspecific were they? To what extent do we see a Europe-wide clerical attitude to magic, fuelled\nby the use of a common language, Latin, and by international organizations like the universities\nor the orders of friars that spread texts and ideas across a wide geographical area? Alternatively,\ndo we see significant regional variations as we do in the fifteenth century when the stereotype\nof the devil-worshipping witch appeared earlier in some areas than others?\nAlthough much of the work on whether or not women were seen as more likely to do magic\nhas focused on ecclesiastical sources, it is worth noting that in recent years another genre\nof writing has also attracted attention: works of literature. Corinne Saunders\u2019s chapter in\nthis volume outlines the developments that have taken place in literary scholarship so they\nwill not be discussed in detail here, but these developments include discussions of gender.\nIn her 2010 survey of magic in medieval English romances, Saunders identified a variety of\nimages of magical practitioners of both sexes, including the male physician who practises\nnatural magic; the woman healer; the (usually) female practitioner of harmful magic; the\nclerical \u201cnigromancer\u201d; and the fairy mistress.17 Beyond this, she also argues that women\nhave a particular association with the supernatural in many romances.18 As with work on\necclesiastical sources, women\u2019s magic has attracted more attention than men\u2019s. For example, Laine E. Doggett\u2019s study of Old French romances takes women as its focus, looking at\ntheir roles as healers and practitioners of love magic in these texts.19 Heidi Breuer\u2019s study\nof magic and gender in medieval and early modern English literature discusses both male\nand female magicians, but the primary focus is on the development of the stereotype of\nthe female, wicked witch.20 Individual medieval works depicting women magical practitioners have also attracted attention. A striking example is Fernando de Rojas\u2019s Celestina, a\n346\n\nPages 366:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nSpanish work first published in 1499, which depicts an elderly procuress invoking the devil\nand engaging in love magic on behalf of a male client. Among the many studies of this\ncomplex text are several that have sought to relate de Rojas\u2019s powerful depiction of a female\nmagical practitioner to contemporary stereotypes of the female witch.21 There is more that\ncan be done, however. As with ecclesiastical writing, male magical practitioners deserve\nmore attention, and so, too, do the differences between different texts, places and periods.\nThe ways in which these literary images of magicians \u2013 male and female \u2013 interacted with\nstereotypes found in other sources, such as ecclesiastical texts, also deserve further study.\nThe gendering of magical practices\nIn addition to discussions of whether medieval magic was generally associated with women,\nscholars have also asked whether cer\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 352 to page 366 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 367 to page 381 out of a total of 569:\nPages 367:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nBy contrast, it is much easier to identify one form of magic as a largely male activity: the use\nof learned ritual and image magic texts. Medieval sources such as exempla often depict male,\nlearned magicians, often clerics, invoking demons with books and magic circles. In this case,\nit is possible to compare the stereotype with evidence of practice, thanks to the survival of a\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to\nexperiment with magical texts.27 Since 1997, more detailed studies of the ownership of magical manuscripts have tended to confirm this impression and have identified many owners of\nmagical texts as monks, university masters or students.28 They have also noted the importance of physicians as owners of manuscripts containing image magic texts.29 Women were\nnot completely excluded from this world: Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume describes the involvement of John of Morigny\u2019s sister, Bridget, in learned magic, and\nother female readers may yet be identified in what is still a developing field of scholarship.\nNevertheless, learned magic seems overwhelmingly to have been practised by men.\nThe relationship between this largely male readership and the contents of magical texts\nhas also attracted some attention. The most detailed interpretation has been offered by Frank\nKlaassen, who argues that ritual magic texts reflect the fears and desires of the clerics and\nscholars who read them, and so are gendered in their goals and aspirations. The large number\nof rituals to gain knowledge or intellectual skills therefore reflects the value placed on these\nthings by clergy and university scholars. Rituals to gain wealth, acquire status symbols such\nas horses or win the favour of a powerful person may reflect the wishes of scholars or clerics\nwho desired social status and needed to win the support of their superiors in order to build\ntheir careers. Even rituals to gain the love or sexual favours of women may reveal specifically\nmale anxieties on that score, despite the fact that celibacy was officially the norm in universities and other clerical environments. Meanwhile, alongside these rituals, some texts contain\nstories that sound like wish fulfilment, presenting their authors as \u201ca \u2018man\u2019s man\u2019, intelligent,\nmaterially successful, controlled, and bold\u201d.30 These goals and stories may seem to contradict the high-minded prologues of many magical texts that stress the importance of secrecy,\nchastity and asceticism but Klaassen sees these two strands as complementary: it is this very\nasceticism that gives the readers of magical texts the power to achieve their goals, and this\nagain reflects the value placed on self-discipline and learning in clerical culture.31\nAn article on secrecy in ritual magic by Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se also\nsheds light on the gendered nature of magical texts, although this is not its main focus. In\nparticular, Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se discuss how the prologues of some ritual magic texts emphasized that magic was an activity only suitable for a chosen few because it allowed the operator to do bad things as well as good ones. This elitism had a gendered aspect but gender\nwas bound up with other factors such as age and intellectual and moral qualities: one text,\nthe Liber Razielis, warned the reader: \u201cYou should not reveal your secrets to a woman, nor a\nchild, nor an idiot, nor a drunk.\u201d32 So far these explorations of magic and masculinity have\n348\n\nPages 368:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nfocused primarily on ritual magic. It will be interesting to see how this area develops in the\nfuture and whether similar features appear in other genres of magical texts.\nThe gendering of other forms of magic has received less attention. It is not clear, for example, to what extent healing or divination was gendered or whether there were gender differences between different forms of healing and divination. In part, this is due to the difficulties\nposed by the sources that often do not present healing or divination as particularly male or\nfemale activities (in contrast to their depictions of women doing love magic or men calling\nup demons) but more could be done to unpick the stereotypes and accusations that we do\nsee in, for example, exempla featuring healers and diviners. Another potential line of enquiry\nis to investigate whether the same kinds of healing, divination or other forms of magic were\nviewed differently when done by men and when done by women. Here, differences of emphasis and language in our sources may be important, as well as radical disparities in what\nmen and women were believed to do. For example, several studies of fifteenth-century witch\ntrials have suggested that although judges asked men and women similar questions about\nthe witches\u2019 sabbath, they asked women for much more detail about the sabbath\u2019s sexual\naspects, which may mean they viewed men\u2019s and women\u2019s participation in the same activity\ndifferently.33 The reasons why certain forms of magic might, or might not, be gendered are\nalso worth exploring further. In the case of learned magic, the gender of the practitioners\nreflects the skills and education needed, but this may not have been equally true for other\nforms of magic that did not rely so heavily on literacy and access to books.\nThe ways in which gender interacted with other factors are also important. When it came\nto defending oneself against accusations, a person\u2019s gender is likely to have interacted with\ntheir social position, occupation and reputation in determining how their activities were regarded and how suspicions were dealt with. Historians of witchcraft from the fifteenth century onwards have emphasized the importance of rumour and reputation in determining who\nmight be accused of magic in court, and what the result might be.34 Early modernists have\ngone further than medievalists in teasing out these connections between reputation, social\nstatus, gender and magic. In this, they are aided by the more extensive sources surviving from\nthe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries such as inquisition records that contain very detailed\ndescriptions of the people accused of magic, their reputations and their alleged activities. Using these sources, several scholars have suggested that prostitutes were often seen as specialists\nin love magic, rather along the lines depicted in the fictional Celestina. They have offered\ndifferent views of why this might be. It may be that prostitutes really did do love magic more\noften than other women, because their livelihood depended on inducing passion in clients and\nsubsequently keeping their love. On the other hand, prostitutes may simply have been more\nlikely than women with better reputations to end up on trial.35 Medievalists may not be able\nto explore these issues in so much detail but they can ask similar questions.\nAccusations and trials\nBy the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we have a body of source material that allows\nus to go beyond norms and stereotypes and begin to ask: How many women and men were accused of magic? What kinds of magic were they accused of and did this vary along gendered\nlines? Trials for magic survive in steadily increasing numbers from around 1375 onwards and\nespecially after 1435.36 Although these records come with their own challenges, they allow us\nto approach the gendering of magic in a different way from studies based on ecclesiastical or\nliterary sources and to identify broad patterns as well as focusing on individual cases.\n349\n\nPages 369:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nIn a study of late medieval witch trials published in 1976, Richard Kieckhefer noted that\naround two-thirds of the accused were women, and that the proportion of women accused,\ncompared to men, rose during the fifteenth century.37 More recent work on fifteenth-\u00adcentury\nSwiss trial records has sought to bring greater nuance to this picture and has stressed that\nalthough a general \u201cfeminization\u201d of witchcraft did take place in this period, the numbers of\nmen and women brought to trial varied considerably between regions. In some areas, men\ncontinued to outnumber women even at the end of the fifteenth century.38 These studies have\nalso shown the extent to which the gendering of trials depended on whether the witches were\ntried by a secular or ecclesiastical tribunal, though the impact of this also varied. \u00adSusanna\nBurghartz\u2019s comparison of trials in Lausanne and Lucerne has found that, contrary to what\nwe might assume about clerical misogyny, the proportion of women in witchcraft trials conducted by the secular authorities in Lucerne was far higher than in trials conducted by the\ninquisitors in Lausanne.39 This was not always the case, however, and Kathrin Utz Tremp\nfound the opposite pattern in late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century Freiburg: in towns\nand before inquisitors, women appeared in greater numbers, whereas in the countryside and\nbefore secular tribunals, men outnumbered women.40 The picture is one of local diversity\nwithin a general trend towards \u201cfeminization\u201d.\nThere has, therefore, been important work on Switzerland but records from other parts\nof Europe deserve further study. Areas such as England that did not see large numbers of\ntrials for magic have, not surprisingly, attracted comparatively little attention but it is still\npossible to draw some conclusions. In a study of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century church court\nrecords from the diocese of Canterbury Karen Jones and Michael Zell have suggested that,\nalthough the number of magic cases brought before the church courts was low, there were\nsome differences in the kinds of magic men and women were accused of. Women were more\nlikely than men to be accused of harmful magic while men were more likely to be accused of\nmagical treasure hunting. Conversely, other forms of magic, such as healing or finding stolen\ngoods, were linked to men and women in roughly equal numbers.41 More can be done in local\narchives across Europe to explore whether these or other patterns are found more generally.\nAnother tribunal that has been comparatively understudied by historians of magic is\nthe medieval inquisition. In part, this is probably because inquisition records from before\nthe fifteenth century yield less information about magic than we might expect. Medieval\ninquisitors, unlike early modern ones, focused narrowly on heresy rather than on other\nsins against the faith. Nevertheless, occasional accusations of magic do appear such as the\ncase of Raymond of Pouts, a diviner, in the Toulouse records of 1277.42 Emmanuel Le\nRoy \u00adLa\u00ad durie\u2019s well-known study of early fourteenth-century Montaillou also identified a\nhandful of references to magic, when individuals who were called before the inquisition for\nheresy mentioned that they had consulted diviners or noted omens.43 It is not yet clear how\nmuch can be learned about gender from these scattered examples but there may be more\ninformation to be uncovered here.\nA final and perhaps more fruitful line of enquiry would be to investigate the gendering of\ntrials and accusations at royal and aristocratic courts such as those that occurred in early\nfourteenth-century France or in England during the Wars of the Roses. These courtly accusations of magic have received considerable attention, as Jean-Patrice Boudet shows in\nhis chapter in this volume, but this has often focused on the political aspects of these cases\nrather than on the gender of the accused. There do seem to be some gendered patterns at\nwork, however. It seems that women may have been more likely than men to be accused of\nlove magic at court as they were in other contexts. In England, there are the examples of\n350\n\nPages 370:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nAlice Perrers, mistress of Edward III, who was accused by her enemies of gaining the king\u2019s\naffections by magic; and Eleanor Cobham, duchess of Gloucester, and Elizabeth Woodville,\nwife of Edward IV, who were both accused of using magic to induce their royal husbands to\nmarry them. Anna Brzezinska has discussed similar cases from sixteenth-century Poland\nof royal wives and mistresses accused of love magic and argues that, as in non-courtly love\nmagic cases, these accusations were a convenient way to shift the blame for men\u2019s unacceptable behaviour to their wives or mistresses. In a royal context, it allowed courtiers to avoid\nblaming the king directly for his misconduct or for the amount of attention he gave to certain women.44 However, other courtly accusations of magic seem less obviously gendered:\nboth men and women were accused of using magic to cause harm or death to their enemies,\nfor example. Further research is needed to confirm or qualify these impressions.\nFuture directions\nThere has, therefore, been important work on medieval magic and gender, ranging across a\nwide variety of periods and kinds of source material. Nevertheless, there is scope for more\nand each section of this chapter has suggested questions and areas that scholars could explore in greater detail. Scholarship on several relevant genres of source is developing rapidly,\nincluding literature, magical texts and the archaeology of magic and there is scope for more\nwork focused on gender here. Many of the other kinds of source discussed above also deserve\nfurther exploration by historians interested in gender, including sermons and confession treatises, canon law and trial records. Much remains unpublished in all these genres, and detailed\nwork in local archives as well as larger libraries may reveal interesting texts or comparatively\nunderstudied sets of records. Scholars doing this work will need to keep an open mind about\ntheir exact focus because it may be that there is not always a vast amount of material on\nmagic, let alone the gendering of magic, to be found in these sources: the medieval English\nchurch courts, for example, devoted far more time to other offences. In these cases, magic,\nor gender, may be best treated as one aspect of a broader study. Thus, Karen Jones discusses\nmagic as part of a book-length study of crime in late medieval and early modern Kent as well\nas co-writing an article on witchcraft in the church courts.45 Conversely, the works of Bailey\nand Boudet cited at the beginning of this chapter discuss gender as one aspect of changing\nattitudes to magic. There is therefore an element of luck in finding substantial amounts of\nrelevant material but as Jones and Zell\u2019s study shows, even a comparatively small source base\ncan suggest interesting patterns.\nIn addition to studies that focus on particular texts or kinds of text, work is also needed\nto explore the links between different kinds of evidence: for example, looking at the ways in\nwhich ideas disseminated through sermons or pastoral literature may have influenced the\naccusations made in trials, or at the links between literature written for a courtly audience\nand the accusations made in royal and aristocratic courts. For example, Franco Mormando\nhas argued that the preaching of Bernardino of Siena may have played a part in provoking the trial of an Italian healer and love magic practitioner, Matteuccia di Francesco, in\n1428, as well as in shaping the accusations against her.46 A chapter on gender in Stephen\nMitchell\u2019s Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages, which brings in a range of evidence\nincluding literature, art and trial records to examine the gendering of magic in one geographical area, is another notable example of this approach and identifies both similarities\nand differences between different genres of source in terms of how they presented the gender of magical practitioners.47\n351\n\nPages 371:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nBoth in-depth studies of individual sources and studies that join together different kinds\nof evidence will be useful in order to interrogate some of the broad patterns that have\nbeen identified in general studies of medieval magic: that clergy tended to associate magic\nwith women, for example, or that magic became increasingly associated with women in\nthe fifteenth century. A careful analysis of the sources will allow us to see how universal\nthese trends were and to see what other patterns, regional variations or chronological shifts\nemerge. The relationship between women and magical practice, and the development of\nstereotypes of female magical practitioners, are therefore important and have not been\nexhausted, but there are other possible directions too. Stereotypes relating to male magical\npractitioners and the relationship between magic and masculinity would benefit from more\nstudy, especially because the form of magic that we can most securely identify with one\ngender was learned magic performed by men.\nFinally, there are also broader and more fundamental questions to be asked about the relationship between magic and gender. How much did gender matter when medieval people\nthought about magic, and under what circumstances did it become important? Were many,\nor most, practices widely shared across society as Kieckhefer\u2019s model of the \u201ccommon tradition\u201d suggests, rather than being heavily gendered? There is also the question of how easy\nit was to gain access to forms of magic that were restricted by gender or by other factors\nsuch as education. There are examples of people hiring a specialist to perform gendered\nforms of magic for them. Thus, Alice Perrers was said to have hired a male magician to\nperform learned magic (a stereotypically male form of magic) to help her with the stereotypically female goal of securing Edward III\u2019s love. Conversely, Matteuccia di Francesco\nwas accused of performing love and healing magic for many clients, including at least one\nman.48 If there were many similar specialists whose services were for hire, the gendering\nof love magic or ritual magic may not necessarily have been crucial in practice, because if\nsomeone did not have the skills to do a particular form of magic themselves, they could hire\nsomeone who did. As noted earlier, the intersection between gender and age, reputation\nor occupation in how magic and magical practitioners were regarded also merits further\nattention. Research into all these questions is likely to complicate our existing view of medieval magic and gender by uncovering variations over time, between regions and between\ndifferent kinds of source material, but the answers will add an extra dimension to the work\non individual sources and contexts discussed elsewhere in this book.\nNotes\n1 For overviews, see Katharine Hodgkin, \u201cGender, Mind and Body: Feminism and Psychoanalysis,\u201d\nin Palgrave Advances in Witchcraft Historiography, ed. Jonathan Barry and Owen Davies (Basingstoke:\nPalgrave Macmillan, 2007), 182\u2013202; Alison Rowlands, \u201cWitchcraft and Gender in Early Modern\nEurope,\u201d in The Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, ed. Brian P.\nLevack (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 449\u201366.\n2 Hodgkin, \u201cGender, Mind and Body\u201d, 196\u201398; Rowlands, \u201cWitchcraft and Gender\u201d, 464\u201365.\n3 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cFrom Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions of Magic in the Later Middle Ages,\u201d Speculum 76 (2001), 985\u201388; see also Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Feminization of Magic\nand the Emerging Idea of the Female Witch in the Late Middle Ages,\u201d Essays in Medieval Studies 19\n(2002), 120\u201334.\n4 Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre Science et Nigromance: Astrologie, Divination et Magic dans l\u2019Occident M\u00e9di\u00e9val\n(XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 484\u201393.\n5 Catherine Ch\u00e8ne and Martine Ostorero, \u201cD\u00e9monologie et misogynie: L\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un discours\nsp\u00e9cifique sur la femme dans l\u2019\u00e9laboration doctrinale du sabbat au XVe si\u00e8cle,\u201d in Les femmes dans\n352\n\nPages 372:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nla soci\u00e9t\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne/Die Frauen in der europ\u00e4ischen Gesellschaft, ed. Anne-Lise Head-K\u00f6nig and Liliane\nMottu-Weber (Geneva: Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Histoire et d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie de Gen\u00e8ve, 2000), 171\u201396. See also\nbelow, n. 33.\n6 Christopher S. Mackay, trans., The Hammer of Witches: A Complete Translation of the Malleus Maleficarum\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 170 (part 1, qu. 6).\n7 Walter Stephens, Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex and the Crisis of Belief (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press), 300\u201321; Moira Smith, \u201cThe Flying Phallus and the Laughing Inquisitor:\nPenis Theft in the Malleus Maleficarum,\u201d Journal of Folklore Research 39 (2002): 85\u2013117.\n8 Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular\nBelief (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 170, 175\u201376.\n9 See above, notes 3\u20135.\n10 Stephens, Demon Lovers, 33\u201334.\n11 For example, Norman Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons: the Demonization of Christians in Medieval Christendom, 3rd edn (London: Pimlico Press, 1993), 165\u201375; Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum, 101\u201315.\n12 The most comprehensive discussion of this text and its later reception is Werner Tschacher, \u201cDer\nFlug durch die Luft zwischen Illusionstheorie and Realit\u00e4tsbeweis: Studien zum sog. Kanon\nEpiscopi und zum Hexenflug,\u201d Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung f\u00fcr Rechtsgeschichte, Kan. Abt. 85 (1999):\n225\u201376.\n13 Tschacher, \u201cFlug durch die Luft,\u201d 268\u201375.\n14 Michael D. Bailey, Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe\n(Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 2013); Kathleen Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition in Late Medieval England,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 3 (2008): 29\u201353; Alain Boureau,\nSatan H\u00e9r\u00e9tique: Naissance de la d\u00e9monologie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004), chs. 1\u20133;\nCatherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012).\n15 Rider, Magic and Religion, 121\u201326.\n16 On magicians and demons, see Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique; on debates over practices, see Bailey, Fearful\nSpirits and Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition\u201d.\n17 Corinne Saunders, Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance (Woodbridge: Boydell and\nBrewer, 2010), chs. 3\u20135.\n18 Saunders, Magic, 185.\n19 Laine E. Doggett, Love Cures: Healing and Magic in Old French Romance (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState University Press, 2009).\n20 Heidi Breuer, Crafting the Witch: Gendering Magic in Medieval and Early Modern England (New York and\nLondon: Routledge, 2009).\n21 Olga Luc\u00eda Valbuena, \u201cSorceresses, Love Magic, and the Inquisition of Linguistic Sorcery in\nCelestina,\u201d PMLA 109 (1994): 207\u201324; Dorothy Sherman Severin, Witchcraft in Celstina (London:\nDepartment of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, 1995); Paloma Moral de\nCalatrava, \u201cMagic or Science? What \u201cOld Women Lapidaries\u201d Knew in the Age of Celestina,\u201d La\ncor\u00f3nica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 36 (2007): 203\u201335.\n22 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989),\n56\u201357.\n23 Catherine Rider, \u201cWomen, Men and Love Magic in Late Medieval English Pastoral Manuals,\u201d\nMagic, Ritual and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 190\u201391; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic in Medieval\n\u00adEurope,\u201d in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Joyce E. Salisbury (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 30.\n24 Kieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic,\u201d 30\u201331; Rider, \u201cWomen\u201d, 210.\n25 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006), ch. 5; Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for\nConception and Childbirth in England, 900\u20131500,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89, no. 3:\n(2015), 423.\n26 Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006),\n144\u201345.\n27 Kieckhefer, Magic, 151\u201356.\n28 Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013), 47\u201356, 94\u2013102; Sophie Page, Magic\nin the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park:\n353\n\nPages 373:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2013); Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned\nMagic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n2008), 204, 250\u201355.\n29 Klaassen, Transformations of Magic, 47\u201351.\n30 Frank Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity in Manuscripts of Ritual Magic of the Later Middle\nAges and Renaissance,\u201d Sixteenth-Century Journal 38 (2007): 49\u201376; quote from p. 65.\n31 Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity,\u201d 73\u201374; see also Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se,\n\u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d Micrologus 14 (2006): 138\u201339.\n32 Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret,\u201d 122\u201325; \u201cNon reveles secreta tua mulieri, nec puero, nec stulto,\nnec ebrio,\u201d 132. See also Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity,\u201d 71\u201372.\n33 Martine Ostorero, \u201cFol\u00e2trer avec les d\u00e9mons\u201d: Sabbat et chasse aux sorciers \u00e0 Vevey (1448) (Lausanne:\nUniversit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1995), 111; Laurence Pfister, L\u2019enfer sur terre: Sorcellerie \u00e0 Dommartin (1498)\n(Lausanne: Universit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1997), 166\u201367; Georg Modestin, Le diable chez l\u2019\u00e9v\u00eaque: Chasse\naux sorciers dans le dioc\u00e8se de Lausanne (vers 1460) (Lausanne: Universit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1999), 121\u201322.\n34 Alexandra Pittet, \u201cDerri\u00e8re le masque du sorcier: Une enqu\u00eate sociologique \u00e0 partir des proc\u00e8s\nde sorcellerie du registre Ac 29 (Pays de Vaud, 1438\u20131528),\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res et d\u00e9monologie:\nEntre discours et pratiques (XIVe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles), ed. Martine Ostorero, Georg Modestin and Kathrin Utz\nTremp (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2010), 215\u201318.\n35 Mary O\u2019Neil, \u201cMagical Healing, Love Magic and the Inquisition in Late Sixteenth-Century\nModena,\u201d in Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe, ed. S. Haliczer (London: Barnes and\n\u00adNoble, 1987), 101; Guido Ruggiero, Binding Passions: Tales of Magic, Marriage, and Power at the End of\nthe Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 44\u201345.\n36 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300\u20131500\n(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976), 18\u201323.\n37 Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials, 96.\n38 Summarized in Ch\u00e8ne and Ostorero, \u201cD\u00e9monologie et misogynie\u201d, 172\u201374.\n39 Susanna Burghartz, \u201cThe Equation of Women and Witches: A Case Study of Witchcraft Trials\nin Lucerne and Lausanne in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,\u201d in The German Underworld:\nDeviants and Outcasts in German History, ed. Richard J. Evans (London: Routledge, 1988), 64\u201365.\n40 Kathrin Utz Tremp, \u201cIst Glaubenssache Frauensache? Zu den Anf\u00e4ngen der Hexenverfolgung in\nFreiburg (um 1440),\u201d Freiburger Geschichtsbl\u00e4tter 72 (1995): 47\u201348.\n41 Karen Jones and Michael Zell, \u201c\u2018The divels speciall instruments\u2019: Women and Witchcraft before\nthe \u2018Great Witch Hunt\u2019,\u201d Social History 30 (2005): 53.\n42 Peter Biller, Caterina Bruschi and Shelagh Sneddon, ed. and trans., Inquisitors and Heretics in Thirteenth-Century Languedoc: Edition and Translation of Toulouse Inquisition Depositions, 1273\u20131282 (Leiden:\nBrill, 2011), 728\u201331.\n43 Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a French Village 1294\u20131324, trans.\nBarbara Bray (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1978), 289\u201390.\n44 Henry Kelly, \u201cEnglish Kings and the Fear of Sorcery,\u201d Mediaeval Studies 39 (1977): 215, 219\u201320,\n233; Anna Brzezi\u0144ska, \u201cAccusations of Love Magic in the Renaissance Courtly Culture of the\nPolish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,\u201d East Central Europe 20 (1993): 117\u201340.\n45 Karen Jones, Gender and Petty Crime in Late Medieval England: The Local Courts in Kent, 1460\u20131560\n(Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2006), 173\u201379.\n46 Franco Mormando, The Preacher\u2019s Demons: Bernardino of Siena and the Social Underworld of Early Renaissance Italy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 72\u201377.\n47 Stephen Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 175\u2013200.\n48 Domenico Mammoli, \u201cThe Record of the Trial and Condemnation of a Witch, Matteuccia di\nFrancesco, at Todi, 20 March 1428,\u201d Res Tudertinae 14 (1972): 33.\n354\n\nPages 374:\n26\nM agic i n l i t e r at u r e\nRomance transformations\nCorinne Saunders\nIntroduction: from fantasy to intellectual history\nAn enduring cultural fascination with magic is reflected in its prominence in literature from\nthe classical period onwards. Magic, often within the broader context of the supernatural,\nprovides crucial plot mechanisms and defines legendary characters. Magical abilities offer\nagency and empowerment \u2013 and they present extraordinary challenges to power. While\nmagic figures across a range of literary forms, it is most prominent in the genre of romance.\nMagic occurs in the earliest instances of the genre \u2013 the romances or novels of antiquity \u2013\nand retains a strong hold on it, as is evinced by the Harry Potter and Lord of the Rings fever\nthat has swept the world. Merlin, Morgan le Fay, the Lady of the Lake, Prospero: such figures, with their special powers, hold an enduring fascination. It is easy to dismiss magic as\nescapist, attractive in its exoticism, sometimes fearful, perhaps expressive of unspoken desires\nand fears. I have argued for a more realist approach to medieval writing, for looking beyond\nescapism and exoticism to the intellectual contexts of magic, and to the seriousness with\nwhich supernatural possibilities were taken in this period.1\nFrom the later twentieth century onwards, scholars have traced a rich cultural history of\nmagic for the Middle Ages, building on the groundbreaking research of historians such as\nValerie Flint on pagan and Christian beliefs and rituals, Richard Kieckhefer on magic in relation to religion, science and the arts, and Edward Peters on the legal history of prohibitions\nagainst magical practice.2 This book attests to the richness of subsequent scholarship, which\nhas explored both popular and elite traditions across Europe, with particular attention to the\nways that folk and clerical, licit and illicit beliefs intersected, as well as to the crucial connection between magic and learning.3 Yet, even with such an embarrassment of riches in cultural\nstudies of magic and related topics \u2013 ritual, witchcraft, the supernatural \u2013 connections have not\nalways been drawn between different disciplines or different periods and places, as Michael D.\nBailey argues in his introduction to the inaugural issue of Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft.4\nThis lack of connections has, on the whole, been true of literary studies. Critics have explored aspects of magic in a variety of imaginative texts, identifying its prominent role within\nthe romance genre and exploring its literary function, most often in relation to ideas of the\nmarvellous, the supernatural or \u201cfairy\u201d, and the motifs of quest and adventure. \u00adMichelle\nSweeney\u2019s Magic in Medieval Romance from Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes to Chaucer discusses magic as a literary topic that illuminates social and spiritual situations and character motivations, often\nin relation to testing morality and probing ambiguity. While Sweeney draws attention to the\n355\n\nPages 375:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\ncultural importance of magic in the medieval period, her study is largely devoted to close\nreadings of a limited number of texts, with a particular emphasis on the different treatments\nof magic in French and English romance.5 Postcolonial theory has offered an alternative lens\nthrough which to consider magic. Geraldine Heng\u2019s wide-ranging Empire of Magic explores the\npolitical and imperialist project of romance, drawing on feminist, gender and cultural theory.6 For Heng, romance offers an escapist response to the cultural trauma of the \u00adCrusades:\nshe argues that Arthurian legend, in particular, arises from the encounter of East and West,\nand that the fantasy elements of romance allow for a licit exploration of issues of race, nation\nand sexuality. Her focus, despite the book\u2019s title, is not on magic per se, but rather on fantasy:\nhow narratives of wonder illuminate fraught cultural topics while being profoundly shaped\nby Western ideologies. Neither of these studies explores in any sustained way the practice of\nmagic: rather, the term is used loosely to signify the marvellous, magical or supernatural.\nHeidi Breuer\u2019s Crafting the Witch takes a different approach to gender in her focus on the\nfigure of the witch and its relation to concepts of good and evil, female empowerment and\n\u00adgender-blending in medieval and early modern romance. Her study focuses particularly on\n\u201cthe villainization of feminine magic\u201d in Arthurian literature during the period following the\ntwelfth century.7 Whereas the witch is a nurturing, healing figure in the works of \u00adChr\u00e9tien de\nTroyes and Marie de France, in later works from the Gawain romances to those of Malory\nand Spenser, witches figure as wicked stepmothers, loathly ladies, temptresses and hags.\nBy contrast to previous literary studies, my aim in Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval\nEnglish Romance was to connect romance writing with the rich and complex cultural history\nof magic and ideas of the supernatural. Magic may be seen as a powerful \u201cromance meme\u201d\nof the kind identified by Helen Cooper in The English Romance in Time, a motif that recurs\nacross the Middle Ages and Renaissance, treated with cultural specificity and in variously\noriginal ways, but also dependent for effect on its familiarity to audiences and on its generic and literary associations.8 Magic is, however, much more than fantasy: it interweaves\nwith medicine and ideas of natural philosophy, and with a sense of the marvellous that is\nnot just fairytale but intimately connected with the Christian worldview. The romance\ntext becomes a place where ideas, beliefs, wishes, fears and imaginings intersect, a site of\ncultural exploration and innovation. Magic in medieval romance is most of all associated\nwith bodies: with physical influences that heal or harm, shift shape or place. Yet, for all its\nbodiliness, the affective power of magic also opens onto the mind and questions of sin and\nvirtue, intention and identity.\nHealing and harmful knowledge\nMedieval literature must be placed in the context of the thought world of the later Middle\nAges, with its complex blend of ideas stretching back through classical and Judaeo-Christian\nas well as Germanic and Celtic belief and ritual. The long history of magic, its place in natural philosophy and medicine, its use of the cosmic powers contained in plants and stones\nand its connections with demons and the natural world were all fundamental to medieval\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may\nbroadly be termed white and black magic: both concerned with influencing the body, the\nformer often connected with the desire to heal, the latter with the desire to harm.\nWriters such as Chaucer (writing in the later fourteenth century) were certainly aware\nof the history of magic.10 Chaucer\u2019s works, as Alexander Gabrovsky has recently shown,\nwere shaped by his sophisticated knowledge of scientific theory.11 A familiarity with alchemy,\n356\n\nPages 376:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nphysics, astronomy and medicine, the interconnected disciplines central to learned understandings of magic, is evident across Chaucer\u2019s writings. His depiction in the General Prologue\nto The Canterbury Tales of the \u201cDoctour of Phisik\u201d, a pilgrim perhaps more interested in gold\nthan God, is characteristic in its representation of the physician as a practitioner of natural\nphilosophy: medicine is \u201cmagyk natureel\u201d, requiring the knowledge of anatomy, humours\nand diseases, medicines, especially herbal remedies, and astrology.12 The final book of Chaucer\u2019s House of Fame, a dream-vision poem poking fun at a na\u00efve \u201cGeffrey\u201d (II, 729), unwilling\nto learn the mysteries of the cosmos from the eagle who sweeps him up to the heavens, is\ncomically dedicated to Apollo, \u201cGod of science [knowledge]\u201d (I, 1091). Here, the narrator\nfinds himself in the legendary house of Fame, where he sees the practitioners of magic: magicians, \u201ctregetours\u201d (illusionists, III, 1260), old witches and sorceresses, and \u201cclerkes eke, which\nkonne wel / Al this magik naturel \u2026\u201d (III, 1265\u201366). They include celebrated magicians and\nenchantresses from different traditions \u2013 from classical legend, Medea, Calypso and Circe;\nfrom natural philosophy, Hermes Ballenus, disciple of the founder of magic, Hermes Trismegistus; from Biblical tradition, Simon Magus. They also include what seems to be a reference\nto an English magician, \u201cColle tregetour\u201d (1277), apparently one \u201cColin T.\u201d, mentioned in\na French conversation manual (c.1396) and said to have practised in Orl\u00e9ans, \u201can Englishman who was a powerful necromancer \u2026 who knew how to create many marvels by means\nof necromancy\u201d.13 Chaucer\u2019s description, however, portrays him as more of an entertainer\nthan a necromancer, producing a windmill from under a walnut shell. Magicians accompany\nmusicians in the house of Fame, their arts of illusion sharing the power to entertain. This\nperception is sustained in Chaucer\u2019s Franklin\u2019s Tale. The lovesick knight Aurelius\u2019s brother\nhas the idea of consulting a learned magician to help Aurelius win his beloved Dorigen, the\nwife of another man. The magician\u2019s knowledge of \u201csciences\u201d allows him to \u201cmake diverse\n\u00adapparences / Swiche as thise subtile tregetoures pleye\u201d (1140\u201341). They include illusions of\nhunting, jousting and dancing, but also the more sinister effect of causing the black rocks on\nwhich \u00adDorigen swears her oath of faithfulness to disappear. The brother envisages this \u201ctregetour\u201d or illusionist as a magician who uses \u201cthise moones mansions \u2026 / Or oother magyk\nnatureel above\u201d (1154\u201355) to harness astrological or natural powers. Learning is essential:\nAurelius\u2019s brother remembers the book he saw on his fellow\u2019s desk, which speaks much of the\n\u201coperaciouns\u201d of the moon (1129) \u2013 perhaps an occult work from the Arabic tradition such as\nthose attributed to Hermes Trismegistus. In the tale, the clerk\u2019s arts remain those of illusion,\nthough they are illusions with the power to affect and harm the lives of the characters.\nChaucer also suggests a more threatening aspect of such clerical magic. In the House of Fame,\nclerks are depicted as practising image magic, drawing on sidereal powers not just to create\nillusions but \u201cTo make a man ben hool or syk\u201d (1270). Chaucer\u2019s list includes witches, sorceresses and Phitonesses, practitioners who explicitly employ enchantments and spells, and who\nsummon spirits. The final work in the Canterbury Tales, the Parson\u2019s Tale, is a prose treatise on\nthe seven deadly sins and their remedies, which rehearses prohibitions of magic found in handbooks of penance.14 The Parson places magic as a form of swearing and an aspect of anger:\nBut lat us go now to thilke horrible sweryng of adjuracioun and conjuracioun, as\ndoon thise false enchantours or nigromanciens [necromancers] in bacyns ful of\nwater, or in a bright swerd, in a cercle, or in a fir, or in a shulderboon of a sheep. /\nI kan nat seye but that they doon cursedly and dampnably agayns Crist and al the\nfeith of hooly chirche.\n(603\u20134)\n357\n\nPages 377:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nThe terms \u201cadjuracioun and conjuracioun\u201d imply the forbidden practices of exorcism and\nsummoning up spirits or demons. The Parson refers too to the use of ligatures or amulets,\nremedies and \u201cCharmes for woundes or maladie of men or of beestes\u201d (607), so that the tale\nseems tantalizingly to suggest enduring practices of both popular and learned kinds.\nChaucer\u2019s learning is not typical of medieval romance writing, which does not generally\nengage with the minutiae of philosophy and theology, or display detailed knowledge of\nmagical practice. Romance does, however, engage with similar cultural attitudes, ideas\nand beliefs concerning healing and harmful magic, weaving fictions around them. In many\nways, the classical distinction between mageia, which can be positive, and goeteia, which\n\u00adcannot, is retained in the later Middle Ages, in the distinction between natural and \u00adillicit\nmagic, and this is carried over into literature. Yet romance almost never depicts explicitly demonic magic; rather, it is profoundly concerned with the physical possibilities of\nmagic \u2013affecting the body through knowledge of the occult arts. Such arts span both natural magic, which most often heals and protects, and \u201cnigromancy\u201d, which tends to in\u00ad estructive shape-shifting, divination and illusion. The crucial difference lies\nvolve more d\nin the motivation of those employing the arts of transformation. Both natural magic and\nnigromancy are depicted as within the realms of human possibility, their use illuminating\ntheir users and those they affect, but also suggesting the fearful and desirable possibilities\nof medicine and natural philosophy. Ultimately, transformation of the body can shape the\nmind and soul of the victim. Such transformation also, however, reveals the state of the\npractitioner\u2019s soul.\nRomance, medicine and natural magic\nIn the course of the fourteenth century, English writers made the romance genre their own,\ndrawing on Latin, French, Anglo-Norman and English material and on the well-established\nconventions of the genre, including a recurrent emphasis on the motifs of magic, the marvellous and the supernatural. The English romances Ywain and Gawain and Beves of Hampton,\nboth written in the late fourteenth century, offer compelling examples of the seriousness with\nwhich romance treats magic and of its close connections with medicine and with women. A\ncentury later, Malory\u2019s Le Morte Darthur suggests a more dubious aspect of \u201cmagyk naturel\u201d in\nits depiction of love magic. These works play on the enduring association of women with the\npractice of medicine and healing, as well as with magic. In a world where military strength\nis critical and the chivalric code depends on individual victory over the body in combat,\nwomen gain agency through their ability to wield powers that offer them remarkable control\nover the body and further, the possibility of shaping thought and emotion.\nYwain and Gawain and its source, the twelfth-century French writer Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes\u2019\nLe Chevalier au Lion (Yvain), trace the quest of the knight Yvain/Ywain to regain his lady\nLaudine/Alundyne\u2019s love and atone for the excessive devotion to deeds of arms that causes\nhim to forget her. His journey leads from madness and despair to a new self-\u00adk nowledge,\npartly reflected in his companionship with and care for the noble lion he rescues. A strong\nemphasis on healing magic is combined with an interest in contemporary medical ideas,\nand the woman is figured as healer, an image with some mimetic force in a world where\nphysicians were rare and medicine was practised by those possessing folk and herbal\nknowledge, especially monks and wise women.15 The account of the cure of Ywain\u2019s madness through the use of a magical ointment is finely balanced between marvel and realism,\nand the episode signals and explores the intimate connection between mind and body.\n358\n\nPages 378:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nA maiden recognizes the sleeping Ywain through a scar, and diagnoses his mental state:\n\u201cSorow will meng [disturb] a mans blode / And make him forto wax wode [mad]\u201d.16 Her\nmistress is persuaded to send a precious box of ointment given her by \u201cMorgan the wise\u201d\n(Morgan le Fay, 1753), with the power to return the wits of the man who is \u201cbraynwode\u201d\n(1756). Morgan, rather than figuring as witch or enchantress, is placed by the epithet \u201cthe\nwise\u201d as a practitioner of positive natural magic. The maiden is strictly instructed to be\nsparing with the ointment, but empties the entire box in anointing Ywain\u2019s head and body.\nIn Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s text, the narrator\u2019s comment on her folly employs careful medical realism:\nhe explains that it is only necessary to anoint the temples and forehead, because Yvain\nonly suffers in his brain.17 Cure is attributed to warmth and to massaging the head. The\nmaiden\u2019s action of anointing body and head may, however, be seen as signalling the continuum between mind and body in a period when the humours were seen as shaping both.\n\u00adChr\u00e9tien and his English adapter engage in strikingly precise detail with the ways that such\na \u00admedicinal\u2013magical ointment might work on body and brain.\nThe romance of Beves of Hampton (c.1300, based on an Anglo-Norman source) plays extensively with the motif of the woman healer in its extended narrative of the adventures of\nBeves, whose exile from his English lands and title leads him to the East, where he makes\nhis name as chivalric knight, woos \u2013 and converts \u2013 the heathen princess Josian, and eventually, returns to England to regain his rightful inheritance. Josian is strikingly learned,\nwith sophisticated knowledge of medicine and natural magic:\nWhile 3he was in Ermonie,\nBo\u00fee fysik and sirgirie\n\u0417he hadde lerned of meisters grete\nOf Boloyne \u00fee gras and of Tulete,\n\u00deat 3e knew erbes mani & fale,\nTo make bo\u00fee boute & bale*.18\n*healing and harm\nRecords survive of female medical practitioners; Hildegard of Bingen offers a celebrated\nexample. The earliest medical faculty, established at Salerno in the mid-900s, was associated\nwith women through the legendary female healer Trotula, said to have practised there in the\ntwelfth century. Marie de France\u2019s Les Deux Amants (written in Anglo-Norman in the second\nhalf of the twelfth century) takes up this association in its depiction of how the protagonist\nobtains from his beloved\u2019s aunt in Salerno a marvellous potion that will give him superhuman strength, allowing him to carry her to the top of a mountain in order to win her hand\nin marriage. Josian\u2019s masters are from \u201cBologna la grassa\u201d, Italy\u2019s great centre of medical\nlearning from the early thirteenth century, and from \u201cTulete\u201d (Toledo), a centre of Arabic\nlearning, which flourished in Spain during the period of Muslim rule. Josian herself is identified as from the Eastern, Saracen country of \u201cErmonie\u201d (Armenia), rather than Egypt as in\nthe Anglo-Norman version: she is given an exotic origin, but one that is nearer than Egypt to\nSpain and Italy, so that she can readily be imagined as having access to their ancient, especially Arabic, traditions of learned medicine.\nHer agency in orchestrating the process of her love for and marriage to the Christian\nknight Beves is remarkable. She heals him through marvellous remedies, \u201can oyniment\u201d\nto make him \u201cbo\u00fee hol & fere\u201d (716\u201317) and \u201criche ba\u00fees\u201d (732) that render him \u201cbo\u00fee hol\nand sonde\u201d (734). Later, she delivers her own twins, having sent her husband and his companion out hunting to avoid her \u201cpaines\u201d (3636). The realism of Josian\u2019s medical practice\n359\n\nPages 379:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nlends credibility to her more extraordinary skills in natural magic. Her herbal knowledge\nproduces transformative effects, most strikingly when she is captured by the giant Ascopard:\nOn 3he tok vp of \u00fee grounde,\n\u00deat was an erbe of meche mounde*,\nTo make a man in semlaunt* \u00feere,\nA foule mesel* alse 3if a were. (3677\u201380)\n*power\n*semblance\n*leper\nThis is medical magic of an extreme kind: the herb transforms Josian\u2019s appearance to that\nof a leper and causes the Muslim king Yvor to reject her, preserving her chastity. Her herbal\nskills allow her to play with the appearance of an illness that is most often depicted in literary\ntexts as fearfully evocative of God\u2019s powers to test and punish. When she is rescued, Josian\nimmediately applies \u201can oiniment\u201d that returns her clear bright colour (3891\u201392) \u2013 perhaps\nevoking a herb such as henbane or verveine, supposed to cure boils. The effect is marvellous\nyet not so very different in kind from that of the earlier healing ointment; this too transforms\nthe body, and despite its dramatic impact, it remains within the bounds of imaginable possibility. Like that in Ywain and Gawain, the scene also works to signal the profound link between\nbody, mind and affect: physical transformation evokes revulsion and radically alters the king\u2019s\nintention to ravish Josian.\nThe marvellous ointment that can cure all ills finds a counterpart in the idea of the\n\u00admarvellous gem. Although the wearing of amulets or ligatures was condemned by the\nChurch, the marvellous stone, like the healing plant, could be seen as a material sign of\nGod\u2019s grace, a token of the beneficent forces of the universe with a power something akin to\nthat of holy relics. As Isabelle Draelants demonstrates in this volume, stones, seen as imbued\nwith celestial powers, played an important part in ancient notions of natural magic, and\nsuch ideas were widely circulated in the Middle Ages, including through the Liber aggregationis or Book of Secrets attributed to Albertus Magnus and current from the late thirteenth to\nthe seventeenth century. While marvellous stones are extensively treated in learned writing,\nthey also readily found their way into the popular imagination and particularly into the\nmany protective magical rings of romance. Such objects are especially appealing, for their\nuse is open to all who are fortunate enough to obtain them; no skill is needed.\nRomances repeatedly depict rings containing gems \u201cof swich vertu\u201d that they give marvellous protection, usually from wounds and other kinds of harm, although they may have\nother powers too such as that of bestowing invisibility. The formulaic phrase, \u201ca stone of\nswich vertu\u201d, is significant, for it indicates that the ring is not just vaguely magical but that\nits power is contained in the particular stone. The term \u201cvertu\u201d also carries something of its\nmodern meaning. Thus, in Ywain and Gawain, Ywain\u2019s lady lends him a ring whose \u201cvertu\u201d\n(1532) will prevent prison or sickness so that he can return to her within a year. The poet\nof Ywain, however, unlike Chr\u00e9tien, develops the motif to render the power of the ring actively moral, dependent upon thinking of the lady and truth in love. Thus, the ring serves\na double function: it proves Alundyne\u2019s \u201cgrete luf\u201d (1543) by protecting and distinguishing\nYwain from harm, and allows her to test Ywain\u2019s love; if he does not return, it is because\nhe does not choose to, rather than because he is prevented. When the ring is taken from\nYwain\u2019s finger, once he has failed in his promise, he immediately falls sick, succumbing to\nmadness. The coincidence of illness with removal of the ring seems to prove its protective\nquality, though this is not the dramatic or narrative focus. Rather, the scene is focused on\nYwain\u2019s state of mind, as revealed by the ring and written on his body.\n360\n\nPages 380:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nIn Beves, Josian\u2019s skill in natural magic includes possession of a marvellous ring containing a stone \u201cof swiche vertu\u201d that it preserves her chastity (1469\u201372). The learning of\na physician such as Josian would indeed have included knowledge of the virtues of both\nplants and stones. The virtue of her stone echoes that attributed in Pseudo-Albertus\u2019 Liber\naggregationis to chalcedony pierced with emery: \u201cit is good against all fantastical illusions,\nand it maketh to overcome all causes, or matters in suit, and keepeth the body against \u2026\nadversaries\u201d.19 The Anglo-Norman source for Beves and a later English version closer to\nthe Anglo-Norman (Manchester, Chetham\u2019s Library 8009, c.1480) describe not a ring but\na magical girdle: the change to a ring by the redactor of the Auchinleck manuscript or his\ndirect source may suggest the association of the girdle with the ligatures and binding or\nweaving magic explicitly forbidden by the Church. This writer was apparently anxious to\npresent Josian as not an enchantress but a wise woman with acceptable knowledge of natural magic, in particular the medical arts of the East. She can draw on the occult powers of\nnature to transform as well as to heal, but her powers remain within the bounds of the licit.\nPerhaps the most problematic use of \u201cmagyk natureel\u201d is to cause love: this is repeatedly\nforbidden in early laws, penitentials and treatises, and was taken seriously by the Church.\nThe most celebrated romance treatment of love magic is found in the Tristan legend, which\nin all its forms attributes the adulterous love of Tristan and Yseut/Isolde to the potion\nprepared by Yseut\u2019s mother in order to cement her daughter\u2019s marriage to King Mark of\n\u00adCornwall. The story exploits and proves the dangerous power repeatedly recognized in\nlaws and canons concerning love magic. Malory\u2019s great Arthurian history, Le Morte Darthur\n(1469\u201370), which translates and adapts French thirteenth-century prose romances while\ndrawing on the fourteenth-century English alliterative and stanzaic Morte Arthur poems,\noffers the most extended engagement with the Tristan story in English romance. Here, La\nBeale Isode and her mother are powerful practitioners of natural, healing magic: Isode, \u201ca\nnoble surgeon\u201d, a phrase not connected with her in the French, heals Tristram from his poisoned wound, and her mother\u2019s medicinal skill provides the potion, the positive intention of\nwhich is made clear.20 The drink is treated with naturalism: \u201chit semed by the coloure and\nthe taste that hit was noble wyne\u201d (VIII.24, 327), and the effect is physical and immediate:\nwhen Tristram and Isode taste it, \u201cthey thought never drynke that ever they dranke so swete\nnother so good to them. But by that drynke was in their bodyes they loved aythir other so\nwell that never hir love departed, for well nother for woo\u201d (VIII.24, 327\u201328). Malory lessens\nthe role of this binding love magic, however, by portraying the love between Tristram and\nIsode as arising naturally (\u201cthe joy that La Beale Isode made of sir Trystrames there myght\nno tunge telle, for of all men erthely she loved hym moste\u201d, VIII.24, 326, Malory\u2019s addition).\nThe potion is reduced to a form of apparently natural magic that, although potentially\nharmful in its misuse, ultimately affirms what has already been decided by destiny. Malory\ndepicts the love of Tristram and Isode as natural, authorized and in its own terms virtuous \u2013\nthough it leads, ultimately, to tragedy. The physical manifestation of magic is deeply connected to its effects on the mind, its shaping of affective being in the world and of individual\ndestiny. Yet, there is also a sense of the limits beyond which natural magic should not go.\nThe dark arts of \u201cnigromancy\u201d\nPlants, stones, the occult forces of stars and planets all have the power to transform bodies\nand influence minds. Yet, the magic that employs these is far from the work of demons, remaining within the sphere of medicine and natural magic. Romance writers are also careful\n361\n\nPages 381:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nto signal when magic transgresses the bounds of acceptability: the term \u201cnigromancy\u201d is\nrepeatedly employed to suggest illicit magical arts. The word is understood to find its origins\nin Latin niger, black (rather than Greek, nekros, corpse), and is invariably spelled to indicate\nthis, rather than to denote demonic arts. Romances employ the term \u201cnigromancy\u201d to depict\nrituals that \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 367 to page 381 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 382 to page 396 out of a total of 569:\nPages 382:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\n\u2026\nones wel anointed, \u00fee child wel al abowte,\nhe wex to a werwolf wi3tly* \u00feerafter,\n*quickly\nal \u00fee making of man so mysse* hadde 3he schaped. *deformed\n(136\u201341)\nThis vividly realized magic is also tantalizingly vague: the learned concoction of an ointment\nmay employ manuals of natural magic or more dubious books of necromancy that combine\nphysical and astrological rituals with conjuring demons. Ointments, as in Beves and Yvain, are\nrepeatedly associated with transformation, but here the power of transformation is abused.\nNot demons but human sinfulness is the subject.\nAt the end of the work, Braunde is threatened with death by burning, perhaps reflecting\nthe poet\u2019s knowledge of Continental or early English laws against witchcraft, or of the classification of magic practised against a member of the royal family as treason, punishable by\ndeath. Under duress, she agrees to come to \u201chele\u201d the werewolf with her \u201cqueynt werkes\u201d\n(4254). The stone is bound about the wolf\u2019s neck, a carefully constructed ligature; a spell is\nread from a precious book kept safely in a casket. Again the nature of book is unspecified:\ndoes it contain instructions for the practice of natural magic, or is it a more sinister collection of recipes that conjure demons? There is no suggestion of the latter: rather the practice\nof magic here is made up of a strangely prosaic set of rituals. Yet, the effects of this practical\n\u201cnigromancy\u201d are extreme, transforming man to beast and back again. Braunde\u2019s plea\nfor forgiveness and mercy recognizes the failure of magic in the face of divine providence,\n\u201cich forschop [transformed] \u00fee \u00feanne / in \u00feise wise to a werwolf and wend \u00fee to spille\n[destroy]; / but God wold nou3t \u00feat \u00feou were lorne [lost]\u201d (4394\u201396). Her intervention is,\nfinally, limited. The virtue of William is retained throughout and ultimately triumphs over\nphysical transformation; even Braunde is redeemed, as the conjuror of demons might not be.\nWhile Braunde fits the familiar paradigm of the enchantress, practitioner of \u201cnigromancy\u201d, William of Palerne is highly unusual in its description of the accoutrements of\nmagic. More typical is the nebulous association of such women with the other world. Most\ncelebrated among such enchantresses is Morgan le Fay, drawn into Arthurian legend as\n\u00adA rthur\u2019s half-sister but with a history that extends back into Welsh myth, signalled in Sir\nGawain and the Green Knight by a reference to her as \u201cMorgne \u00fee goddes\u201d.22 Here, a seemingly\notherworldly Green Knight challenges Sir Gawain to a beheading contest that leads him\non a winter journey through the wilds of Britain to a mysterious castle, Hautdesert, where\nthe beautiful wife of his host, Sir Bertilak, attempts to seduce him. Eventually, the Green\nKnight is revealed to be Sir Bertilak, and the ancient loathly lady of Hautdesert Morgan\nle Fay, whose shape-shifting magic has been intended to frighten Arthur\u2019s court, cause\n\u00adGuinevere\u2019s death and test the renown of the Round Table. The magic that Gawain suspects to be demonic turns out to be effected by Arthur\u2019s half-sister, his own aunt. \u00adMorgan,\nwe are told, has been taught her magic arts by Merlin, \u201c\u00feat conable [excellent] klerk\u201d\n(2450), whose mistress the poet claims she is. If she is \u201cMorgne the goddes\u201d, she is also a\npractitioner of human arts, involving \u201ckoyntyse of clergye\u201d, skill in (clerical) learning and\n\u201ccraftes wel lerned\u201d (2447).23 They can be firmly placed as \u201cnigromancy\u201d, their transformations undertaken for dark, malevolent purposes: it is not coincidental that the demonic is\na recurrent motif in the poem. While Morgan le Fay is typically depicted as beautiful and\nseductive, here Sir Bertilak\u2019s wife functions as the youthful, desirable face of the enchantress, while Morgan is her opposite, the monstrous old hag. In part, the poem engages with\n363\n\nPages 383:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nthe two faces of the fascinating but fearful other. But as in William of Palerne, the emphasis is\nmost of all on the effect of Morgan\u2019s shape-shifting, the testing of Gawain through Bertilak\nand his wife, and hence, the probing of his virtue. It is Gawain\u2019s integrity of mind and body,\nhis power to resist sexual desire and his human wish to preserve his life that are the poem\u2019s\nreal subject. Magic is the means to the illumination of sin and virtue, and it affords the\nexploration of human being in the world.\nMorgan le Fay is also the central practitioner of magic in Malory\u2019s Morte Darthur. Whereas\nMerlin disappears early from the text, her role spans the entire work. In Morgan, \u201cthe falsist sorseres and wycche moste that is now lyvyng\u201d (VIII.34, 344), Malory repeatedly links\nmagic, sexual desire and force in negative ways until the end of the book, when she figures\nas one of the four weeping, black-hooded queens who carry the wounded Arthur to Avalon.\nWith her own rival court, she is established as Arthur\u2019s great opponent, using magic where a\nmale rival would use military force. Rather than emphasizing Morgan\u2019s innate supernatural\nquality as \u201cle Fay\u201d, Malory relates how she \u201cwas put to scole in a nonnery, and ther she lerned\nso moche that she was a grete clerke of nygromancye\u201d (I.2, 4). Like Braunde\u2019s, Morgan\u2019s arts\nare both human and connected explicitly with the dark, potentially demonic side of magic,\n\u201cnygromancye\u201d. She possesses the arts of illusion and shape-shifting typical of the magician,\nchanging herself into the shape of great stones when pursued, and creating the false sword\nand scabbard and the destructive gifts that she sends to the court. Her enchantments are\nviolent and treacherous, causing the death of her lover Accolon, and repeatedly ensnaring\nthe knights of the Round Table, including Arthur and Launcelot, who is also the object of her\ndesire. Enchantment in the Morte is explicitly linked to the possession of male bodies and to\npredatory sexual desire: thus, Morgan le Fay and three queens abduct the sleeping Launcelot\nto a \u201cchambir colde\u201d, and require his love: \u201cNow chose one of us, whyche that thou wolte\nhave to thy paramour, other ellys to dye in this preson\u201d (VI.3, 193\u201394). Later, her apparently\nmedicinal attentions place the wounded knight Alexander firmly in her control:\nThan Quene Morgan le Fay serched his woundis and gaff hym suche an oynement\nthat he sholde have dyed. And so on the morne whan she cam to hym agayne, he\ncomplayned hym sore. And than she put another oynemente uppon hym, and than\nhe was oute of his payne.\n(X.37, 509)\nOnly on promising not to depart for a year is Alexander healed, to discover that he is kept\nby Morgan as prisoner \u201cfor none other entente but for to do hir plesure whan hit lykyth hir\u201d\n(X.38, 510). Bodies are her focus; yet always, possession of the body represents possession of\npower and subjugation of the other\u2019s mind.\nMalory creates the impression of a network of female practitioners who possess such\narts \u2013 the damsel of the Lake, Nenyve or Vivien, who turns Merlin\u2019s magic back on him\nwhen she imprisons him within the wondrous cave that he himself shows to her; \u201cHallewes\nthe Sorseres, lady of the Castell Nygurmous\u201d (VI.15, 216), who aims to ensnare Launcelot\nso that she may keep his body dead if she cannot enjoy it alive:\nThan wolde I have bawmed hit and sered [embalmed and wrapped in waxed\ncloth] hit, and so to have kepte hit my lyve dayes; and dayly I sholde have clypped\n\u00ad[embraced] the and kyssed the, dispyte of Quene Gwenyvere.\n(VI.15, 216)\n364\n\nPages 384:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nThe reference to embalming also returns us to the motifs of medicine and skill. \u201cNigromancy\u201d never strays far away from natural magic, and the powers of its practitioners remain\nlimited. Virtue can overcome malignant magic: Braunde is redeemed, Hallewes dies from\nunrequited love and Morgan returns to carry the wounded Arthur to Avalon. Yet, such\n\u201cnigromancy\u201d remains threatening and extreme, in part because its powers can be learned.\nMagic may be used to destroy as well as to heal \u2013 to put to sleep, to imprison, to make ill, to\nembalm, even to transform into a beast. \u201cNigromancy\u201d and natural magic are two sides of a\ncoin in romance, and they relate in fundamental ways to notions, both hopeful and fearful, of\nthe practice of medicine. The practitioners of magic are ambiguous, threatening but also fascinating, their powers transformative in positive and negative ways. Magic in romance opens\nthe way for experiences that push at, and cross, in believable ways, a boundary of actuality,\nexpanding what is humanly possible, transgressing limits in its transformations of minds and\nbodies and its remarkable affective power.\nFuture directions: new interdisciplinary approaches\nRomance is just a beginning. There is much other medieval literature to be explored across\nmany languages. Scholars are not likely to find detailed accounts of magical practice in other\nliterary genres, for such accounts would have been highly risky. They will, however, find the\nrecurrence of magic, interwoven with the supernatural and configured in different ways\nacross different kinds of texts. As my work on hagiographical and penitential romances has\nsuggested, religious texts often oppose the true and enduring power of God to the flawed\nhuman practice of magic \u2013 and sometimes align that practice with the demonic. Saints\u2019 lives\nand other religious works offer a fertile ground for literary exploration within the cultural\ncontexts so richly described by recent scholarship. So too do the genres of history and chronicle. The exploration of lesser known works will allow further research into the connections of\nmagic with popular story, superstition, learning, moral teaching, politics, science and belief.\nAlso waiting to be explored are later, especially prose romances: some of these, such as Valentine and Orson, edge much nearer to explicit engagement with magic as summoning demons,\nand this subject is taken up in the transition from medieval to early modern, most famously\nin Shakespeare\u2019s depiction of Prospero. The Renaissance reworks the magician as the mage,\nand Renaissance magic plays a powerful role in reshaping literary emphases, as ideas of both\nscience and witchcraft gain force.\nDoes contemporary interdisciplinary scholarship offer new approaches to reading medieval texts? The rich possibilities are signalled in Lyndal Roper\u2019s The Witch in the Western Imagination, a \u201cpsychoanalytically informed cultural history\u201d, which explicitly aims \u201cto bring\nthe investigation of subjectivity into history, that is, to explore how individuals experience\nsocial processes\u201d, by drawing on the evidence of material culture: books, paintings, artefacts, clothing.24 The collection of essays edited by Sophie Page, The Unorthodox Imagination\nin Medieval Britain, demonstrates the fruitfulness of illuminating through different disciplinary lenses the \u201cvarious social sites of the medieval imagination\u201d, the complex intersection\nof doubt and belief, attempts at and failures of containment, and the role of the unorthodox\nin making sense of experience.25 Lea Olsan\u2019s essay on medieval literature, for example,\ndraws interesting connections between enchantment, delusion and necromancy, comparing\nliterary representations of enchantment with those in magical handbooks.\nThe subject of magic in medieval literature and culture, with its deep connections to\nmedicine, body, mind and emotions speaks in particular to the growing interdisciplinary\n365\n\nPages 385:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nfield of the medical humanities, which brings medicine into dialogue with the humanities,\nwith a view both to enriching the humanities and extending biomedical approaches. As\nresearchers at the Institute for Medical Humanities at Durham University have argued,\na properly critical medical humanities is also a historically grounded medical humanities:\nliterary texts provide crucial insights into cultural and intellectual attitudes, human experience and creativity.26 Reading from a medical humanities perspective means putting\npast and present into conversation, to discover continuities and contrasts with later literature and thought. Laine Doggett\u2019s study of love magic argues for an approach that brings\ntogether history of medicine with medieval literary studies, women\u2019s studies and a broad\nrange of humanities studies. Doggett suggests that Old French literary texts reflected but\nalso influenced practice and perception by their positive presentation of women healers; at\nthe same time, she reclaims these figures from traditional associations with charlatanism.\nMy recent work has explored the ways mind, body and affect are constructed and intersect in medieval thought and literature, with a particular focus on how supernatural, particularly visionary, experience is portrayed and understood.27 Pre-Cartesian perspectives\nchime surprisingly closely with current approaches, illuminate the complex interrelations\nof mind and body, and probe the power of affect in resonant and suggestive ways. They\nalso open onto ways of understanding that are less accessible in the secularized, progressive world of the twenty-first century. The experiences discussed in Tanya Luhrmann\u2019s\nanthropological study of magic and witchcraft in the present, for example, seem considerably less bizarre when placed in dialogue with medieval writing, where magic and the\nsupernatural are familiar topics, and there is scope for a wide range of possible beliefs and\nimaginings.28 Luhrmann\u2019s study explores how the practice of magic can lead to changes\nin observation, psychology and emotional experience, shaping intellectual strategies akin\nto those of religious belief. While her work is valuably contextualized by medieval studies,\nthese in turn are illuminated by her richly textured account of how magic can be made to\nmean, and of its imaginative power: despite the shifts in understanding from the Middle\nAges to the twenty-first century, the continuities in hermeneutics \u2013 as well as in the practices themselves \u2013 are striking. Luhrmann\u2019s exploration of the mind \u2013 its complex blend of\nrational and irrational, and the force of the imagination \u2013 offers a persuasive context for\napproaching medieval literature.\nOver the past decade, medievalists have taken up some of these possibilities, turning to\ncognitive science to illuminate their work. Edward Bever\u2019s thought-provoking study, The\nRealities of Witchcraft and Popular Magic in Early Modern Europe, explores some of the questions\naddressed by Luhrmann in relation to the medieval period.29 Bever, however, aims to go\na step further than previous scholars in providing explanations rooted in cognitive science\nnot only for belief in magic but also for magical experience itself. Thus, whereas Jesper\nS\u00f8renson\u2019s A Cognitive Theory of Magic explores the mental processes that render individuals receptive to magical beliefs, Bever aims \u201cto go beyond cognitive theory to cognitive\nneuroscience\u201d, to show how ritual magical practice (like the practices of shamanism) can\neffect changes in consciousness, \u201c\u2018tuning\u2019 and \u2018fine-tuning\u2019 the nervous system\u201d.30 While\nBever\u2019s analyses of individual cases from witchcraft trials are controversial, his argument\nfor the psychosomatic effects of magic is less so. Frank Klaassen has persuasively drawn on\nand developed many of these ideas, alongside those adumbrated by Luhrmann\u2019s work, in\nrelation to medieval ritual magic. Klaassen shows how demanding and extensive the operations of ritual magic were, comparing them fruitfully to monastic practice, and hence,\nhow likely they were to have \u201ctransformed an initiate\u2019s subjective experience\u201d, to effect\n366\n\nPages 386:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\n\u201ca shift to associative thinking confirmed by powerful experiences resulting from this approach, a shift to new and dedicated systems of interpretation, and an actual reorientation\nof the nervous system\u201d.31 Klaassen emphasizes the extraordinary discipline of such practice and its close relationship to prayer, contemplation and religious practice, which might\nalso \u201cbring about different neurological states\u201d.32 Putting medieval religious and magical\npractices and texts into conversation may well prove suggestive. While the imaginative\nliterature of the medieval period does not often represent the detailed operations of magic,\nstudies such as that of Klaassen provide a valuable context for Chaucer\u2019s learned magician\nin the Franklin\u2019s Tale or for the practices of William of Palerne\u2019s stepmother, removing them\nfrom the bounds of exotic fantasy.\nThe Wellcome Trust-funded project \u201cHearing the Voice\u201d (based at Durham University) provides a complementary example of how interdisciplinary thinking may illuminate\nmagic and related topics. The project brings together researchers in psychology, psychiatry, neuroscience and a range of humanities disciplines, healthcare professionals and voice\nhearers to explore the phenomenon of hearing voices without external stimuli, now most\noften understood as a symptom of severe mental disorders such as schizophrenia, but also\nan important aspect of many people\u2019s everyday lives, which may not be satisfactorily addressed by medical diagnosis and treatment.33 The accounts of voice hearers today can\nresonate very powerfully with some of the experiences recounted in medieval records \u2013\nfor example, the summoning of angelic or demonic spirits \u2013 and with the doubts of those\nwho experience them concerning their beneficent or maleficent nature.34 Just as magical\nritual practice can shape subjective experience, so delusive thought systems can construct\nalternative explanations, and so also can shared cultural experience. Such interdisciplinary\nresearch offers insights into the complex and hidden ways in which the mind works \u2013 the\ninteractions between affect and cognition, individual and social, inner and external experience. Interdisciplinary studies of magical belief and subjective experience that foreground\ncognitive processes illuminate the seriousness with which medieval literature treats magic \u2013\neven when its otherworldly practitioners can effect its transformations without enacting its\ndemanding operations, or when these are left to the reader\u2019s imagination. At the same time,\nit is important to recognize the limits of neuroscientific explanations; more valuable may\nbe the doors opened onto the complexity of constructing realities by anthropological and\ncultural studies. As Stuart Clark writes in his powerful refutation of Bever\u2019s work, \u201cIn the\nfull flow of social life, amid all its complexities and nuances, it is what people perceive reality\nto be that enables them, so to speak, to take the next step, to know how to go on.\u201d35 Medieval writing opens onto those perceptions of reality, but also onto creative play with them.\nConversations need to be dynamic, for medieval thought and writing can also change\nunderstandings of contemporary experience \u2013 by detaching it from pathology, by attending\nto the nature of experience in ways that illuminate rather than diagnose and by exploring\nits creative possibilities. Unusual experience is validated in a context where magic and the\nsupernatural are accepted, and where such experience is not placed within a biomedical\nframework. Yet medieval models of psychology also chime well with contemporary notions\nof how cognitive processes work, the interdependence of thinking and feeling, mind and\nbody. Probing the parallels and contrasts between premodern and contemporary experience, then, both brings new insights to medieval literature and recontextualizes contemporary experience. Many medieval discourses are suggestive \u2013 history, medicine, philosophy,\ntheology \u2013 but perhaps none more than literature itself, for it is here \u2013 and particularly\nin romance \u2013 that human experience is most of all probed: through narrative, but also\n367\n\nPages 387:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nthrough the textures of the imaginative worlds of literature that create character, motivation, ethos and voice \u2013 all shaping representations of mind, body and affect that open onto\nmedieval attitudes but also play creatively with possibilities for understanding the human\ncondition. There is much scope for further interdisciplinary research, in which past and\npresent speak to each other. The subject of magic, with its long cultural and intellectual\nhistory, its connections both with the supernatural and with the deepest human desires and\nfears, undoubtedly has a role to play.\nNotes\n1 Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance, Studies in Medieval Romance (Cambridge: D.\nS. Brewer, 2010).\n2 See Valerie I.J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), which\ntakes up the model of Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in\nSixteenth and Seventeenth Century England, 2nd ed. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977); Richard\nKieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, Canto ed.,\n2000); and Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch and the Law, The Middle Ages Series (\u00adPhiladelphia:\nUniversity of Pennsylvania Press, 1978).\n3 The series Witchcraft and Magic in Europe includes many other important works. See especially\nKaren Jolly, Catharina Raudvere and Edward Peters, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages\n(2001; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). On Anglo-Saxon England, see Karen\nJolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of North\nCarolina Press, 1996) and Alaric Hall, Elves in Anglo-Saxon England: Matters of Belief, Health, Gender and\nIdentity (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997); on the twelfth century, see C.S. Watkins, History and the\nSupernatural in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); on later medieval\nEngland, see Catherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion, 2012); on\nmagic, learning and late medieval politics, see David Rollo, Glamorous Sorcery: Magic and Literacy in the\nHigh Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000). Steven P. Marrone\u2019s A History\nof Science, Magic and Belief: From Medieval to Early Modern Europe (London: Palgrave, 2015) explores\nthese interconnected themes in terms of the shift to new paradigms of knowledge, society and\ngovernment, while Euan Cameron\u2019s Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion, 1250\u20131750\n(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010) traces the dialogue and debate around \u201csuperstition\u201d in relation to ideas of invisible forces, demonology, the rise of Protestantism and theories of the cosmos.\n4 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Meanings of Magic,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1, no. 1 (2006): 1.\n5 Michelle Sweeney, Magic in Medieval Romance from Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes to Geoffrey Chaucer (Dublin: Four\nCourts, 2000).\n6 Geraldine Heng, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York:\n\u00adColumbia University Press, 2003).\n7 Heidi Breuer, Crafting the Witch: Gendering Magic in Medieval and Early Modern England, Studies in\n\u00adMedieval History and Culture (New York: Routledge, 2009), 10.\n8 Helen Cooper, The English Romance in Time: Transforming Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death\nof Shakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).\n9 On the boundaries between natural and supernatural, the range of beliefs available, connections\nwith magic and the complex relationship between imagination and reality, see Robert Bartlett\u2019s\nstudy, The Natural and the Supernatural in the Middle Ages: The Wiles Lectures given at the Queen\u2019s University of\nBelfast, 2006 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). On astrology and magic, see Paola\nZambelli\u2019s collection of essays, Astrology and Magic from the Medieval Latin and Islamic World to Renaissance Europe: Theories and Approaches, Variorum Collected Studies Series (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012).\n10 The works discussed here are normally dated as follows: The Book of the Duchess 1368\u201372, The House\nof Fame 1378\u201380, The Canterbury Tales 1388\u20131400.\n11 Alexander N. Gabrovsky, Chaucer the Alchemist: Physics, Mutability, and the Medieval Imagination (\u00adBasingstoke:\nPalgrave Macmillan, 2015).\n12 Geoffrey Chaucer, The Riverside Chaucer, 3rd ed., ed. Larry D. Benson (Oxford: Oxford University\nPress, 1987), l. 416. All subsequent references to Chaucer are to this edition, cited by line number.\n368\n\nPages 388:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\n13 For these details, see the notes to line 1277 in the Riverside Chaucer, 987.\n14 The tale translates parts of three of the most widely circulated summae, Raymond of Pe\u00f1afort\u2019s\nSumma de Poenitentia, William Peraldus\u2019 Summa Virtutum ac Vitiorum, and its sequel, the Summa Virtutum\nde Remediis Anime (known from its opening words as Postquam).\n15 On this role of women, see Laine E. Doggett, Love Cures: Healing and Love Magic in Old French Romance\n(University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009): Doggett notes Chr\u00e9tien\u2019s humorous treatment of the motif, 4\u20135.\n16 Ywain and Gawain, in Ywain and Gawain, Sir Percyvell of Gales, The Anturs of Arther, ed. Maldwyn Mills,\nEveryman\u2019s Library (London: Dent, 1992), 1\u2013102: ll. 1739\u201340. Subsequent references to Ywain\nand Gawain are to this edition, cited by line number. The work exists in a single fifteenth-century\nmanuscript, and translates the French romance of Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes, Le Chevalier au Lion, written\nc.1170.\n17 See Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes, Le Chevalier au Lion (Yvain), ed. Mario Roques, Les Romans de Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes\nIV, Les Classiques fran\u00e7ais du Moyen Age (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 1982), ll. 2949, 2998\u20133003;\nThe Knight with the Lion, in Arthurian Romances, trans. William W. Kibler and Carleton W. Carroll\n(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991), 295\u2013380, 332\u201333.\n18 The Romance of Sir Beues of Hamtoun, ed. Eugen K\u00f6lbing, Early English Text Society, E.S. 46, 48, 65\n(London: K. Paul, Trench, Tr\u00fcbner, 1885, 1886, 1894), ll. 3671\u201376. Subsequent references to Beves\nof Hampton are to this edition, cited by line number. The work exists in seven manuscripts (including\nthe Auchinleck manuscript, written in the1330s and containing many celebrated romances) in two\ndifferent versions, and is based on the thirteenth-century Anglo-Norman Boeve de Hamton.\n19 Michael R. Best, and Frank H. Brightman, ed., The Book of Secrets of Albertus Magnus: Of the Virtues of\nHerbs, Stones and Certain Beasts: Also a Book of the Marvels of the World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973),\n37.\n20 Sir Thomas Malory, Le Morte Darthur, 2 vols, Arthurian Studies 80, ed. P.J.C. Field (Cambridge: D.\nS. Brewer, 2013), vol. 1, VIII.9, 302. All subsequent references to Le Morte Darthur are to this edition,\nvol. 1, cited by the book and section numbers used in Caxton\u2019s print (1485), and by page numbers.\nOn healing and love magic in the French Tristan romances, see Doggett, Love Cures, 134\u201377.\n21 William of Palerne: An Alliterative Romance, ed. G.H.V. Bunt, Medievalia Groningana 6 (Groningen:\nBouma\u2019s Boekhuis, 1985), ll. 117\u201320. All subsequent references to William of Palerne are to this\nedition, cited by line number. The work exists in a single manuscript and is based on an early thirteenth-century French romance.\n22 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, in The Poems of the Pearl Manuscript: \u201cPearl\u201d, \u201c Cleanness\u201d, \u201cPatience\u201d, \u201cSir\nGawain and the Green Knight\u201d, 5th ed., Exeter Medieval English Texts and Studies, ed. Malcolm Andrew and Ronald Waldron (Exeter: Exeter University Press, 2007), ll. 2452. Subsequent references\nto Sir Gawain and the Green Knight are to this edition, cited by line number. The poem dates to the\nsecond half of the fourteenth century and exists in only one manuscript; it has no direct source but\ndraws on both French and English Arthurian romances.\n23 See further Laurence Harf-Lancner, Les F\u00e9es au Moyen Age: Morgan et Melusine (Paris: Champion,\n1984) and Carolyne Larrington, King Arthur\u2019s Enchantresses: Morgan and Her Sisters in Arthurian Tradition\n(London: I. B. Tauris, 2006).\n24 Lyndal Roper, The Witch in the Western Imagination: Richard Lectures for 1998 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012), 2.\n25 The Unorthodox Imagination in Late Medieval Britain, ed. Sophie Page (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010). Lea T. Olsan\u2019s \u201cEnchantment in Medieval Literature,\u201d 166\u201392, is the only essay\nin the volume focused on literary texts.\n26 See further Corinne Saunders, \u201cVoices and Visions: Mind, Body and Affect in Medieval Writing,\u201d\nin The Edinburgh Companion to the Critical Medical Humanities, ed. Anne Whitehead, Angela Woods, Sarah Atkinson, Jane Macnaughton and Jennifer Richards (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,\n2016), 411\u201327, and further on the field of medical humanities, the introduction to this volume.\n27 See especially Doggett\u2019s introduction and conclusion, Love\u2019s Cures, 1\u201314 and 262\u201367.\n28 T.M. Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch\u2019s Craft: Ritual Magic in Contemporary England (Oxford:\n\u00adBlackwell, 1989).\n29 Edward Bever, The Realities of Witchcraft and Popular Magic in Early Modern Europe: Culture, Cognition,\nand Everyday Life (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), and \u201cCurrent Trends in the Application of Cognitive Science to Magic,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7, no. 1 (2012): 3\u201318. See also\n369\n\nPages 389:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nthe range of responses to Bever\u2019s work in the forum \u201cContending Realities: Reactions to Edward\nBever,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 5, no. 1 (2010).\n30 Bever, \u201cCurrent Trends\u201d, 13, 18.\n31 Frank Klaassen, \u201cSubjective Experience and the Practice of Medieval Ritual Magic,\u201d Magic, Ritual,\nand Witchcraft 7, no. 1 (2012): 19\u201351.\n32 Klaassen, \u201cSubjective Experience and the Practice of Medieval Ritual Magic,\u201d 50.\n33 \u201cHearing the Voice\u201d (http://hearingthevoice.org) is funded by a Wellcome Trust Strategic Award\n(WT098455MA). I am grateful to the Trust for supporting the research in this paper, and to the\n\u201cHearing the Voice\u201d team for their insights.\n34 See the range of examples cited Katherine Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition in Late Medieval\nEngland,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 3, no. 1 (2008): 29\u201353.\n35 Stuart Clark, \u201cOne-Tier History,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 5, no. 1 (2010): 90.\n370\n\nPages 390:\n27\nM usic\nJohn Haines\nExcept for a dozen pages in Jules Combarieu\u2019s outdated La musique et la magie (1909), the study\nof music and magic in the Middle Ages is virtually non-existent.1 Of all the relevant fields\nto magic surveyed in this volume, then, music has the dubious claim of being the one least\nstudied. Yet, music was an indispensable ingredient in the everyday performance of magic\nduring the thousand-year period we name Middle Ages, in practical contexts ranging from\nmedicinal to necromantic. As made clear in other essays in this volume (notably the chapters\non medicine, gender, popular culture and pastoral literature), the majority of magic practised\nin the Middle Ages had a performative component. Thus, it included music of some kind,\nmusic ranging from elaborate polyphonic songs to recitations similar to the spoken word.\nUnfortunately, the majority of these rituals were neither described nor even recorded in\nwriting. For this reason, modern research on medieval magic has gravitated, not surprisingly,\ntowards the erudite works of the late Middle Ages, given the impressive surviving evidence\nranging from Solomonic literature to the works of Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, both featured in the present volume. Yet, even these learned magic works involved music of some kind, since a great\ndeal of music verges on spoken speech. As explained in a foundational medieval music treatise, Boethius\u2019s De musica, sung music ranged widely from melodic song (cantilena) to the prose\n( prosa) recitation of an epic poem (heroum poema). In between these two, writes Boethius, lies a\ngiant middle ground he calls \u201cmiddle voices\u201d (medias voces), somewhere between speech and\nsong.2 Although this chapter will give equal weight to the interaction of music and magic in\nboth learned and popular circles, it should be borne in mind that the former was the province of the medieval one per cent and the latter that of the ninety-nine per cent, to borrow a\nphrase from our own culture. If the aim of modern history \u2013 musical or otherwise \u2013 is to tell,\nto the best of our ability, the story of the majority of those living in the Middle Ages, and not\njust the learned few, then the history of music and magic cannot neglect, in addition to the\nwritten witnesses of famous and learned men, those sources that tell us about the anonymous\nmajority and their musico-magical experiences.\nThe most frequently heard musical sound in medieval magic ritual was the human\nvoice. It was the actual sound of the voice, \u201cthe sound of medieval song,\u201d to cite the title of\n\u00adTimothy McGee\u2019s important recent book, that constituted the main audible part of magic\nritual. McGee has attempted to answer a question rarely addressed in musicology, namely,\nwhat did the medieval singing voice sound like?3 This is a difficult but vital question, one\non which there will likely never be a scholarly consensus, given the frequently strongly held\nideals about medieval chant with relation to present-day Catholic practices. Still, although\nmore historical research remains to be done, there can be no question that the general\nsound of medieval song differed substantially from that of modern times, in ways that we\n371\n\nPages 391:\nJohn Haines\ncannot imagine. As McGee reminds us, despite some similarities in singing \u201cbetween the\nmodern and the medieval eras, their [sounds] are quite different from one another.\u201d4\nThus, along with gesture and movement, the music of the human voice is the most\n\u00adephemeral element of magic rituals. The texts of some charms and prayers from the late\nMiddle Ages, for example, have survived in writing (see Peter Murray Jones and Lea \u00adOlsan\u2019s\nchapter in this volume). But their song or recitation has the musical notes have not. All\nthe more reason to be mindful of their aural or performative aspect. As an example, the\nwords of the famous Longinus charm \u2013 \u201cLonginus miles latus domini nostri Jesu Christi\n\u00adlancea \u00adperforavit et continuo exivit sanguis et aqua in redemptionem nostram\u201d (\u201cThe\n\u00adsoldier \u00adL onginus pierced the side of our Lord Jesus Christ and immediately there gushed\nforth blood and water for our redemption\u201d) \u2013 have both a lyric and liturgical feel.5 To my\n\u00adk nowledge, no late medieval Longinus charm has survived with musical notation. Yet, it\nis hard to believe that such popular formulas as this one were not chanted or recited on\n\u00adoccasion. Indeed, perhaps there was a melody or two performed often enough with this\ncharm that it was known as the \u201cLonginus tune.\u201d This is a common phenomenon of orality\nthat is underestimated from our excessively written perspective.\nMusic of some sort, then, must have sounded often in charms. When it did, this sound of\nmedieval song in magic rituals apparently often resembled the sounds of the Christian liturgy, as the one surviving charm with music, \u201cQuisquis erit,\u201d makes clear.6 The instructions\nfor the just cited Longinus charm end with the admonition to \u201csay\u201d (\u201cdica\u201d) three times both\nthe Pater noster and the Ave Maria \u2013 here likely in the broad sense of the verb dicere, which\nwould encompass both of Boethius\u2019s musical poles, cantilena and prosa, as well as his \u201cmiddle\nvoices.\u201d7 Two of the chants most frequently mentioned by ecclesiastical writers as permissible\nin non-liturgical rituals are the Credo and the Pater noster. Thomas Aquinas, for example,\nforbids the use of any kind of \u201cunknown names\u201d (\u201cignota nomina\u201d) in connection with suspensions or amulets hung from the neck, allowing only the \u201cDivine symbol and the Dominical prayer,\u201d that is, the Credo and the Pater noster, following Gratian.8 The mixed status of\nthese two chants, used in the liturgy but also in activities considered dubious by churchmen,\nis attested in the manuscript containing the famous Psalter of Eadwin (Cambridge, Trinity\nLibrary, R.17.1), on the folio (284v) just before the treatise that Charles Burnett famously\nidentified as the earliest chiromancy treaty in the Latin West (fol. 285r).9 Here, we find a\npage with an annotated Credo and Pater noster; the rubric for the former states that with this\nprayer Christ revealed to his disciples \u201chis impenetrable science\u201d (\u201cinpenetrabili sapientia\nsua\u201d).10 It almost goes without saying that these two chants were regularly sung at mass and\noffice throughout the Middle Ages. Beyond these two, other liturgical chants are attested as\nhaving been sung in popular rituals, notably the Kyrie, the Sanctus, the Ave Maria, the seven\npenitential psalms and the \u201cAsperges me\u201d (Psalm 50:9).11 The melodies of all these chants\nwere well known to both celebrants and congregations throughout Europe, and would have\nbeen permanently attached in many minds to their texts, much in the same way certain\nmelodies \u2013 unfortunately not written down \u2013 would have been linked to famous charms like\nthe aforementioned Longinus, as I suggested above. As a way of reimagining the lost music of\ncharms, then, a good starting point is the corpus of surviving chant melodies. The following\n\u201cAsperges me\u201d from the thirteenth century is representative of the chants sung at mass.\nIn the medieval liturgy, the \u201cAsperges\u201d was sung after the celebrants\u2019 entrance at mass,\nduring the sprinkling of holy water over altars and people using a special sprinkler called\nthe aspergillum. The melody of the thirteenth-century \u201cAsperges me\u201d shown here has an\nalmost speech-like or recitative quality, moving mostly stepwise within the confines of a\n372\n\nPages 392:\nMusic\nFigure 27.1 \u201c\u0007 Asperges me\u201d from the thirteenth century.\nstandard E mode (Figure 27.1).12 It includes occasional melismatic flashes, syllables sung\nover more than one note. This melody is only slightly more ornate than the majority of the\nmusic sung at mass and office, the recitation of psalms. The one hundred and fifty psalms\nsung daily in religious communities throughout Europe made use of even more straightforward melodies than this one, tunes that consisted of little more than one pitch, repeated\nrapidly in order to get through a maximum of text as quickly as possible. Possibly the use\nof water in this context made it especially relevant to unorthodox rituals not performed in\nchurch where the sprinkling of water regularly occurred. In fact, the source of this particular \u201cAsperges me,\u201d the satirical romance Renart le nouvel starring the devilish Renart and the\nass-priest Timer, hints at the many non-liturgical uses to which this and other chants were\nput. The melody occurs at the point in the romance when Renart briefly repents of his wily\nways in order to avoid dying in a storm at sea. Chanting the \u201cAsperges,\u201d a priest sprinkles\nthe ship, the storm passes, and Renart returns to his sly self.13 With this musical example,\nwe find ourselves in territory that is not only liturgical, then, but clearly related to popular\nmagical practices.\nIn learned medieval Latin lexicography, the porous border between magical and liturgical\nsong can be seen in the small difference \u2013 two letters \u2013 between the two verbs canere and cantare.\nOn the one hand, the two are generally differentiated by the texts in which they occur. The\nverb canere is generally found in texts describing or related to the official Christian liturgy; the\nderived nouns precentor and cantor refer to the singer of Christian chants. Cantare seems to have\nbeen reserved by churchmen for illicit or magical contexts, with the related noun incantator denoting the nemesis of the liturgical cantor.14 On the other hand, the two verbs canere and cantare\nare not so different. Fundamentally, they both refer to the same activity: \u201cto sing.\u201d Furthermore, both canere and cantare refer to similar types of singing, similar enough to be confused.\nThe overlap between these songs, between liturgical and magical song, between the licit cantus\n(from canere) and the illicit cantatio (from cantare) or carmen, was enough of an issue for the famous\nencyclopaedist Isidore of Seville to raise it in his Differentiae. \u201cCantare,\u201d he writes, \u201cmeans to\nresound with voices or with a clamor, whereas canere can sometimes mean \u2018to sing sweetly,\u2019 at\nother times to predict, that is, to foretell the future\u201d (\u201cInter cantare et canere: cantare tantum\nvocibus vel clamore insonare est, canere autem interdum modulari, interdum vaticinari, id\nest, futura praedicere\u201d).15 In the end, canere and cantare were not so different after all, despite\nthe attempts of certain churchmen \u2013 notably the authors of the penitentials discussed below \u2013\nto distinguish the two. As Isidore implies, singing was as important an activity to divination\n(one of the most common forms of magic) as it was to the observance of the Christian liturgy.\nMost importantly, both canere and cantare carry the connotation of singing as a powerful, even\nlife-altering phenomenon. They are ultimately rooted in the same historical \u2013 pre-medieval or\nancient \u2013 phenomenon, namely the use of song to enhance the power of words, verba. The basic\nmusicality of medieval charms is evident in the Latin word carmen, meaning both a song and\n373\n\nPages 393:\nJohn Haines\na charm.16 Carmina were verba, but not just verba in our musically deprived modern sense. The\nspecial force of these medieval verba, whether in liturgy or magic, came from the fact that they\nwere sung. Because this medieval notion of singing as a powerful force is so foreign to modern\nnotions of song, it cannot be stressed enough that singing, in the medieval view, was a spiritual\nphenomenon as much as it was a natural one. Song was indispensable to the human interaction\nwith the angelic and demonic supernatural beings whose existence few questioned in the Middle Ages. Song\u2019s supernatural power was needed not only in magic rituals but also at the heart\nof the liturgy. In the second book of the most famous liturgical treatise from the Middle Ages,\nthe monumental Rationale divinorum officiorum, William Durandus warns the celebrant at mass to\nbe constantly on guard against the devil and his demons. Of all the liturgical celebrants, it is the\ncantor, Durandus notes, who, holding his priestly staff (crosier) like Moses his rod, is best able to\nrepulse demons thanks to his powerful song.17 The medieval theme of song as a powerful force\noccurs in a remarkable passage from William of Auvergne\u2019s treatise On Faith and Laws, in his\ndiscussion of popular incantations.\nThe sound or sonority [of an incantation] would not be able to harm its hearers\nwere it not for its loudness and volume, on account of which this song is like the\nbreaking of thunder and the roaring of a lion; those who hear it, whether humans\nor animals, are deathly afraid and can even die.\nWilliam goes on to link the power of this song to affect many human emotions, from extreme\njoy to great sadness.18\nIn what follows, I briefly consider the relationship of music and magic in two separate\nspheres.19 I begin with popular magic, that is magic practised by the majority of people in\nthe Middle Ages. The second section looks at the musical aspects of magic practised by the\nlearned few whose writings are well attested. I have used the labels \u201cmusica practica\u201d and\n\u201cmusica speculativa\u201d common in medieval music theory, to distinguish these two areas of\nmusico-magical study. The medieval learned speculative tradition in music was famously\nformulated by Boethius in the twenty-third chapter of his famous treatise, the chapter devoted to \u201cwhat a musician should be\u201d (\u201cQuid sit musicus\u201d), as its title states. The true musician (vero musicus), as Boethius saw it, was not a practitioner of music nor of the \u201cscience\nof singing\u201d (canendi scientiam), but rather the one who submitted the practice of music to the\n\u201cempire of reflection\u201d (imperio speculationis adsumpsit).20 For Boethius, this meant following\nthe Greek tradition of breaking down the modes and intervals of music into numbers, an\nactivity that takes up the better part of the six books of De musica.\nMusica practica\nIf the study of medieval magic today is missing the perspective of music, as mentioned\nabove, the general historiography of medieval music is equally in need of the perspective of\nmagic. For most of us today, the idea of music of the Middle Ages is one of \u201ccenturies of\nmonkish dullness,\u201d to cite Henry Fielding.21 From current historiography, one still gets the\nimpression that the vast majority of musical sounds made in the Middle Ages occurred under\nthe official supervision of the Church, from the pilgrimage chorus to the great responsory\nsung before the reading of the Gospel at mass.22 This modern assumption of a medieval musical sound world dominated by Latin chant owes in part to the fact that the vast majority of\nextant sources with music notation were copied by churchmen for use in church.23 But if we\n374\n\nPages 394:\nMusic\nwish to study the whole of medieval music making rather than just the Latin liturgy, we must\ntake into account a host of workaday music such as dance songs, even though no notated\nspecimens of these survive. This change of perspective from select masterworks of church\nand court to music in cultural contexts for both work (labor) and entertainment or edification\n(aedificatio) has direct implications for the study of magic, for it opens the door to an entirely\nnew cast of performers and repertoires neglected until now.24\nThe key question is where to find information on this lost music, especially since the\nofficial documents of the Christian church from the Carolingians onwards have become\nthe main pillars of music history since the nineteenth century. As I discussed a few years\nago, the mythography of what Anna Maria Busse Berger has called the \u201cdead white male\ncomposer\u201d has followed a predictable narrative for medieval music: first and mostly chant\n(starting with Pope Gregory), then vernacular song (starting with Guilhem of Aquitaine\nand the troubadours) followed by a sprinkling of instrumental music (parenthetical since\nit is anonymous), the entire narrative culminating in the perfection of polyphony (starting\nwith Leonin and Perotin) that leads directly to cherished modern masterworks by the likes\nof Bach and Beethoven.25 If we are to move beyond this wearisome narrative and arrive at\nsome approximation of the bigger picture for medieval music, at a more ethnographic perspective of medieval musical sound, then we must begin with a host of thinly documented\nindividuals whose music was never considered great enough to be written down by medieval codifiers. Here, Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s notion of a \u201cclerical underworld,\u201d well known to\nhistorians of magic, may serve as a useful starting point. In the now classic passage from his\nMagic in the Middle Ages (1989), Kieckhefer argued that many who practised necromancy in\nthe Middle Ages were clerics \u2013 both monks and priests, both those lapsed and those active in\nthe Church. The proofs for this, Kieckhefer argued, are found in the surviving evidence for\nmedieval necromancy, from the clericus routinely condemned in canon law for necromancy\nto the paraphrases of Christian prayers found in late medieval necromantic adjurations.26\nWhere to obtain information on the music of this clerical underworld, not to mention the\nmany non-clerical individuals, women especially, who performed magic rituals of one kind\nor another throughout the Middle Ages? The study of magic in the last half-century has\npointed musicology in the right direction, for this work has concerned itself with neglected\nsources. Special credit for inaugurating this approach should be given to Dieter Harmening and his landmark 1979 book Superstitio. In an attempt to assemble a corpus of medieval \u201csuperstitious literature\u201d (Aberglaubensliteratur) and related practices, Harmening drew\nwidely on a heterogeneous and still little-studied literature consisting mainly of homilies,\ncanon law collections and penitentials.27 Throughout Superstitio, the musical implications\nof Harmening\u2019s precious spadework are clear, notably in the recurring nouns incantator and\npr\u00e6cantator used in these sources to describe individuals whose activities ranged from healing\nto necromancy, as well as the nouns incantatio and pr\u00e6cantatatio, the songs these individuals\nperformed. Harmening singled out the incantatio as the canonical \u201cmagical song\u201d (Zauberlied) and surmises that their musical and recitative qualities resembled liturgical song.28\nFor the future study of the \u201cmusica practica\u201d or everyday music of magic, the sources first\nconsulted by Harmening will prove indispensable. They range from chronicles to penitentials, the latter a vast but nearly untapped source by music historians. As initially explored in\nmy 2010 book Medieval Song in Romance Languages, the penitential literature especially shows\ngreat potential to be mined for musical information on a range of popular practices deemed\nsuperstitious by the Church. As discussed in the present volume\u2019s chapter by \u00adKathleen\nKamerick, there are numerous problems with the evidence of and the related canon law\n375\n\nPages 395:\nJohn Haines\ncollections, especially the question of whether or not an earlier condemnation literally cited\nby a later source refers to rituals still being practised.29 Equally problematic for music, as\nI first pointed out in Medieval Song in Romance Languages, is the highly negative language of\nmedieval condemnations that unfortunately convey our only portrait of a host of quotidian\npractices and rituals. To avoid falling into the same thinking on these practices as the acerbic\nmedieval churchmen that harangued them, it is important to mentally convert their negative\nwording into a more positive one, a wording more representative of the views of these rituals\u2019\nparticipants. To reiterate this point here, I will briefly repeat a simple exercise of \u201cconverting\u201d a condemnation used in my earlier book. Here is the original condemnation from the\nCouncil of Arles (524), subsequently repeated by Regino of Pr\u00fcm and Burchard of Worms.30\nLaypersons who observe funeral vigils should do so with reverence, fear and trembling. Those attending should not allow themselves to sing diabolical songs, nor to\nperform games or dances that the pagans devised through the teaching of the devil.\n(Laici qui excubias funeris observant, cum timore et tremore et reverentia hoc faciant. Nullus ibi prasumat diabolica carmina cantare, non joca et saltationes facere,\nquae pagani diabolo docente adinvenerunt.)\nThe terminology here is significant: diabolica carmina, a standard expression in penitentials,\nto describe popular songs or charms of different kinds, and the verb cantare specifying these\ncharms or songs as a musical activity that was furthermore accompanied by energetic dancing ( joca et saltationes). If we rephrase the entire decree using a more neutral language, the\nsame event can be seen and heard quite differently:\nLaypersons who observe funeral vigils should do so with openness, anticipation and\njoy. Those attending should sing spirited songs and perform traditional games or\ndances.\nIn this new phrasing, trembling and reverence become anticipation and joy, and diabolical\nsongs become spirited songs. Certainly, this is a hypothetical and possibly dubious reimagining\nof the sixth-century decree. Nevertheless, the exercise is worthwhile, since it allows us to briefly\nsee, not only how dramatically a few small changes can change our own view of the same\nmedieval event, but also, in looking back at the original condemnation, how easy it is to adopt,\neven subliminally, the negative view found in the endless tirades of churchmen whose ecclesiastical condemnations are unfortunately the only surviving witnesses to these musical practices.\nGiven the near complete musicological neglect of such sources as penitentials, their study\nuntil now as focused on the magical use of \u201cwords\u201d (verba) as literary things, or words on a\npage. Again, the musical aspect of the powerful enunciation of these verba cannot be stressed\nenough. Credit should be given to a few historians, such as Edina Bozoky and B\u00e9atrice\nDelaurenti, who have mentioned the \u201csonorous effects\u201d of charms and the \u201cimportance\nof the musical element\u201d to the incantation.31 In her 2007 published doctoral dissertation,\nDelaurenti singled out an important passage from Nicole Oresme\u2019s treatise on geometry\nwhere the learned man describes the performance sound of incantations. Oresme not only\nrelates the histrionics of the performance (the performer appearing as if he is \u201cdisturbed\nmentally\u201d) but also vocal techniques, such as how singers \u201cmurmur some sounds that are\ndistorted with some strange unaccustomed deformity \u2026 dissimilar to the ordinary human\nvoice.\u201d32 This is unfortunately a late and single witness to the performance of incantations.\n376\n\nPages 396:\nMusic\nStill, it allows us to begin hearing (as a sight-centred academic, I was about to say \u201cseeing\u201d\nor \u201cenvisioning\u201d) the musical performance of medieval incantations which must have been\nimpressive and sometimes even spectacular.\nFrom the literature of penitentials and other relevant sources ranging from chronicles\nto sermons, some contexts emerge for everyday musico-magical activities in the Middle\nAges that are in need of deeper study with respect to their sounds: necromancy, healing,\nnon-necromantic means of divination and weather altering ceremonies. The one most often\ncondemned by churchmen is necromancy, whose primary tool, following the famous definition by Isidore of Seville, was song: the pr\u00e6cantatio (\u201cNecromantici sunt quorum pr\u00e6cantationibus videntur resuscitati mortui divinare et ad interrogata respondere\u201d).33 Concerning\nthe power of song to heal, Roger Bacon cites the words of Avicenna:\nOf all health exercises, singing is the best, for not only does it rejoice the soul but it\ncomforts the entire body by relieving the spirit \u2026 [it] distends all of the nerves and\nveins in the body, and in this way malicious vapors are exhaled and subtle inspirations of air are restored.34\nThe \u201cpower of song\u201d (cantus vigor), as Avicenna calls it, is also obtained for a variety of divination rituals regularly practised by medieval people. The close relation between divination\nand song noted earlier in Isidore\u2019s double definition of canere and cantare is emphasized by\nJohn of Salisbury in the first book of his Policraticus devoted to music and magic, two fields he\nsees as being closely related. The incomparable force (vis) of song, writes John, comes from\nits possessing \u201csomething at once human, divine and prophetic (phitonicus).\u201d35 As for specialists of weather-altering magic, their singing art is well attested, as in one condemnation by\nBurchard of Worms, who writes that the special type of weather-changing incantator, called\nimmissor, can move storms with his incantations.36\nIn conclusion to this section, the literature of penitentials makes clear that music did\nnot necessarily always accompany these various rituals, but that when it did, it conferred\nspecial force to them. Penitentials sometimes distinguish between a ritual performed with\nan incantation (cum incantatione) \u2013 in other words a ritual where singing (cantare) occurs \u2013 and\none without singing (sine incantatione). In the Penitential of Silos, for example, we read that if\na sick man bathes under a mill with an incantation, he must do penitence for a year; but if\nhe does so without incanting, he will suffer a penitence of only forty days.37 This is phrased\nnegatively, as we have come to expect from the haughty ecclesiastical perspective, but the\nimplication behind these words for those women and men who performed such rituals on\na daily basis and often in desperate, life-or-death conditions, is that the music of a healing\nritual was indispensable to this ritual\u2019s efficacy.\nMusica speculativa\nAs with practical music, the study of medieval magic in the realm of \u201cspecula\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 382 to page 396 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=375\nPages: 375\ntext becomes a place where ideas, beliefs, wishes, fears and imaginings intersect, a site of\ncultural exploration and innovation. Magic in medieval romance is most of all associated\nwith bodies: with physical influences that heal or harm, shift shape or place. Yet, for all its\nbodiliness, the affective power of magic also opens onto the mind and questions of sin and\nvirtue, intention and identity.\nHealing and harmful knowledge\nMedieval literature must be placed in the context of the thought world of the later Middle\nAges, with its complex blend of ideas stretching back through classical and Judaeo-Christian\nas well as Germanic and Celtic belief and ritual. The long history of magic, its place in natural philosophy and medicine, its use of the cosmic powers contained in plants and stones\nand its connections with demons and the natural world were all fundamental to medieval\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=150\nPages: 150\nthe context of medieval learned magic. Power resides in the word of God itself \u2013 and that\npower is recognized by pagan magicians, even if they do not fully understand the implications of their knowledge. The saga suggests a view of magic as inappropriate knowledge\nof secrets of God, and as the use of God\u2019s word for base purposes of self-aggrandizement.\nManann\u00e1n\u2019s theological knowledge and yet absence of belief contrasts with the spiritual\ntrajectory of the woman Eithne, who knows nothing of Christianity to begin with but is\ntransformed by interior grace; the tale emerges as a subtle theological parallel in which\nmagic is envisioned as a force ultimately deriving its power from God, but inevitably perverting and perverse when used by lesser beings.\nMagic in medieval Welsh literature\nIn Wales too, literary magic was a phenomenon imagined to have belonged to the past.\nCertainly it plays a part in the Arthurian milieu of Culhwch ac Olwen \u2013 the earliest Arthurian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=374\nPages: 374,375\nalways been drawn between different disciplines or different periods and places, as Michael D.\nBailey argues in his introduction to the inaugural issue of Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft.4\nThis lack of connections has, on the whole, been true of literary studies. Critics have explored aspects of magic in a variety of imaginative texts, identifying its prominent role within\nthe romance genre and exploring its literary function, most often in relation to ideas of the\nmarvellous, the supernatural or \u201cfairy\u201d, and the motifs of quest and adventure. \u00adMichelle\nSweeney\u2019s Magic in Medieval Romance from Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes to Chaucer discusses magic as a literary topic that illuminates social and spiritual situations and character motivations, often\nin relation to testing morality and probing ambiguity. While Sweeney draws attention to the\n355\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\ncultural importance of magic in the medieval period, her study is largely devoted to close]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=375\nPages: 375\nand Spenser, witches figure as wicked stepmothers, loathly ladies, temptresses and hags.\nBy contrast to previous literary studies, my aim in Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval\nEnglish Romance was to connect romance writing with the rich and complex cultural history\nof magic and ideas of the supernatural. Magic may be seen as a powerful \u201cromance meme\u201d\nof the kind identified by Helen Cooper in The English Romance in Time, a motif that recurs\nacross the Middle Ages and Renaissance, treated with cultural specificity and in variously\noriginal ways, but also dependent for effect on its familiarity to audiences and on its generic and literary associations.8 Magic is, however, much more than fantasy: it interweaves\nwith medicine and ideas of natural philosophy, and with a sense of the marvellous that is\nnot just fairytale but intimately connected with the Christian worldview. The romance\ntext becomes a place where ideas, beliefs, wishes, fears and imaginings intersect, a site of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=26\nPages: 26,27\n7\nS o p h i e Pa g e a n d C at h e r i n e R i d e r\npublished by G. R. Owst in 1957 considered magic in medieval English sermons)37 but\nrecent scholarship has investigated this material in far greater depth.\nLooking across these different forms of ecclesiastical text, we now have a much more\ndiverse view of medieval churchmen and their attitude to magic. Authors of canon law\ntexts, pastoral care literature and treatises on superstition were always influenced by a core\nof authoritative texts and ideas but within these general parameters there was a considerable amount of variation. Authors differed as to which practices they discussed, with some\ndescribing activities they claimed happened in their own regions. We can also see varying\nlevels of concern. Much of the confession and preaching literature of medieval England, for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=384\nPages: 384,385\nin making sense of experience.25 Lea Olsan\u2019s essay on medieval literature, for example,\ndraws interesting connections between enchantment, delusion and necromancy, comparing\nliterary representations of enchantment with those in magical handbooks.\nThe subject of magic in medieval literature and culture, with its deep connections to\nmedicine, body, mind and emotions speaks in particular to the growing interdisciplinary\n365\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\nfield of the medical humanities, which brings medicine into dialogue with the humanities,\nwith a view both to enriching the humanities and extending biomedical approaches. As\nresearchers at the Institute for Medical Humanities at Durham University have argued,\na properly critical medical humanities is also a historically grounded medical humanities:\nliterary texts provide crucial insights into cultural and intellectual attitudes, human experience and creativity.26 Reading from a medical humanities perspective means putting]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=376\nPages: 376,375\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may\nbroadly be termed white and black magic: both concerned with influencing the body, the\nformer often connected with the desire to heal, the latter with the desire to harm.\nWriters such as Chaucer (writing in the later fourteenth century) were certainly aware\nof the history of magic.10 Chaucer\u2019s works, as Alexander Gabrovsky has recently shown,\nwere shaped by his sophisticated knowledge of scientific theory.11 A familiarity with alchemy,\n356\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nphysics, astronomy and medicine, the interconnected disciplines central to learned understandings of magic, is evident across Chaucer\u2019s writings. His depiction in the General Prologue\nto The Canterbury Tales of the \u201cDoctour of Phisik\u201d, a pilgrim perhaps more interested in gold\nthan God, is characteristic in its representation of the physician as a practitioner of natural]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\nThe greatest literary depictions of enchantment \u2013 the prose Four Branches of the Mabinogi and\nthe \u201clegendary poems\u201d in the voice of the \u00fcber-bard Taliesin \u2013 probably date to the period\nbetween 1100 and 1225. Once again these have come down to us in later manuscripts,\nthe most important of which date to the fourteenth century. In the case of both Wales and\n\u00adIreland, therefore, any discussion of \u201clate medieval magic\u201d must really turn on the manner\nin which earlier \u2013 sometimes much earlier \u2013 material was received, remembered and revised.\nHistorical magical practices in Wales and Ireland\nMy focus below is on magic in literary narrative, but first something must be said about our\nknowledge of historical magic in the regions under discussion. Richard Kieckhefer has emphasized that medieval magic is a \u201ccrossing-point\u201d between fiction and reality, and cautions\nagainst artificially separating the magic of literature from the magical activities that medieval\npeople actually undertook.3]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=387\nPages: 387\n4 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Meanings of Magic,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 1, no. 1 (2006): 1.\n5 Michelle Sweeney, Magic in Medieval Romance from Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes to Geoffrey Chaucer (Dublin: Four\nCourts, 2000).\n6 Geraldine Heng, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York:\n\u00adColumbia University Press, 2003).\n7 Heidi Breuer, Crafting the Witch: Gendering Magic in Medieval and Early Modern England, Studies in\n\u00adMedieval History and Culture (New York: Routledge, 2009), 10.\n8 Helen Cooper, The English Romance in Time: Transforming Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death\nof Shakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).\n9 On the boundaries between natural and supernatural, the range of beliefs available, connections\nwith magic and the complex relationship between imagination and reality, see Robert Bartlett\u2019s\nstudy, The Natural and the Supernatural in the Middle Ages: The Wiles Lectures given at the Queen\u2019s University of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=365\nPages: 365\nmedieval \u201cecclesiastical\u201d writing on magic was not monolithic and instead encompassed a\nwide range of authors and genres. \u201cEcclesiastical\u201d texts ranged from detailed, scholastic treatises like the Malleus Maleficarum or one of its key sources, Thomas Aquinas\u2019s Summa Theologiae,\nto the simpler sermons and treatises on sin and confession which were designed to educate\nthe clergy and laity and which are discussed in detail in Kathleen Kamerick\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume. This large body of texts, written across Europe, over several centuries, and across\nmany genres, did not offer a single view of magic and its practitioners. There were some\ncommon themes: for example, drawing on St Augustine, most clergy associated magic with\ndemons and condemned it. Nevertheless, they varied in their details and emphases. Work by\nMichael Bailey, Kathleen Kamerick and Alain Boureau, as well as my own work, has therefore sought to explore the range of clerical views of magic and the debates that took place]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=350\nPages: 350\nMagic is an essential component of courtly romances and court culture from the Central\nMiddle Ages to the Renaissance. It appears particularly in the Arthurian literature and\nthe \u201cantique romances\u201d of 1150\u201370, especially in the Roman d\u2019Alexandre and in Beno\u00eet de\nSainte-Maure\u2019s Roman de Troie. Beno\u00eet, a tourangeau cleric who was probably in the service\nof King Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine, defines himself in his Roman as devin (diviner,\nsoothsayer). Although it applies to the field of romantic fiction, this identification encourages\nDavid Rollo to speak of a translatio nigromantiae parallel to the translatio studii and contemporary\nwith the construction of the myth of Toledo as a capital of magic.1 Indeed, the affirmation of\ncourtly magic corresponds to an imaginary appropriation process that forms the basis of the\nsuperiority of the clerical litterati, that is mastery of the Latin language and its grammar. It is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=145\nPages: 145\nthe late Middle Ages is an open question.18\nLiterary magic in medieval Irish literature\nWhy is there such a gulf between sparsely attested historical magic and richly evidenced literary magic? (By \u201cliterary magic\u201d, I mean explicit instances of spells and enchantment, not\na non-specific atmosphere of the marvellous, miraculous or supernatural.) The crucial factor\nis that literary magic in the Celtic world is usually set in the past, never in the contemporary\nmedieval world. We might contrast Middle English romance: Havelok the Dane, for example,\nwas written c.1290 and is set in the Anglo-Danish world of three hundred or so years before. In Irish terms, this would be a very piddling time-depth, for by the turn of the twelfth\ncentury, the island\u2019s men of learning had woven an intricate web of story which detailed\nthe native past all the way back to the time of Noah. Magic \u2013 meaning transformations of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=397\nPages: 397\nAs Godwin pointed out three decades ago, several medieval music writers showed a\ndeep interest in magic. One does not have to wait for the musings of Marsilio Ficino in the\nlate fifteenth century to find an intense scholarly interest in magic, and specifically in the\nsupernatural power of song.42 In his indispensable Music, Mysticism and Magic: A Sourcebook\n(1987), Godwin cites and discusses medieval writers from Martianus Capella to Henry\nSuso.43 The idea, prevalent from Frances Yates onwards and evident for music in the work\nof D.P. Walker and Gary Tomlinson, that learned writing on magic had to be revived in\nthe Renaissance is no longer credible half a century after the publication of Walker\u2019s first\nbook.44 A florescence of scholarly work on magic since that time has made clear that magic\nwas alive and well in the Middle Ages and that furthermore, as Frank Klaassen has recently\nemphasized, Renaissance writers were continuing a well-established conversation on magic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=387\nPages: 387\nKieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, Canto ed.,\n2000); and Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch and the Law, The Middle Ages Series (\u00adPhiladelphia:\nUniversity of Pennsylvania Press, 1978).\n3 The series Witchcraft and Magic in Europe includes many other important works. See especially\nKaren Jolly, Catharina Raudvere and Edward Peters, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages\n(2001; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). On Anglo-Saxon England, see Karen\nJolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of North\nCarolina Press, 1996) and Alaric Hall, Elves in Anglo-Saxon England: Matters of Belief, Health, Gender and\nIdentity (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1997); on the twelfth century, see C.S. Watkins, History and the\nSupernatural in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); on later medieval]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\non conjuring and illusion, and Catherine Rider\u2019s chapter on magic and gender (a topic that\nhas received more systematic attention from early modernists than from medievalists). The\nfinal chapters in this section explore the relationship between magic and other media and\ndisciplines: visual and material sources for magic; magic in medieval literature; and the role\nof music in magic rituals. These chapters are intended on the one hand to highlight sources\nthat have been underexploited by scholars and on the other to bring expertise from other\ndisciplines to bear on the history of magic.\nThe final section of the book surveys the key ways in which medieval writers \u2013 often,\nbut not always, clergy \u2013 tried to categorize magic and discourage people from practising it.\nThe sources left by condemnations and trials provide much of the surviving evidence for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28\nto current understandings of medieval magic and complicate our view of it: \u201cWhere does\nmagical power come from? What are the imaginative conventions which govern its representation? What are the range of attitudes to its use, and how do they differ by genre?\u201d49\nOne of the aims of this volume is to set these analyses of diverse genres side by side so that\nnew connections can be revealed. The richly imagined vision of a pre-Christian world in\nmedieval Irish literature, with magical immortals and fantastic sequences of enchantment,\ncomplicates the Christian understanding of the cosmos in an appealing and provocative\nway that is comparable to the syncretic cosmological frameworks of learned magic texts.\nAnother example of similar connections being made in different genres is the close relationship between necromancy and natural magic, and of both to the theory and practice\nof medicine. This is discussed by Corinne Saunders in the context of medieval romance]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=390\nPages: 390\non medicine, gender, popular culture and pastoral literature), the majority of magic practised\nin the Middle Ages had a performative component. Thus, it included music of some kind,\nmusic ranging from elaborate polyphonic songs to recitations similar to the spoken word.\nUnfortunately, the majority of these rituals were neither described nor even recorded in\nwriting. For this reason, modern research on medieval magic has gravitated, not surprisingly,\ntowards the erudite works of the late Middle Ages, given the impressive surviving evidence\nranging from Solomonic literature to the works of Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, both featured in the present volume. Yet, even these learned magic works involved music of some kind, since a great\ndeal of music verges on spoken speech. As explained in a foundational medieval music treatise, Boethius\u2019s De musica, sung music ranged widely from melodic song (cantilena) to the prose]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=387\nPages: 387\nmedieval attitudes but also play creatively with possibilities for understanding the human\ncondition. There is much scope for further interdisciplinary research, in which past and\npresent speak to each other. The subject of magic, with its long cultural and intellectual\nhistory, its connections both with the supernatural and with the deepest human desires and\nfears, undoubtedly has a role to play.\nNotes\n1 Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance, Studies in Medieval Romance (Cambridge: D.\nS. Brewer, 2010).\n2 See Valerie I.J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), which\ntakes up the model of Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in\nSixteenth and Seventeenth Century England, 2nd ed. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977); Richard\nKieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, Canto ed.,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=388\nPages: 388\n25 The Unorthodox Imagination in Late Medieval Britain, ed. Sophie Page (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010). Lea T. Olsan\u2019s \u201cEnchantment in Medieval Literature,\u201d 166\u201392, is the only essay\nin the volume focused on literary texts.\n26 See further Corinne Saunders, \u201cVoices and Visions: Mind, Body and Affect in Medieval Writing,\u201d\nin The Edinburgh Companion to the Critical Medical Humanities, ed. Anne Whitehead, Angela Woods, Sarah Atkinson, Jane Macnaughton and Jennifer Richards (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,\n2016), 411\u201327, and further on the field of medical humanities, the introduction to this volume.\n27 See especially Doggett\u2019s introduction and conclusion, Love\u2019s Cures, 1\u201314 and 262\u201367.\n28 T.M. Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch\u2019s Craft: Ritual Magic in Contemporary England (Oxford:\n\u00adBlackwell, 1989).\n29 Edward Bever, The Realities of Witchcraft and Popular Magic in Early Modern Europe: Culture, Cognition,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=160\nPages: 160\ndebated results. Recent research has tended to underscore the tendentious character of how\nmagic is presented in these texts, which are literary productions of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, often treating topics from earlier eras.37\nVernacular Icelandic sagas and poetry, albeit by far the most renowned texts from the\nScandinavian Middle Ages, are by no means the only textual sources at our disposal as\nregards the question of magic in the medieval North \u2013 translations into the Nordic languages of foreign materials and Latin treatments of native traditions also provide important\nwindows. Thus, the process of turning large numbers of foreign texts, such as Legenda aurea,\nSeelentrost, and Historia de preliis Alexandri Magni, into various Nordic vernaculars, such as the\nOld Swedish Ett Forn-Svenskt Legendarium, Si\u00e6linna thr\u00f8st and Konung Alexander, often introduced alternative and evolving continental views of magic into Scandinavia.38 And local]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 397 to page 414 out of a total of 569:\nPages 397:\nJohn Haines\nquite the opposite. Certain writers have gone so far as to consider Godwin\u2019s work \u201cuseless\u201d\nand \u201cNew Age,\u201d labelling Godwin himself an \u201coccultist\u201d on an unscholarly quest for \u201cintrinsic truth.\u201d40 This is unfortunate, since for the future study of music and magic in the speculative tradition, Godwin\u2019s books remain an important chronological starting point as well\nas essential reading, especially as they are so far the only scholarly volumes on the subject.41\nAs Godwin pointed out three decades ago, several medieval music writers showed a\ndeep interest in magic. One does not have to wait for the musings of Marsilio Ficino in the\nlate fifteenth century to find an intense scholarly interest in magic, and specifically in the\nsupernatural power of song.42 In his indispensable Music, Mysticism and Magic: A Sourcebook\n(1987), Godwin cites and discusses medieval writers from Martianus Capella to Henry\nSuso.43 The idea, prevalent from Frances Yates onwards and evident for music in the work\nof D.P. Walker and Gary Tomlinson, that learned writing on magic had to be revived in\nthe Renaissance is no longer credible half a century after the publication of Walker\u2019s first\nbook.44 A florescence of scholarly work on magic since that time has made clear that magic\nwas alive and well in the Middle Ages and that furthermore, as Frank Klaassen has recently\nemphasized, Renaissance writers were continuing a well-established conversation on magic\nrather than starting it up again after a medieval hiatus.45 If Ficino discussed magical song,\nthen, it was because there already existed a substantial medieval tradition on it. Beyond\nthe medieval writers discussed by Godwin, one can cite, to name three of the most prominent ones, John of Salisbury, who moves seamlessly from a multi-chapter discussion on the\npower of song and its connection to celestial music, to a survey of magicians beginning with\nthe incantator; Adelard of Bath, who in his Conversations with His Nephew details the power of\nsong and Roger Bacon, who in his Opus Tertium, describes the marvellous physical effects of\nmusic and song to heal and alter the behaviour of humans and animals, a power (virtus) that\nRoger attributes to the music of the spheres and to music\u2019s deep antiquity (scientia arcana).46\nThe thinking of these writers as well as others in the Middle Ages on the question of magic\nand its relation to music has yet to be studied in a satisfactory way.\nFrom Boethius onwards, most learned men writing on music in the Middle Ages \u2013 and the\noccasional learned woman such as Hildegard of Bingen \u2013 take as axiomatic that song\u2019s power derives from the music of the spheres, the musica mundana. Here again, it bears repeating that there\nis no basis for the still commonly held assumption that the idea of a literal music of the spheres\nhad fallen out of favour by the late Middle Ages. Rather, it was alive and well for most learned\nmedieval writers, including all of those cited in the previous paragraph, Aristotle\u2019s scepticism notwithstanding.47 The reason for the importance of a literal belief in the musica mundana doctrine is\nthat learned medieval writers viewed this as the practical basis for most of their speculation. The\nfew writers who openly contradict Boethius\u2019s assertion that the spheres make musical harmony\nare forced to deny it quite vehemently, Johannes de Grocheio in the late thirteenth century being\na case in point. In a lengthy disputation-style format, Grocheio destroys Boethius\u2019s literal doctrine so that he can declare his allegiance to Aristotle by embracing the Philosopher\u2019s denial of a\nliteral celestial music.48 Yet, even Grocheio concedes that some heavenly music resounds, that of\nthe angels and archangels.49 Other Aristotle-loving writers such as Roger Bacon tactfully effect a\ncompromise, so vital was the idea of a literal spherical melos to them. Like the majority of medieval writers, Bacon believes in the literal music of the spheres but explains it in naturalistic terms.\nThe musica mundana sounds, Bacon maintains, on account of the friction between planets (duri cum\nduro) rather than because of their movements, which was the orthodox, Boethian explanation.50\nFor the future study of music and magic in the realm of \u201cmusica speculativa,\u201d it will\nbe useful to look at other theoretical concepts beyond the just discussed harmony of the\n378\n\nPages 398:\nMusic\nspheres. One of these is the doctrine of proprietas. On the heels of the New Aristotle and the\nscholarly habit of cataloguing the properties of all things, music writers in the thirteenth\ncentury take up the project of explaining the new graphic note shapes of measured notation in a novel terminology that synthesizes pseudo-Aristotelian with theological concepts.\nThus, in the late 1200s, musical notes and ligatures are parsed according to their varying\ndegrees of property ( proprietas) and perfection ( perfectio). As I pointed out a few years ago, the\nconcept of proprietas in these writings seems to pay a nod not only to Aristotle but also, more\nimportantly, to a time-honoured connection between the amulets (ligaturae) well known to\nmedieval people, which objects\u2019 \u201cproperties\u201d ( proprietates) were indispensable to their efficacy. Equally indispensable to the working of ligatures was, as noted above in the section\non \u201cmusica practica,\u201d song, and specifically the music of incantations. 51\nAnother useful approach to getting at the broader perspective of medieval music writers\nis via the codicological context of their texts. The texts that medieval editors of manuscript\nanthologies chose to bring together can tell us something about how they viewed individual\nworks such as Anonymous IV\u2019s famous treatise or individual authorities such as Boethius.\nThis may help move us away from an older formalist view of works and authors to a broader\nview of these men and their works as the sum total of their medieval readers\u2019 interpretations. In an essay published a few years ago, I looked at a few manuscripts with this in\nmind.52 One, a collection used at the abbey of Saint Martial (Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale\nde France, fonds latin 3713), makes clear that monastic activities ranged widely, from esoteric writing and superstitious rituals to the music of the monochord found in Pseudo-Odo\u2019s\nDialogue on Music. Another, compiled for the monks at Bury St. Edmunds (London, British\nLibrary, Royal 12 C VI), contains various works on writing, including a quirky offshoot\nof the Ars notoria and the musical treatise by Anonymous IV.53 Such an approach, centred\non the transmission of texts, can be useful for the further study of music and magic in the\nMiddle Ages.\nTo conclude this section on \u201cmusica speculativa,\u201d I should mention a phenomenon related to the speculative tradition of music, music writing, since writing was the province of\nthe medieval \u201cone percent.\u201d The notae of music need not always be approached in a modern\nliteralist fashion. Notae were also, as medieval music writers regularly remind us, temporal\nfigurae of things eternal. This seems to have played out in a variety of ways. As I have suggested in an essay devoted to late medieval ligatures as esoteric writing, the basic shapes\nand even names of musical notes carried an important symbolism, beginning with the\nbasic \u201cneume\u201d or pneuma (Spirit) which was drawn as a punctus, the point being a universal\nsymbol for the Divine Being.54 In certain Spanish documents from the tenth to the twelfth\ncenturies, musical notae were also used as cryptography. The example shown here, spelling\nout \u201cDidacus notuit\u201d (\u201cDidacus wrote this\u201d), combines neumes resembling letters with less\nobvious shapes. Here again, as with most of the areas covered in this chapter, the surviving\ndocumentation has received precious little study (Figure 27.2).55\nFigure 27.2 \u0007Cryptography using neumes: \u201cDidacus notuit\u201d.\n379\n\nPages 399:\nJohn Haines\nNotes\n1 Jules Combarieu, La musique et la magie: \u00c9tude sur les origines populaires de l\u2019art musical, son influence, et sa\nfonction dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s (Paris: Alphonse Picard), 108\u201313, 244\u201345, 304\u201310 and 336\u201337. However,\nover the last few years, I have published on the subject a few essays that are cited in the footnotes\nof the present chapter.\n2 Anicii Manlii Torquati Severini Boetii De institutione arithmetica libri duo, De institutione musica libri quinque, ed.\nGottfried Friedlein (Leipzig: Teubner, 1867), 199, lines 13\u201318.\n3 Timothy McGee, The Sound of Medieval Song (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998).\n4 McGee, Sound of Medieval Song, 42.\n5 Text from Lea Olsan, \u201cThe Corpus of Charms in the Middle English Leechcraft Remedy Books,\u201d\nin Charms, Charmers and Charming: International Research on Verbal Magic, ed. Jonathan Roper (New\nYork: Palgrave, 2009), 218.\n6 Wolfgang Irtenkauf, \u201cDer Computus Ecclesiasticus in der Einstimmigkeit des Mittelalters,\u201d Archiv\nf\u00fcr Musikwissenschaft 14 (1957): 1\u201315.\n7 Olsan, \u201cCorpus of Charms,\u201d 219.\n8 Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, vol. 3, ed. Jean Nicolas (Parma: Petrus Fiaccadorus, 1853), 354:\n\u201cSimiliter etiam videtur esse cavendum, si contineat ignota nomina, ne sub illis aliquid illicitum\nlateat \u2026 nisi tantum cum symbolo divino, aut Dominica oratione,\u201d here citing Gratian\u2019s decrees.\n9 Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Earliest Chiromancy in the West,\u201d in Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages,\nX, ed. Burnett (London: Variorum, 1996), 189\u201397.\n10 M.R. James, Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge: A Descriptive Catalogue, vol. 1\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1901), 406.\n11 John Haines, \u201cLe praecantator et l\u2019art du verbe,\u201d in Les noces de philologie et musicologie : Textes et\nmusique du Moyen \u00c2ge, ed. Christelle Cazaux-Kowalski, Christelle Chaillou-Amadieu, Anne-Zo\u00e9\n\u00adRillon-Marne and Fabio Zinelli (Paris: \u00c9cole Pratique des Hautes \u00c9tudes, 2018), 448\u2013464.\n12 This same melody is given without commentary in John Haines, \u201cWhy Music and Magic in the\nMiddle Ages?\u201d in Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 5 (2010), 168. It is taken from Haines, Satire in the Songs\nof Renart le nouvel, Publications romanes et fran\u00e7aises 247 (Geneva: Droz, 2010), 266.\n13 Haines, Satire in the Songs, 47.\n14 On the medieval cantor, see Margot Fassler, \u201cThe Office of the Cantor in Early Western Monastic\nRules and Customaries: A Preliminary Investigation,\u201d Early Music History 5 (1985), 29\u201351. On the\nincantator, see below.\n15 Isidore cited in Wilibald Gurlitt, \u201cZur Bedeutungsgeschichte von musicus und cantor bei Isidor von\nSevilla,\u201d Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen\nKlasse, 7 (1950): 554.\n16 This point made in Edina Bozoky, Charmes et pri\u00e8res apotropa\u00efques, Typologie des Sources du Moyen\n\u00c2ge Occidental 86 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 34\u201336, among other places.\n17 William Durandus, \u201cGuillelmi Duranti Rationale divinorum officiorum I-IV,\u201d ed. A. Davril et T.M. Thibodeau, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis 140 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), 147: \u201ccantores tenent baculos [\u2026] significantes qui quod [\u2026] indigent contra demones.\u201d\n18 William of Auvergne, De fide et legibus in Opera omnia, vol. 1 (1674; Frankfort: Minerva, 1963), 90:\nSonus enim, sive sonatio non potest nocere audientibus, nisi per vehementiam acuminis sui,\naut per magnitudinem suam, per quam est interdum terrificus, sicut fragor tonitrui, sicut\nrigitus leonis; unde etiam per terrorem seu timorem possibile est mori audientes, vel homines\nvel alia animalia. Manifestum est passiones animarum vehementia sua mortem posse inferre\npatienti, et hoc apud vulgus famosum est, videlicet nimio ardore, et odio nimio, dolore, et\ngaudio, nimia ira, nimiaque tristitia interdum moti homines, et etiam canes nimia tristitia de\nmorte dominorum suorum multotiens mortuos esse audire potuisti; nimio vero acumine vocis,\nvel soni potest mors accidere, ex vehementi enim concussione, sive percussione ossis petrosi,\nin quod fit auditus, potest tanta perturbatio fieri in interioribus capitis, ut mortem inducat.\n19 I used a similar division in Haines, \u201cWhy Music and Magic,\u201d 149\u201372 and again in John Haines,\n\u201cLa sapience secr\u00e8te et le r\u00eave r\u00e9v\u00e9lateur dans le trait\u00e9 Desiderio tuo, fili karissime,\u201d in Musique et\n\u00adlitt\u00e9rature au Moyen \u00c2ge, Cahiers de recherches m\u00e9di\u00e9vales et humanistes 26, ed. John Haines (Paris:\nGarnier, 2014), 91\u2013107.\n380\n\nPages 400:\nMusic\n20 Anicii Manlii Torquati Severini Boetii, ed. Friedlein, 224, lines 18\u201320.\n21 Henry Fielding, Tom Jones (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 67.\n22 E.g. Margot Fassler, Music in the Medieval West: Western Music in Context (New York: W.W. Norton,\n2014). Other examples are not hard to find; see Haines, \u201cWhy Music and Magic,\u201d 152\u201353.\n23 This point made in John Haines, Medieval Song in Romance Languages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 12\u201320.\n24 On this nomenclature, see John Haines, \u201cPerformance Before c. 1430: An Overview\u201d in\nThe \u00adCambridge History of Musical Performance, ed. Colin Lawson and Robin Stowell (Cambridge:\n\u00adCambridge University Press, 2012), 231\u201347.\n25 Haines, Medieval Song, 146\u201352.\n26 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003),\n153\u201356.\n27 Dieter Harmening, Superstitio. \u00dcberlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Unersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen\nAberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1979).\n28 Harmening, Superstitio, 221\u201322.\n29 Haines, Medieval Song, 5 and 55\u201357. Generally on pentientials, see Cyrille Vogel, Les Libri p\u00ad aenitentiales,\nTypologie des Sources du Moyen \u00c2ge Occidental 27 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978) and the chapter in\nthe present volume.\n30 Taken from Haines, Medieval Song, 38\u201339. The original sixth-century decree is printed in Domenico\nG. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, vol. 8 (Florence: Antonius Zatta, 1762), 630.\nRegino of Pr\u00fcm\u2019s Disciplina ecclesiastica in Patrologia latina, vol. 132, col. 266A; Burchard of Worms\u2019\nDecretum in Hartmut Hoffmann and Rudolf Pokorny, Das Dekret des Bischofs Burchard von Worms:\n\u00adTextstufen \u2013 Fr\u00fche Verbreitung \u2013 Vorlagen (Munich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1991), 217.\n31 Edina Bozoky, Charmes et pri\u00e8res apotropa\u00efques, Turnhout, 2003 (Typologie des Sources du Moyen \u00c2ge\nOccidental 86), 44 and B\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, La puissance des mots. \u00ab Virtus verborum \u00bb. D\u00e9bats doctrinaux\nsur le pouvoir des incantations au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 2007), 99.\n32 Delaurenti, La puissance des mots, 412\u201313 and 419; an English translation of this passage is found in\nJohn Haines, \u201cCase Study: Guillaume de Machaut: Ballade 34\u201d in The Cambridge History of Musical\n\u00adPerformance, ed. Colin Lawson and Robin Stowell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 284.\n33 Isidore of Seville, Isidori Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum libri XX, vol. 1, ed. W.M.\n\u00adLindsay (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988), 324, lines 24\u201326.\n34 Roger Bacon, Opus Tertium in Fr. Rogeri Bacon Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, vol. 1, ed. J.S. Brewer\n(Berlin: Kraus, 1965), 299:\nEt Avicenna primo Artis Medicinae docet quod, inter omnia exercitia sanitatis, cantare melius\nest; quia non solum animus hilarescit, ut totum corpus confortetur per mentis \u00adsolatium, sed\ncantus vigor omnes nervos et venas totius corporis distendit, ut vapores corrupti exhalentur,\net subtiles aeris inspirationes restaurentur.\n35 John of Salisbury, Policraticus I-IV, Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 118 (Turnhout:\nBrepols, 1993), 46\u201347: \u201cet vi sua corporum integram penetrat densitatem et quasi tactu quodam\nmovet animum \u2026 et nunc quidem humanum, nunc divinum, nunc et phitonicum gerit.\u201d\n36 H.J. Schmitz, Die Bussb\u00fccher und die Bussdisciplin der Kirche, vol. 2 (Mainz: Franz Kirchheim, 1883\u201398),\n425, no. 68: \u201cincantatores \u2026 qui se dicunt tempestatum immissores esse, possent per incantationem daemonum aut tempestates commovere.\u201d\n37 L. K\u00f6rntgen and F. Bezler, Paenitentialia Hispaniae, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 156A\n\u00ad(Brepols: Turnhout, 1998), 36: \u201cSi pro infirmitate sub moline balneaberit, cum incantatione I\nannum peniteat; sin autem XL dies peniteat.\u201d Cf. English translation in John McNeill and Helena\nGamer, Medieval Handbooks of Penance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 289.\n38 Discussed in Haines, \u201cMusic and Magic,\u201d 151\u201352.\n39 Discussed in Haines, \u201cLa sapience secr\u00e8te,\u201d 91\u201393.\n40 Here citing Laurence Wuidar, Musique et astrologie apr\u00e8s le Concile de Trente (Brussels: Belgisch \u00adHistorisch\nInstituut te Rome, 2008), 23, note 44 and Gary Tomlinson, Music in Renaissance Magic: Towards a\nHistoriography of Others (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 14\u201315.\n41 Most useful is Joscelyn Godwin, Music, Mysticism and Magic: A Sourcebook (London: Routledge and\nKegan Paul, 1987). See also Godwin\u2019s Harmonies of Heaven and Earth: The Spiritual Dimensions of Music\nfrom Antiquity to the Avant-Garde (Rochester, NY: Inner Traditions International, 1987).\n381\n\nPages 401:\nJohn Haines\n42 Pace Tomlinson, Music in Renaissance Magic, 101\u201344.\n43 Godwin, Music, Mysticism and Magic, 34\u2013113.\n44 D.P. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella (London: Warburg Institute, 1958).\n45 Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n46 John of Salisbury, Policraticus, book 1, chs. 6\u201312, Charles Burnett on Adelard of Bath cited in\nHaines, \u201cMusic and Magic,\u201d 155\u201356 and Bacon, Opus Tertium, 295\u2013301, citation at p. 298.\n47 For a survey of the scholarly literature on the musica mundana and of medieval writers on the same\ntopic, see Haines, \u201cLa sapience secr\u00e8te,\u201d 93\u201398.\n48 John Haines and Patricia DeWitt, \u201cJohannes de Grocheio and Aristotelian Zoology\u201d in Early Music\nHistory 27 (2008), 64\u201367.\n49 Grocheio cited in Haines, Medieval Song in Romance Languages, 118.\n50 Bacon\u2019s Opus Tertium cited in Haines, \u201cLa sapience secr\u00e8te,\u201d 96.\n51 \u201cOn Ligatur\u00e6 and Their Properties: Medieval Music Notation as Esoteric Writing\u201d in The Calligraphy of Medieval Music, ed. Haines (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 203\u201322.\n52 Haines, \u201cWhy Music and Magic,\u201d 159\u201364.\n53 I since edited the Ars notoria branch: Haines, The Notory Art of Shorthand (Ars notoria notarie): A Curious\nChapter in the History of Writing in the West, Dallas Medieval Texts and Translations 20 (Louvain:\nPeeters, 2014).\n54 Haines, \u201cOn Ligaturae,\u201d 204. On the symbolism of square notes, see John Haines, \u201cPerspectives\nmultiples sur la note carr\u00e9e,\u201d Pecia 14 (2011), 19\u201335.\n55 See Haines, \u201cOn Ligaturae,\u201d 205, with note 17 citing Bernhard Bischoff \u2019s still helpful study.\n382\n\nPages 402:\n28\nM agic a n d a rch a eol ogy\nRitual residues and \u201codd\u201d deposits\nRoberta Gilchrist\nThe use of archaeology as source material for medieval magic raises a number of methodological and theoretical issues. Many of the rituals of common magic revealed by archaeology\nwere never (or rarely) documented in medieval texts. The lack of correlation between texts\nand material culture has been regarded as a methodological problem for historians1; to the\ncontrary, these complementary sources permit access to social contexts and agents that are\nunder-represented in texts, particularly women and other practitioners who operated in domestic and rural environments. It offers the potential to interrogate the distinction between\n\u201ctheory and practice\u201d in medieval magic and opens up new opportunities to directly access\n\u201cthe mental world of the non-literate\u201d.2 Archaeology renders a wider range of practices\nvisible, but the absence of textual commentary makes it difficult to gauge whether these\nactivities were sanctioned by the church or regarded as illicit magic.\nArchaeological evidence prompts reconsideration of definitions of medieval magic and\nattention to the permeable borderlines between magic, religion, medicine and heresy. The\nmessiness of these categories is highlighted by evidence for material practices such as \u201codd\ndeposits\u201d: the burial, discard or concealment of objects that seems to defy any rational\nexplanation. Such deposits are recorded in domestic and ecclesiastical contexts and across\nthe social spectrum, suggesting both lay and clerical participation. Distinguishing between\nmagic and religion was challenging for medieval people, even educated clerics, and remains\nan area of contention among medieval historians.3 Archaeology adds a new perspective to\nthese debates, illuminating the murky space between documented practice and what people\nwere actually doing.\nArchaeological sources reach a broader range of social and spatial contexts than texts\nusually permit, for example, magic practised within the homes, churches and churchyards\nof medieval England. The archaeology of magic has potential to reveal intimate rites that\nwere never documented in clerical texts, and to explore the close relationship between\nmagic, gender and the body, for example through burial evidence.4 However, material\nsources do not provide immediate access to the thoughts and motivations of medieval people. Did they regard their actions as \u201cmagic\u201d and why did they perceive certain acts as\nefficacious? Attention to spatial context provides some basis for considering the social identity\nof the practitioner \u2013 for example, whether a priest, craftsman, pilgrim or housewife \u2013 and\ngrounds to consider the possible motivations and perceived causation behind the magic\nritual. Spatial context may also provide insight into whether a rite was public or private and\n383\n\nPages 403:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nwhether it was regarded as licit or illicit magic. Archaeological interest in agency overlaps\nwith the focus on causation in the study of medieval magic; in other words, the conceptual\nframeworks that allowed medieval people to rationally attribute the cause of marvels to the\nintercession of saints, the occult power of nature or the intervention of demons. 5 Similarly,\narchaeology\u2019s concern with materiality has close affinities with themes addressed in the\nstudy of natural magic.\nArchaeologists consider the material traces of magic within a \u201cdeep-time\u201d perspective.\nWe work at larger chronological scales and resolutions to most historians, taking a \u201cstratigraphic\u201d approach that relates medieval evidence to that which comes before and after it.\nThis extended timescale highlights continuities in ritual practice and in the selection and\ntreatment of materials that extended over hundreds of years, across the watersheds of the\nChristian conversion and the Reformation. Archaeology reveals an enduring repertoire of\ncommon ritual actions that may be regarded as traditional or even indigenous to northern\nEurope; these practices may have been influenced by ideas derived from learned magic\ntexts of Greco-Roman, Arabic or Jewish origin, to forge new beliefs and localized meanings. This process of hybridity can be glimpsed especially in the late Saxon charms: these\nmonastic records of popular belief may provide a bridge for understanding later medieval\npractice in relation to earlier rites.6\nMagic and archaeology: text and object\nThe first major archaeological treatment of magic was Ralph Merrifield\u2019s The Archaeology\nof Ritual and Magic (1987), which presented an accessible overview of material evidence for\nritual practices extending from the prehistoric to modern periods in Britain. Merrifield laid\nthe methodological groundwork for an archaeology of magic, stressing the importance of\nestablishing rigorous chronological and spatial contexts for magical practices and \u201codd\u201d or\n\u201cplaced\u201d deposits, such as prehistoric axe-heads discovered in medieval contexts.7\nAnother pioneering contribution to the archaeology of magic was Audrey Meaney\u2019s research on amulets in Anglo-Saxon burials. She used the evidence of grave goods to identify\nthe burials of cunning women or seers, based on the presence of objects that were deemed\nmagical by virtue of their substance. She focused on amulets of animal, vegetable and mineral materials, or those which were noteworthy for their exceptional age. Roman or prehistoric artefacts in graves dating from the sixth to ninth centuries were interpreted as objets\ntrouv\u00e9, \u201cfound objects\u201d that were credited with the power to bring luck or avert evil. Meaney\nset out two methodological premises that have been followed by much of the subsequent\narchaeological scholarship on medieval magic: first, the relationship between an object\nor material and its magical powers should be documented in medieval sources; and second,\na direct physical relationship should be demonstrated between the object and the body in the\ngrave.8 Her work was pivotal in recognizing the agency of women in the practice of magic,\nthrough the identification of objects in Anglo-Saxon women\u2019s graves including crystal balls\nworn suspended from the waist, bronze relic boxes that contained scraps of thread and\ncloth, and bags containing collections of odd objects. Meaney interpreted these assemblages\nas women\u2019s toolkits for healing or divination, suggesting a significant ritual role for some\nAnglo-Saxon women as community healers or seers.9\nI have drawn on Meaney\u2019s work to identify the use of magic in later medieval burial rites\nin Britain (eleventh to fifteenth centuries) and to demonstrate long-term \u00adcontinuities in the\nplacement of apotropaic objects and natural materials with the dead.10 This recognition of\n384\n\nPages 404:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nhybrid practices formed by the conversion to Christianity has prompted new study of transitional burial rites and heightened archaeological attention to magic.11 The \u201cdeep-time\u201d\nperspective of archaeology provides new insight into the changing practices and meanings of\nmedieval magic: many rituals of common magic had their roots in pre-Christian \u00adpractices,\nwhile medieval rites influenced the practice of early modern magic to \u00adprotect against\n\u00adw itchcraft.12 Archaeologists often adopt a long-term perspective in which to evaluate magic,\nparticularly in Scandinavia and the Baltic, where eighteenth- and \u00adnineteenth-century\n\u00adfolklore informs the understanding of material practices that were prevalent from \u00adprehistory\nto the modern era.13 Important regional distinctions arise from the nature and timing of\nconversion to Christianity; for example in the eastern Baltic, material practices associated\nwith the treatment of the dead are often regarded as \u201csyncretic\u201d or \u201cpagan\u201d survivals, rather\nthan as part of a medieval tradition of magic.14\nRitual deposition\nOver the past thirty years, archaeologists have explored the idea that the \u201cdeposition\u201d of materials, such as the burial of selected objects in a pit, may have constituted meaningful social\npractice. It has been argued that \u201codd\u201d, \u201cspecial\u201d or \u201cplaced\u201d deposits were created as part\nof ritual practice that was integrated with aspects of everyday life in the past. Such deposits\ntake the form of deliberately made features that seem to defy any rational explanation such\nas whole pots or animals buried in ditches and pits, or objects placed at critical points in\nsettlements such as at boundaries, entrances or the corners of houses.15 Placed deposits were\nfirst discussed in relation to Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements but are now recognized to\nhave occurred in later prehistoric and classical contexts across Europe. It is only very recently\nthat archaeologists have identified the occurrence of such deposits in early and later medieval contexts, with similarities in the types of objects and materials selected for use across\nEurope, from pagan to Christian eras.16\nPlaced deposits in pagan Anglo-Saxon houses and settlements took the form of human\nand animal remains buried in buildings and at boundaries and entrances, although other\nobjects were also employed, including pottery vessels, brooches, beads, spindle whorls and\nloom weights. Close parallels have been drawn with earlier Iron Age and Roman practices, particularly in the deposition of human and animal remains in pits. It has also been\nacknowledged that these practices extended beyond the pagan period and can be detected in later Saxon (Christian) urban and rural contexts.17 Placed deposits dating to the\n\u00adA nglo-Saxon period were initially categorized as \u201cvotive\u201d, but more recent discussions have\nevaluated this form of ritual practice within the framework of everyday life. Just as Richard\nKieckhefer argued that magic should be perceived as \u201can alternative form of rationality\u201d\nthat was consistent with medieval views of the universe, archaeologists contend that these\ndeposits were rationally conceived according to past world views, directed towards specific\npractical purposes such as agriculture and technology.18\nMerrifield noted that animal skulls, pottery vessels, clothing and shoes were frequently\nfound in extant buildings of later medieval and early modern date, usually placed in the\nfoundations, walls or chimneys.19 Similar practices have since been detected in excavated\nstructures dating to the medieval period across Europe, and spanning domestic and ecclesiastical contexts. In medieval Sweden, for example, concealed deposits comprise animal\nremains, tools and utensils, pottery vessels, coins, personal items, prehistoric lithics and\nfossils; deposits of coins are particularly common finds in parish churches.20 Placed deposits\n385\n\nPages 405:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nidentified in medieval English churches include paternoster beads of bone and amber, silver\nspoons, pottery vessels, pilgrim badges and disused baptismal fonts.21\nIn medieval English houses, pottery vessels have been found buried near hearths and\nobjects have been recovered from post-holes, including special materials such as fragments\nof glass and quartz crystal. There are possible cases of gaming boards deliberately buried\nas placed deposits: three limestone slabs with marks for \u201cnine men\u2019s morris\u201d were excavated\nfrom a single tenement at the hamlet of West Cotton (Northants), dating from the thirteenth\nto fourteenth century. Excavations at Nevern Castle (Pembrokeshire) revealed the special\ntreatment of a late twelfth-century entrance to the castle: the threshold was formed by inverted slates with inscriptions on one or both faces. Amongst the symbols inscribed on the\nslates were warriors, crosses, a pentagram and three boards for \u201cnine men\u2019s morris\u201d. It has\nbeen suggested that the grid pattern of the game may have been intended to trap or detain\nmalevolent spirits.22\nEleanor Standley has drawn attention to the use of personal objects of medieval dress\nsuch as buckles and brooches as deliberate deposits. She argues that items were specially selected for their apotropaic value: for example, at the village of West Hartburn (co. Durham),\na silver brooch inscribed with the Holy Name (IESUS NAZARET/IHUS REX IUDEO)\nwas recovered near a circular hearth within a structure (Figure 28.1). The context was\ndated to around the fourteenth century and Standley proposes that the deposit may have\nbeen made in response to the fourteenth-century crises of famine and plague.23\nRitual deposition in medieval England was not confined to domestic and religious buildings, but extended to the deliberate discard of certain types of object in the landscape.\nPilgrims\u2019 badges have been found in large quantities in rivers in England, France and the\nNetherlands, with particular concentrations recovered at the locations of bridges and river\ncrossings.24 \u00adPilgrim badges were selected for deposition as special objects because of their\napotropaic value to the owner. Pilgrim signs were blessed at saints\u2019 shrines like a relic; they\nacquired the status of quasi-relics or consecrated objects and were worn as amulets on the\nbody, or alternatively, fixed to bedposts or fastened to textual amulets and books of hours.25\nA large number of these mass-produced, tin-alloy badges were deposited in watery places,\npossibly as part of the performance of a charm to mark the completion of a vow of pilgrimage,\nor as a thanks offering to a saint for a cure or miracle. The act of depositing a pilgrim badge\nin water was perhaps a common practice but not one that was documented in medieval texts.\nFigure 28.1 \u0007Silver brooch inscribed with the Holy Name from West Hartburn, diameter 30 mm.\nSource: Reproduced with permission of Eleanor Standley (2013).\n386\n\nPages 406:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nMedieval swords and daggers were occasionally deposited in rivers and bogs, extending\nan ancient prehistoric practice into Christian times. Merrifield argued that the medieval\ndeposition of swords was not votive but instead part of the transition to Christian funerary rites.26 Because the burial of weapons was not allowed in the consecrated ground of\nchurchyards, their disposal in water provided an alternative mode of disposal. Medieval\nweapons have been found in the Witham Valley (Lincolnshire), which was densely settled\nby monasteries that were linked by ten causeways across the fenland. Artefacts recovered\nfrom the causeways confirm that the deposition of weapons had continued in the region\nfrom the Bronze Age right up to the later medieval period. A total of thirty-two medieval\nweapons were found, including ten swords, five daggers/long knives, six axe-heads and six\nspearheads. The weapons were found near causeways associated with monasteries, possibly\nindicating that religious houses may have controlled the ritual disposal of weapons as part\nof their provision of funerary rites. David Stocker and Paul Everson surmise that this practice ceased in the late fourteenth century, when it became acceptable to display military\nequipment around the tomb in the church.27\nThe archaeological recording of placed deposits in medieval houses, churches and monasteries confirms that the act of ritual deposition was widely practised in both lay and religious contexts, and likely executed by both lay and religious practitioners. Paradoxically,\nthe burial or concealment of objects and clothing, or their disposal in rivers or bogs, was\nrarely documented in medieval texts. Such practices operated outside the highly prescriptive categories of medieval writing: they were invisible to financial records, chronicles and\nhagiography. The motive behind these deposits has been interpreted as broadly apotropaic\nor protective; however, the act of burial was more frequently documented in relation to\nillicit rites of harmful magic. Burial of special creatures or objects was sometimes documented in relation to malignant sorcery: for example, a lizard buried under the threshold\nstone of a house was intended to harm the fertility of householders and their animals.28\nThe interment of animal parts in wall foundations or at boundaries is also documented in\nFigure 28.2 \u0007Sword with possible magical inscription of unknown meaning in Roman and Lombardic\nlettering from the River Witham, dated c.1250\u20131330.\nSource: \u00a9 The Trustees of the British Museum.\n387\n\nPages 407:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nthe practice of natural magic and medieval recipes record the use of buried earthenware\npots for distilling or fermenting ingredients to be employed in medical preparations.29 The\nubiquity of placed deposits is in stark contrast to the rarity with which the practice was documented. This dichotomy challenges previous archaeological methodologies for medieval\nmagic that begin with documented associations between objects or materials and their magical powers.30 The archaeological elucidation of magic also requires a parallel approach\nthat takes archaeological context and pattern as its starting point (Figure 28.2).\nMagic and materiality\nThe archaeological study of magic frequently focuses on the use of natural materials that\nwere considered to possess occult properties, or objects that were perceived to hold sacred\npower acquired through a process of ritual consecration or physical proximity to relics. The\nscholastic concept of natural magic emerged in the thirteenth century as an explanation for\nmaterials and objects that possessed extraordinary properties (such as magnetism). These\nwere regarded as natural marvels within God\u2019s universe, in contrast with magic conjured\nthrough the power of demons.31 The boundary between natural and sacred magic was not\ndistinct within later medieval terms of reference: objects such as pilgrim signs were treated\nsimilarly to objects made of occult materials and \u201cfound objects\u201d such as prehistoric lithics. Even mundane objects and personal garments could acquire sacred power for use as\n\u00adquasi-relics. Sarah Randles discusses the widespread practice of concealing shoes and garments in the fabric of medieval domestic and religious buildings in these terms, proposing\nthat concealment was part of a broader range of magic practices linked with cloth and\nclothing. She argues that the permeable quality of a garment offered \u201cthe ability to absorb\nvirtue from its location, which it can then retain and pass on to the wearer\u201d. She quotes a\nfifteenth-\u00adcentury French vernacular literary text, The Distaff Gospels, in which women are\nencouraged to secretly place their husbands\u2019 shirts under the altar stone when the priest is\ncelebrating mass. A husband wearing a garment treated in this way will be easy for a wife to\nrule over and he will never beat her.32 It is very likely that local priests would have regarded\nas illicit any acts that utilized the holy spaces in which the mass was performed or the consecrated materials of the Eucharist.\nThe most powerful objects combined both natural and sacred properties, for example\npaternoster beads made from amber or jet and blessed by the priest for use in personal devotion.33 Jet and amber share inherent physical properties that may have been perceived as\nevidence of occult power: when rubbed, both substances develop a static charge and emit\na smell. These characteristics were stressed in medieval lapidaries, alongside the powers\nof many minerals and gemstones including coral, rock crystal and sapphire, which were\nincorporated into jewellery for wearing as amulets or used to embellish reliquaries and\nother religious material culture.34 The most influential medieval lapidary was the late\n\u00adeleventh-century Book of Stones (De Lapidis) written by Bishop Marbode of Rennes, which\nformed the basis for many later texts. The particular materials revered by medieval people\nfor their occult properties had been prized traditionally for millennia: archaeological evidence confirms the enduring significance of materials including jet, amber, quartz and rock\ncrystal as well as animal materials such as antler and boar tusk.35\nJet was one of the most extensively employed occult materials, a fossilized coniferous\nwood, deep black in colour and easily carved. According to Marbode, jet was efficacious if\nworn on the body, consumed as a powder, ingested through water in which the material had\n388\n\nPages 408:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nbeen steeped or burnt to release beneficial fumes. The healing and anaesthetic properties\nof jet were recommended for easing conditions ranging from childbirth to toothache, and\nit was believed to possess powerful apotropaic value to protect from demons and malignant\nmagic.36 Jet occurs principally in two locations \u2013 near Whitby in North Yorkshire and in\nGalicia in northern Spain \u2013 and in both regions it was used to manufacture holy objects\nand pilgrim signs. It has been suggested that small, jet crucifix pendants were produced in\nworkshops at Whitby Abbey: a distinctive corpus of twenty-two crucifix pendants with ring\nand dot motif can be dated stylistically to the twelfth century, including four recovered from\ngraves. Damaged pendants and raw materials have been excavated from Whitby Abbey,\nindicating a possible source of production in monastic workshops.37 Jet and amber were\nluxury commodities and it is possible that monasteries actively controlled both access to raw\nmaterials and the production of amulets in occult materials.\nJet was used to manufacture a wide range of medieval objects including beads, pendants, rings, brooches, pins, chess pieces, dice, dagger handles and bowls for possible\n\u00admagico-medical use.38 This distinctive material may have been used for other types of\nmagic such as divination. Bowls, dice and knife handles are noteworthy in this respect as\nobjects used in divination rituals by medieval necromancers, who called upon spirits to\nguide them in forecasting or decision-making.39 The archaeological distribution of jet dice\nand knives in England is biased towards ecclesiastical sites, including the cathedrals and\nvicars chorals at Winchester, Beverley and York. Divination was often associated with the\nclergy and this archaeological distribution may indicate the use of objects made from occult\nnatural materials for practising clerical magic.40\nAnimal parts were also used in natural magic, with archaeological evidence for the use\nof boar tusks and antler tines possibly as fertility amulets: animal materia medica was documented especially for use in relation to sex, conception, contraception and birth.41 Both\nanimal and human bodies were materials for magic, with documented practices including\ndivination from the shoulder blades of animals, human corpses and the clothing of the\ndead.42 Infant corpses were evidently regarded as an especially powerful substance, possibly used in rites of sympathetic magic to prevent infant death, or as an occult material\nin witchcraft. Kieckhefer has suggested that outside learned circles, substances regarded\nas repugnant or taboo are likely to have been perceived as having occult power. He has\nnoted evidence that midwives and other women accused of witchcraft used infant body\nparts, either buried as part of a charm or used as an ingredient.43 However, it is not clear\nwhether such practices actually occurred or whether these stories were intended to fuel the\nfifteenth-century witchcraft stereotype.\nArchaeological evidence reveals that infant corpses were sometimes buried outside consecrated ground, interred in medieval English rural and urban houses dating from the\ntwelfth to the sixteenth centuries. These infant burials were located in spaces that were\nin daily use as domestic or associated working areas; the burials were usually dug against\nthe exterior walls of the main living rooms and sealed by later floor deposits, indicating\nthat the buildings were still occupied when the interments took place. In some cases, the\ninfant remains were judged to represent stillborns, but others were weeks or months old at\nthe time of death; these infants would surely have been baptized and carried the right to\nburial in consecrated ground. The infant domestic burials were carefully laid out and some\nwere accompanied by grave goods: animal parts were placed with an infant at Tattenhoe\n(Bucks) and a spindle whorl and an exotic shell were deposited with an infant at Upton\n(Gloucesters). I have suggested that the interment of infant corpses in the house may have\n389\n\nPages 409:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nbeen linked to rites of fertility, drawing on the evidence of charms for safe childbirth that\nwere recorded in the eleventh-century Lacnunga. These charms involved the recitation of\nwords and the performance of actions such as jumping over a grave or collecting grave soil\nfrom an infant who had been stillborn.44 Did the infants buried in medieval houses serve as\nmaterials for rites of sympathetic magic, rituals that were intended to protect future births?\nMagic and performance\nThe burial of \u201codd\u201d deposits can be likened to a charm, a ritual performance that combined\nwords and actions and sometimes involved the use of supporting herbs and objects. The efficacy of the charm was strengthened by performances of the body; for example, apotropaic\nformulae were written on the body and on substances such as wax to be consumed orally.\nPortability was also important to facilitate close contact with the body, with textual amulets\nenclosed in capsules, sacks and purses to be worn on the body.45 A comparison can be made\nwith devotional jewellery such as reliquary rings and pendants that were relatively common\nin the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.46 Charms were worn on the body by people at all\nsocial levels: devotional words were inscribed on brooches, buckles, buttons, girdles, pendants, pouches and rings, as well as on objects carried on the body such as knives, spoons,\nseals and mirror cases.47 The most common devotional inscriptions invoked the name of\nChrist, either in the abbreviations IHS or IHC or INRI (Jesus Nazarenus Rex Judaeorum). Euan\nCameron observed that such invocation of the names of God \u201cwanders into the realm of the\noccultist grimoire or spell-book of the intellectual magician\u201d.48 But material culture demonstrates that words and letters held an integral mystique for the non-literate: \u201cmock inscriptions\u201d or false lettering were also common on items such as brooches. These were made and\npurchased by those who believed in the power of words, but could not read or write them.49\nThe performance of magic also involved the modification or deliberate mutilation of objects, for example the bending of coins and pilgrim badges. This practice can be likened to\nthe folding of charms written on parchment, lead or communion wafers: the act of folding\nincreased the efficacy of the charm by preserving its secrecy and containing its magic. 50\nThe folding or bending of pilgrim signs can also be compared with the deliberate destruction of magico-medical amulets such as fever amulets thrown into the fire after the afflicted\nperson had recovered.51 The destruction of the amulet guaranteed that it was specific to\nthe individual and could not be reused, but the act of folding or mutilation was also part\nof the ritual performance of magic. This premise is documented in relation to the practice\nof bending coins: miracles recorded at saints\u2019 shrines refer to the custom of bending the\ncoin in the name of the saint invoked to heal the sick person.52 Richard Kelleher notes the\nfrequent mutilation of medieval English coins through bending, piercing and cutting, citing\n130 examples of folded coins.53\nThere is growing archaeological evidence that folk magic was performed in rural communities as part of agricultural practices linked to the fertility of fields. Later medieval\npractices extended traditions recorded in the aecerbot charm, dating to the late tenth or early\neleventh century, in which land believed to have been cursed by a sorcerer was cleansed\nthrough an elaborate ceremony involving the blessing of turves. 54 Recent archaeological\nstudy of metal-detected objects in England has identified a pattern in which ampullae were\ndeliberately damaged before being discarded in cultivated fields.55 Ampullae were pilgrim\nsigns in the form of miniature vessels used to contain water, oil or dust collected from\nsaints\u2019 shrines and holy wells. While pilgrim badges are more typically recovered from\n390\n\nPages 410:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nexcavated, urban contexts (including the watery contexts discussed above), ampullae are\nmore typically recovered from rural contexts and particularly from cultivated fields. They\nwere deliberately damaged by crimping or even biting, presumably to open the seal in\norder to pour the contents on the fields before discarding the vessel. Folded coins are also\nFigure 28.3 \u0007Deliberately damaged ampullae; from top to bottom PAS nos IOW-ED2A21, NCL44A762 and LVPL-50FD62.\nSource: Reproduced with permission of the Portable Antiquities Scheme.\n391\n\nPages 411:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nfound especially in plough-soil, suggesting the possibility of a deliberate act of discard as an\noffering to protect or enhance the fertility of fields.56 Ceremonies for blessing the fields are\nrecorded in which the parish priest sprinkled holy water and recited the biblical passage of\nGenesis 1: 28.57\nAnd God blessed them. And God said to them, \u201cBe fruitful and multiply and fill the\nearth and subdue it, and have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the birds\nof the heavens and over every living thing that moves on the earth.\u201d\nThe archaeological evidence of discarded coins and ampullae suggests that such liturgies in\nthe field were complemented by the performance of ritual deposition (Figure 28.3).\nMagic, craft and technology\nA connection between magic and technology can be demonstrated particularly in medieval\nmonastic contexts. For example, the monks of St Augustine, Canterbury, collected medical,\nalchemical, craft and technical recipes and had access to facilities for making magical objects: they kept equipment and utensils in the infirmary, used the plumber\u2019s workshop and\ncommissioned work from metal craftsmen in the town.58 Archaeological evidence for such\nactivities includes specialist vessels of glass and pottery. At Glastonbury Abbey, for example,\ntwo perforated pottery jars, four distilling bases and two crucibles were linked with specialist\nscientific and technical activities.59 It has been suggested that the perforated pottery jars\nwould have been used for the production of white lead and for a variety of distillation and\nfermentation processes, while the distilling bases may have been used in the production of\nmedicines or in alchemical practices.\nIt has recently been demonstrated that monasteries drew from more popular traditions\nof magic to aid technical production. The workshops at the monastery of San Vincenzo\nMaggiore (Isernia, Italy) have produced over one hundred prehistoric stone tools, many in\nstructural contexts including floor surfaces, post-holes and furnace linings.60 The tradition\nof collecting prehistoric lithics was prevalent across medieval Europe. These objects were\nnot recognized as ancient artefacts by medieval people; instead, stone axes were regarded\nas the physical residue of thunder and flint arrowheads were considered to be \u201celf-shot\u201d or\nfairy weapons. They were believed to provide protection against lightning strikes and were\nemployed as placed deposits in medieval domestic and ecclesiastical contexts.61\nThe prehistoric stone tools at San Vincenzo Maggiore were deposited with workshop\ndemolition and occupation deposits dating to the eighth and ninth centuries and including\nsemi-precious gemstones and craft residues.62 They seem to have been employed in the production of high-status craft objects and possibly in the protection of the workshops against\nfire. It is suggested that a miniature greenstone axe may have been used in a manner described in a craft-working treatise dated to the twelfth to thirteenth century and attributed\nto Eraclius, in which green glass, burnt copper and \u201cburnt thunder-bolts\u201d are mixed with\nground clear glass to create a green glaze for pottery vessels.63 A large igneous axe dated\nto the Copper Age was discovered beneath a collapsed roof-tile deposit in a granary. The\nexcavators suggest that this may have been suspended from the roof as a thunderbolt amulet, in the manner described by Bishop Marbode. The majority of prehistoric stone tools\nfrom San Vincenzo Maggiore were recovered from areas that were at high risk from fire\nsuch as the glass foundry, metalworking workshops and bell-casting pit (Figure 28.4). The\n392\n\nPages 412:\nFigure 28.4 \u0007Location of stone axes from the workshops at San Vincenzo Maggiore.\nSource: Reproduced with permission of Richard Hodges and John Mitchell (2011).\n\nPages 413:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nexcavators suggest that the prehistoric lithics at San Vincenzo may have been employed\nas sympathetic magic \u2013 on the basis that objects believed to protect against lightning may\nalso have been used to guard against fire.64 The evidence from San Vincenzo indicates the\nuse of prehistoric lithics as magic objects both for specialist technical production and for\napotropaic use.\nThe compelling evidence from San Vincenzo demonstrates the potential for future investigation of magic in the practice of medieval technology and broader craft production.\nTools in more common use were sometimes associated with magic, especially those linked\nwith the transformation of materials. Whetstones are a good example: these utilitarian\nobjects were used to sharpen iron tools in the home and workshop; they were also favoured\nobjects for concealing as placed deposits in buildings in Finland and Sweden.65 Whetstones\nwere noted as magical objects by Pliny the Elder in his Natural History, and they occur in Old\nEnglish and Old Norse literature as symbols of authority. The connection between power\nand the act of sharpening may have derived from the ritual significance of the ironsmith:\nthe act of transforming metal was regarded as magical in many societies, for example in\nthe British Iron Age.66 The smith\u2019s craft was also associated with ritual deposition: a cache\nof smith\u2019s tools was excavated from a late Saxon building at Bishopstone (E. Sussex), interpreted as an act of ritual closure when the building was abandoned.67\nFigure 28.5 \u0007Lead spindle-whorl cast with reversed \u201cRho\u201d from West Hartburn, diameter 25 mm.\nSource: Reproduced with permission of Eleanor Standley (2013).\n394\n\nPages 414:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nA comparison can be made with the female domestic craft of textile production, culturally associated with magic and the spinning of spells.68 Spindle whorls seem to have been\nparticularly significant among weaving tools, used with a drop spindle for spinning flax\nand wool; these common domestic objects were occasionally placed in later medieval coffins and graves, including a domestic infant burial at Upton.69 Utilitarian objects of stone,\npottery, wood, bone or lead were sometimes transformed by magic words: a lead spindle\nwhorl excavated from the village of West Hartburn (co. Durham) was cast with the reversed letters \u201cRho\u201d, referring to the Christian symbol Chi-Rho, the monogram for Christos\n(Figure 28.5). Standley notes a corpus of at least thirty lead spindle whorls from medieval\nEngland that were marked with lettering.70\nMagic and the dead\nMaterial evidence for magic in Anglo-Saxon graves has been used to identify the individual\nburials of female practitioners of magic (discussed above); in contrast, material evidence in\nlater medieval graves has been used to identify the recipients of magic, and from this to infer possible motivations and agents.71 The vast majority of later medieval Christians were\nwrapped in a shroud and buried in a simple earth-cut grave. But a small minority of burials\nincluded special materials in the preparation of the grave lining, placed within the grave or\ncoffin, or within the shroud. Archaeological analysis of excavated burials from medieval England suggests that around two to three per cent had objects placed in close contact with the\ncorpse.72 The true figure is likely to have been much greater: a high proportion of these items\nwere organic materials \u2013 including textiles, bone, wood and even beeswax \u2013 and most would\nhave perished in the ground. Mortuary practices were highly localized, with significant variations observed between monastic and lay cemeteries, and customs varying chronologically\nand regionally.\nDespite these caveats, distinctive patterns can be detected in the selection of grave goods\nplaced with the dead in later medieval England. These included personal objects (dress\naccessories and grooming tools), domestic and devotional items, and natural materials and\nantique objects (or objets trouv\u00e9). Some of these objects were associated with magic in domestic contexts, such as spindle whorls, or connected with pilgrimage and rites in the fields\n(pilgrim signs and folded coins). Occult materials are relatively rare, but jet pendant crosses\nhave been recovered from graves in monastic cemeteries.73 A striking number of these\nobjects may be regarded as \u201ctraditional\u201d grave goods, continuing practices prevalent in\nprehistoric, Roman and pagan Anglo-Saxon burials such as the deposition of beads, coins,\nfossils, \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 397 to page 414 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 415 to page 435 out of a total of 569:\nPages 415:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\nthe fourteenth or fifteenth centuries, and found with men, women and children. These have\nbeen interpreted as objects connected with journeying or healing charms, for example, as\nindicated in an Old English metrical charm recorded in an eleventh-century manuscript\ngiven to Exeter Cathedral by Leofric (d. 1072). This invokes protection by means of a staff:\n\u201cI chant a victory charm; I carry a victory staff; victory by means of words, and victory by\nmeans of an object\u201d.76\nI have argued that traces of magic in later medieval graves were intended primarily to\nsupport the vulnerable dead on their journey through purgatory, and to protect or heal the\ncorpse in the grave, perhaps to assist with its reanimation on judgement day. It may be suggested that magic for the dead was practised by women in the care of their families, based\non evidence from visual sources that it was women who stripped and washed corpses and\nwrapped them in the shroud for burial. But there are also indications that magic may have\nbeen used to protect the living from the restless dead \u2013 to guard against revenants. Stephen\nGordon has argued that the act of lining graves with burnt materials may have been a\nstrategy targeted at corpses that appeared unusual and were therefore feared. He cites the\nuse of burnt materials in Bald\u2019s Leechbook, dating to the ninth century, as a remedy against\nswelling. He extends this argument to the inclusion of burnt materials in graves, suggesting\nthat the rite was reserved for cadavers that exhibited bloating and swelling, and which were\ntherefore regarded as candidates for revenants.77\nFuture directions\nArchaeological discussion has focused on the intersection of magic with religious devotion\nand the use of special materials for healing and protection. Archaeological evidence reveals\na range of rites that were not documented in medieval texts, including the placement of objects with the dead, the burial or concealment of efficacious objects in houses and churches,\nand the deliberate discard of weapons, pilgrim signs and coins in water or on cultivated land.\nHow should we classify these practices according to definitions of medieval magic? For example, can we regard \u201codd\u201d deposits as the material residues of charms? It is likely that these\nrituals appealed to Christian agents and the occult power of nature and therefore would have\nbeen regarded as acceptable magic. Indeed, it is therefore debateable whether they should\nbe regarded as magic or instead as \u201cunofficial\u201d Christian rituals.78 The practice of burying\ninfants in the home is an important exception \u2013 it seems inconceivable that medieval clergy\nwould have sanctioned such rites. Should we regard infant burials in medieval homes as\nevidence for illicit magic?\nMagic presents a conceptual and methodological challenge for archaeology due to the\ninherent difficulty in identifying material evidence as the residue of magical intent. Historians grapple with ambiguities in the definition of medieval magic but their starting point\ncan be found in normative categories of magic as defined by the authors and critics of magic\ntexts. The starting point for archaeologists is in the material record, which has no direct\nvoice; the subtleties of meaning, intention and agency can only be unlocked by developing\ntheoretical frameworks for interpreting archaeological evidence.79 Magic as ritual practice\nlacks \u201cvisibility\u201d in the archaeological record, in the same way that social categories such\nas gender, age and disability were seemingly invisible in material evidence until appropriate frameworks for investigation were developed. A further barrier is that the prevailing\nmethod of archaeology is to identify and interpret normative patterns in material evidence.\nThis presents a paradox for the archaeology of medieval magic, where some of the most\n396\n\nPages 416:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nfruitful avenues of research have developed from reflection on \u201codd\u201d deposits and statistically insignificant patterns, for example in relation to objects and materials placed in a\nsmall minority of medieval graves or found occasionally as concealed deposits in surviving\nbuildings. Archaeologists may find it productive to consider magic as ritual practice that is\nby definition exceptional and alternative to normative categories and dominant patterns.80\nTo render magic \u201cvisible\u201d in the archaeological record, we must be alert to the anomalous,\nunusual and odd.81 The archaeology of magic is found in practices that are detected in the\narchaeological record relatively rarely such as placed or \u201codd\u201d deposits that may be hidden\nor involve the use of special materials, mysterious words or symbols.\nArchaeology reveals the ritual significance over the longue dur\u00e9e of the use of certain natural materials and old or \u201cfound objects\u201d (objets trouv\u00e9). Such objects were employed in medieval magic, deliberately buried in sacred and domestic contexts, placed with the dead\nor employed in performances linked to healing, protection, fertility and technology. How\nshould we interpret evidence for apparent continuities in ritual practice over hundreds or\nthousands of years? We must be sceptical in interpreting material evidence as proof that\nancient belief systems survived or that pagan practices persisted.82 However, it is clear that\nsome material practices continued after the conversion to Christianity such as the apotropaic use of found objects and natural materials and the creation of concealed or placed\ndeposits. Such similarities of practice do not necessarily constitute evidence for the direct\ncontinuity of beliefs across time, but they perhaps indicate a long-standing, common repertoire of ritual actions. Future research on the archaeology of magic should focus closer\nattention on the local experience of the conversion process: how ritual actions took on new\nmeanings in Christian contexts, how they may have been communicated between generations and how they were transformed over time.\nThe archaeological documentation of medieval magic is just beginning. It is not yet clear\nwhether material practices were consistent across all social levels: for example, what is the\narchaeological evidence for the practice of magic in castles and other elite settlements?83\nWhat is the evidence for \u201ccrisis magic\u201d: did social crises such as the Black Death lead to\nan increase in folk magic within local communities? There is also scope to consider love\nmagic in relation to material culture worn or carried on the body.84 Comparative studies\nare needed between categories of medieval settlement, and within and between regions, to\nchart the incidence of particular rites, their chronological currency and the relative influence of literate magic versus traditional practices. For instance, is there broader evidence\nfor monasteries controlling the production of amulets in occult materials or the disposal\nof weapons in water (as indicated at Whitby and in the Witham Valley)? Can we chart\nadditional patterns in the deliberate discard of metal artefacts and whether these practices\nfocused on particular points in the landscape? Study of magic in the landscape has been accelerated by new sources of evidence, in particular the study of metal small finds that have\nbeen reported by metal detectorists under the terms of the UK Portable Antiquities Scheme\n(from 1997).85 These data have illuminated patterns in the use of material culture in the\nmedieval countryside, balancing the increase in urban evidence that has resulted from the\ngrowing number of archaeological excavations linked to commercial developments.\nThere is rich potential for the archaeological examination of literate magic, particularly in the elite context of castles and monasteries. Does archaeological evidence survive\nfor image magic, divination and necromancy? How does the archaeological study of monastic medicine and industry illuminate clerical attitudes at the intersection of religion,\nscience and magic? Can we detect a broader connection between magic, technology and\n397\n\nPages 417:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\ncraft-working (as evidenced at San Vincenzo Maggiore)? The foundations for the archaeology of magic have been established by working from documented associations between\nobjects and materials and their magic powers. A more contextual approach is now needed,\na framework that takes archaeological context and pattern as its starting point, working\nfrom the \u201codd\u201d, unusual and exceptional to probe the boundaries and definitions of medieval belief.\nNotes\n1 Sarah Randles, \u201cMaterial Magic: The Deliberate Concealment of Footwear and Other Clothing,\u201d Parergon 30, no. 2 (2013): 109\u201328; Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge:\n\u00adCambridge University Press, 2000), 47.\n2 Euan Cameron, Enchanted Europe. Superstition, Reason and Religion 1250\u20131750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 6; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d \u00adAmerican\nHistorical Review 99 (1994): 833.\n3 Catherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012), 8\u201315.\n4 Roberta Gilchrist, \u201cMagic for the Dead? The Archaeology of Magic in Later Medieval Burials,\u201d\nMedieval Archaeology 52 (2008): 119\u201359.\n5 Robert Bartlett, The Natural and the Supernatural in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2008); Kieckhefer, \u201cSpecific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d 821\u201324; Roberta Gilchrist,\nMedieval Life: Archaeology and the Life Course (Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2012), 216\u201352.\n6 Karen Jolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England. Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill: University of\nNorth Carolina, 1996); Karen Jolly, \u201cMedieval Magic: Definitions, Beliefs, Practices,\u201d in \u00adWitchcraft\nand Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages, ed. Karen Jolly, Catharina Raudvere and Edward Peters\n(\u00adLondon: Athlone, 2002), 1\u201371.\n7 Ralph Merrifield, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London: Batsford, 1987), 6, 18.\n8 Audrey L. Meaney, Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones (Oxford: British Archaeology Report 96,\n1981), 24\u201327.\n9 Audrey L. Meaney, \u201cWomen, Witchcraft and Magic in Anglo-Saxon England,\u201d in Superstition\nand Popular Medicine in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. D.G. Scragg (Manchester: Manchester Centre for\n\u00adAnglo-Saxon Studies, 1989).\n10 Gilchrist, \u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d\n11 Dawn M. Hadley, \u201cBurial, Belief and Identity in Later Anglo-Saxon England,\u201d in Reflections: 50\nYears of Medieval Archaeology, ed. Roberta Gilchrist and Andrew Reynolds (Leeds: Maney, 2009);\n\u00adEleanor R. Standley, Trinkets and Charms. The Use, Meaning and Significance of Dress Accessories 1300\u2013\n1700 (Oxford: Institute of Archaeology, University of Oxford, 2013); Chris Caple, \u201cThe Apotropaic Symbolled Threshold to Nevern Castle \u2013 Castle Nanhyfer,\u201d The Archaeological Journal 169\n(2012): 422\u201352; Sonja Hukantaival, \u201cFinding Folk Religion: An Archaeology of \u2018Strange\u2019 Behaviour,\u201d Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 55 (2013): 99\u2013124; Stephen Gordon, \u201cDisease, Sin and the\nWalking Dead in Medieval England, 1100\u20131350. A Note on the Documentary and Archaeological\nEvidence,\u201d in Medicine, Healing and Performance ed. Effie Gemi-Iordanou et al. (Oxford: Oxbow,\n2014), 55\u201370.\n12 Brian Hoggard, \u201cThe Archaeology of Counter-Witchcraft and Popular Magic,\u201d in Beyond the Witch\nTrials: Witchcraft and Magic in Enlightenment Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004),\n167\u201386.\n13 Ann-Britt Falk, En Grundl\u00e4ggande Handling. Byggnadsoffer Och Dagligt Liv i Medeltid (Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2008); Hukantaival, \u201cFinding Folk Religion.\u201d For the folklore approach in British\narchaeology, see also Amy Gavin-Schwarz, \u201cArchaeology and Folklore of Material Culture, Ritual\nand Everyday Life,\u201d International Journal of Historical Archaeology 5, no. 4 (2001): 263\u201380.\n14 Leszek Gordela and P. Duma, \u201cUntimely Death: Atypical Burials of Children in Early and Late\nMedieval Poland,\u201d World Archaeology 45, no. 2 (2013): 314\u201332.\n15 Joanna Br\u00fcck, \u201cRitual and Rationality: Some Problems of Interpretation in European Archaeology,\u201d European Journal of Archaeology 2, no. 3 (1999): 313\u201344. For a critical review of the two distinct\nconcepts of \u201cstructured deposition\u201d and \u201codd deposits\u201d in archaeology, see Duncan Garrow, \u201cOdd\n398\n\nPages 418:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\nDeposits and Average Practice. A Critical History of the Concept of Structured Deposition,\u201d\u00ad\n\u00adArchaeological Dialogues 19, no. 2 (2012): 85\u2013115.\n16 Helena Hamerow, \u201c\u2018Special Deposits\u2019 in Anglo-Saxon Settlements,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 50 (2006):\n1\u201330; Gilchrist, Medieval Life.\n17 Hamerow, \u201cSpecial Deposits\u201d; Michael Fulford, \u201cLinks with the Past: Persuasive \u2018Ritual\u2019 Behaviour in Roman Britain,\u201d Britannia 32 (2001); James Morris and Ben Jervis, \u201cWhat\u2019s so Special? A\nReinterpretation of Anglo-Saxon \u2018Special Deposits\u2019,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 55 (2011): 66\u201381.\n18 Kieckhefer, \u201cSpecial Rationality of Medieval Magic\u201d; Br\u00fcck, \u201cRitual and Rationality.\u201d\n19 Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic.\n20 Falk, En Grundl\u00e4ggande Handling, 207\u20138.\n21 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 230\u201336; Brian Spencer, Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges: Medieval Finds from\nExcavations in London (London: HMSO, 1998), 20.\n22 Andrew Chapman, West Cotton, Raunds. A Study of Medieval Settlement Dynamics AD 450\u20131450. Excavation of a Deserted Medieval Hamlet in Northamptonshire 1985\u201389 (Oxford: Oxbow, 2010), 157\u201361; Caple,\n\u201cThe Apotropaic Symbolled Threshold,\u201d 446\u201347.\n23 Standley, Trinkets and Charms, 83.\n24 Spencer, Pilgrim Souvenirs and Secular Badges; Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic, 109.\n25 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words. Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: University of\n\u00adPennsylvania Press, 2006), 68.\n26 Richard Bradley, The Passage of Arms: An Archaeological Analysis of Prehistoric Hoards and Votive Deposits\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic.\n27 David Stocker and Paul Everson, \u201cThe Straight and Narrow Way: Fenland Causeways and the\nConversion of the Landscape in the Witham Valley, Lincolnshire,\u201d in The Cross Goes North: Processes of Conversion in Northern Europe, AD 300\u20131300, ed. Martin Carver (Woodbridge: Boydell and\nBrewer/York Medieval Press, 2003).\n28 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cFrom Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conception of Magic in the Later Middle\nAges,\u201d Speculum 76, no. 4 (2001): 981.\n29 Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister. Pious Motives, Illicit Interests and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 47; Stephen Moorhouse, \u201cDocumentary Evidence for the Uses of Medieval Pottery: An Interim Statement,\u201d Medieval Ceramics 2\n(1978): 10.\n30 Meaney, Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones.\n31 Page, Magic in the Cloister, 31.\n32 Randles, \u201cMaterial Magic,\u201d 119.\n33 Standley, Trinkets and Charms, 67; Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 235.\n34 Joan Evans, Magical Jewels of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (London: Constable, 1922); Standley,\nTrinkets and Charms, 86\u201388; Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 157\u201358.\n35 Chantal Conneller, An Archaeology of Materials (London: Routledge, 2011); Andrew M. Jones, Prehistoric Materialities: Becoming Material in Prehistoric Britain and Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press,\n2011).\n36 Evans, Magical Jewels.\n37 Elizabeth Pierce, \u201cJet Cross Pendants from the British Isles and Beyond: Forms, Distribution and\nUse,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 57 (2013): 198\u2013211.\n38 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 267\u201371.\n39 Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton,\n1997), 97.\n40 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 167.\n41 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 240\u201341; Page, Magic in the Cloister, 40\u201341.\n42 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 113; Sophie Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts (London: The British\nLibrary, 2004), 56.\n43 Kieckhefer, \u201cSpecific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d 834; Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 59, 62.\n44 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 219\u201323, 284\u201385.\n45 Skemer, Binding Words, 1\u20132.\n46 David Hinton, Gold and Gilt, Pots and Pins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 245.\n47 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 272\u201374.\n48 Cameron, Enchanted Europe, 53.\n399\n\nPages 419:\nRo b e rta G i l c h r i s t\n49 Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 162\u201364.\n50 Lea T. Olsan, \u201cCharms and Prayers in Medieval Medical Theory and Practice,\u201d Social Theory of\nMedicine 16 (2003): 362.\n51 Skemer, Binding Words, 188.\n52 Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic, 91; Ronald C. Finucane, Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular\nBeliefs in Medieval England (London: Dent, 1977), 94\u201396.\n53 Richard Kelleher, \u201cThe Re-Use of Coins in Medieval England and Wales c. 1050\u20131550: An Introductory Survey\u201d Yorkshire Numismatist 4 (2012): 130.\n54 Jolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England, 6\u201312.\n55 William Anderson, \u201cBlessing the Fields? A Study of Late-Medieval Ampullae from England and\nWales,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 54 (2010): 182\u2013203.\n56 Kelleher, \u201cThe Re-Use of Coins,\u201d 195.\n57 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 58.\n58 Page, Magic in the Cloister, 8.\n59 Stephen Moorhouse, \u201cMedieval Distilling Apparatus of Glass and Pottery,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 16\n(1972): 3\u201321; Oliver Kent, \u201cWares Associated with Specialist Scientific and Technical Activities,\u201d\nin Glastonbury Abbey: Archaeological Investigations 1904\u20131979, Roberta Gilchrist and Cheryl Green\n(London: Society of Antiquaries Monograph, 2015): 276\u20138.\n60 Karen Francis and Mother Philip Kline, \u201cPrehistoric Stone Tools in Medieval Contexts,\u201d In San\nVincenzo Maggiore and its Workshops. Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 17,\ned. Richard Hodges et al. (London: The British Academy, 2011).\n61 Merrifield, Archaeology of Ritual and Magic, 10\u201316; Peter Carelli, \u201cThunder and Lightning, Magical\nMiracles. On the Popular Myth of Thunderbolts and the Presence of Stone-Age Artefacts in Medieval Deposits,\u201d in Visions of the Past: Trends and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology, ed. Hans\n\u00adAnderson et al. (Stockholm: Central Board of National Antiquities, 1997); Gilchrist, Medieval Life,\n247.\n62 Francis and Kline, \u201cPrehistoric Stone Tools in Medieval Contexts.\u201d\n63 Eraclius, De Coloribus et Artibus Romanorum III.1; Mary P. Merrifield, Original Treatises on the Arts of\nPainting (New York: Dover Publications, 1967), 204\u20135.\n64 Francis and Kline, \u201cPrehistoric Stone Tools in Medieval Contexts,\u201d 398.\n65 Stephen A. Mitchell, \u201cThe Whetstone as Symbol of Authority in Old English and Old Norse,\u201d\nScandinavian Studies 57 (1985): 1\u201331; Hukantaival, \u201cFinding Folk Religion,\u201d 111\u201312.\n66 Melanie Giles, \u201cMaking Metal and Forging Relations: Ironworking in the British Iron Age,\u201d Oxford\nJournal of Archaeology 26, no. 4 (2007): 395\u2013413.\n67 Gabor Thomas, \u201cThe Symbolic Lives of Late Anglo-Saxon Settlements: A Timber Structure and\nIron Hoard from Bishopstone, East Sussex,\u201d The Archaeological Journal 165 (2008): 334\u201398.\n68 Meaney, Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones, 185; Randles, \u201cMaterial Magic,\u201d 122; Gilchrist,\n\u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d 132\u201333.\n69 Roberta Gilchrist and Barney Sloane, Requiem: The Medieval Monastic Cemetery in Britain (London:\nMuseum of London Archaeology Service, 2005), 102\u20133.\n70 Standley, Trinkets and Charms, 84.\n71 Meaney, Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones; Gilchrist, \u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d\n72 Gilchrist and Sloane, Requiem; Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 200\u201315.\n73 Pierce, \u201cJet Cross Pendants\u201d; Standley, Trinkets and Charms.\n74 Gilchrist and Sloane, Requiem; Gilchrist, \u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d Gilchrist, Medieval Life, 277\u201383.\n75 Reg Jackson, Excavations at St James\u2019s Priory, Bristol (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2006), 141; Gilchrist and\nSloane, Requiem, 200.\n76 Gilchrist and Sloane, Requiem, 126, 171\u201374; Gilchrist, \u201cMagic for the Dead?\u201d 128; Felix Grendon,\n\u201cThe Anglo-Saxon Charms,\u201d The Journal of American Folklore 22 (1909): 176\u201379.\n77 Gordon, \u201cDisease, Sin and the Walking Dead,\u201d 64\u201365.\n78 Rider, Magic and Religion, 11; Kieckhefer, \u201cSpecific Rationality of Medieval Magic,\u201d 833.\n79 Aleksandra McClain, \u201cTheory, Disciplinary Perspectives and the Archaeology of Later Medieval\nEngland,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 56 (2010): 131\u201370.\n80 Jolly, \u201cMedieval Magic,\u201d 1.\n81 Jones, Prehistoric Materialities, 2; Br\u00fcck, \u201cRitual and Rationality\u201d; Garrow, \u201cOdd Deposits and Average Practice\u201d.\n400\n\nPages 420:\nM a g i c a n d a rc h a e o l o g y\n82 Stephen Mitchell et al., \u201cWitchcraft and Deep Time \u2013 a Debate at Harvard,\u201d Antiquity 84 (2010):\n864\u201379.\n83 Candidates for odd deposits have been suggested at Barnard Castle, Co Durham, and Nevern\n\u00adCastle: Caple, \u201cThe Apotropaic Symbolled Threshold\u201d; Standley, Trinkets and Charms. An important magic object recently identified at the Dutch castle of Doornenburg \u2013 a late medieval Sigillum\nDei \u2013 is likely to have originated in an urban context and to have been reused as building material in the reconstruction of the castle after its destruction in 1945: L\u00e1szl\u00f3 S\u00e1ndor Chardonnens\nand Jan R Veenstra, \u201cCarved in Lead and Concealed in Stone: a Late Medieval Sigillum Dei at\n\u00adDoornenburg Castle,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 9, no. 2 (2014): 123.\n84 There is a growing literature on the material culture of love but little explicit discussion of love\nmagic. See Standley, Trinkets and Charms, Gilchrist, Medieval Life; Malcolm Jones, The Secret Middle\nAges. Discovering the Real Medieval World (Stroud: Sutton, 2002); Gemma Watson, \u201cMedieval Mentalities and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Courtly Love, Gender and Sexuality in London, c.\n1100\u20131500\u201d (MA dissertation, University of Reading, 2007).\n85 http://finds.org.uk/.\n401\n\nPages 421:\n29\nT h e v isua l cu lt u r e of m agic\ni n t h e M i ddl e Age s\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nMagicians as wise men\nWhen in the 1470s the artist of the Florentine Picture Chronicle depicted the sorcerer Hostanes \u2013\na follower of Zoroaster \u2013 (see Figure 29.1), he had no doubts that the magician should \u00adappear\nin the guise of an oriental wise man inside a magic circle with several burning censers, invoking demons, book in hand, with some of the demons and evil creatures around also holding\nbooks and rolls.1\nSome years later, in 1511, a woodcut by Hans Sch\u00e4ufelein conflated ritual magic, in the\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by\nwitches. In the centre of the scene, a male magician is dressed in ritual garb in the middle\nof a magic circle with a book and sword in his hands, symbolizing the knowledge needed\nto perform ritual magic and the power it confers. Around Sch\u00e4ufelein\u2019s magician, there are\ndifferent forms of sorcery and magic carried out by old women, two among them riding\ngoats and another having sexual intercourse with a devil. Below is the final outcome of all\nthese activities, eternal punishment in the fires of hell. We find in these pictures an iconography of the witch finding its way, as well as an already established figure of the magician as\na wise man who stands inside a magic circle for the sake of protecting himself from the evil\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book\nat least as early as the thirteenth-century Cantigas by Alfonso X (Cantiga 125, El Escorial,\nMS T.I.1, fol. 177v; ca. 1270\u201384), and probably in the 1307\u20138 paintings in the Palazzo della\nRagione, which we know were repainted after a fire in 1420.2 Magical circles are a fixed\nvalue in the late medieval imaginary of magic: Odo of Cheriton, Caesarius of Heisterbach\nand William of Auvergne allude to them as early as the thirteenth century,3 and precise\ninstructions for their fabrication can be found in Honorius\u2019s Liber iuratus.4\nWhile early modern representations of witchcraft and witches have been the subject of intense study in recent years, 5 images of medieval magic and magicians have barely aroused\nthe curiosity of art historians, and scarcely that of medievalists in general,6 despite the fact\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.\nMy focus will be here on the iconography of magic and magicians in the Middle Ages, privileging learned magic over the many visual forms of \u201csuperstition\u201d and \u201cpopular magic\u201d.\nA full chapter on the visual culture of magic in the Middle Ages should also consider issues\nsuch as the material culture of magic and the use of diagrams in medieval magic, but these\n402\n\nPages 422:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.1 \u0007Hostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum.\nare the subjects of other chapters in this book. Last, not only images of magic but also the\nmagic of images in the Middle Ages should be dealt with, and at the end of this chapter I\nwill briefly comment on them as an additional direction for future research.\nThe discovery of natural magic in the thirteenth century and the gradual process of its\nadoption among certain ecclesiastical \u00e9lites resulted in a new understanding of magic,7\nwhich can be also discerned in the iconography of the period. As I will show here, while in\nthe early Middle Ages the word \u201cmagic\u201d is always a wholly negative term associated with\nidolatry and paganism, the thirteenth century witnessed a partial change in attitude, and\nthe study of magic even came to be depicted as a discipline in the quest for learning alongside the traditional hierarchy of the Seven Liberal Arts. However, as it was still considered\na dangerous discipline, its exercise was strictly confined to the hands of men who were\nconsidered wise and morally upright.\n403\n\nPages 423:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nThe term magoi was used by the Ancient Greeks to refer to Persian astrologer-priests\nsuch as those who, according to Herodotus, accompanied Xerxes on his visit to Greece.8\nThe Ancient Greek word for sorcery, goeteia, was joined by mageia, a word that described\nactivities, usually of a ritual nature and alien to the official religion, that were designed to\nconfer powers or benefits upon the magician or his client. Most medieval representations\nof magicians allude to the Persian origins of the word magus. In these images, magicians\nare simply identified as Persian priests, distinguished only by their readily identifiable\n\u00adPhrygian cap, as for example on a twelfth-century capital from Nazareth or in the mosaics\nof St Mark\u2019s, Venice of ca. 1200.9 These images of magicians therefore lack any peculiar\nfeatures that would reveal a particular attitude towards magic. In some other representations, the magicians are depicted with no identifying attributes other than being shown to\nbe engaged in the practice of magic itself. So, for example, their privileged relationship to\nHell acts as an identifier. In an eleventh-century miniature, the magician Jannes can use\nmagic to go to Hell to rescue his brother Jambres, and it is the scene of Hell, not Jannes\u2019s\npersonal appearance, that reveals his profession.10 Jannes and Jambres were the names of\nthe magicians who lost their battle against Moses and Aaron in the episode of the staff mutated into a serpent. The text illustrated in this miniature is that of the Apocriphon of Jannes\nand Jambres, which reads: \u201cJambres opened the magical books of his brother Jannes and\nperformed necromancy and brought up from the netherworld the shade [literally \u201cidol\u201d]\nof his brother\u201d.11 Another eleventh-century manuscript (this a Greek one from Constantinople) shows a scene of necromancy, where two magicians are extracting the entrails of a\nhuman corpse. Again, it is their nefarious activity plundering a corpse to use his remains\nfor the sake of necromancy that identifies them, rather than the attributes of their clothing\nor their appearance.12 In other instances, the scene illustrated is clear and the magicians\ndo not need further attributes to be recognized, as is the case in the Old English illustrated\nHexateuch, which twice depicts Jannes and Jambres together with Moses and Aaron in the\npresence of Pharaoh.13\nJesus the magician?\nOnly in the legal language of Late Antiquity was a concrete name, maleficus, used to specify the difference with the more common term \u201cmagus\u201d, which would be used throughout\nthe Middle Ages.14 The most famous Persian magicians in the Christian West are the Wise\nMen who came to pay tribute to the newly born Christ Child. The story is familiar, and\nis frequently represented in Christian art as an illustration of the superiority of Christ\u2019s\npower over that of pagan priests. The earliest Christian writers had emphasized the role as\nmagicians of the Persian priests who adored Christ child. Later interpretations of the story,\nhowever, stressed Jesus\u2019s status as King of the Jews, and so the representations of the Persian\nmagicians depict them as Persian kings. Jesus\u2019s miracles would be more spectacular than\nthose of the three Eastern sages, and their visit came to be seen as acknowledgement by the\nPersian magicians of Christ\u2019s superior powers.\nPagans acknowledged the extraordinary importance of Jesus\u2019s miracles. The main difference between \u201cmiracle\u201d and \u201cmagic\u201d lies in whether or not God is understood to be behind\nthe acts performed by the \u201cwonder-worker\u201d. In the second century, scholars such as Justin\nand Origen were forced to defend Jesus from accusations made by Jews and Pagans that\nhe was just another magician who deceived his followers with tricks.15 Origen responded\nnot by claiming that Jesus\u2019s magic alone was effective but by arguing that the source of his\n404\n\nPages 424:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\npowers was divine. In the same way, other popular narratives associated with magic in\nmedieval art, such as the account of the argument between Saint Peter and Simon Magus,\nare concerned with comparing the power of miracles and magic.16 These representations\nemphasize the divine origins of Christian miracle over the demonic foundations of pagan\nmagic. It is a distinction often shown in medieval representations of the Fall of Simon\nMagus, where devils fail to support him as he falls through the air, as shown in famous\nexamples such as St Lazare, Autun, V\u00e9zelay or the mosaics of Norman Sicily such as those\nin the cathedrals of Monreale or Cefal\u00fa.17 In Romanesque Art, in the context of Gregorian\nReform, Simon the Magician represents the sin of Simony as opposed to the figure of Saint\nPeter:18 a well-known example is that of the Porte Mi\u00e8geville in Saint-Sernin of Toulouse,\nFigure 29.2 \u0007Egyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian Bible moralis\u00e9e.\nOxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v.\n405\n\nPages 425:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nwhere Simon is identified as \u201cMagus\u201d by an inscription, while another inscription below\nhis feet reads: \u201cArte furens magica Simon in sua occidit arma\u201d (Misled by his magical art,\nSimon succumbs to its own weapons).\nIt was suggested by Thomas Matthews that Jesus was characterized as a magician by his\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which\nis also said to identify pagan magicians.19 Magic was a concept that Christians associated\nwith their religious enemies, so it is unlikely they would have imagined the son of God as a\nmagician who competed with pagan ones. Rather, they would see him as a worker of wonders, of miracles, who outdid all pagan magic in the name of the Holy Father.20 The staff\ndoes eventually become an element in the visual representation of practitioners of magic\nand divination. This is an attribute of the magician and the sorcerer that appears relatively\nlate in the history of the iconography, 21 but we can still find it in the late Middle Ages.22\nAn exceptional early example is the depiction of the sorceress Circe (Kirke) transforming\none of Odysseus\u2019s sailors into a pig, painted on a Greek amphora now in Berlin.23 On other\noccasions, such as on a fifth-century BCE lekythos, the staff, which has been interpreted as a\nmagic wand, is more likely to be simply an instrument for the magician to prepare potions.\nThe sorcerer who holds a staff in the scene in the House of the Dioscuri in Pompei, where\nshe is giving a potion to a young man, has it as her attribute as magician, as well as a pointed\nhat.24 Diviners and soothsayers are frequently shown using a staff to read the future in water or other liquids, as for example in a fresco that depicts a scene of lecanomancy from the\nHouse of Livia on the Palatine Hill in Rome.25 In the Middle Ages, the divining staff seems\nnot to be mentioned until late (not before 1400), 26 but the attribute of the staff was already\npresent in the medieval imaginary of magic, as can be seen in a Parisian Bible moralis\u00e9e of\nthe first half of the thirteenth century, where the Egyptian magicians (malefici) are depicted\nwith their staffs (see Figure 29.2).27\nIn any case, Jesus\u2019s staff identifies him as a wonder- or miracle-worker who surpasses\npagan magic and who stands as the typological successor of Moses. This typology was also\nassociated with the figure of Saint Peter striking the rock with a rod, which often appears\non Christian sarcophagi.28\nMagic and idolatry\nEarly Christian literary representations do not usually attribute magic to women but rather\nto men.29 In the early Middle Ages, the magus figure became definitively synonymous with\nideas of superstition, paganism and idolatry. In his De doctrina christiana, Saint Augustine consolidated his attack on magic as the supreme manifestation of paganism and idolatry, and in\nhis De civitate Dei he condemned it by linking it to devil worship. It was Augustine\u2019s view of\nmagic that would prevail throughout the early Middle Ages.30 Accounts of religious conversion emphasize Christian superiority over pagan magic. Hagiographies are full of examples\nof men and women who turn to Christianity after witnessing the superiority of Christian\npower over magic. The conversion scene in a ninth-century Byzantine manuscript illustrates\nin a single image how the early Middle Ages linked magic, idolatry and paganism.31 The\ntextual account is taken from Gregory Nazianzenus\u2019s Homilies, and it concerns the life of\nCyprian the magician. The text, concerned with Cyprian\u2019s sainthood, says little about his\ninterest in the sciences of the occult. The scene in Figure 29.3 shows Cyprian as a magician\nin his early life, and is of great interest because the artist has added details to supplement the\n406\n\nPages 426:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.3 \u0007Cyprian as a magician from Gregory Nazianzen, Homilies, Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de\nFrance, MS Gr. 510, fol. 332v.\ntext. The depiction of Cyprian here reveals the artist\u2019s idea of the contrast between magic\nand the true cult, that is Christian religion.\nThe story is as follows: Cyprian was a magician who fell in love with a young maiden\ncalled Justina, and summoned the services of a demon to seduce her. The demon appeared to\nJustina, who appealed to the Virgin Mary for protection and thereby drove the demon back.\nIn the illustration, the Byzantine artist has divided the space available into two distinct sections. One depicts pagan activities, the other Christian ones. Thus, a pagan scene of idolatry\nis countered by a Christian altar stripped of devotional image. Cyprian the magician is an\nastrologer, an occupation symbolized by the celestial globe in the background, and he has\ninvoked the devil using two idols placed on in a base.32 In medieval illustrations, we often find\nhydromancy depicted in relation to the story of Nectanebo.33 The end of lecanomantic (or\nhydromantic) rituals was that the gods (or demons) were seen in the water as in a picture.34\n\u00adAugustine, quoting Varro, says of Numa that he \u201c\u2026 was forced to perform hydromancy, so\nthat he saw images of gods, or better mockeries of the demons (ludificationes daemonum)\u201d.35 In\nthis same sense, the Byzantine artist has interpreted the scene as a three-dimensional appearance of the idols of the god emerging from water and liberating not the god but the demon\n407\n\nPages 427:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\ndwelling inside the idols. The demon is shown in this very much damaged miniature as coming back unsuccessful from his mission to attract Justine to Cyprian.\nCyprian\u2019s use of idols to conjure the devil is of interest to modern art historians because\nit reflects Christian ideas about images employed in pagan cults.36 Pagans believed that\nspirits of their gods inhabited their images, which in turn gave the images the power to\nwork miracles or to utter prophesies. Christians, on the other hand, believed that these socalled \u201cmiracles\u201d were illusions produced by devils around or even inside the pagan statues.37 This belief, outlined by Athanasius and Origen among others, was well established in\nChristian thought, as illustrated by the miniature in the Stuttgart Psalter that shows devils\nswarming around a pagan statue,38 or Saint Bartholomew\u2019s exorcism of a statue as shown\nin the Anjou Hungarian Legendary.39\nThe choice of a magus\u2019s attributes, then, is a window onto how the early medieval artistic\nimagination understood the conflict between magic and religion. As we have just seen in\nthe extraordinary image from the life of Saint Cyprian, magic, idolatry and paganism were\nintimately connected in early medieval visual culture. Evil and demons are of course the\nroots of magic, and for instance in a late Byzantine manuscript, a magician, Theodas, is\nshown sending demons against his enemy, Josaphat (BnF Grec 1128, fol. 151).\nMagic and the Liberal Arts\nMagic also represented knowledge that was illicit and forbidden. An image in the now lost\ncopy of the Hortus deliciarum revealed how Augustine\u2019s condemnation of magic continued to\nbe influential as late as the second half of the twelfth century. The schematic representation\nof the Liberal Arts in the Hortus arranges the personifications of the seven arts around the\ncentral figure of Philosophy, flanked by Plato and Socrates.40 The idea that pagan learning\ncould contribute to the learning of the Christian faithful was one that had already been expounded by the Church Fathers, but they were careful to add that not all pagan knowledge\nwas permissible. In the Hortus diagram, a group of figures is excluded from the circle of\nlearning. These figures write at a bookstand, and birds hover by their ears. An inscription\nidentifies them as \u201cpoets and magicians\u201d, shut out from the circle of knowledge because they\nare inspired by unclean spirits. A common image in medieval art is the dove of the Holy\nSpirit, symbolic of divine inspiration, which hovers above well-known figures ranging from\nKing David to Saint Augustine, and is even shown inspiring contemporary medieval authors\nsuch as Peter Lombard.41 This traditional image of the writer inspired by the Holy Spirit was\nwidely popularized by images of Gregory the Great.42 But the illustration of the Artes liberales\nin the Hortus deliciarum inverts this traditional Christian symbol of divine inspiration, and the\nbirds hovering beside the ears of the poets and magicians are birds of ill-omen that provide\ndemonic inspiration instead. The importance of hearing as a means of transmitting devilish\nthoughts appears in earlier depictions as well. For example, a devil whispers into the ear of\nthe heretic Jovinian in a tenth-century manuscript miniature.43\nAlthough Augustine\u2019s condemnation of magic was to remain in force throughout the\nMiddle Ages, magic gradually came to be thought of as a \u201cdiscipline\u201d or \u201cart\u201d in some\ncourt and ecclesiastical circles. In his Disciplina clericalis, for example, Petrus Alfonsi lists\nthe Seven Liberal Arts and observes that \u201cPhilosophers who do not follow the prophets say\nthat the seventh [Liberal Art] is necromancy\u201d.44 Some reference to magic as a branch of\nthe mechanical arts had been made since the twelfth century. However, Petrus Alfonsi\u2019s\ndescription of magic and philosophy as two names for the same liberal art would appear to\n408\n\nPages 428:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nrepresent a new departure in the literature of the period. Although a debate was beginning\nabout the place of magic among the arts, condemnation of it was still rife. In the thirteenth\ncentury, for example, John of Dacia contrasted magic, which he considered useless and\nforbidden, with the liberal and mechanical arts, which he pronounced both useful and\nnecessary.45 Yet other, influential, early thirteenth-century figures disagreed. William of\nAuvergne, Bishop of Paris during the second quarter of the thirteenth century, and in his\nyouth an avid student of Arabic astral magic, observed that while natural magic was sometimes labelled necromancy according to philosophy, this was incorrect because in fact it\nrepresented the eleventh part of the science of nature.46 In his scholastic summa, the Magisterium divinale et sapientiale, William set magic firmly within the Aristotelian natural universe,\nwhich conceived of the world as one that operated according to natural laws initially established by God. In the universe seen through Aristotelian eyes, most natural operations are\napparent, while some of them are occult, and so those who observe nature and know how\nto manipulate it are therefore able to perform what is essentially natural magic. Sometimes\nhumans take the observation of nature a step further and try to constrain its forces using\ndemonic powers but, William argued, this is an illusion of the senses caused by the tricks of\ndemons, since only God himself can miraculously supersede natural laws.47\nIt was after the Aristotelian Libri naturales were definitely introduced into the syllabus of\nthe Parisian arts faculty in the 1250s, that two figures labelled \u201cPhilosophus\u201d and \u201cMagus\u201d\nwere added to the north transept foreportal in Chartres Cathedral (see Figure 29.4).48\nFigure 29.4 \u201c\u0007 Philosophus\u201d and \u201cMagus\u201d. Sculptures on Chartres Cathedral. Photo: Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s.\n409\n\nPages 429:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nTheir beards and long hair are both standard attributes of age and therefore wisdom,\nand can hardly be said to identify their professions. However, they are depicted with other\nattributes that do distinguish them. The philosopher holds a stone which he scrutinizes\nintently. The stone is the symbol par excellence of man\u2019s interest in the natural world, and\nmedieval natural philosophers were drawn to explore its hidden properties.49 Already in an\neleventh-century illustration of Hraban Maur\u2019s De rerum naturis a man holds a stone receiving the powers of the heavenly rays, some decades before Al-Kindi\u2019s De radiis was known to\nWestern Europe.50 In a miniature of ca. 1300, a wise man intently scrutinizing a stone appears as representing the observation of nature in a manuscript of De proprietatibus rerum, by\nBartholomeus Anglicus.51 At the beginning of the thirteenth century, Gervase of Tilbury\nspeaks of the virtus intrinseca of stones, that is their apparent and hidden properties, coupled\nwith a virtus extrinseca, which can be conferred on them by rituals of consecration or exorcism. The enchantment of words empower the stones, reinforcing their natural virtues. 52\nFor his part, the magician (see Figure 29.5) is holding a scroll, and under his feet there is a\ndragon or a basilisk representing the evil forces he constrains to obey him. 53\nThese are substantially the same elements we find in the illustration of \u201cnecromancy\u201d in\na manuscript of ca. 1270 of Brunetto Latini\u2019s Tr\u00e9sor (see Figure 29.6).54\nOne of the many activities linked to the Liberal Arts on the sides of a Boethian ladder to\nreaching knowledge (Philosophia) was, in this exceptional image, the practice of necromancy.\nIn the Tr\u00e9sor manuscript, the necromancer is represented as a man consulting a book on a\nFigure 29.5 \u201c\u0007 Magus\u201d. Chartres Cathedral (detail of Fig. 29.4).\n410\n\nPages 430:\nFigure 29.6 N\n\u0007 igromance from Brunetto Latini, Tr\u00e9sor, London, British Library, Additional MS 30024, 1v.\n\nPages 431:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nlectern, with a demon before him, summoned by the prayers uttered by the magician from\nthe magic book. The image encapsulates the magician\u2019s belief in his power to constrain the\nwill of demons for his own benefit.\nThe magician who invoked devils and who pretended to control nature with illusions and\ntrickery crossed the fine line between passive observation and man\u2019s desire to manipulate\nphysical reality. The philosopher, on the other hand, tried simply to understand how nature\nworked. The philosopher on Chartres Cathedral studies nature so as to better understand it.\nHis counterpart the magus (see Figure 29.5), meanwhile, holds a scroll, symbolic of the ancient\nspells from arcane texts that he learns to try and harness the forces of evil for his own benefit.\nHere, these evil forces are represented by the dragon or basilisk that he crushes beneath his\nfeet. These sculptures of the philosopher and the magus would appear to sum up the two sides\nof this renewed, thirteenth-century interest in nature, namely the desire to observe the natural\nworld and the desire to constrain its hidden forces. The potential effects of magic, as Christian\nwriters saw it, are no more than illusions conjured up by demons. Thus, a magician may believe\nhe commands the forces of evil to perform his bidding, but in fact he is no more than an instrument in the hands of malignant powers. The dragon under the feet of the magician depicted\non Chartres Cathedral is just such an evil force, which the magus wrongly believes he controls.\nMagic and the demonic\nAn essential element in magic rituals is the invocation by the magician of demonic forces to\ncompel them to perform his will. As I have said above, the Liber iuratus by Honorius of Thebes includes detailed instructions on how to draw a magic circle to protect the magus from\nevil powers. During the thirteenth century, this key element of the invocation ritual starts to\nappear in illustrations of magicians\u2019 activities as well. The tale of a priest, who lusts after a\nmaiden and who invokes devils to cast a spell on her so his desire is reciprocated, is illustrated\nin the Cantigas de Santa Maria by Alfonso X of Castile (1252\u201384) (see Figure 29.7).55\nThe text of the story is careful to describe how the priest threatens to shut the demons\naway in a bottle if they fail to carry out his orders, but it makes no mention of the magic\ncircle that he draws to protect himself from evil spirits. The fact the artist includes this\ndetail when it is not mentioned in the text suggests that by this date the magic circle had\ncome to play an important role in magic rituals. By the late thirteenth century, then, this\ndiagram boundary between two worlds, which protected the magician from the demonic\nunderworld, had become a standard feature of magic rituals.\nThe crucial aspect of this most despised form of magic, necromancy, was its ability to\nharness the power of devils. Necromancy involved rituals to attract occult forces, rituals\nwhich churchmen interpreted as demonically inspired illusions. The invocation of devils\nwas, without question, contrary to the Christian religion, but on the other hand it was permissible to invoke cosmic forces using spirits that were part of the Christian tradition. These\nspirits were angels. As David Pingree observed, Alfonso X of Castile had learned from\n\u00adA rabic astral magic that \u201call magic acts, no matter how loathsome their performance or the\nbaseness of their purpose, are permissible and even carried out by God\u2019s power, transmitted\nthrough his angels\u201d.56 Alfonso saw the exercise of astral magic as legitimate, although he\nalso recognized that knowledge of it was potentially harmful and so should not be made\navailable to the ignorant. This conclusion was based on the assumption that the power of\nthe stars comes ultimately from God and that this power is transmitted to earth by celestial\nmessengers, among which the most important are angels. Alfonso saw no inconsistency\n412\n\nPages 432:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.7 M\n\u0007 onk inside a magic circle, El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo,\nMS T.I.1, fol. 177v.\nbetween his patronage of compilations about astral magic, such as the Lapidario or the\nLibro de astromagia, and his statements against magic and magicians in his legal texts, or his\ncondemnation of magic ceremonies in the Cantigas. The fundamentally divine origins of the\nforces of magic meant it was a legitimate branch of learning. Alfonso frequently referred\nto these origins, and it is therefore significant that for him the supernatural mediators are\nangels, God\u2019s messengers, and not demons.\n413\n\nPages 433:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nKing Alfonso\u2019s attitude towards magic is revealed in works such as his Book of Stones (Lapidario).\nThe first treatise in the compilation describes the first stage in the process of making talismans.\nThe text lists stones endowed with particular supernatural properties, and gives the optimum\nmoment in the astrological calendar to gather these stones when their latent powers are at their\npeak. The hidden properties of these stones represent what Gervase of Tilbury called their\n\u201cvirtus intr\u00ednseca\u201d, or inherent mineral virtues. Alfonso\u2019s first Lapidario explains that the culmination of the powers of these stones is the result of the influence of the stars upon them during\nthe course of the year, the year\u2019s 360 days being equivalent to the 360 degrees of the heavenly\nsphere. The only manuscript of this Book of Stones has a series of miniatures to accompany the\nsections on each zodiac sign. The miniatures stress that the powers of the stones derive from\nGod\u2019s intermediaries, angels, and in so doing legitimize the knowledge contained in the text.\nAlfonso, however, was not content just to investigate the virtus intrinseca of stones. Towards\nthe end of his life, he also examined their virtus extrinseca, exploring the way in which their\nnatural powers could be realized by means of rituals and magic ceremonies. To this end, he\ncompiled a series of diagrams of talismanic images, such as, for example, those associated\nwith the moon, that could be engraved on stones and which would imbue them with supernatural forces. These diagrams and images appear in his Libro de astromagia, where Alfonso\neventually strayed into the dangerous world of magic. An image depicting the magic ceremonies needed to capture the forces of the stars shows how he slipped from legitimate to\nheretical learning. Although in the Libro de astromagia Alfonso is careful to stress that angels,\nnot devils, relay the planetary forces to earth, so many different magic rituals are depicted\nwhich show that his claims of religious orthodoxy are seriously undermined.\nThe magic of images\nWhile artists in the early Middle Ages had linked depictions of magic with paganism and\nidolatry, by the thirteenth century ideas about natural magic seemed to have led to a kind\nof gradual acceptance of magic as a legitimate subject of study.57 However, the magic of\nimages was considered the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima), mostly when it was accompanied by invocations to the devil.58 In the fourteenth-century handbook for preachers\nknown as Fasciculus morum, it is said that the main activity of necromancers is to \u201craise devils\nin their circles that are expected to answer their questions\u201d, and second only to that they\n\u201cmake figures of people in wax or some other soft material in order to kill them\u201d.59 In Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, we can see how a magician is enchanting a wax figure in the\npresence of angels and the familiar spirit who has brought the figure.60\nIn his legislative work, Alfonso had explicitly forbidden \u201canyone to dare to make images\nof wax or metal or any other figures to cause men to fall in love with women, or to put an\nend to the affection which persons entertain toward another\u201d.61 In the twelfth century, John\nof Salisbury called vultivuli those persons practising enchantments by means of figures made\nof wax or other soft materials like clay.62 The art of envoutement was so widespread by the beginning of the fourteenth century that Pope John XXII consulted his advisers about it; the\nresult of this consultation had important consequences for the consideration of sorcery as a\nkind of heresy.63 In 1323, the notorious inquisitor Bernard Gui, at the behest of John XXII,\nflatly condemned \u201cthe practice which involves making images of lead, or wax, or any other\nsubstance in order to achieve ends which are unlawful or harmful\u201d.64 The use of wax or clay\nfigures in the practice of sympathetic magic \u2013 especially love magic \u2013 is well documented in\nAntiquity,65 and it was often the realm of female magicians, as Virgil narrates in his eighth\n414\n\nPages 434:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nEclogue.66 But as late as the thirteenth century, visual representations of sorceresses still lack\ndistinctive attributes, and when the illustrator of a manuscript of William of Tyre\u2019s History\nof the Crusades had to depict the Muslim sorceresses falling from the wall, he gave them no\ncharacteristic feature as magicians.67 As in the case of male magicians, it is their action,\ntheir place in the story board, which identifies them. But in the fourteenth century, Roger\nBacon\u2019s vetula medica would become Gerson\u2019s vetula sortilega, so that a devil appears when they\nare preparing some herbs.68 The story of the sorceress in the eighth Eclogue is illustrated in\na fifteenth-century miniature (see Figure 29.8), visually attesting to the moment when one\nof the sorceresses use a clay figure to retrieve the other woman\u2019s lost love.69\nFigure 29.8 \u0007Sorcerers with a clay magic figurine and the shepherd Menalcas, Dijon, Biblioth\u00e8que municipale, MS 493 fol. 15v.\n415\n\nPages 435:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nIn his Chronicon, the monk Ad\u00e9mar de Chabannes had reported how towards 1027\u201328\na sorceress (malefica mulier) and her accomplices seemed to have used clay images against\nCount William of Angoul\u00eame.70 We find the illustration of a magician in a magic\nrectangle enchanting a wax figure in Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, where he ordered\nthe reader to gather several Arabic texts of astral magic mainly devoted to giving detailed instructions for the construction of talismans through prayers and suffumigations, pouring the spirits of the celestial bodies into stones inscribed with images and\ncharacters. In these magically vivified sculptures and talismans, we find a mixture\nof the ancient \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d \u2013 attributed to the Egyptians in the ancient\nworld \u2013 and Arabic astral magic, whose origins were in the Ancient Near East. In both\nthe case of the vivification of statues and that of the creation of talismans, this art of\nimbuing spirits in images to imprint them with life was attributed in the Middle Ages\nto Hermes Trismegistus. Since in his City of God Augustine quoted the words in the\nhermetic Asclepius about the \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d, Trismegistus was considered the\nchampion of idolatry, and in a fifteenth-century illustration of the French version of\nAugustine\u2019s work, Hermes appears weeping for the fall of idols.71 Trismegistus was also\nthe prophet of the Harranian Sabeans,72 the people from whom Arabic texts of astral\nmagic spread, and in an Arabic miniature of 1399, he is shown fabricating a talisman\nin his temple in Harran, under an arch with representations of animals of the Chinese\nzodiac.73 In the first half of the thirteenth century, William of Auvergne equates Arabic\ntalismans made with the \u201cfalse statues (erroneas statuas) made by man\u2019s hands\u201d described\nin the Asclepius as full of life, \u201censouled and conscious\u201d (sensu et spiritu plenas),74 and in so\ndoing he brought together the terminology from the Latin and the Arabic traditions.\nImage magic texts detail rituals to be performed over an image to imbue in it the powers of spirits or heavenly bodies, or to say it with the words of William of Auvergne,\nthey purport to fabricate images \u201cin whi\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 415 to page 435 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 436 to page 448 out of a total of 569:\nPages 436:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nPtolemy says in the Centiloquium that images (effigies) of things here below are subject\nto the celestial images (vultus); and that the ancient wise men used to manufacture\ncertain talismans (imagines) when the planets were entering similar faces (facies) of\nthe heavens, the faces being as it were exemplars of things below (\u2026) Besides,\nHaly tells of a wise man who in a similar endeavor made images which moved. \u2026\n[and] Trismegistus says the Egyptians also used to make such images of specific\ncosmic materials and used to insert into them at the right time the souls of\ndaemons \u2026<De vita, III, 13>\nHermes Trismegistus was considered the champion of idolatry throughout the medieval period, and by the end of the Middle Ages, this image coexisted with that of him as a precursor\nof Christ which we find in the famous image in Siena Cathedral. The latter image was a prophetic fashion indebted to ideas current in fifteenth-century Italy about an ancient theology\n(prisca theologia) preceding Christian truth. But when the author of the Florentine Picture Chronicle\nwished to show a gallery of the most famous magicians in history and chose Trismegistus as\none of them, he had no doubts about his attributes (see Figure 29.9).78 He would illustrate\nFigure 29.9 \u0007Hermes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle. Engraving attributed to Baccio Baldini or Maso\nFiniguerra. British Museum.\n417\n\nPages 437:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nhim holding a gesticulating little man in his hands. Beyond doubt, this homunculus represents\nbut one of these \u201cerroneas statuas\u201d \u201csensu et spiritu plenas\u201d referred to in the hermetic Asclepius,\nthat Trismegistus was believed to be able to vivify, and which would grant him fame as magician in the Middle Ages.\nFuture directions: the agency of images and\nthe efficacy of objects\nIf we take into consideration the persistence of the medieval imagery of magic in contemporary culture (Disney\u2019s Fantasia or the Harry Potter films are two outstanding examples), it is\nastonishing to realize the scarce attention paid to the medieval iconography of magic itself.\nApart from the representations of magic and magician in medieval visual cultures, future\ndirections of research should engage the magical powers of images, considering the relationships between magic and religion as well as the efficacy of objects imbued with talismanic\npower and their representations in works of art. Among other possible topics, the medieval\norigins of the iconography of the witch also need further research. Diagrams and the material culture of magic are also outstanding aspects of our subject, but other chapters in this\nbook deal with them.\nAny work on the problem of the magic of images in the Middle Ages should point out\nthe relationship between magical images (talismans, wax images, etc.) and holy, miraculous\nimages in the medieval period.79 Scholarly attention to the visual culture of magic has\ntraditionally concentrated on apotropaic images and objects, as well as late medieval and\nearly modern representations of witchcraft. But even these well-studied fields of study have\nrecently been the subject of some interesting research that demonstrates there are diverse\nvenues still to be explored further.\nRegarding apotropaic objects and the magic of images, art historians have often been interested in the relationships between superstition, folk beliefs and social life involved in the\napotropaic uses of sacred and profane objects.80 Often, the absence of specific, contextual\ndocumentation for presumably apotropaic objects and sculptures has conditioned the historiography of the subject. A few sources can be quoted, for example, regarding sculptures\nin corbels and gargoyles decorated with animals displaying their powerful ferocity as apotropaic presences in liminal spaces of the church.81 From Late Antiquity onwards, Church\nfathers prevented the use of amulets as a habit to be avoided:82 for example, Jerome condemns the use of phylacteries as a Jewish habit in his comment to the Gospel of Matthew.83\nHowever, the recourse to amuletic protective devices is common from Late Antiquity to\nthe late Middle Ages, and they can often be found depicted in works of art, from some late-\u00ad\nantique Fayum portraits showing the prophylactic objects the dead used to carry on their\nnecks in their daily lives to late medieval paintings \u2013 including portraits of the child Jesus.84\nAmulets ( philacteria, ligamenta85) and talismans (imagines, praestigia86) are usually used as\nworking terms for more or less sophisticated objects hung or worn to expel evil influences.\nAlthough of course many amulets acquire their powers during the process of their preparation, a working distinction between both terms is plausible, taking into account the words\nby Gervasius of Tilbury quoted above: amulets would be natural objects with a virtus intrinseca, while talismans acquire a virtus extrinseca as they are inscribed with figures or characters\nand often consecrated with some kind of ritual. These rituals led late medieval theologians\nto consider talismans the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima).87 Also the use of ancient\ngems as apotropaic objects should be considered:88 as the meaning of their iconography\n418\n\nPages 438:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nwas lost, they were considered protective devices, so that they can be found displaying their\nbeauty and prestige decorating even sacred objects and reliquaries,89 as in the cases of the\nearly medieval Asturian \u201ccross of the angels\u201d in Oviedo90 or the thirteenth-century Box of\nthe Three Wise Kings in Cologne,91 among many others. Of course, there are also relics92\nas well as other religious objects such as pilgrim badges \u2013 all of them imbued with the sacrality of the saints\u2019 burials \u2013that are used as common prophylactic devices: a lot of them\nhave reached to us,93 and also they often appear in late medieval iconography.94 At present,\nmedieval art historians are less concerned about formal classification or the differentiation\nbetween sacred or profane than about the agency of these objects in their cultural context.\nNew historiographical streams are now focusing on the power of images and the efficacy of\napotropaic objects,95 agency being the fashionable term after the late anthropologist Alfred\nGell.96 Also, sophisticated uses of art as an apotropaic device and the notion of art itself as\nprophylaxis have recently been the subject of scholarly attention.97\nAmulets and talismans were not only hung or worn on hats and dresses to invoke power\nfor healing from sickness, protection against harm, malediction of adversaries and success\nin a variety of affairs, but were also placed on walls and close to doors to keep demons\naway.98 With a similar prophylactic intention, the liminal spaces of Romanesque churches\nare decorated with a myriad of apotropaic figures, where Christian images coexist with\nothers of presumably pagan origin, as it is the case of sculptures of women exposing her\ngenitals in Romanesque churches, known in Ireland as \u201cSheela-na-gigs\u201d.99 The interpretation of these marginal figures is still controversial, but there is a basic agreement that their\nsituation in liminal spaces is for expelling evil influences under the principle similia similibus\ncurantur: like attracts like, and hence also repels like by capturing its attention and so keeping it out of the sacred space.\nSexual corbels make up only one of the chapters of the long book of the obscene in medieval visual culture. Among many examples, in a fourteenth-century manuscript of the Roman\nde la Rose,100 a nun appears picking male sexual organs as if they were fruits from a tree. In\nthis case, the marginal location of the scene can lead to a humorous interpretation: in the\ntext, the Old Woman wishes she could have had as many lovers as possible. In the fifteenth\ncentury, similar trees with penises as fruits or birds, alluding to fertility in an obscene way,\nwould become popular.101 To finish this chapter, I will deal with a related tree containing\npenises as birds in a thirteenth-century mural in Massa Marittima (Italy), which reveals that\nthe story of the origins of the iconography of witchcraft has some lacunae still to be filled.\nDecorating the town fountain in Massa Marittima, as can be seen in Figure 29.10, this\nmural represents eight women underneath a tree with phalli hanging from its branches\ninstead of fruits, probably the first example of this kind of Wunderbaum, which we find in\nseveral paintings and objects after 1400. The common names for the penis in several languages refer to birds or cocks, and the phallus bird is an apotropaic symbol known from\nGreek art.102 But here the phalluses in their nests acquire new connotations, opposing the\nfertility represented by the fountain against the threat to fertility. This activity was associated with a certain type of woman would use the source, as is made clear by a much later\ntext from the Malleus Maleficarum that fits so well as a description of the Massa Marittima\nmural that it is easy to deduce it comes from a much earlier oral tradition:\nAs for what pronouncement should be made about those sorceresses who sometimes keep large numbers of these members (twenty or thirty at once) in a bird\u2019s\nnest or in some cabinet, where the members move as if alive or eat a stalk or fodder,\n419\n\nPages 439:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nFigure 29.10 T\n\u0007 ree with male sexual organs being harvested by women (Wunderbaum). Mural painting set\nin the wall of the Fountain of Abundance, Massa Marittima (Italy). Bridgeman Images.\nas many have seen and the general report relates, it should be said that these things\nare all carried out through the Devil\u2019s working and illusion. In this case, an illusion\nis played on the viewers\u2019 senses of perception in the ways discussed above. A certain\nman reported that when he had lost his member and gone to a certain sorceress\nto regain his well-being, she told the sick man that he should climb a certain tree\nand granted that he could take whichever one he wanted from the nest, in which\nthere were very many members. When he tried to take a particular large one, the\nsorceress said, \u201cYou shouldn\u2019t take that one,\u201d adding that it belonged to one of the\nparish priests.103\nThe late medieval process of appropriation of women\u2019s knowledge of men\u2019s bodies resulted in\na kind of fear that the same women who knew how to cure male impotence could \u00adbecome \u2013 in\nmen\u2019s eyes \u2013 responsible for causing it by means of their bad arts.104 The vetula medica, as Roger\nBacon calls the wise old woman who knows all kinds of remedies against illness, became a vetula\nmalefica, in the words of Jean Gerson.105 This led to a gradual characterization of women as\nwitches: perhaps under the influence of the text of the Canon \u00ad\u00adepiscopi \u2013 well known through the\nDecretum Gratiani106 \u2013 women riding broomsticks appear at least by 1200.107 Women riding a\nram are often representations of lust and evil, and by the late Middle Ages it was a common\nbelief that found its way into the iconography of witchcraft that witches rode backwards to\ntheir sabbats on rams or goats.108 But the representation of witches would not be settled until\nthe beginning of the sixteenth century, and the story of the formation of the iconography of\nthe witch before the fifteenth century still has some chapters to be written.109\n420\n\nPages 440:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nNotes\n1 Charles Zika, \u201cMedieval Magicians as People of the Book,\u201d in Imagination, Books and Community in\nMedieval Europe, ed. G. Kratzman, (Melbourne: State Library of Victoria, 2009), 246\u201354. About\nthe iconography of the magicians in the Florentine Picture Chronicle, see I. Olah, \u201cDemons and\nMages in Renaissance Florence: Ficinian Neoplatonic Magic and Lorenzo de\u2019 Medici,\u201d Studies in\nMedieval and Renaissance History, Ser. 3, vol. 10 (2013): 149\u201381.\n2 Giampiero Bozzolato et al., Il Palazzo della Ragione a Padova (2 vols), I: Dalle pitture di Giotto agli affreschi del \u2018400; II: Gli afreschi, vol. II (Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1992), pl. 127; see\nalso Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa cultura visual de la magia en la \u00e9poca de Alfonso X,\u201d Alcanate:\nRevista de estudios alfons\u00edes 5 (2006\u20132007): 49\u201387.\n3 Jaime Ferreiro Alemparte, \u201cLa escuela de nigromancia de Toledo,\u201d Anuario de estudios medievales 13\n(1983): 205\u201368; on the reference by William, see Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and Experimental\nScience, vol. 2 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1923), 345\u201347. See also Richard Kieckhefer\nForbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 1998), 170ff.;\n4 Liber iuratus Honorii: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius, ed. G\u00f6sta\nHedegard (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 2002), 67ff. See Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe Devil\u2019s\nContemplatives: The Liber iuratus, the Liber visionum and the Christian Appropriation of Jewish\nOccultism,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 250\u201365; Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cMagie\nth\u00e9urgique, ang\u00e9lologie et vision b\u00e9atifique dans le Liber sacratus attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Honorius de Th\u00e8bes,\u201d\nM\u00e9langes de l\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome: Moyen \u00c2ge 114 (2002): 851\u201390; Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Liber\niuratus Honorii and the Christian Reception of Angel Magic,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and\nPractices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 113\u201350; Jan R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in\n\u00adBerengario Ganell\u2019s Summa sacre magice\u201d in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger 151\u201391 (with new insights on\nthe origins of the Liber iuratus).\n5 See Sigrid Schade, Schadenzauber und die Magie des K\u00f6rpers: Hexenbilder der fr\u00fchen Neuzeit (Worms:\n\u00adWerner\u2019sche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1983); Wolfgang Schild, \u201cHexen-Bilder,\u201d in Methoden und Konzepte der\nhistorischen Hexenforschung, ed. Gunther Franz et al. (Trier: Paulinus, 1998), 329\u2013413; Linda Hults, The\nWitch as Muse: Art, Gender and Power in Early Modern Europe (Philadelphia: University of \u00adPennsylvania\nPress, 2005); Charles Zika, Exorcising our Demons: Magic, Witchcraft and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe\n(Leiden: Brill, 2003); Charles Zika, The Appearance of Witchcraft: Print and Visual Culture in Sixteenth-Century\nEurope (London: Routledge, 2007); Charles Zika, \u201cImages of Witchcraft in Early \u00adModern Europe,\u201d in\nThe Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial A\n\u00ad merica, ed. B.P. Levack, (Oxford:\nOxford University Press 2013); Charles Zika, \u201cImages and \u00adWitchcraft Studies: A Short History,\u201d in\nWriting Witch-Hunt Histories, ed. Marko Nenonen and Raisa M. Toivo (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 41\u201385;\nCharles Zika \u201cThe Witch and Magician in European Art,\u201d in The Oxford Illustrated History of Witchcraft and Magic, ed. Owen Davies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), 134\u201366. I am grateful to\n\u00adProfessor Zika for sending me a copy of this recent chapter before publication.\n6 One exception is Sophie Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts (London: British Library 2004), focused on late medieval manuscripts in the British Library.\n7 See Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989);\nSteven P. Marrone, \u201cWilliam of Auvergne on Magic in Natural Philosophy and Theology,\u201d in Was\nist Philosophie im Mittelalter, ed. Jan A. Aertsen and Andreas Speer (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1998),\n741\u201348; Steven P. Marrone, \u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d Early Science and Medicine 14 (2009): 158\u201385; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance.\nAstrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-Xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne,\n2006) 205\u201378; Graziella Federici Vescovini, Medioevo magico: la magia tra religione e scienza nei secoli\nXIII e XIV (Torino: UTET, 2008), xxi\u2013xxxi, 35\u201346 and 171\u2013204; Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books:\nManuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState University Press, 2008), 17\u201347; Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned\nMagic in the Later Middle Ages and the Renaissance (University Park: Pennsylvania State University\nPress, 2013), 17ff.; Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cMagia y ciencia en la Baja Edad Media: la construcci\u00f3n de los\nl\u00edmites entre la magia natural y la nigromancia, c. 1230 - c. 1310,\u201d Clio & crimen 8 (2011): 14\u201372.\n421\n\nPages 441:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\n8 Albert de Jong, Traditions of the Magi: Zoroastrianism in Greek and Latin Literature (Leiden: Brill, 1997);\nJan N. Bremmer, \u201cPersian Magoi and the Birth of the Term Magic,\u201d in Jan N. Bremmer, Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 235\u201347. On the uses of the\nterm magos in Graeco-Roman texts, see also Stephen Haar, Simon Magus: The First Gnostic? (Berlin:\nDe Gruyter, 2003), 35\u201371.\n9 Jaroslav Folda, The Nazareth Capitals and the Crusader Shrine of the Annunciation, (University Park:\n\u00adPennsylvania State University Press, 1986), 41\u201342; Otto Demus, The Mosaics of San Marco in Venice,\nvol. I.1, (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1984), 225.\n10 London, British Library MS Cotton Tiberius B V, Part I, f. 87v. See Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts; M.R. James, \u201cA Fragment of the \u2018Penitence of Jannes and Jambres\u2019,\u201d Journal of Theological\nStudies 2 (1901): 572\u201377, esp. 573; Patrick McGurk et al., ed., An Eleventh-Century Anglo-Saxon Illustrated Miscellany: British Library Cotton Tiberius B.V. Part I. Together with Leaves from British Library Cotton\nNero D. II, (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1983). See also its twelfth-century copy: Oxford,\nBodleian Library MS Bodley 614, f. 48r.\n11 Ed. and trans. Albert Pietersma, The Apocryphon of Jannes and Jambres the Magicians (Leiden: Brill,\n1997), 218: \u201cAperuit Mambres libros magicos fratris sui Iamnis et fecit necromantiam et eduxit ab\ninferis idolum fratris sui\u201d.\n12 Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale de France, Coislin Gr. 239, fol. 122r (Gregory Nazianzenus, Oratio\n39, 5). Henri Omont, Miniatures des plus anciennes manuscrits grecs de la Biblioth\u00e8que Nationale du VIe au\nXIVe si\u00e8cle, (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 1929), pl. cxviii, n. 22; Franz Cumont, \u201cUn rescrit imperial\nsur la violation de sepulture,\u201d Revue historique 163 (1930): 241\u201366, here 249, n. 1.\n13 British Library, Cotton Claudius B. IV, fol. 8v (on the sign of the rods; Ex 7: 12) and 83r (on the\nplague of the lice; Ex 8:18). See The Old English Illustrated Hexateuch: British Museum Cotton Claudius B.\nIV, ed. C.R. Dodwell and Peter Clemoes (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1974) [facsimile];\nBenjamin C. Withers, The Illustrated Old English Hexateuch, Cotton Claudius B.iv: The Frontier of Seeing\nand Reading in Anglo-Saxon England (London: British Library, 2007).\n14 Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law (Philadelphia: University of Pennylvania Press,\n1978); Jos\u00e9 Domingo Rodr\u00edguez Mart\u00edn, \u201cEl t\u00e9rmino maleficus en derecho romano postcl\u00e1sico,\u201d in\nEdici\u00f3n de textos m\u00e1gicos de la Antigu\u0308edad y de la Edad Media, ed. Juan Antonio \u00c1lvarez-Pedrosa N\u00fa\u00f1ez\nand Sof\u00eda Torallas Tovar (Madrid: CSIC, 2010), 145\u201371; James B. Rives, \u201cMagus and Its Cognates\nin Classical Latin,\u201d in Magical Practices in the Latin West, ed. Richard Gordon and Francisco Marco\nSim\u00f3n, (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 53\u201377.\n15 Anitra B. Kolenkow, \u201cA Problem of Power: How Miracle Doers Counter Charges of Magic in\nthe Hellenistic World,\u201d in Society of Biblical Literature. Seminar Papers (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press,\n1976), 105\u201310. The classic \u2013 but still controversial \u2013 study is that by Morton Smith, Jesus the Magician: Charlatan or Son of God? (New York: Harper & Row, 1978). See the recent assessments by\nDavid Aune, \u201cMagic in Early Christianity and Its Ancient Mediterranean Context: A Survey of\nSome Recent Scholarship,\u201d Annali di storia dell\u2019esegesi, 24, no. 2 (2007): 229\u201394, esp. 274\u201381; Bernd\nKollmann, \u201cJesus and Magic: the Question of Miracles,\u201d in Handbook for the Study of the Historical\nJesus (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 3057\u201386; Richard A. Horsley, Jesus and Magic: Freeing the Gospel Series from\nModern Misconceptions (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2014). See also H.S. Versnel, \u201cSome Reflections on\nthe Relationship Magic-Religion,\u201d Numen 38 (1991): 177\u201397.\n16 Jan N. Bremmer, \u201cLa confrontation entre l\u2019ap\u00f4tre Pierre et Simon le Magicien,\u201d in La Magie, vol. 1\n(Montpellier: Universit\u00e9 Montpellier III, 2000), 219\u201331; Florent Heintz, Simon \u201cle Magicien\u201d. Actes\n8, 5\u201325 et l\u2019accusation de magie contre les prophetes thaumaturges dans l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 (Paris: Gabalda, 1997);\nDominique C\u00f4t\u00e9, Le theme de l\u2019opposition entre Pierre et Simon dans les Pseudo-Cl\u00e9mentines, (Paris: Institut\nd\u2019\u00c9tudes Augustiniennes, 2001); Alberto Ferreiro, Simon Magus in Patristic, Medieval and Early Modern\nTraditions (Leiden: Brill, 2005).\n17 Alberto Ferreiro, \u201cArtistic representations of Simon Magus and Simon Peter in the Princeton Index of Christian Art: with Up-to-Date Inventory and Bibliography,\u201d in Simon Magus, ed. Ferreiro\n307\u201335; Kirk Ambrose, \u201cThe Fall of Simon Magus on a Capital at V\u00e9zelay,\u201d Gazette des Beaux-Arts,\nseries 6, 137 (2001): 151\u201366.\n18 Gerard Luttikhuizen, \u201cSimon Magus as a Narrative Figure in the Acts of Peter,\u201d in The Apocryphal\nActs of Peter: Magic, Miracles and Gnosticism, ed. Jan N. Bremmer (Louvain: Peeters, 1998), 39\u201351;\nTam\u00e1s Adamik, \u201cThe Image of Simon Magus in the Christian Tradition,\u201d in Apocryphal Acts of\nPeter, ed. Bremmer, 52\u201364; Ferreiro, Simon Magus.\n422\n\nPages 442:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\n19 Thomas Matthews, The Clash of Gods. A Reinterpretation of Early Christian Art, 2nd rev. edn. (\u00adPrinceton:\nPrinceton University Press, 1999), 54\u201391. A repertory of images of Jesus with the staff can be\nfound in William Storage and Laura Maish, \u201cChrist the Magician: A Survey of Ancient \u00adChristian\nSarcophagus Imagery\u201d www.rome101.com/Christian/Magician/; David Knipp, \u201cChristus Medicus\u201d in der fr\u00fchchristlichen Sarkophagskulptur: ikonographische Studien zur Sepulkralkunst des sp\u00e4ten vierten\nJahrhunderts (Leiden: Brill, 1998). See also Martine Dulaey, \u201cLe symbole de la baguette dans l\u2019art\npal\u00e9ochr\u00e9tien,\u201d Revue des \u00e9tudes augustiniennes 19 (1973): 3\u201338; Martine Dulaey, \u201cVirga virtutis tuae,\nvirga oris tui. Le b\u00e2ton du Christ dans le christianisme ancien\u201d in \u201cQuaeritur inventus colitur\u201d: miscellanea in onore di padre Umberto Maria Fasola, ed. Philippe Pergola (Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto\ndi archeologia cristiana 1989), 237\u201345; Robin M. Jensen, Understanding Early Christian Art (London\nand New York: Routledge, 2000), 120ff.; Lee M. Jefferson, \u201cThe Staff of Jesus in Early Christian\nArt,\u201d Religion and the Arts 14 (2010): 221\u201351; Lee M. Jefferson, \u201cSuperstition and the Significance\nof the Image of Christ Performing Miracles in Early Christian Art\u201d Studia Patristica 27 (2010):\n15\u201320; Lee M. Jefferson, Christ the Miracle Worker in Early Christian Art (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress\nPress, 2014). For different interpretations, see Gy\u00f6rgy Heidl, \u201cEarly Christian Imagery of the\n\u201cvirga virtutis\u201d and Ambrose\u2019s Theology of Sacraments,\u201d in Early Christian Iconographies, ed. A. Brent\nand M. Vinzent, Studia Patristica, LIX, vol. 7 (Louvain: Peeters, 2013), 69\u201375; Jean-Michel Spieser,\nImages du Christ: des catacombes aux lendemans de l\u2019iconoclasme (Geneva: Droz, 2015) 165\u201331.\n20 Among the huge bibliography about the topic, I should point out Howard Clark Kee, Miracle in the\nEarly Christian World: A Study in Sociohistorical Method (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1983);\nHoward Clark Kee, Medicine, Miracle and Magic in New Testament Times (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1986); Graham H. Twelftree, Jesus the Exorcist: A Contribution to the Study of the\nHistorical Jesus (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr, 1993); Graham H. Twelftree, Jesus the Miracle Worker: A Historical\nand Theological Study (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity, 1999); Martine Dulaey, \u201cLe Christ m\u00e9decin\net thaumaturge,\u201d in Martine Dulaey, Symboles des Evangiles (Paris, Le livre de poche, 2007); Paul J.\nAchtemeier, Jesus and the Miracle Tradition (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2008); Eric Eve, The Healer from\nNazareth: Jesus\u2019 Miracles in Historical Context (London: SPCK, 2009).\n21 See Ferdinand J.M. de Waele, The Magic Staff or Rod in Greco-Italian Antiquity (Ghent: Erasmus,\n1927).\n22 For example, in the scene of Circe practising magic in BnF, Franc\u0327ais 606, fol. 19v (Christine de\nPizan, \u00c9p\u00eetre d\u2019Oth\u00e9a, France, ca. 1407\u20139). On this manuscript, see Sandra Hindman, Christine de\nPizan\u2019s Epistre Othea: Painting and Politics at the Court of Charles VI (Toronto: PIMS 1986).\n23 Fulvio Canciani, \u201cCirce e Odisseo,\u201d in Tainia. Festschrift f\u00fcr Roland Hampe, ed. E.H. Cahn and E.\n\u00adSimon (Mainz: Zabern, 1980), 117\u201320; Fulvio Canciani, \u201cKirke,\u201d in Lexikon Iconographicum Mythologiae\nClassicae 6, no. 1 (Z\u00fcrich: Artemis, 1992) 48\u201359; Luca Giuliani, \u201cOdysseus and Kirke, \u00adIconography\nin a Pre-Literate Culture,\u201d in Greek Vases: Images, Contexts, and Controversies, ed. \u00adClemente Marconi\n(Leiden: Brill, 2004), 85\u201396; Maurizio Bettini and Cristiana Franco, Il mito di Circe. Immagini e racconti\ndalla Grecia a oggi (Torino: Einaudi, 2010); Chiara Pilo, \u201cLa rhabdos di Circe. Esegesi di un oggetto\nmagico tra mito e immagine\u201d, Gaia: revue interdisciplinaire sur la Gr\u00e8ce Archa\u00efque 17 (2014): 209\u201326.; Elisa\nGuevara Mac\u00edas, \u201cPosibles versiones literarias e iconogr\u00e1ficas de la escena del enfrentamiento de\nOdiseo y Circe,\u201d K\u00e1\u00f1ina 39 (2015): 151\u201370; Alessandra Romeo, Kirke. Il mito di Circe nella traduzione\nletteraria e nell\u2019immaginario iconografico attico (Siracusa: Morrone 2016).\n24 See a drawing of this scene in H. Hubert, s.v. \u201cMagia,\u201d in Charles Daremberg and Edmund\nSaglio, Dictionnaire des antiquit\u00e9s grecques et romaines, vol. III.2 (Paris: Hachette, 1877\u20131919), 1494\u2013\n1521, here at 1500.\n25 Auguste Bouche-Leclercq, s.v. \u201cDivinatio,\u201d in Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire, vol. II.1, 300\u20131,\nfig. 2478. A figure in an early Christian silver vase found at Berthouville and now in the French\nNational Library, formerly identified as a magician, is now considered to be a poet. See The\nBerthouville Silver Treasure and Roman Luxury, ed. Kenneth Lapatin (Los Angeles, CA: Getty Museum,\n2014), fig. 88b and 143\u201344. Matz identified as a scene of lecanomancy one picture in Pompei\u2019s\nVilla dei Misteri, but this interpretation remains controversial (Friedrich Matz, Dionysiake Telete.\nArch\u00e4ologische Untersuchungen zum Dionysoskult in hellenistischer und romischer Zeit, (Wiesbaden: Steiner\n1963), 30\u201336.\n26 Johannes Dillinger, \u201cThe Divining Rod: Origins, Explanations and Uses in the Thirteenth to\nEighteenth Centuries,\u201d in Contesting Orthodoxy in Medieval and Early Modern Europe: Heresy, Magic and\nWitchcraft, ed. Louise N. Kallestrup and Raisa M. Toivo (New York: Palgrave, 2017), 127\u201343.\n423\n\nPages 443:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\n27 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v; Alexandre de Laborde, La Bible moralis\u00e9e\nillustr\u00e9e conserv\u00e9e \u00e0 Oxford, Paris, et Londres, 4 vols (Paris: Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 fran\u00e7aise de reproductions de manuscrits \u00e0 peintures, 1911\u201327); John Lowden, The Making of the Bibles moralis\u00e9es, I. The Manuscripts\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000). I am grateful to Antonia Mart\u00ednez\nRuip\u00e9rez for pointing this image out to me.\n28 Robin M. Jensen, \u201cMoses Imagery in Jewish and Christian Art: Problems of Continuity and\nParticularity\u201d in Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1992),\n389\u2013418; Manuel Sotomayor Muro, San Pedro en la iconograf\u00eda paleocristiana. Testimonios de la tradici\u00f3n\ncristiana en los monumentos iconogr\u00e1ficos anteriores al siglo VI (Granada: Facultad de Teolog\u00eda, 1962);\nPaul van Moorsel, \u201cIl miracolo della roccia nella letteratura e nell\u2019arte paleocristiana,\u201d Rivista di\narcheologia cristiana 40 (1964): 221\u201351.\n29 Kimberly B. Stratton, \u201cMale Magicians and Female Victims: Understanding a Pattern of Magic\nRepresentation in Early Christian Literature,\u201d Lectio difficilior 2 (2004) www.lectio.unibe.ch/04_2/\nHTML/stratton.htm#_edn7. Accessed 21 August 2016; Kimberly B. Stratton, Naming the Witch.\nMagic, Ideology, and Stereotype in the Ancient World (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007);\n\u00adMartha Rampton, The Gender of Magic in the Early Middle Ages, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1998); Heide Dienst, \u201cZur Rolle von Frauen in magischen Vorstellungen und\nPraktiken\u2014nach ausgew\u00e4hlten mittelalterlichen Quellen,\u201d in Frauen in Sp\u00e4tantike und Fr\u00fchmittelalter:\nLegensbedingungen-Lebensnormen-Lebensformen, ed. Werner Affeldt (Sigmarigen: Jan Thorbecke, 1990),\n173\u201394, esp. 185\u201388; Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Feminization of Magic and the Emerging Idea of\nthe Female Witch,\u201d Essays in Medieval Studies, 19 (2002): 120\u201334. See also the chapter in this book\non \u201cMagic and Gender,\u201d by Catherine Rider.\n30 Valerie I.J. Flint, \u201cThe Demonisation of Magic and Sorcery in Late Antiquity: Christian Redefinitions of Pagan Religions,\u201d in Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: Ancient Greece and Rome, ed. Bengt\nAnkarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 277\u2013348; Fritz\nGraf, \u201cAugustine and Magic,\u201d in The Metamorphosis of Magic from Late Antiquity to the Early Modern\nPeriod, ed. Jan N. Bremmer and Jan R. Veenstra (Louvain: Peeters, 2002), 87\u2013103. See also Kyle\nA. Fraser, \u201cThe Contested Boundaries of \u201cMagic\u201d and \u201cReligion\u201d in Late Pagan Monotheism,\u201d\nMagic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 4 (2009): 131\u201351.\n31 Sirarpie Der Nersessian, \u201cThe Illustrations of the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus: Paris Gr.\n510. A Study of the Connections between Text and Images,\u201d Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 16 (1962):\n195\u2013228. George Galavaris, The Illustrations of the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus, (Princeton: Princeton University, 1969), 103 and ill. 459; Leslie Brubaker, \u201cPolitics, Patronage, and Art\nin Ninth-Century Byzantium: The Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus in Paris (B.N. GR. 510),\u201d\nDumbarton Oaks Papers, 39 (1985): 1\u201313; Leslie Brubaker, Vision and Meaning in Ninth-Century Byzantium: Image as Exegesis in the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress 1999), 141\u201344. On the iconography of the magician in this image, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda\nAvil\u00e9s, \u201cThe Philosopher and the Magician: On Some Medieval Allegories of Magic,\u201d in L\u2019allegorie dans l\u2019art du moyen age, ed. Christian Heck, (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 241\u201352; St\u00e9phanie\nVlavianos, La figure du mage \u00e0 Byzance de Jean Damascene \u00e0 Michel Psellos (VIIIe-fin XIe si\u00e8cle) (Paris:\nDe Boccard 2013), 123\u201325; Henry Maguire, \u201cMagic and Sorcery in Ninth-Century Manuscript\nIllumination,\u201d in Les savoirs magiques et leur transmission de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 la Renaissance, ed. V\u00e9ronique\nDasen and Jean-Michel Spieser (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014), 397\u2013408.\n32 On lecanomancy, see Pablo A. Torijano, Solomon the Esoteric King: From King to Magus, Development of\na Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 153, 219\u201320.\n33 See Hans U. Schmelter, Alexander der Gro\u00dfe in der Dichtung und bildenden Kunst des Mittelalters. Die\n\u00adNektanebos-Sage: eine Untersuchung \u00fcber die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen mittelalterlicher Dichtung und Bildkunst (Bonn: Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universit\u00e4t, 1977); Maud P\u00e9rez-Simon, Mise en roman\net mise en image: les manuscrits du Roman d\u2019Alexandre en prose (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2015), 186\u201392.\nOn the legend of Nectanebo and the practice of lecanomancy, see Philippe Matthey, Pharaon,\nmagicien et filou: Nectan\u00e9bo II entre l\u2019histoire et la l\u00e9gende, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of\nGeneva, 2012, 194\u2013231.\n34 Armand Delatte, Anecdota Atheniensia, I: Textes grecs inedits relatifs a l\u2019histoire des religions (Liege-Paris: H.\nVaillant-Carmanne and \u00c9douard Champion, 1927), 469\u2013596; Richard H. Greenfield, Traditions\nof Belief in Late Byzantine Demonology (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1988), 295. In the Madrid\nSkylitzes (XII\u2013XIIIth centuries?), John the Grammarian appears as a lecanomancer pointing to\n424\n\nPages 444:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nthe skies (Madrid, Biblioteca nacional de Espa\u00f1a, Vitr. 26\u20132, f. 58r); see Andr\u00e9 Grabar and Manolis Manoussakas, L\u2019illustration du manuscrit de Skylitz\u00e8s de la bibliotheque nationale de Madrid, (Venice: Istituto Ellenico Di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini, 1979); Vasiliki Tsamakda, The Illustrated Chronicle\nof Ioannes Skylitzes in Madrid (Leiden: Alexandros, 2002); Elena N. Boeck, The Art of Being Byzantine:\nHistory, Structure, and Visual Narrative in the Madrid Skylitzes Manuscript, unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Yale University, 2003. See also the lecanomantic scene in Bologna, University Library, 3632,\nfol. 350v (Delatte, Anecdota Atheniensia, I, 595). On this manuscript and its illustrations, see In BUB:\nRicerche e cataloghi sui fondi della Biblioteca Universitaria di Bologna, vol. 2, ed. Biancastella Antonino\n(Bologna: Minerva, 2010), 7\u201376.\n35 Augustine, Civ. Dei 7: 35, quoting Varro Ant. I fr. IV (Burkhart Cardauns, Varros Logistoricus \u00fcber\ndie G\u00f6tterverehrung (Curio de cultu deorum): Ausgabe und Erkl\u00e4rung der Fragmente (W\u00fcrzburg: Konrad\nTriltsch, 1960), 28\u201333.\n36 Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cImagen y ritual. Alfonso X y la creaci\u00f3n de im\u00e1genes en la Edad\n\u00adMedia,\u201d Anales de Historia del Arte, n\u00famero extraordinario (2010): 11\u201329.\n37 Paul C. Finney, The Invisible God. The Earliest Christians on Art, (Oxford: Oxford University Press,\n1994), 54\u201356.\n38 Beate Fricke, \u201cFallen Idols and Risen Saints: Western Attitudes towards the Worship of Images\nand the \u201ccultura veterum deorum\u201d,\u201d in Negating the Image: Case Studies in Iconoclasm, ed. A. McClanan\nand J. Johnson (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 67\u201389; see now Beate Fricke, Fallen Idols, Risen Saints.\nSainte Foy of Conques and the Revival of Monumental Sculpture in Medieval Art (Turnhout: Brepols, 2015).\n39 On images possessed by devils, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cEstatuas pose\u00eddas: \u00eddolos demoniacos en el arte de la Edad Media,\u201d Codex Aquilarensis: Revista de arte medieval 28 (2012): 231\u201354.\n40 Michael Evans, \u201cPhilosophy, the Liberal Arts and the Poets,\u201d in The Hortus Deliciarum of Herrad of\nHohenbourg, 2 vol., vol. 1, ed. Rosalie Green et al. (London: Warburg Institute, 1979), 104\u20136.\n41 Hugo Steger, David Rex et Propheta. K\u00f6nig David als vorbildliche Verk\u00f6rperung des Herrschers und D\n\u00ad ichters\nim Mittelalter, N\u00fcremberg, 1961; Jacqueline P. Turcheck, \u201cA Neglected Manuscript of Peter\n\u00adLombard\u2019s \u201cLiber Sententiarum\u201d and Parisian Illumination of the Late Twelfth Ventury,\u201d Journal\nof the Walters Art Gallery, 44 (1986): 48\u201369.\n42 Jonathan K. Eberlein, Miniatur und Arbeit: Das Medium Buchmalerei (Frankfurt-am-Main: Suhrkamp,\n1995).\n43 Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek, ms. 135, f. 2r.; Alessia Trivellone, L\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9tique imagin\u00e9. H\u00e9t\u00e9rodoxie et\niconographie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val, de l\u2019\u00e9poque carolingienne \u00e0 l\u2019Inquisition (Turnhout: Brepols 2009),\n236\u201342.\n44 Petrus Alfonsi, Disciplina clericalis, Zaragoza: Guera, 1980, 117; see Charles Burnett, \u201cTalismans:\nMagic as Science? Necromancy among the Seven Liberal Arts,\u201d in Charles Burnett, Magic and\nDivination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian Worlds (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996), art. 1.\n45 John of Dacia, Divisio scientiae, in Johannis Daci Opera, ed. A. Ott (Copenhaguen: Danske Sprog- og\nLitteraturselskab, 1955), 2\u20133.\n46 William of Auvergne, De universo, 1, 43, in id., Opera omnia, I, ed. Blaise Le Ferron, Paris 1674 (rep.\nFrankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1963), 468; id., De fide et legibus, 14 y 24, in Opera omnia, I, 45 and 69.\nSee also Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 128.\n47 Francesco Santi, \u201cGuglielmo d\u2019Auvergne e l\u2019ordine dei domenicani tra filosofia naturale e\ntradizione magica,\u201d in Autour de Guillaume d\u2019Auvergne (+1249), ed. Franco Morenzoni and JeanYves Tilliette (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), 137\u201353; Thomas B. De Mayo, The Demonology of William\nof Auvergne: By Fire and Sword, (Lewiston (New York): Edwin Mellen, 2007). See also the excellent\nrecent surveys by Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen Age et \u00e0 la Renaissance. Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques magiques, XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle (Paris: Champion, 2002); Boudet, Entre science\net nigromance; Federici-Vescovini, Medioevo magico.\n48 See Charles H. Lohr, \u201cThe New Aristotle and \u2018science\u2019 in the Paris arts faculty (1255)\u201d in L\u2019enseignement des disciplines \u00e0 la Facult\u00e9 des arts (Paris et Oxford, XIIIe-XVe si\u00e8cles), ed. Olga Weijers and Louis\nHoltz (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997) 251\u201369. The traditional stylistic datation for these figures is ca.\n1120\u20131230 (see the bibliography in Sarah A. Levine, The Northern Foreportal Column Figures of Chartres Cathedral (Frankfort-am-Main: Peter Lang, 1984). I have followed this datation in Alejandro\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa magie astrale comme art visuel au XIIIe si\u00e8cle,\u201d in Images et magie. Picatrix entre\nOrient et Occident, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Anna Caiozzo and Nicholas Weill-Parot (Paris: Honor\u00e9\n425\n\nPages 445:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nChampion, 2011), 95\u2013113, but for iconographic reasons now I prefer a date after the 1250s. A\ndate after the reconstruction of the portal by 1316 is also plausible: see Levine, Northern Foreportal\nColumn Figures, and Michael Camille, \u201cVisual Art in Two Manuscripts of the Ars Notoria,\u201d in\nFanger, Conjuring Spirits, 110\u201343.\n49 See Nicholas Weill-Parot, Points aveugles de la nature: La rationalit\u00e9 scientifique m\u00e9di\u00e9vale face \u00e0 l\u2019occulte,\nl\u2019attraction magn\u00e9tique et l\u2019horreur du vide (XIIIe-milieu du XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2013).\n50 Montecassino, Archivio dell\u2019Abbazia, Casin. 132, fol. 418B; see Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa magie astrale,\u201d\n112\u201313.\n51 Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, 21. See also Giuseppa Z. Zanichelli, \u201cTradurre le immagini:\nle scelte illustrative della traduzione in volgare mantovano di Bartolomeo Anglico,\u201d in Lo scaffale\ndella Biblioteca scientifica in volgare (secoli XIII-XVI), ed. Rita Librandi and Rosa Piro (Florence: Sismel\nEdizioni del Galluzzo, 2006) 141\u201357.\n52 Gervase of Tilbury, Otia imperialia, III, 28, ed. S.E. Banks and J.W. Binns (Oxford: Oxford University\nPress 2002), 614. On the power of words in the Middle Ages, see Claire Fanger, \u201cThings Done\nWisely by a Wise Enchanter: Negotiating the Power of Words in the Thirteenth Century,\u201d Esoterica 1\n\u00ad urnett,\n(1999): 97\u2013132; Irene Rosier-Catach, La parole efficace. Signe, rituel, sacr\u00e9 (Paris, 2004); Charles B\n\u201cThe Theory and Practice of Powerful Words in Medieval Magical Texts,\u201d in The Word in Medieval\nLogic, Theology, and Psychology, ed. Tetsuro Shimizu and Charles Burnett (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009),\n215\u201331; The Power of Words: Studies on Charms and Charming in Europe, ed. James Kapal\u00f3, \u00c9va P\u00f3cs and\nWilliam Ryan (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2013); Le pouvoir des mots au Moyen \u00c2ge,\ned. Nicole B\u00e9riou, Jean-Patrice Boudet and Irene Rosier-Catach (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014).\n53 On the meaning of the basilisk in different contexts, see Marianne Sammer, Der Basilisk. Zur\n\u00adNatur- und Bedeutungsgeschichte eines Fabeltieres im Abendland, (Munich: Institut f\u00fcr Bayerische Literaturgeschichte, 1998).\n54 British Library, Add. 30024, fol. Iv.; see Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts. On the manuscript,\nsee Alison Stones, Gothic Manuscripts 1260\u20131320, II (London-Turnhout: Harvey Miller-Brepols,\n2014), 185\u201387, pl. 355\u201358, color pl. 71\u201372. On this illustration, see Michael Evans, \u201cAllegorical\nWomen and Practical Men: The Iconography of the Artes Reconsidered,\u201d in Medieval Women, ed.\nDerek Baker (Oxford: Blackwell 1978), 305\u201330. On the iconography of Brunetto Latini\u2019s Tr\u00e9sor,\nsee Brigitte Roux, Mondes en miniatures: l\u2019iconographie du Livre du tr\u00e9sor de Brunetto Latini (Geneva:\nDroz, 2009).\n55 Jos\u00e9 Escobar, \u201cThe Practice of Necromancy as Depicted in CSM 125 (Cantigas de Santa Mar\u00eda,\n125),\u201d Bulletin of the Cantigueiros de Santa Mar\u00eda 2 (1992): 33\u201343; Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa cultura visual de\nla magia\u201d.\n56 David Pingree, \u201cSome of the Sources of the Gh\u0101yat al-hak\u012bm,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld\nInstitutes, 43 (1980): 1\u201315, here at 4.\n57 See Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval\nUniverse (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n58 Speculum astronomiae, trans. Paola Zambelli, The Speculum astronomiae and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology,\nScience in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 240.\n59 Fasciculus morum: A Fourteenth-Century Preacher\u2019s Handbook (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1989), 578\u201379; see Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 170. On wax figurines, see now Kati\nIhnat and Katelyn Mesler, \u201cFrom Christian Devotion to Jewish Sorcery: The Curious History\nof Wax Figurines in Medieval Europe,\u201d in Entangled Histories: Knowledge, Authority and Jewish Culture\nin the Thirteenth Century, ed. Elisheva Baumgarten et al. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania\nPress, 2017), 134\u201358 and 303\u20139 (I am indebted to Sophie Page for pointing me out this recent\npaper).\n60 Vatican Library, Reg. lat. 1283, f. 36 r. A digitized reproduction of this can (at date of writing)\nbe found on the Vatican Library\u2019s website in their digitized collections. On familiar spirits, see De\nSocrate a Tintin: Anges gardiens et d\u00e9mons familiers de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 nos jours, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet et al.\n(Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2011).\n61 Alfonso X, Las siete Partidas <The Seven Parts>, Part VII, Title xxiii, Law 2; trans. Samuel P. Scott,\ned. Robert I. Burns, Las Siete Partidas, vol. 5: Underworlds: The Dead the Criminal and the Marginalized\n(Partidas VI and VII) (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 1431. On magic in\nthe Partidas, see Daniel Gregorio, Alphonse X et la magie, (Valenciennes: Presses Universitaires de\nValenciennes, 2012), 128\u201354.\n426\n\nPages 446:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\n62 John of Salisbury, Policraticus, vol. I, ed. Clement C.J. Webb (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909),\n51\u201352. A general survey in Michael Martin, \u201cL\u2019envo\u00fbtement de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 la Renaissance: une\ntransmission entre continuit\u00e9s et innovations,\u201d in Les savoirs magiques et leur transmission, 5\u201324.\n63 Anneliese Maier, \u201cEine Verfu\u0308gung Johanns XXII. u\u0308ber die Zust\u00e4ndigkeit der Inquisition fu\u0308r\n\u00adZaubereiprozesse,\u201d Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 22 (1952): 226\u201346 (reprinted in Anneliese Maier,\nAusgehendes Mittelalter. Gesammelte Aufs\u00e4tze zur Geistesgeschichte des 14. Jahrhunderts, 3 vols. (Rome: Storia\ne letteratura 1964\u201377), vol. 2, 59\u201380; Alain Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers: Une consultation de Jean\nXXII sur la magie en 1320 (Manuscrit B.A.V. Borghese 348) (Rome: \u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2004);\nAlain Boureau, Satan the Heretic (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 2006) (French version\nParis 2004); Isabel Iribarren, \u201cFrom Black Magic to Heresy: a Doctrinal Leap in the Pontificate of\nJohn XXII,\u201d Church History 76 (2007): 32\u201360. See also Alain Provost, Domus diaboli, un \u00e9v\u00eaque en proc\u00e8s\nau temps de Philippe le Bel (Paris: Belin, 2010); Frans van Liere, \u201cWitchcraft as Political Tool? John\n\u00ad eronica J.\nXXII, Hughes Geraud, and Matteo Visconti,\u201d Medieval Perspectives, 16 (2001), 165\u201373; V\nGroom, The Trial of Hugues Geraud: City, Church and Papacy at the Turn of the Fourteenth Century, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Exeter, 2001.\n64 Manuel de l\u2019Inquisiteur, vol. 2, ed. Guillaume Mollat, (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1926), 53.\n65 Christopher A. Faraone, Ancient Greek Love Magic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,\n1999); Radcliffe G. Edmonds III, \u201cBewitched, Bothered, and Bewildered: Erotic Magic in the\n\u00adGreco-Roman World,\u201d in A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, ed. Thomas K. Hubbard\n(Oxford: Blackwell, 2013), 282\u201396 with previous bibliography. For the Middle Ages, see Richard\nKieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic in Medieval Europe,\u201d in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Joyce\nE. Salisbury (New York: Garland, 1995), 30\u201355; Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 362\u201368; Jean-\u00ad\nPatrice Boudet, \u201cL\u2019amour et les rituels \u00e0 images d\u2019envo\u00fbtement dans le Picatrix latin\u201d in Images et\nmagie, ed. Boudet, Caiozzo and Weill-Parot, 149\u201362; Catherine Rider, \u201cWomen, Men, and Love\nMagic in Late Medieval English Pastoral Manuals,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 190\u2013211;\nPaloma Moral de Calatrava, \u201cFr\u00edgidos y maleficiados: las mujeres y los remedios contra la impotencia en la Edad Media,\u201d Asclepio, 64 (2012): 353\u201372; Liliana Leopardi, \u201cErotic Magic: Rings,\nEngraved Precious Gems and Masculine Anxiety,\u201d in Eroticism in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance:\nMagic, Marriage, and Midwifery, ed. Ian Moulton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016), 99\u2013130.\n66 Vergil\u2019s Eclogues, ed. Katharina Volk (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). See Christopher\nA. Faraone, \u201cClay Hardens and Wax Melts: Magical Role-Reversal in Vergil\u2019s Eighth Eclogue,\u201d\nClassical Philology 84 (1989): 294\u2013300; Joshua T. Katz and Katharina Volk, \u201cErotic Hardening and\nSoftening in Vergil\u2019s Eighth Eclogue,\u201d Classical Quarterly, NS 56 (2006): 169\u201374.\n67 BnF, Franc\u0327ais 9081, fol. 77; see Jaroslav Folda, The Illustrations in Manuscripts of the History of Outremer by William of Tyre, vol. 2, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1968,\n17; Jaroslav Folda, Crusader Art in the Holy Land, From the Third Crusade to the Fall of Acre, 1187\u20131191\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 235\u201336. The text illustrated is that by William\nof Tyre, Historia, 15, English trans.: A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, trans. Emily A. Babcock\nand A.C. Krey (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 365\u201366: When the infidels perceived that no skill of theirs could prevail against this, they brought two sorceresses to bewitch it\nand by their magic incantations render it powerless. These women were engaged in their magic\nrites and divinations on the wall when suddenly a huge millstone from that very engine struck\nthem. They, together with three girls who attended them, were crushed to death and their lifeless\nbodies dashed from the wall. At this sight great applause rose from the ranks of the Christian\narmy and exultation filled the hearts of all in our camp. On the other hand, deep sorrow fell upon\nthe people of Jerusalem because of that disaster.\n68 Cotton Tiberius A.vii, fol. 70r; Page, Magic in medieval manuscripts.\n69 Dijon, Biblioth\u00e8que municipale, ms. 493, f. 15v.\n70 Chronicon, 3.66, ed. Pascale Bourgain et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 186.\n71 Augustine, La Cit\u00e9 de Dieu, trans. Raoul de Presles, The Hague, MMV, 10 A 11, fol. 392r (Paris\nca. 1475\u201380) illustrating Civ. Dei, 8, 24. See Fran\u00e7ois Avril and Nicole Reynaud, Les manuscrits \u00e0\npeintures en France 1440\u20131520 (Paris: Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, 1993), 52; Sharon Dunlap\nSmith, \u201cNew themes for the \u2018City of God\u2019 around 1400: the illustrations of Raoul de Presles\u2019\ntranslation,\u201d Scriptorium 36 (1982): 68\u201382.\n72 Francis E. Peters, \u201cHermes and Harran: The Roots of Arabic-Islamic Occultism,\u201d in Intellectual\nStudies on Islam: Essays Written in Honor of Martin B. Dickson, ed. Michel M. Mazzaoui & Vera B.\n427\n\nPages 447:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nMoreen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990), 185\u2013215, rep. in Magic and Divination in\nEarly Islam, ed. Emilie Savage-Smith (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 55\u201385. On Arabic astral magic,\nsee especially the works by David Pingree and Charles Burnett, and now the useful summary by\nLiana Saif, The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy (Basingtoke: Palgrave Macmillan,\n2015), with previous bibliography.\n73 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Oriental 133, fol. 29r; on this manuscript, see Stefano Carboni, Il Kitab\nal-bulhan di Oxford (Turin: Tirrenia, 1988). See also A. Caiozzo, \u201c\u00c9l\u00e9ments de rituels imag\u00e9s dans\nles manuscrits de l\u2019Orient m\u00e9di\u00e9val,\u201d in Images et magie. ed. Boudet et al., 57\u201375, esp. 67\u201378.\n74 Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius, trans. Brian P. Copenhaver\n(\u00adCambridge: Cambridge University Press 1995), 37.\n75 William of Auvergne, De legibus, 23, in id., Opera omnia, 66\u201367, trans. Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Establishment of Medieval Hermeticism,\u201d in The Medieval World, ed. Peter Linehan and Janet L. Nelson\n(London: Routledge, 2001). See also Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201c\u2018Falsas estatuas\u2019: \u00eddolos m\u00e1gicos y\ndioses artificiales en el siglo XIII,\u201d La Cor\u00f3nica, 36 (2007) (special issue on Magic in Medieval Spain,\ned. A. Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s), 71\u201396.\n76 Burnett, \u201cTalismans\u201d; Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cFalsas estatuas\u201d. See also The Talisman, ed. Benjamin\n\u00adAnderson and Yael Rice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming).\n77 De vita, III, 20 and 13; Marsilio Ficino, Three Books on Life, ed. and trans. Carol V. Caske and\nJ.R. Clark, (Binghamton: State University of New York, 1989; rep. Tempe: State University of\nArizona Press, 1998), 351 and 305\u20136. I have adapted the translation by Caske and Clark, and\nin some cases I have preferred to translate \u201cimagines\u201d as \u201ctalismans\u201d instead of \u201cimages\u201d as they\ndo. See Brian P. Copenhaver, \u201cScholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic in the De vita of\nMarsilio Ficino,\u201d Renaissance Quarterly, 37 (1984), 523\u201354; Brian P. Copenhaver, Magic in Western\nCulture from Antiquity to the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 102\u201326;\nTanja Klemm, \u201cLife from Within: Physiology and Talismanic Efficacy in Marsilio Ficino\u2019s De vita\n(1498),\u201d Representations, 133 (2016) (Images at Work, ed. Ittai Weinryb, Hannah Baader and Gerhard\nWolf): 110\u201329.\n78 Olah, \u201cDemons and Mages in Renaissance Florence,\u201d 172\u201380.\n79 Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cImagen y ritual\u201d; and my forthcoming book El arte de fabricar dioses: imagen y ritual en\nla Edad Media (Madrid: Akal). The magical and miraculous powers of images are among the main\ntopics of two classic books with different approaches, mostly anthropological and psychological\nthe first one and historical the second one: David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the\nHistory and Theory of Response (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1989) and Hans Belting, Bild\nund Kult: Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst, Munich: C.H. Beck, 1990 (English translation: Likeness and Presence: History of the Image Before the Era of Art (Chicago, IL: Chicago University\nPress, 1997). Recently see Horst Bredekamp, Theorie des Bildakts (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,\n2010).\n80 Claude Gaignebet and Jean-Dominique Lajoux, Art profane et religion populaire au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris:\nPUF, 1985): a good repertory but their interpretations should be taken cautiously; Ruth Mellinkoff, Averting Demons: The Protective Power of Medieval Visual Motifs and Themes, 2 vols. (Los Angeles:\nRuth Mellinkoff Publications, 2004). An overview in Gerado Boto Varela, \u201cRepresentaciones\nrom\u00e1nicas de monstruos y seres imaginarios. Pluralidad de atribuciones funcionales,\u201d in El mensaje simb\u00f3lico del imaginario rom\u00e1nico (Aguilar de Campoo: Fundaci\u00f3n Santa Mar\u00eda la Real, 2007),\n78\u2013115. See also Fulvio Cervini, \u201cPietre portentose, ovvero come i medievali vedevano le sculture\napotropaiche,\u201d in Metodo della ricerca e ricerca del metodo: storia, arte, musica a confronto, ed. Benedetto\nVetere (Galatina: Congedo, 2009) 129\u201350; Alessia Trivellone, \u201cImages, rites et magie aux marges\ndes \u00e9glises dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val,\u201d Revue de l\u2019histoire des religions, 231 (2014), 775\u201396; Nathalie\nLe Luel, \u201cDes images \u201cparlantes\u201d pour les la\u00efcs: l\u2019utilisation de la culture populaire sur les portails\ndes \u00e9glises romanes,\u201d Cahiers d\u2019Art sacr\u00e9, 27 (2010): 18\u201331; Nathalie Le Luel, \u201cImages profanes et\nculture folklorique,\u201d in Les images dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val, ed. J\u00e9r\u00f4me Baschet and Pierre-Olivier\nDittmar (Turnhout, Brepols, 2015), 433\u201344; Nathalie Le Luel, \u201cLa voz de las ima\u0301genes roma\u0301nicas: iconograf\u00eda profana y recepcio\u0301n,\u201d Rom\u00e1nico 20 (2015): 186\u201393.\n81 For example, Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus de diversis materiis predicabilibus, ed. Jacques Berlioz et JeanLuc Eichenlaub (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 280; Pierre-Olivier Dittmar and Jean-Pierre Ravaux,\n\u201cSignification et valeur d\u2019usage des gargouilles: le cas de Notre-Dame de l\u2019Epine,\u201d in Notre-dame\nde l\u2019Epine, 1406\u20132006, ed. Jean-Batiste Renault (Ch\u00e2lons-en-Champagne: S.A.C.S.A.M., 2008),\n428\n\nPages 448:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\n38\u201380, here at 42. See also Fulvio Cervini, \u201cTalismani di pietra: sculture apotropaiche nelle fonti\nmedievali,\u201d Lares, 67 (2001): 165\u201388; Ruth Bartal, \u201cLa coexistencia de los signos apotropaicos cristianos y paganos en las entradas dee las iglesias roma\u0301nicas,\u201d Archivo espa\u00f1ol de arte, 66 (2001): 113\u201324.\n82 Josef Engemann, \u201cZur Verbreitung magischer \u00dcbelabwehr in der nichtchristlichen und christlichen Sp\u00e4tantike,\u201d Jahrbuch f\u00fcr Antike und Christentum 18 (1975): 22\u201348; Dietrich Harmening, Superstitio: \u00dcberlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Unte;rsuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur\ndes Mittelalters (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1979), 235\u201347; H.F. Stander, \u201cAmulets and the Church\nFathers,\u201d Ekklesiastikos Pharos 75 (1993): 55\u201366; Matthew W. Dickie, \u201cThe Fathers of the Church\nand Evil Eye,\u201d in Byzantine Magic, ed. Henry Maguire (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1995),\n9\u201334.\n83 Saint Jerome, Commentary on Matthew, IV. 23, ed. T.P. Scheck (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 2008) 259\u201360 <PL 26, 175; CCSL, 77, 211\u201321.\n84 Ancient Faces: Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt, ed. Susan Walker (London: British Museum, 1997)\n101\u20132 and 113\u201314; Joaqu\u00edn Yarza, \u201cFascinum: reflets de la croyance au mauvais oeil dans l\u2019art\nmedi\u00e9val hispanique,\u201d Razo 8 (1988): 11\u201337; S.A. Callisen, \u201cThe Evil Eye in Italian Art,\u201d Art\n\u00adBulletin, 19 (1937): 450\u201362.\n85 G.J.M. Bartelink, \u201cPhylacterium,\u201d in M\u00e9langes Christine Mohrmann. Nouveau recueil offert par ses anciens\n\u00e9l\u00e8ves (Utrecht and Antwerp: Spectrum, 1973), 25\u201360.\n86 Burnett, \u201cTalismans: Magic as Science?\u201d; Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d; Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s,\n\u201c\u00adFalsas estatuas\u201d; Brian P. Copenhaver, Magic in Western Culture. From Antiquity to the Enlightenment\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).\n87 The expression \u201cidololatria pessima\u201d in Pseudo-Albertus Magnus, Speculum astronomiae, 11, ed.\nZambelli, The Speculum Astronomiae and Its Enigma, 240.\n88 Gemme dalla corte imperiale alla corte celeste, ed. Gemma Sena Chiesa (Milan: Hoepli, 2002);\nErika \u00adZwierlein-Diehl, Antike Gemmen und ihr Nachleben (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2007); Erika\n\u00adZwierlein-Diehl, \u201cMagical Gems in the Medieval and Early-Modern Periods: Tradition,\n\u00adTransformation, Innovation,\u201d in Les savoirs magiques et leur transmission de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 la Renaissance,\ned. V\u00e9ronique Dasen and Jean-Michel Spieser (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014),\n87\u2013130; Eleutheria Avgoloupi, Simbologia delle gemme imperiali bizantine nella tradizione simbolica mediterranea delle pietre preziose (Spoleto: CISAM, 2014). On the meaning of biblical gems in medieval art,\nsee Christel Meier, Gemma spiritalis: Methode und Gebrauch der Edelsteinallegoresse vom fr\u00fchen Christentum\nbis ins 18. Jarhundert, vol. 1 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1977); Gerda Friess, Edelsteine im Mittelalter.\nWandel und Kontinuit\u00e4t in ihrer Bedeutung durch zw\u00f6lf Jahrhunderte (in Aberglauben, Medizin, Theologie und\nGoldschmiedekunst) (Hildesheim: Gestenberg, 1980); Ulrich Henze, \u201cEdelsteinallegorese im Lichte\nmittelalterlicher Bild- und Reliquienverehrung,\u201d Zeitschrift fu\u0308r Kunstgeschichte, 54 (1991): 428\u201351.\nSee also Herbert L. Kessler, \u201c\u201cThey preach not by speaking out loud but by signifying\u201d: Vitreous\nArts as Typology,\u201d Gesta, 51 (2012): 55\u201370.\n89 Elena Poletti Ecclesia, \u201cL\u2019incanto delle pietre multicolori: gemme antiche sui reliquiari altomedievali,\u201d in \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 436 to page 448 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=424\nPages: 424,425\nexamples such as St Lazare, Autun, V\u00e9zelay or the mosaics of Norman Sicily such as those\nin the cathedrals of Monreale or Cefal\u00fa.17 In Romanesque Art, in the context of Gregorian\nReform, Simon the Magician represents the sin of Simony as opposed to the figure of Saint\nPeter:18 a well-known example is that of the Porte Mi\u00e8geville in Saint-Sernin of Toulouse,\nFigure 29.2 \u0007Egyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian Bible moralis\u00e9e.\nOxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v.\n405\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nwhere Simon is identified as \u201cMagus\u201d by an inscription, while another inscription below\nhis feet reads: \u201cArte furens magica Simon in sua occidit arma\u201d (Misled by his magical art,\nSimon succumbs to its own weapons).\nIt was suggested by Thomas Matthews that Jesus was characterized as a magician by his\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=425\nPages: 425\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which\nis also said to identify pagan magicians.19 Magic was a concept that Christians associated\nwith their religious enemies, so it is unlikely they would have imagined the son of God as a\nmagician who competed with pagan ones. Rather, they would see him as a worker of wonders, of miracles, who outdid all pagan magic in the name of the Holy Father.20 The staff\ndoes eventually become an element in the visual representation of practitioners of magic\nand divination. This is an attribute of the magician and the sorcerer that appears relatively\nlate in the history of the iconography, 21 but we can still find it in the late Middle Ages.22\nAn exceptional early example is the depiction of the sorceress Circe (Kirke) transforming\none of Odysseus\u2019s sailors into a pig, painted on a Greek amphora now in Berlin.23 On other]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nhuman corpse. Again, it is their nefarious activity plundering a corpse to use his remains\nfor the sake of necromancy that identifies them, rather than the attributes of their clothing\nor their appearance.12 In other instances, the scene illustrated is clear and the magicians\ndo not need further attributes to be recognized, as is the case in the Old English illustrated\nHexateuch, which twice depicts Jannes and Jambres together with Moses and Aaron in the\npresence of Pharaoh.13\nJesus the magician?\nOnly in the legal language of Late Antiquity was a concrete name, maleficus, used to specify the difference with the more common term \u201cmagus\u201d, which would be used throughout\nthe Middle Ages.14 The most famous Persian magicians in the Christian West are the Wise\nMen who came to pay tribute to the newly born Christ Child. The story is familiar, and\nis frequently represented in Christian art as an illustration of the superiority of Christ\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nis frequently represented in Christian art as an illustration of the superiority of Christ\u2019s\npower over that of pagan priests. The earliest Christian writers had emphasized the role as\nmagicians of the Persian priests who adored Christ child. Later interpretations of the story,\nhowever, stressed Jesus\u2019s status as King of the Jews, and so the representations of the Persian\nmagicians depict them as Persian kings. Jesus\u2019s miracles would be more spectacular than\nthose of the three Eastern sages, and their visit came to be seen as acknowledgement by the\nPersian magicians of Christ\u2019s superior powers.\nPagans acknowledged the extraordinary importance of Jesus\u2019s miracles. The main difference between \u201cmiracle\u201d and \u201cmagic\u201d lies in whether or not God is understood to be behind\nthe acts performed by the \u201cwonder-worker\u201d. In the second century, scholars such as Justin\nand Origen were forced to defend Jesus from accusations made by Jews and Pagans that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nsuch as those who, according to Herodotus, accompanied Xerxes on his visit to Greece.8\nThe Ancient Greek word for sorcery, goeteia, was joined by mageia, a word that described\nactivities, usually of a ritual nature and alien to the official religion, that were designed to\nconfer powers or benefits upon the magician or his client. Most medieval representations\nof magicians allude to the Persian origins of the word magus. In these images, magicians\nare simply identified as Persian priests, distinguished only by their readily identifiable\n\u00adPhrygian cap, as for example on a twelfth-century capital from Nazareth or in the mosaics\nof St Mark\u2019s, Venice of ca. 1200.9 These images of magicians therefore lack any peculiar\nfeatures that would reveal a particular attitude towards magic. In some other representations, the magicians are depicted with no identifying attributes other than being shown to\nbe engaged in the practice of magic itself. So, for example, their privileged relationship to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book\nat least as early as the thirteenth-century Cantigas by Alfonso X (Cantiga 125, El Escorial,\nMS T.I.1, fol. 177v; ca. 1270\u201384), and probably in the 1307\u20138 paintings in the Palazzo della\nRagione, which we know were repainted after a fire in 1420.2 Magical circles are a fixed\nvalue in the late medieval imaginary of magic: Odo of Cheriton, Caesarius of Heisterbach\nand William of Auvergne allude to them as early as the thirteenth century,3 and precise\ninstructions for their fabrication can be found in Honorius\u2019s Liber iuratus.4\nWhile early modern representations of witchcraft and witches have been the subject of intense study in recent years, 5 images of medieval magic and magicians have barely aroused\nthe curiosity of art historians, and scarcely that of medievalists in general,6 despite the fact\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437\nFuture directions: the agency of images and\nthe efficacy of objects\nIf we take into consideration the persistence of the medieval imagery of magic in contemporary culture (Disney\u2019s Fantasia or the Harry Potter films are two outstanding examples), it is\nastonishing to realize the scarce attention paid to the medieval iconography of magic itself.\nApart from the representations of magic and magician in medieval visual cultures, future\ndirections of research should engage the magical powers of images, considering the relationships between magic and religion as well as the efficacy of objects imbued with talismanic\npower and their representations in works of art. Among other possible topics, the medieval\norigins of the iconography of the witch also need further research. Diagrams and the material culture of magic are also outstanding aspects of our subject, but other chapters in this\nbook deal with them.\nAny work on the problem of the magic of images in the Middle Ages should point out]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by\nwitches. In the centre of the scene, a male magician is dressed in ritual garb in the middle\nof a magic circle with a book and sword in his hands, symbolizing the knowledge needed\nto perform ritual magic and the power it confers. Around Sch\u00e4ufelein\u2019s magician, there are\ndifferent forms of sorcery and magic carried out by old women, two among them riding\ngoats and another having sexual intercourse with a devil. Below is the final outcome of all\nthese activities, eternal punishment in the fires of hell. We find in these pictures an iconography of the witch finding its way, as well as an already established figure of the magician as\na wise man who stands inside a magic circle for the sake of protecting himself from the evil\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=436\nPages: 436,437\nof Christ which we find in the famous image in Siena Cathedral. The latter image was a prophetic fashion indebted to ideas current in fifteenth-century Italy about an ancient theology\n(prisca theologia) preceding Christian truth. But when the author of the Florentine Picture Chronicle\nwished to show a gallery of the most famous magicians in history and chose Trismegistus as\none of them, he had no doubts about his attributes (see Figure 29.9).78 He would illustrate\nFigure 29.9 \u0007Hermes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle. Engraving attributed to Baccio Baldini or Maso\nFiniguerra. British Museum.\n417\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nhim holding a gesticulating little man in his hands. Beyond doubt, this homunculus represents\nbut one of these \u201cerroneas statuas\u201d \u201csensu et spiritu plenas\u201d referred to in the hermetic Asclepius,\nthat Trismegistus was believed to be able to vivify, and which would grant him fame as magician in the Middle Ages.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=420\nPages: 420,421\nAges. Discovering the Real Medieval World (Stroud: Sutton, 2002); Gemma Watson, \u201cMedieval Mentalities and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Courtly Love, Gender and Sexuality in London, c.\n1100\u20131500\u201d (MA dissertation, University of Reading, 2007).\n85 http://finds.org.uk/.\n401\n29\nT h e v isua l cu lt u r e of m agic\ni n t h e M i ddl e Age s\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nMagicians as wise men\nWhen in the 1470s the artist of the Florentine Picture Chronicle depicted the sorcerer Hostanes \u2013\na follower of Zoroaster \u2013 (see Figure 29.1), he had no doubts that the magician should \u00adappear\nin the guise of an oriental wise man inside a magic circle with several burning censers, invoking demons, book in hand, with some of the demons and evil creatures around also holding\nbooks and rolls.1\nSome years later, in 1511, a woodcut by Hans Sch\u00e4ufelein conflated ritual magic, in the\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=433\nPages: 433\nwhich show that his claims of religious orthodoxy are seriously undermined.\nThe magic of images\nWhile artists in the early Middle Ages had linked depictions of magic with paganism and\nidolatry, by the thirteenth century ideas about natural magic seemed to have led to a kind\nof gradual acceptance of magic as a legitimate subject of study.57 However, the magic of\nimages was considered the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima), mostly when it was accompanied by invocations to the devil.58 In the fourteenth-century handbook for preachers\nknown as Fasciculus morum, it is said that the main activity of necromancers is to \u201craise devils\nin their circles that are expected to answer their questions\u201d, and second only to that they\n\u201cmake figures of people in wax or some other soft material in order to kill them\u201d.59 In Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, we can see how a magician is enchanting a wax figure in the\npresence of angels and the familiar spirit who has brought the figure.60]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=376\nPages: 376\nenchantresses from different traditions \u2013 from classical legend, Medea, Calypso and Circe;\nfrom natural philosophy, Hermes Ballenus, disciple of the founder of magic, Hermes Trismegistus; from Biblical tradition, Simon Magus. They also include what seems to be a reference\nto an English magician, \u201cColle tregetour\u201d (1277), apparently one \u201cColin T.\u201d, mentioned in\na French conversation manual (c.1396) and said to have practised in Orl\u00e9ans, \u201can Englishman who was a powerful necromancer \u2026 who knew how to create many marvels by means\nof necromancy\u201d.13 Chaucer\u2019s description, however, portrays him as more of an entertainer\nthan a necromancer, producing a windmill from under a walnut shell. Magicians accompany\nmusicians in the house of Fame, their arts of illusion sharing the power to entertain. This\nperception is sustained in Chaucer\u2019s Franklin\u2019s Tale. The lovesick knight Aurelius\u2019s brother\nhas the idea of consulting a learned magician to help Aurelius win his beloved Dorigen, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=434\nPages: 434,435\nare preparing some herbs.68 The story of the sorceress in the eighth Eclogue is illustrated in\na fifteenth-century miniature (see Figure 29.8), visually attesting to the moment when one\nof the sorceresses use a clay figure to retrieve the other woman\u2019s lost love.69\nFigure 29.8 \u0007Sorcerers with a clay magic figurine and the shepherd Menalcas, Dijon, Biblioth\u00e8que municipale, MS 493 fol. 15v.\n415\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nIn his Chronicon, the monk Ad\u00e9mar de Chabannes had reported how towards 1027\u201328\na sorceress (malefica mulier) and her accomplices seemed to have used clay images against\nCount William of Angoul\u00eame.70 We find the illustration of a magician in a magic\nrectangle enchanting a wax figure in Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, where he ordered]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=255\nPages: 255\n2003), 545\u201368.\n24 Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 605\u201322.\n25 Ibid., 492\u201395 and 602ff. A previous example of an author magician could be found: B\n\u00ad erengario\nGanell and his Summa sacre magice (1347). See in addition to Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this\n\u00advolume, Boudet, Entre science et nigromance, 398 and Carlos Gilly, \u201cTra Paracelso, Pelagio e Ganello:\n\u00adL\u2019ermetismo di John Dee,\u201d in Magia, alchimia, scienza dal\u2019400 al\u2019700: L\u2019influsso di Ermete Trismegisto, ed.\nCarlos Gilly and Cis van Heertum, 2 vols. (Florence: Centro Di, 2002), 1, 275\u201385.\n26 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cAstrologie, m\u00e9decine et art talismanique \u00e0 Montpellier: les sceaux astrologiques pseudo-arnaldiens,\u201d in L\u2019Universit\u00e9 de M\u00e9decine de Montpellier et son rayonnement (xiiie-xve\nsi\u00e8cles), ed. Daniel Le Bl\u00e9vec, with collab. Thomas Granier (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), 157\u201374.\n27 On the angels moving the celestial spheres: Tiziana Suarez-Nani, Les Anges et la Philosophie. S\u00ad ubjectivit\u00e9]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45\nsignifier, a mere shadow. While in the Middle Ages, the magic arts were denigrated\nas false knowledge or non-knowledge (as they still may be), or as demonic (a related\naccusation), at the same time ars magica and its analogues and subcategories (sortilegium,\nnigromantia, geomantia and the other mantic arts) are not empty of content. Nor do they\nline up neatly with orality or cultures (pagan or peasant) associated with orality. In fact,\nthe artes magicae included specific knowledge disciplines, sometimes containing texts that\nwere handled, copied, studied and in some cases authored by intellectuals. Magic was\nif anything a more intense concern in the learned environment than it was as a view\nof a pagan or peasant practice. If the lifeworlds of medieval people were different from\nours, nevertheless their assessment of magic is very recognizable. Medievalists are thus\nin a privileged position to understand things about magic that modernists do not. Yet,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=431\nPages: 431\nAn essential element in magic rituals is the invocation by the magician of demonic forces to\ncompel them to perform his will. As I have said above, the Liber iuratus by Honorius of Thebes includes detailed instructions on how to draw a magic circle to protect the magus from\nevil powers. During the thirteenth century, this key element of the invocation ritual starts to\nappear in illustrations of magicians\u2019 activities as well. The tale of a priest, who lusts after a\nmaiden and who invokes devils to cast a spell on her so his desire is reciprocated, is illustrated\nin the Cantigas de Santa Maria by Alfonso X of Castile (1252\u201384) (see Figure 29.7).55\nThe text of the story is careful to describe how the priest threatens to shut the demons\naway in a bottle if they fail to carry out his orders, but it makes no mention of the magic\ncircle that he draws to protect himself from evil spirits. The fact the artist includes this]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421,422\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.\nMy focus will be here on the iconography of magic and magicians in the Middle Ages, privileging learned magic over the many visual forms of \u201csuperstition\u201d and \u201cpopular magic\u201d.\nA full chapter on the visual culture of magic in the Middle Ages should also consider issues\nsuch as the material culture of magic and the use of diagrams in medieval magic, but these\n402\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.1 \u0007Hostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum.\nare the subjects of other chapters in this book. Last, not only images of magic but also the\nmagic of images in the Middle Ages should be dealt with, and at the end of this chapter I\nwill briefly comment on them as an additional direction for future research.\nThe discovery of natural magic in the thirteenth century and the gradual process of its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=350\nPages: 350,351\nthe area of clerical magic and miracle to the fictional universe in the vernacular aims \u201cto\nchallenge the clerics\u2019 monopoly of the sacred and to affirm the legitimacy of the supernatural domination claimed by the aristocracy\u201d.3 But it is more generally a phenomenon of\nacculturation between \u201cclergy\u201d and \u201cchivalry\u201d that is taking place here, a phenomenon\n331\nJ e a n - Patr i c e B o u d e t\nbetter observable in the court societies of the three last centuries of the Middle Ages.4 In\nany case, the fact that the character of the court magician is often more positive than negative in the vernacular literature confirms the importance of social demand in this area.\nIn German romance, for example, \u201cmagicians were not just fringe figures, representatives\nof superstition and low culture, but elegant, learned and powerful courtiers, whose services\nwere valued in the center of power.\u201d5 Courtly literature has probably done more to inspire]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nHostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum\nEgyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian\nBible moralis\u00e9e. Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v\nCyprian as a magician from Gregory Nazianzen, Homilies,\nParis, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS Gr. 510, fol. 332v\n\u201cPhilosophus\u201d and \u201cMagus\u201d. Sculptures on Chartres Cathedral\n\u201cMagus\u201d. Chartres Cathedral (detail of Fig. 29.4)\nNigromance from Brunetto Latini, Tr\u00e9sor, London, British Library,\nAdditional MS 30024, fol. 1v\nMonk inside a magic circle, El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio\nde San Lorenzo, MS T.I.1, fol. 177v\nSorcerers with a clay magic figurine and the shepherd Menalcas, Dijon,\nBiblioth\u00e8que municipale, MS 493 fol. 15v\nHermes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle. Engraving attributed\nto Baccio Baldini or Maso Finiguerra. British Museum\nTree with male sexual organs being harvested by women (Wunderbaum).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=447\nPages: 447\nWolf): 110\u201329.\n78 Olah, \u201cDemons and Mages in Renaissance Florence,\u201d 172\u201380.\n79 Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cImagen y ritual\u201d; and my forthcoming book El arte de fabricar dioses: imagen y ritual en\nla Edad Media (Madrid: Akal). The magical and miraculous powers of images are among the main\ntopics of two classic books with different approaches, mostly anthropological and psychological\nthe first one and historical the second one: David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the\nHistory and Theory of Response (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1989) and Hans Belting, Bild\nund Kult: Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst, Munich: C.H. Beck, 1990 (English translation: Likeness and Presence: History of the Image Before the Era of Art (Chicago, IL: Chicago University\nPress, 1997). Recently see Horst Bredekamp, Theorie des Bildakts (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,\n2010).\n80 Claude Gaignebet and Jean-Dominique Lajoux, Art profane et religion populaire au Moyen \u00c2ge (Paris:]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nis frequently represented in Christian art as an illustration of the superiority of Christ\u2019s\npower over that of pagan priests. The earliest Christian writers had emphasized the role as\nmagicians of the Persian priests who adored Christ child. Later interpretations of the story,\nhowever, stressed Jesus\u2019s status as King of the Jews, and so the representations of the Persian\nmagicians depict them as Persian kings. Jesus\u2019s miracles would be more spectacular than\nthose of the three Eastern sages, and their visit came to be seen as acknowledgement by the\nPersian magicians of Christ\u2019s superior powers.\nPagans acknowledged the extraordinary importance of Jesus\u2019s miracles. The main difference between \u201cmiracle\u201d and \u201cmagic\u201d lies in whether or not God is understood to be behind\nthe acts performed by the \u201cwonder-worker\u201d. In the second century, scholars such as Justin\nand Origen were forced to defend Jesus from accusations made by Jews and Pagans that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=384\nPages: 384\nhuman practice of magic \u2013 and sometimes align that practice with the demonic. Saints\u2019 lives\nand other religious works offer a fertile ground for literary exploration within the cultural\ncontexts so richly described by recent scholarship. So too do the genres of history and chronicle. The exploration of lesser known works will allow further research into the connections of\nmagic with popular story, superstition, learning, moral teaching, politics, science and belief.\nAlso waiting to be explored are later, especially prose romances: some of these, such as Valentine and Orson, edge much nearer to explicit engagement with magic as summoning demons,\nand this subject is taken up in the transition from medieval to early modern, most famously\nin Shakespeare\u2019s depiction of Prospero. The Renaissance reworks the magician as the mage,\nand Renaissance magic plays a powerful role in reshaping literary emphases, as ideas of both\nscience and witchcraft gain force.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=144\nPages: 144,145\nmost subsequent literary representations of male enchanters.15 Accordingly, it would be\ndesirable to have a cultural history of the stereotype.\nThe study of magical materials from medieval Wales is at an early stage, partly because there seems not to be very much to examine. There is evidence from the late twelfth\n125\nM a rk W i l l i a m s\ncentury for a kind of prophecy by ecstatic trance, performed by persons termed awenyddion\nin Welsh, \u201cthose inspired\u201d. It is striking that Gerald of Wales, the Cambro-Norman cleric\nwho describes the awenyddion\u2019s obscure utterances, is prepared (after some debate) to assign\ntheir gifts to divine grace.16 In contrast, a fourteenth-century Latin tract condemning divination refers \u2013 as an example of the illicit petitioning of evil spirits \u2013 to Welsh soothsayers\nwho invoke Gwynn ap Nudd, king of the fairies, with the formula: \u201cGwynn ap Nudd, you\nwho are yonder in the woodland, for the love of your bedmate, allow us to come into the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=420\nPages: 420,421\nAges. Discovering the Real Medieval World (Stroud: Sutton, 2002); Gemma Watson, \u201cMedieval Mentalities and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Courtly Love, Gender and Sexuality in London, c.\n1100\u20131500\u201d (MA dissertation, University of Reading, 2007).\n85 http://finds.org.uk/.\n401\n29\nT h e v isua l cu lt u r e of m agic\ni n t h e M i ddl e Age s\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nMagicians as wise men\nWhen in the 1470s the artist of the Florentine Picture Chronicle depicted the sorcerer Hostanes \u2013\na follower of Zoroaster \u2013 (see Figure 29.1), he had no doubts that the magician should \u00adappear\nin the guise of an oriental wise man inside a magic circle with several burning censers, invoking demons, book in hand, with some of the demons and evil creatures around also holding\nbooks and rolls.1\nSome years later, in 1511, a woodcut by Hans Sch\u00e4ufelein conflated ritual magic, in the\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=425\nPages: 425\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which\nis also said to identify pagan magicians.19 Magic was a concept that Christians associated\nwith their religious enemies, so it is unlikely they would have imagined the son of God as a\nmagician who competed with pagan ones. Rather, they would see him as a worker of wonders, of miracles, who outdid all pagan magic in the name of the Holy Father.20 The staff\ndoes eventually become an element in the visual representation of practitioners of magic\nand divination. This is an attribute of the magician and the sorcerer that appears relatively\nlate in the history of the iconography, 21 but we can still find it in the late Middle Ages.22\nAn exceptional early example is the depiction of the sorceress Circe (Kirke) transforming\none of Odysseus\u2019s sailors into a pig, painted on a Greek amphora now in Berlin.23 On other]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book\nat least as early as the thirteenth-century Cantigas by Alfonso X (Cantiga 125, El Escorial,\nMS T.I.1, fol. 177v; ca. 1270\u201384), and probably in the 1307\u20138 paintings in the Palazzo della\nRagione, which we know were repainted after a fire in 1420.2 Magical circles are a fixed\nvalue in the late medieval imaginary of magic: Odo of Cheriton, Caesarius of Heisterbach\nand William of Auvergne allude to them as early as the thirteenth century,3 and precise\ninstructions for their fabrication can be found in Honorius\u2019s Liber iuratus.4\nWhile early modern representations of witchcraft and witches have been the subject of intense study in recent years, 5 images of medieval magic and magicians have barely aroused\nthe curiosity of art historians, and scarcely that of medievalists in general,6 despite the fact\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\npoint before we turn to the material itself: though this is a companion to late medieval\nmagic, \u201cearly\u201d and \u201clate\u201d are not particularly useful descriptors when dealing with the\nCeltic material. For the Irish language, for example, there was no decisive morphological\ntransformation of the sort that English underwent; the language of Beowulf would have\nbeen incomprehensible to Chaucer, but Irish scribes of the later Middle Ages were able to\nread and transmit texts composed seven centuries before. It is likely in many cases that we\npossess the literary monuments of the early Middle Ages thanks to the tastes of the copyists\nand compilators of the twelfth to fifteenth centuries.\nIn contrast, no body of sagas has been preserved from early medieval Wales; the first\ndepiction of a magic-worker in the literature probably dates from the mid-eleventh century.\nThe greatest literary depictions of enchantment \u2013 the prose Four Branches of the Mabinogi and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=433\nPages: 433,434\nsubstance in order to achieve ends which are unlawful or harmful\u201d.64 The use of wax or clay\nfigures in the practice of sympathetic magic \u2013 especially love magic \u2013 is well documented in\nAntiquity,65 and it was often the realm of female magicians, as Virgil narrates in his eighth\n414\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nEclogue.66 But as late as the thirteenth century, visual representations of sorceresses still lack\ndistinctive attributes, and when the illustrator of a manuscript of William of Tyre\u2019s History\nof the Crusades had to depict the Muslim sorceresses falling from the wall, he gave them no\ncharacteristic feature as magicians.67 As in the case of male magicians, it is their action,\ntheir place in the story board, which identifies them. But in the fourteenth century, Roger\nBacon\u2019s vetula medica would become Gerson\u2019s vetula sortilega, so that a devil appears when they\nare preparing some herbs.68 The story of the sorceress in the eighth Eclogue is illustrated in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28\naccepted, if marginal place in medieval culture.\nOther significant sources for understanding late medieval magic are the visual and material culture of magic and literary instances of spells and enchantment. The former is very\nunderresearched, a situation that three chapters in this book, respectively on the iconography of magic and magicians, magical diagrams and the material culture of magic, address.\nVisual sources in particular allow us to track transformations in the perceptions of magic\nand its relationship with mainstream religion and science (as Garc\u00eda-Aviles does in his\ndiscussion of the cover image), and to note the appearance of late medieval Christian innovations such as the magic circle. The rich evidence of literary magic is explored in chapters\nby Mark Williams and Corinne Saunders, who ask questions that reveal fruitful contrasts\nto current understandings of medieval magic and complicate our view of it: \u201cWhere does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\nThe greatest literary depictions of enchantment \u2013 the prose Four Branches of the Mabinogi and\nthe \u201clegendary poems\u201d in the voice of the \u00fcber-bard Taliesin \u2013 probably date to the period\nbetween 1100 and 1225. Once again these have come down to us in later manuscripts,\nthe most important of which date to the fourteenth century. In the case of both Wales and\n\u00adIreland, therefore, any discussion of \u201clate medieval magic\u201d must really turn on the manner\nin which earlier \u2013 sometimes much earlier \u2013 material was received, remembered and revised.\nHistorical magical practices in Wales and Ireland\nMy focus below is on magic in literary narrative, but first something must be said about our\nknowledge of historical magic in the regions under discussion. Richard Kieckhefer has emphasized that medieval magic is a \u201ccrossing-point\u201d between fiction and reality, and cautions\nagainst artificially separating the magic of literature from the magical activities that medieval\npeople actually undertook.3]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=521\nPages: 521,522\nseparate learned magicians and illiterate witches to the same extent as current historians.\nThis is evident in the example of the injunction of 1430 by Amadeus VIII Duke of Savoy\nto simultaneously pursue \u201cheretics, sorcerers, astrologers, soothsayers, the invokers of demons, immolators and other superstitious people\u201d (heretici, sortilegi, mathematici, divini, demonum invocatores, immolatores et hujusmodi supersticiosi).2 A later example is an engraving of Pieter\nBruegel the Elder from c.1564 (Saint James at the Sorcerer\u2019s Den) which shows the coexistence\nof learned magicians, like Hermogenes, and witches, flying to the Sabbat riding on broomsticks, goats or monstrous creatures. Magic circles and hands of glory went hand in hand\nwith cauldrons, cats and toads, the common thread being explained by the caption: these\n502\nW i tc h c r a f t\nare diabolica prestigii, misleading and diabolical illusions that are shared by both magicians]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=366\nPages: 366\nand engaging in love magic on behalf of a male client. Among the many studies of this\ncomplex text are several that have sought to relate de Rojas\u2019s powerful depiction of a female\nmagical practitioner to contemporary stereotypes of the female witch.21 There is more that\ncan be done, however. As with ecclesiastical writing, male magical practitioners deserve\nmore attention, and so, too, do the differences between different texts, places and periods.\nThe ways in which these literary images of magicians \u2013 male and female \u2013 interacted with\nstereotypes found in other sources, such as ecclesiastical texts, also deserve further study.\nThe gendering of magical practices\nIn addition to discussions of whether medieval magic was generally associated with women,\nscholars have also asked whether certain types of magic were especially likely to be associated\nwith either women or men. Recent scholars have varied in the extent to which they have seen]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421\nfigure of a male magician, with different forms of sorcery and maleficium as practised by\nwitches. In the centre of the scene, a male magician is dressed in ritual garb in the middle\nof a magic circle with a book and sword in his hands, symbolizing the knowledge needed\nto perform ritual magic and the power it confers. Around Sch\u00e4ufelein\u2019s magician, there are\ndifferent forms of sorcery and magic carried out by old women, two among them riding\ngoats and another having sexual intercourse with a devil. Below is the final outcome of all\nthese activities, eternal punishment in the fires of hell. We find in these pictures an iconography of the witch finding its way, as well as an already established figure of the magician as\na wise man who stands inside a magic circle for the sake of protecting himself from the evil\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=433\nPages: 433\nwhich show that his claims of religious orthodoxy are seriously undermined.\nThe magic of images\nWhile artists in the early Middle Ages had linked depictions of magic with paganism and\nidolatry, by the thirteenth century ideas about natural magic seemed to have led to a kind\nof gradual acceptance of magic as a legitimate subject of study.57 However, the magic of\nimages was considered the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima), mostly when it was accompanied by invocations to the devil.58 In the fourteenth-century handbook for preachers\nknown as Fasciculus morum, it is said that the main activity of necromancers is to \u201craise devils\nin their circles that are expected to answer their questions\u201d, and second only to that they\n\u201cmake figures of people in wax or some other soft material in order to kill them\u201d.59 In Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, we can see how a magician is enchanting a wax figure in the\npresence of angels and the familiar spirit who has brought the figure.60]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=427\nPages: 427\nimagination understood the conflict between magic and religion. As we have just seen in\nthe extraordinary image from the life of Saint Cyprian, magic, idolatry and paganism were\nintimately connected in early medieval visual culture. Evil and demons are of course the\nroots of magic, and for instance in a late Byzantine manuscript, a magician, Theodas, is\nshown sending demons against his enemy, Josaphat (BnF Grec 1128, fol. 151).\nMagic and the Liberal Arts\nMagic also represented knowledge that was illicit and forbidden. An image in the now lost\ncopy of the Hortus deliciarum revealed how Augustine\u2019s condemnation of magic continued to\nbe influential as late as the second half of the twelfth century. The schematic representation\nof the Liberal Arts in the Hortus arranges the personifications of the seven arts around the\ncentral figure of Philosophy, flanked by Plato and Socrates.40 The idea that pagan learning]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=423\nPages: 423\nhuman corpse. Again, it is their nefarious activity plundering a corpse to use his remains\nfor the sake of necromancy that identifies them, rather than the attributes of their clothing\nor their appearance.12 In other instances, the scene illustrated is clear and the magicians\ndo not need further attributes to be recognized, as is the case in the Old English illustrated\nHexateuch, which twice depicts Jannes and Jambres together with Moses and Aaron in the\npresence of Pharaoh.13\nJesus the magician?\nOnly in the legal language of Late Antiquity was a concrete name, maleficus, used to specify the difference with the more common term \u201cmagus\u201d, which would be used throughout\nthe Middle Ages.14 The most famous Persian magicians in the Christian West are the Wise\nMen who came to pay tribute to the newly born Christ Child. The story is familiar, and\nis frequently represented in Christian art as an illustration of the superiority of Christ\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=424\nPages: 424,425\nexamples such as St Lazare, Autun, V\u00e9zelay or the mosaics of Norman Sicily such as those\nin the cathedrals of Monreale or Cefal\u00fa.17 In Romanesque Art, in the context of Gregorian\nReform, Simon the Magician represents the sin of Simony as opposed to the figure of Saint\nPeter:18 a well-known example is that of the Porte Mi\u00e8geville in Saint-Sernin of Toulouse,\nFigure 29.2 \u0007Egyptian magicians with magic staffs from a thirteenth-century Parisian Bible moralis\u00e9e.\nOxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 270b, fol. 43v.\n405\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nwhere Simon is identified as \u201cMagus\u201d by an inscription, while another inscription below\nhis feet reads: \u201cArte furens magica Simon in sua occidit arma\u201d (Misled by his magical art,\nSimon succumbs to its own weapons).\nIt was suggested by Thomas Matthews that Jesus was characterized as a magician by his\nuse of a wand or staff, an attribute he is frequently assigned in early Christian art and which]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=365\nPages: 365,366\nhave a particular association with the supernatural in many romances.18 As with work on\necclesiastical sources, women\u2019s magic has attracted more attention than men\u2019s. For example, Laine E. Doggett\u2019s study of Old French romances takes women as its focus, looking at\ntheir roles as healers and practitioners of love magic in these texts.19 Heidi Breuer\u2019s study\nof magic and gender in medieval and early modern English literature discusses both male\nand female magicians, but the primary focus is on the development of the stereotype of\nthe female, wicked witch.20 Individual medieval works depicting women magical practitioners have also attracted attention. A striking example is Fernando de Rojas\u2019s Celestina, a\n346\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nSpanish work first published in 1499, which depicts an elderly procuress invoking the devil\nand engaging in love magic on behalf of a male client. Among the many studies of this]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468,470\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs\nof astral magic in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a later trend towards complex multipurpose objects and images, and sometimes, the replacement of obscure names with more\n449\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nacceptable crosses.92 In the fifteenth century and into the early modern period, Solomonic\ninfluences, especially the use of pentacles, triangles and other bisecting lines, and the inscription of divine names, and Hebrew and pseudo-Hebrew lettering, began to dominate\nthe iconography of figures in ritual magic texts.93 This influence, an acknowledgement of\nSolomon\u2019s perceived power over demons in both magical and mainstream religious contexts, is also reflected in theoretical discussions of the use of figures.94\nFigure 30.10 \u0007A magic circle from an experiment for love, Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana,\nMS Plut. 18 sup. 38, fol. 286r.\n450\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=366\nPages: 366,367\nabout certain forms of magic as women\u2019s magic because most of the surviving sources were\nwritten by men rather than by the women themselves. It is therefore almost impossible to\nknow how far they reflect a genuine difference in practice and how far they draw on the\nkinds of stereotypes about women, sex and magic discussed in the previous section.\n347\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nBy contrast, it is much easier to identify one form of magic as a largely male activity: the use\nof learned ritual and image magic texts. Medieval sources such as exempla often depict male,\nlearned magicians, often clerics, invoking demons with books and magic circles. In this case,\nit is possible to compare the stereotype with evidence of practice, thanks to the survival of a\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 449 to page 466 out of a total of 569:\nPages 449:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nSaints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe, ed. Martina Bagnoli et al. (Baltimore, MD: Walters Art\n\u00adMuseum, 2010), 111\u201316; John R. Decker, \u201c\u2018Practical devotion\u2019: Apotropaism and the Protection\nof the Soul,\u201d in The Authority of the Word: Reflecting on Image and Text in Northern Europe, 1400\u20131700,\ned. Celeste Brusati et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2012) 357\u201383; and the forthcoming book by Ginevra\n\u00adKornbluth, Amulets, Power, and Identity in Early Medieval Europe, (Oxford: Oxford University Press).\n93 Jos Koldewej, \u201cThe Wearing of Significative Badges, Religious and Secular: The Social Meaning\nof a Behavioural Pattern,\u201d in Showing Status: Representation of Social Positions in the Late Middle Ages, ed.\nW. Blockmans and A. Janse (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 307\u201328; Thomas A. Bredehoft, \u201cLiteracy\nwithout Letters: Pilgrim Badges and Late-Medieval Literate Ideology,\u201d Viator 37 (2006): 433\u201345;\nJean-Claude Schmitt, \u201cDas Mark des Mittelalters,\u201d in Jungfrauen, Engel, Phallustiere. Die Sammlung\nmittelalterlicher franz\u00f6sischer Pilgerzeichen des Kunstgewerbemuseums in Prag und des Nationalsmuseums (Berlin:\nLukas, 2012), 9\u201314.\n94 Adrianus M. Koldeweij, \u201cPilgrim Badges Painted in Manuscripts: A North Netherlandish Example,\u201d in Masters and Miniatures (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1991), 211\u201318; Hanneke van Asperen,\n\u00ad\u201cPe\u0300lerinage et de\u0301votions- les insignes dans les manuscrits du bas Moyen Age,\u201d in Foi et bonne fortune:\nparure et devotion en Flandre m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, ed. Jos Koldewej (Arnhem: Terra Lannoo, 2006), 234\u201345;\nHanneke van Asperen, Pelgrimstekens op perkament: Originele en nageschilderde bedevaartssouvenirs in religieuze boeken (ca. 1450\u2013ca. 1530) (Nijmegen: NKS 2009); Megan H. Foster-Campbell, \u201cPilgrimage\nthrough the Pages: Pilgrims\u2019 Badges in Late Medieval Devotional Manuscripts,\u201d in Push Me, Pull\nYou: Imaginative, Emotional, Physical, and Spatial Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance, vol. 1, ed.\nSarah Blick and Laura D. Gelfand (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 227\u201374.\n95 See Hanna Baader and Ittai Weinryb, \u201cImages at Work: On Efficacy and Historical Interpretation,\u201d Representations, 113 (2016) (Images at Work, ed. Ittai Weinryb, Hannah Baader, and Gerhard\nWolf): 1\u201319; Thomas Golsenne, \u201cLes images qui marchent: performance et anthropologie des\nobjets figuratifs,\u201d in Les images dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val, 179\u201392; Ittai Weinryb, The Bronze Object in the\nMiddle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 108ff.\n96 Alfred Gell, Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); see\nalso Art\u2019s Agency and Art History, ed. Robin Osborne and Jeremy Tanner (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007);\nHorst Bredekamp, Theorie des Bildakts (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2010); Caroline van Eck, Art, Agency\nand Living Presence: From the Animated Image to the Excessive Object (Munich and Leiden: Walter De\nGruyter/Leiden University Press, 2015).\n97 From different points of view: Kathleen M. Openshaw, \u201cThe Battle between Christ and Satan\nin the Tiberius Psalter,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 52 (1989), 14\u201333; Openshaw,\n\u201cWeapons in the Daily Battle: Images of the Conquest of Evil in the Early Medieval Psalter,\u201d\nArt Bulletin (1993), 17\u201338; Elizabeth Valdez del \u00c1lamo, \u201cThe Saint\u2019s Capital, Talisman in the\nCloister,\u201d in Decorations for the Holy Dead: Visual Embellishments on Tombs and Shrines of Saints, ed.\nStephen Lamia and Elizabeth Valdez del \u00c1lamo (Turnhout, 2002), 111\u201328; Herbert L. Kessler,\n\u201cEvil Eye(ing): Romanesque Art as a Shield of Faith,\u201d in Romanesque: Art and Thought in the Twelfth\nCentury: Essays in Honor of Walter Cahn, ed. C. Hourihane (Princeton: Index of Christian Art, 2008),\n107\u201335; Herbert L. Kessler, \u201cChrist the Magic Dragon,\u201d Gesta 48 (2009): 119\u201334; Herbert L.\nKessler, \u201cA Sanctifying Serpent: Crucifix as Cure,\u201d in Studies on Medieval Empathies, ed. Karl F.\nMorrison and R.M. Bell (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), 161\u201385.\n98 Eunice Dauterman Maguire, Henry Maguire and Maggie J. Duncan-Flowers, Art and Holy Powers\nin the Early Christian House (Urbana and Chicago, IL: Kranner Art Museum, 1989); John Mitchell,\n\u201cKeeping the Demons Out of the House: The Archaeology of Apotropaic Strategy and Practice\nin Late Antique Butrint and Antigoneia,\u201d Objects in Context, Objects in Use: Material Spatiality in Late\nAntiquity, ed. Luke Lavan et al. (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 273\u2013310;\n99 Marian Bleeke, \u201cSheelas, Sex, and Significance in Romanesque Sculpture: The Kilpeck Corbel\nSeries\u201d Studies in Iconography, 26 (2005): 1\u201326; Barbara Freitag, Sheela-na-gigs: Unravelling an enigma\n(Abingdon: Routledge, 2004); Theresa C. Oakley, Lifting the Veil: A New Study of the Sheela-Na-Gigs\nof Britain and Ireland (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2009).\n100 Michael Camille, Images on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art (London: Reaktion Books, 1992),\n147\u201349; A.M. Koldeweij, \u201cA Barefaced Roman de la Rose (Paris, B.N., ms. fr. 25526) and Some\nLate Medieval Mass-Produced Badges of a Sexual Nature,\u201d in Flanders in a European Perspective:\n\u00adManuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad, ed. Maurit Smeyers and Bert Cardon\n(\u00adLouvain: Peeters, 1995), 499\u2013516.\n430\n\nPages 450:\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\n101 Adrianus M. Koldeweij, \u201c\u201cShameless and Naked Images\u201d: Obscene Badges as Parodies of Popular Devotion,\u201d in Art and Architecture of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles,\ned. Sarah Blick and Rita Tekippe (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 493\u2013510; Ben Reiss, \u201cPious Phalluses and\nHoly Vulvas: The Religious Importance of Some Sexual Body-Part Badges in Late-Medieval\nEurope (1200\u20131550),\u201d Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art and Architecture, 6 (2017): 151\u201376.\n102 John Boardman, \u201cThe Phallos-Bird in Archaic and Classical Greek Art,\u201d Revue Arch\u00e9ologique, n. s.,\n2 (1992): 227\u201342.\n103 Heinrich Kramer and Jacobus Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Christopher S. Mackay\n(\u00adCambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 328. On the sources of the Malleus, see Hans\nPeter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief\n(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003). On the text quoted here, see Walter Stephens,\n\u201cWitches Who Steal Penises: Impotence and Illusion in \u201cMalleus Maleficarum,\u201d Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 28 (1998): 495\u2013529; Stephens, Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex and the\nCrisis of Belief (\u00adChicago, IL: University of Chicago Press 2002), 300\u201321; Moira Smith, \u201cThe\nFlying Phallus and the Laughing Inquisitor: Penis Theft in the Malleus Maleficarum,\u201d Journal of\nFolklore Research 39 (2002): 85\u2013117. On the Massa Marittima mural, see George Ferzoco, Il murale\ndi Massa \u00adMaritima/The Massa Marittima Mural (Florence: Consiglio Regionale della Toscana, 2004)\nand Erica M. \u00adLongenbach, A Fountain Bewitched: Gender, Sin, and Propaganda in the Massa Marittima\nMural, unpublished M.A. dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008; cfr.\nfor a different interpretation, Adrian S. Hoch, \u201cDuecento Fertility Imagery for Females at Massa\nMarittima\u2019s Public Fountain,\u201d Zeitschrift fu\u0308r Kunstgeschichte, 69 (2006): 471\u201388.\n104 Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2006).\n105 Jole Agrimi and Chiara Crisciani, \u201cSavoir m\u00e9dical et anthropologie religieuse. Les repr\u00e9sentations\net les fonctions de la vetula (XIIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle),\u201d Annales: \u00c9conomies, Soci\u00e9t\u00e9s, Civilisations 48 (1993)\n1281\u20131308; B\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, \u201cLa sorci\u00e8re en son milieu naturel: d\u00e9mon et vetula dans les \u00e9crits\nsur le pouvoir des incantations,\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res et d\u00e9monologie. Entre discours et pratiques (XIVeXVIIe si\u00e8cles), ed. Martine Ostorero et al. (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2010), 367\u201388;\nB\u00e9atrice Delaurenti, \u201cFemmes enchanteresses. Figures f\u00e9minines dans le discours savant sur les\npratiques incantatoires au Moyen \u00c2ge,\u201d in Femmes mediatrices et ambivalentes: mythes et imaginaires, ed.\nAnna Caiozzo and Nathalie Ernoult (Paris: Armand Colin, 2012), 215\u201326; Jean-Patrice Boudet,\n\u201cFemmes ambivalentes et savoir magique: retour sur les vetule,\u201d in Femmes mediatrices et ambivalentes,\ned. Caiozzo and Ernoult, 203\u201314.\n106 Werner Tschacher, \u201cDer Flug durch die Luft zwischen Illusionstheorie and Realit\u00e4tsbeweis:\n\u00adStudien zum sogennante Kanon Episcopi und zum Hexenflug,\u201d Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung f\u00fcr Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 85 (1999): 225\u201376; Zika, Exorcising Our Demons, 237\u201367; Zika, The\nAppearance of Witchcraft, 99\u2013124; \u201cHow (and Why) Do Witches Fly?\u201d special issue of Magic, Ritual,\nand Witchcraft 11, no. 1 (2016), ed. Michael Ostling. On the representations of flying witches, see\nLisa Dawn St. Clare, As the Crone flies. The Imagery of Women as Flying Witches in Early Modern Europe,\nunpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Oklahoma, 2016; Judith Venjakob, Der Hexenflug in\nder fr\u00fchneuzeitlichen Druckgrafik: Entstehung, Rezeption und Symbolik eines Bildtypus (Petersberg: Michael\nImhof, 2016).\n107 Georg Troescher, \u201cKeltisch-germanische G\u00f6tterbilder an romanischen Kirchen?\u201d Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Kunstgeschichte, 16 (1953): 1\u201342. On a well-known mid-fifteenth-century image of witches as female\nwaldensians riding bloomsticks (Bnf, fr. 12476, f. 105r), see Venjakob, Der Hexenflug, 50ff., and\n\u00adPascale Charron, L\u2019iconographie du Champion des dames de Martin Le Franc (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016).\n108 Richard Haman, \u201cThe Girl and the Ram,\u201d Burlington Magazine 60 (1932): 91\u201397; Ruth Mellinkoff,\n\u201cRiding Backwards: Theme of Humiliation and Symbol of Evil,\u201d Viator 4 (1973): 153\u201376.\n109 On the medieval iconography of witchcraft, see Jacqueline Kadaner-Leclercq, \u201cTypologie des\nsc\u00e8nes de sorcellerie au Moyen Age et \u00e0 la Renaissance,\u201d in Magie, sorcellerie, parapsychologie, ed.\nHerv\u00e9 Hasquin (Brussels: Universit\u00e9 de Bruxelles, 1984), 39\u201359; Fabio Troncarelli, \u201cImmagini di\nstreghe nei manoscritti medievali,\u201d in Imaging humanity/Immagini dell\u2019umanit\u00e1, ed. John Casey et al.\n(West Lafayette, IN: Bordighera, 2000), 79\u201392.\n431\n\nPages 451:\n30\nM e di eva l m agic a l f igu r e s\nBetween image and text\nSophie Page\nMedieval magical figures are a type of diagram: a simplified figure, mainly consisting of\nlines, that conveys the meaning of the appearance, structure or workings of something and\nthe relationship between its parts. Magical figures acted as instruments to activate celestial\nand spiritual powers, and as visual devices to organize ritual elements considered powerful\nin their own right. They were part of the ritual toolkit with which practitioners attempted to\nmanipulate the cosmos and very common in texts and manuscripts of learned magic. In the\nlate Middle Ages, they were circulated both as integral parts of magic experiments and texts\nand independently, and they could involve an array of different shapes, images, words, letters, symbols, modes of construction and ritual uses. Although they have been little studied,\nmagical figures are useful for exploring the relationship between image and text in learned\nmagic and for explaining why critics identified some texts as deviant.1 This chapter sets out\nseveral common types of figures including the \u201cEye of Abraham\u201d charm, the square figures\ncalled laminas, circular apotropaic amulets, figures to aid visualization in ritual magic and\nmagic circles to be drawn on the ground. I compare their uses, transmission histories and\nevidence of creativity in their production.\nMagical figures have some typical features of diagrams in the modern sense: they can\npossess \u201celegance, clarity, ease, pattern, simplicity, and validity.\u201d2 They are also \u201cmeditational artefacts\u201d in the medieval sense, requiring the reader to pause and fill in missing or\nabstract connections in order to retrieve information, and offering \u201can invitation to elaborate and recompose, not a prescriptive, \u2018objective\u2019 schematic.\u201d3 The medieval universe\nwas teeming with vast numbers of invisible and mostly unknowable spirits. Manoeuvring\nabstract cosmological ideas in their minds, the users of figures had to trust that a certain\ncharacter belonged to Saturn or that an unfamiliar name referred to an entity inhabiting\nthe cosmos. The meanings of some elements in figures may have been more obvious to their\ndesigners than users, but magical figures could still be effective: human brains are naturally\ninclined to make connections that generate meaning even when the visual information supplied is simplified, abstract or obscure.4\nThe place of figures within the magician\u2019s ritual toolkit was set out in one of the most\nsophisticated theoretical works on magic circulating in medieval Europe, the De radiis or\nTheorica artium magicarum, a Latin translation of a ninth-century Arabic text attributed to AlKind\u012b.5 According to the De radiis, the ritual actions that the magical practitioner performed\nin order to change the matter of the world belonged either to \u201cthe speaking of the mouth\u201d\n432\n\nPages 452:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\n(oris locutio) or \u201cthe operation of the hand\u201d (manus operatio). Inscribing shapes ( figurae) was one\nof the four main actions of the operation of the hand; the others were inscribing characters,\nsculpting images and sacrificing animals. The De radiis instructed the practitioner to make\na talisman by inscribing magical figures into the elemental matter with due solemnity (debita\nsollempnitate) and at the correct time and place in order to activate the cosmic rays.\nChristian thinkers were fascinated by the idea that the power of the stars could be drawn\ndown into objects that had been inscribed at astrologically appropriate times, and that these\nobjects could be used to change the matter of the world.6 The Arabic magic texts that introduced astrological talismans to the Latin West in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries disseminated many influential magical terms and ritual instruments, especially the names, seals\nand characters of the celestial spirits.7 However, it was the authors of Christian magic texts\nwho drove the creative expansion of geometric figures to enclose powerful names and graphic\nmotifs, under the influence of ancient lamellae, circular apotropaic amulets, Solomonic seals\nand cosmological diagrams. The dual role of Christian magical figures as pictures and linguistic devices was recognized by Roger Bacon. His Opus maius of 1266\u20137 compared the way\nin which the makers of magical figures ( figurae) placed magical characters together in one\nvisual device, to the way in which the people of Cathay (China) \u2013 using the same brush they\npainted with \u2013 brought into one shape ( figura) the letters that formed a single word.8\nThe graphic motifs of astral and Solomonic magic were not assimilated unproblematically, but attracted criticism on two grounds: that they were signs of communication\nto demons and that they were the objects of idolatrous worship. The former was an understandable response, since most diagrams are intended to communicate something. In\nthe mid thirteenth-century, the Bishop of Paris, William of Auvergne, condemned those\nwho used Solomonic seals and pentacles as idolaters.9 Both critical perspectives continued\nto be influential throughout the Middle Ages, from the Speculum astronomiae\u2019s critique of\n\u201c\u00adHermetic\u201d idolatry and \u201cSolomonic\u201d figurae to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s harsh response to the\nfigures in the Ars notoria.10 These condemnations and the figures\u2019 associations with demonic\nsigns and idolatry hampered efforts by some authors to establish the orthodoxy of their\ntexts. Nevertheless, they became significant ritual instruments, in part because of already\nexisting traditions of amulets with visual motifs. Simpler kinds of instrumental figures such\nas the \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d charm, laminas to heal wounds or aid with conception, and small\ncircular apotropaic figures copied onto folded parchments preceded and influenced the\ntraditions of learned magic, but were, in turn, transformed by them.\nMagical figures of all types were drawn by scribes rather than specialized illustrators.\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a\ncompass, square and ruler while others were sketched in the margins. Many figures were intended to be exemplars for the production of multiple portable copies, or for creating more\ncomplex images to be drawn in blood, inscribed in metal, suffumigated, consecrated or\notherwise ritually prepared. In this chapter, I have used the term \u201cfigure\u201d to refer to a range\nof types of magical diagrams because the latin figura is the primary term used by medieval\nsources to denote large two-dimensional geometric diagrams that were assigned an instrumental power. Medieval sources distinguished these figurae from other common graphic\nmotifs in magic texts, notably, characters and seals. The term character (c(h)aracter) usually\nrefers to mysterious graphic signs, with no verbal or typographical equivalents, that are\nequivalent in size to normal script.11 Seals (sigilla) and signs (signa) denote graphic elements\nthat tend to be larger than characters, more likely to travel singly or in small groups and are\noften attached to a particular planetary spirit or reputed magician like Solomon or Virgil.12\n433\n\nPages 453:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nAbraham\u2019s Eye experiments\nThe experiment to catch a thief by painting a representation of an eye on a wall was known\nin later sources as \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d but circulated in the Middle Ages under the title \u201cexperiment for theft\u201d or \u201cthe experiment of the eye\u201d (experimentum de oculo). The idea of a painted\neye that exposed thieves can be traced back as early as a fourth-century Greek papyrus.13\nMedieval examples range from a simply drawn eye to complex figures in which the eye is\nplaced in a geometric enclosure inscribed with obscure names, letters and symbols (Figure\n30.1).14 In the medieval versions of this experiment, which are usually found in collections of\nmedical recipes, charms and short occult experiments, the operator paints the eye onto a wall\nusing a mixture of egg white, quicksilver and warm wine in a place where many people could\nsee it. He then gathers his suspects to stand or sit around looking at the eye and activates it by\nFigure 30.1 \u0007A lamina for a difficult birth and an Abraham\u2019s Eye experiment, London, Wellcome\n\u00adLibrary, MS 517, fol.67r.\n434\n\nPages 454:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nreciting a charm (carmen), invocation to spirits or a prayer (oratio) calling on God, who knows\nthe truth of all hidden things. When the eye is struck by the operator with a key, nail, hammer or knife, the thief will weep from his eye and cry out in pain and can thus be identified.\nIf the accused refuses to confess, the operator is told to keep stabbing the eye with different\nimplements until the initial tears of the thief turn into a raging pain. The eye is all seeing and\ncan even find the thief in his own home.15\nMedieval scribes adapted the experimentum de oculo to suit their purpose, sometimes making its figure and rituals more orthodox, at other times more magical. A fifteenth-century\npriest from the Netherlands copied three different \u201cEye of Abraham\u201d experiments into his\ncompilation of diverse practical and occult items.16 The longest and most complex of these\nexperiments includes a historiola based on the story of the discovery and punishment of the\nthief Achar from Flavius Josephus\u2019s The Antiquities of the Jews that bolstered the orthodoxy\nof the experiment and made it appear more like other charms.17 Other \u201cEye of Abraham\u201d\nexperiments placed a band around the eye in order to add further ritual elements: magical\nnames and letters and symbols of the cross (see Figure 30.1). The enclosing band, which\nbecame a typical feature of late medieval magical figures, also clarified the relationship between the text and visual device, making sure the reader would not simply skip over latter.\nLaminas\nLaminas are small square magical figures that were inscribed on thin pieces of metal or\nother materials and then worn or carried on the body or put in the place where they were\nintended to have an effect. They appear in diverse contexts, from simple charm collections to\nnecromantic manuals. This flexibility was no accident; most late medieval Christian laminas\nhad their origins in ancient lamellae, amulets made from thin sheets of metal and inscribed\nwith magical and orthodox words and invocations, which were folded, rolled up in tubes, or\neven buried with the dead.18 The two most common types of lamina experiment in charm\nand recipe collections were intended for treating wounds and infertility, though other uses\nfor this magical figure included attracting or repelling animals, healing equine diseases and\nprovoking fear in enemies.19 These lamina experiments were closely related to the charm\ntradition; the inscription and recitation of sacred symbols, names and formulae were part of\nthe process of making these objects and the source of their power. The wound lamina was\nmade from a lead plate with an inscribed central cross and four crosses in each corner. Its\ndimensions were supposed to replicate those of the wound, an instruction that underlines the\nsympathetic relationship of affliction and cure. When the lamina was being inscribed with\ncrosses, the operator recited a prayer and, when it was placed over the wound, a song to the\nVirgin Mary.20 In the lamina figures in manuscripts, the crosses are sometimes drawn with\nthick strokes and additional colours to give them visual prominence.21\nLaminas for conception and childbirth, like charms for the same purpose, were usually\naccompanied by petitions to the well-known biblical mothers Elizabeth, Anne and Mary, a\ncommon ritual motif known as the \u201csequence of holy mothers\u201d or the peperit charm.22 One\nof the earliest examples of the conception lamina (called, unusually, a lamella), from a manuscript of ca. 1200, is made of tin and inscribed with magical characters. It is accompanied\nby the common instruction that it can be hung on a barren fruit tree to see if it works.23\nLater examples for fertility and childbirth are made from different materials, accommodating a range of users and what they afford. The experiment for conception in Additional MS\n15236 instructs the user to engrave a lead lamina with a series of mostly uninterpretable\n435\n\nPages 455:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nletters ending in \u201camen\u201d.24 It is wrapped in leather or silk and, until she gets pregnant, worn\naround the neck of a woman who is trying to conceive. A less costly version of a lamina to\nprotect in childbirth is found in Wellcome MS 517 (see above, Figure 30.1). In this experiment, a simple paper lamina for a difficult birth that should be tied onto a woman\u2019s hip\nhas the names of the Four Evangelists written on it, while an accompanying prayer invokes\nElizabeth, Anne and Mary and requests that the mother is kept safe from harm.25\nLamina making traditions entered the Latin West in Arabic astral magic texts as well as\nvia early Christian adaptations of ancient lamellae. The metal laminas of astral magic were\na subcategory of astrological images. They were made at astrologically suitable times, drew\ntheir power from celestial influences and were inscribed with names, magical characters or\nimages relating to the goal of the operation.26 The Picatrix, an eleventh-century Arabic compendium of astral magic that was translated into Castilian and Latin in the mid-\u00adthirteenth\ncentury, describes two types of metal laminas: those inscribed with representational images\nand others inscribed with magical characters.27 The characters take the form of a series\nof small circles linked by strokes that are said to represent the figures of the stars ( figurae\n\u00adstellarum).28 Two lamina experiments with magical characters of this type \u2013 a copper l\u00adamina\nfor repelling mice and a tin lamina for repelling flies \u2013 are part of a short excerpt from\nthe Picatrix that was translated into Middle Dutch and compiled in Wellcome MS 517, a\nmanuscript that also contains several Christian charm laminas.29 This fifteenth-century\nmanuscript has an eclectic range of occult items, from those addressing common household\nneeds and problems to rituals for conjuring spirits, provoking love and becoming invisible.\nThe square metal shape of the lamina made it a particularly suitable vehicle for astrological \u201cmagic squares\u201d (a set of numbers arranged in a square which give the same total when\nadded in a straight line in any direction), a type of magic figure that is found in Arabic,\n\u00adJewish and Latin traditions of magic.30 The Liber de septem figuris septem planetarum (The Book\nof the Seven Figures of the Seven Planets) described seven magic squares to be inscribed onto laminas linked to each of the planets and made from metal appropriate to them. In addition,\nthe magic squares could be inscribed onto many other objects, such as a piece of cloth, a\nring, a dish, a knife, a bowl or a mirror to turn them into magical instruments. Each figure\nwas activated differently: for example, to be healed from paralysis, you stared into the mirror inscribed with the figure of Mercury, but to have a revelatory dream you inscribed the\nsame figure on a cloth and placed it under your head before going to sleep. A post-\u00admedieval\nsilver pendant at the British Museum made with the correct magic square and metal for\n\u00adVenus represents the goddess with bird feet, an iconographical motif drawn from the Picatrix (Figures 30.2 and 30.3).31 The inscription on this pendant invokes God to help its bearer\nconceive a boy, just as he helped Rachel (the wife of Jacob), which suggests that the lamina\nmaker was aware of both the medical and astral traditions of this magical object.32\nFinally, laminas were used in ritual magic experiments to protect the operator from malign spirits. These lamina figures were usually inscribed on square metal or wax plates, but\ncould also be carved onto the white-handled knives used to draw a protective magic circle.33\nLaminas are particularly common in the fifteenth-century necromantic manual Oxford,\nBodleian, MS Rawlinson D 252, which describes a variety of parchment seals, magic circles\nto be drawn on the ground, and square and circular figures to be inscribed on metal, glass\nand wax.34 Laminas are common in the rituals to compel a spirit to appear in a pleasing\nform, do no harm to the practitioner and depart peacefully when he wills.35 Spirits are\nrequired to appear on or above the lamina, suggesting that it was used as an alternative to\nthe magic circle to trap or bind them.36 Other laminas act as instruments to draw down\n436\n\nPages 456:\nFigure 30.2 \u0007A silver pendant with an image of Venus and the Venus magic square. British Museum\ninventory number OA.1361.b.\nFigure 30.3 \u0007A silver pendant with an image of Venus and the Venus magic square (reverse). British\nMuseum inventory number OA.1361.b.\n\nPages 457:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFigure 30.4 \u0007A lamina for identifying a thief, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawl. D. 252, fol.104v.\ncelestial power or demons. A wax lamina of Saturn (lamina Saturni) is recommended for freeing captives, a goal suitable to this planet.37 But the devil is the dominant power in another\nwax lamina experiment, this time to catch a thief (Figure 30.4). This experiment must be\nperformed within three days of the theft because if the thief has in the meantime confessed\nhis crime or used his ill-gotten gains to give money to the poor or priests, or in any way for\nthe love of God or the health of his soul, the art of magic will not prevail. The operator is told\nto get up early on the day of the Moon or Mercury and go to church and hear a mass. Afterwards, he inscribes in two places and colours on the lamina the names of four spirits ruled\nover by the kings of the south, east, west and north with their symbols and characters. The\nname \u201cSathan\u201d (i.e. Satan) is placed in a central circle, which has an empty external band.\nA sixteenth-century copy of this figure indicates that this was where the user would write the\nnames of the stolen goods. The scribe of this latter figure uses this band to express the idea\nthat Satan was not summoned lightly: whatever appears in this circle ought to be feared.38\nIndependent circular magical figures\nMedieval belief in the power of the word was reflected in the widespread use of textual\namulets or breve, apotropaic texts copied onto flexible writing supports that were worn on\n438\n\nPages 458:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nthe body for protection. Complex textual amulets sometimes included magic figures, seals,\nsymbols and characters, copied alongside prayers, charms and devotional iconography. The\nmost common graphic motifs were small, circular apotropaic figures copied in groups of\nbetween four and thirty figures (Figure 30.5). Since abstract diagrams are hard to interpret\nand their uses hard to remember, each figure had an outer band describing its properties,\nwhich also allowed the sets to be broken up and shared independently in the later Middle\nAges. The large graphic element (signum) in the inner circle was usually inspired by the form\nof the Greek, Latin or Tau cross or had a resemblance to Solomonic seals, but could also\ninclude divine names, letters and formulas, and the Sator Arepo word square. These groups\nof circular figures appear to have been widely accepted as orthodox. They were collected by\nclerics, lay families and physicians and survive in various formats that were easy to carry or\ncould be copied multiple times.\nThe primary function of these figures was protective, with each figure working against a\nparticular physical or spiritual danger. These were orthodox figures, explicitly or implicitly\nevoking the cross and inscribed next to prayers, charms, religious iconography and professions of their angelic or divine provenance. The textual amulet was a pious object that could\nexpress its user\u2019s devotion: some figures were only supposed to work only if the bearer\u2019s\nfaith were strong, although others claim to be effective even they had not confessed.39 Why\nFigure 30.5 \u0007Seven circular magical figures, Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS lat. 3269, fol.\n85r.\n439\n\nPages 459:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninclude graphic and often recognizably magical elements on a textual amulet? First, because their mystery evoked the sacred. The user is encouraged to view some of these figures\nas \u201cthe ineffable word of God\u201d, \u201cthe name of God by which all things were made\u201d, \u201cthe seal\nof King Solomon\u201d or the special symbol (signum) of a particular saint.40 The graphic form\nof these figures had other advantages, especially since the primary goal of textual amulets\nwas to protect against the physical and spiritual blow of a sudden death. Figures could be\nactivated by the gaze, a quicker stimulant of protection than the recitation of a charm or\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.\nThe earliest surviving textual amulets with multiple figures date from the thirteenth\ncentury and are portable, densely written objects folded multiple times and intended to\nbe \u00adcarried on the body. The mid-thirteenth century Canterbury amulet (Canterbury\n\u00adCathedral Library, Additional MS 23) has over 40 figures on one folded piece of parchment, including some magic seals without geometric enclosures and figures shaped like a\nlozenge and a mandorla.41 The power of most of its figures was activated by the gaze and\nlasted only for a day. The figures that are interpretable (some have been partially erased by\nthe practice of folding this amulet) offer protection against many natural disasters: sudden\ndeath, demons, flying insects, fire, flooding, storms, consumption (presumably by a wild animal) and thunder. One figure reveals the cross-fertilization of protective and ritual figures.\nIt is a Signum regis salomonis, which not only protects against demons, but can also be used to\nmake them compliant to the operator\u2019s wishes.\nAlthough clearly multipurpose, textual amulets were also adapted to different users. The\ntwelve figures on a textual amulet of ca. 1300 that belonged to a family in Aurillac reflect\nlay anxieties about human violence, illness, childbirth and resources.42 Individual figures\nprotect against enemies, gout, epilepsy, having your throat cut, fevers, demons, all perils,\nlightening, childbirth (this figure has the famous Sator Arepo word square) and illnesses\nof the eyes. Two figures offer more instrumental benefits: one gives its bearer eloquence\n(bona eloquentia), and another requests Jesus to give him his daily bread, presumably a reference to never going hungry. In contrast to this lay owned amulet clerical priorities focused\nmore on harnessing of the power of spirits. Three of the seven numbered circular figures\ncopied onto a spare leaf in an Italian preaching manual protect against physical dangers:\nflames, dogs and the loss of a member, but the remaining four are focused on power over\nothers (\u00adFigure 30.6).43 There are figures to make men fear the angel Barachiel (one of the\nseven Archangels in Eastern Orthodox tradition), to bring all spirits to obedience, to protect\nagainst demons and phantasms and to make all creatures tremble. The graphic form of\nthese figures as well as their use represents cross-fertilization with the necromantic tradition\nof magic.44\nMedieval magic figures were also disseminated by physicians to their patients. An amulet\nto protect against the plague in a late fifteenth-century English medical manuscript (Wellcome MS 404, f.32) has pleas for Christ to save its bearer inscribed in its inner circle and\nan outer inscription claiming that it was delivered into the hands of the Abbot of Corby by\nan angel on the order of Jesus Christ. In the centre of this figure are signs of the cross and\nabbreviated symbols of Christ\u2019s names. It is the only amulet in this physician\u2019s handbook,\npresumably because the plague required God\u2019s intervention more than other complaints.\nAnother fifteenth-century English medical collection (San Marino, Huntington Library\nHM 64), that was owned by a physician interested in astrology and divination, has five\nnumbered figures copied onto free spaces in the manuscript. These figures (called signa) are\ndrawn in black and red and consist of cross shapes, letters and sacred names such as AGLA.\n440\n\nPages 460:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nFigure 30.6 T\n\u0007 he figure of St Michael. Cambridge, University Library, Additional MS 3544, fol.93v.\nOuter bands explain their use to protect against enemies (1) and sudden death (2), to aid in\nvictory (3), and protect against fire and premature births (4) and demons (5).45 In this case,\nthe magic figures are not purely medical but have extended into other areas of potential\ninterest to a physician\u2019s clients.46\nIn the later Middle Ages, the number and complexity of personal prophylactic objects\nincreased: their ritual making became more complex, they combined different sources\nof power and they claimed to be effective for multiple uses.47 An example of a circular\namulet with these characteristics is the fourteenth-century figure on the flyleaf of British\nLibrary, Sloane MS 3556, which incorporates sacred formulas, crosses, pentacles, magical\ncharacters and names within its circular bands.48 Although part of the ritual instructions for this figure is now missing, we can recover them from a sixteenth-century copy\n441\n\nPages 461:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nin a necromantic compilation, where it is titled as the figure ( figura) or sphere (spera) of\nSt \u00adM ichael. The operator of the sphere of St Michael is instructed to purify his body and\nsoul for eight days and then to inscribe the figure on gold or silver with dove\u2019s blood before\nsunrise on the day of the feast of the assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The figure is\nthen suffumigated with various spices and kept in a clean pyx when it is not being used.49\nWhen the bearer carries it faithfully ( fideliter), the figure protects against dying in sin,\npoison, water, fire, and indeed, all infirmities of body and soul. Moreover, he will have an\nexcellent fortune and gain the power to cast out demons from bodies, break chains and\novercome all adversaries. Finally, as the effects of the figure are felt more fully, \u201cyou will\nturn your back on all evil\u201d (omne malum tergabis). In this case, the figure clearly draws on the\ntradition of protective Christian amulets but it also incorporates the actions and habits of\nritual magic: it will work only when the operator puts in spiritual effort, or at least uses the\nfigure with appropriate respect, and it is intended to give him or her power over demons\nand the spiritual benefits of a pious life. From the fifteenth century onwards, small groups\nof circular amulets and larger multipurpose figures often found their way into necromantic compilations, where their protective value was especially valued for the risky work of\nsummoning demons. 50\nFigures in ritual magic texts\nIn three important works of Christian ritual magic, the Ars notoria, the Liber florum celestis\ndoctrine and the Liber iuratus, we can trace the construction, use and theorization of complex\nfigures that draw on diverse Christian, Arabic and Jewish traditions. The Ars notoria was an\ninfluential and complex treatise written by a Christian in Northern Italy in the second half\nof the twelfth century that survives in various formats in more than fifty medieval manuscripts.51 It claimed to miraculously endow the practitioner with knowledge of all the liberal arts, philosophy and theology, by means of angelic revelation and a divine infusion of\nwisdom. The practitioner of this art recited prayers while \u201cinspecting\u201d the notae, groups of\nfigures that enclosed prayers (mainly consisting of verba ignota) and mysterious graphic motifs\nwithin geometrical armatures such as circles, triangles and rhomboids. The circle and other\ngeometric forms evoked harmony and order, while incorporating motifs particular to the art\nbeing sought by the practitioner such as the parts of grammar or the zodiac signs. But the\nopen-ended nature of the notae \u2013 their mixture of familiar and obscure elements and geometry broken up by sprouting characters \u2013 encouraged critics to read messages to demons into\ntheir inscrutability. The figures were accompanied by two main strategies to direct the reader\ntowards a more orthodox interpretation. First, the text asserted a strong association between\nfigura and oratio, which bound the spoken word and geometric forms closely together in the\nidea that \u201cthe figure is a certain sacramental and ineffable prayer that cannot be explained\nby human reason.\u201d52 Second, drawings of miniature representational angels alongside the\nfigures in many copies of this text directed the reader towards an interpretation of the notae\nas celestial or sacramental signs. Nevertheless, scribal creativity sometimes undermined these\nbids for orthodoxy, however, with stylized lions, oxen and dragons, swords, serpents and birds\nbeing drawn alongside the magical motifs and verba ignota.\nIn the early fourteenth century, a French Benedictine monk named John of Morigny\nwrote a book called the Liber florum celestis doctrine (The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching), a revision of the Ars notoria that tried to shift focus away from its unintelligibility and towards a less\nobscure ritual combination of Marian devotion and astrological ideas.53 The Liber florum was\n442\n\nPages 462:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\na practical manual for achieving a visionary ascent to the presence of God and knowledge\nof all the arts and sciences. John\u2019s claims to have had revelatory experiences were viewed\nwith suspicion and his work was burnt at the University of Paris in 1323. Nevertheless, his\npragmatic approach to achieving a spiritual experience was attractive to many readers, and\nhis text survives in three versions and more than twenty copies from across Europe.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s first attempt to rework the Ars notoria figures to fit his visionary approach was expressed in a text now known as the Old Compilation Book of Figures that survives\nin a single incomplete copy (Oxford, Bodleian, MS Liturg. 160). In its original version,\nthe Book of Figures was supposed to present 91 figures to help the user obtain a visionary\nexperience, including seven figures representing the Virgin, seven figures for the planets\nand twelve figures for the astrological houses. The astrological figures were not typical\nChristian choices to inspire a visionary ascent. Conscious of this issue, John followed the\nArs notoria in placing emphasis on the link between the figure and prayer. 54 He instructs the\nuser to visualize the figures in his or her mind with subtlety and passion, while petitioning\nGod silently to grant them knowledge of one of the mechanical, virtutive and exceptive\narts.55 This knowledge was not supposed to be automatically produced by the ritual, but\ndelivered by Christ and the Virgin, working through the angels.\nOnly two figures were copied into Oxford, Bodleian, MS Liturg. 160, small circular\nfigures containing crosses, circles and a pentacle and groupings of letters that reference\nintercessionary pleas, the operator and his soul, and the property of the figure (i.e. its planetary body or the faculty it endows such as eloquence). Claire Fanger has noted that the first\nfigure that opens the work (a circle bearing a tetragrammaton in Latin letters and other\nletters representing the mental faculties) is accompanied by visualizations involving the\ngate to Paradise being opened by an angel. The second figure, a pentacle with a complicated inscribed prayer, is said to be useful for recovery of visions lost due to disobedience. 56\n\u00adA lthough each element in the two figures references a mainstream devotional technique,\nthey are compressed together in an idiosyncratic way that accentuates their mystery. Tellingly, John reports the Virgin Mary cautioning him against his tendency to complexity, emphasizing that neither prayers, nor figures nor visualizations would have any effect without\nthe operator\u2019s devotion of heart (I.iv.12.c); and in one place she accuses John of putting in his\nbook \u201csome nonsense about the angels which is not much use\u201d (NC III.1.7.b).\nMagical figures were, by definition, in some ways mysterious. So how they were interpreted was very difficult to control. John makes a determined effort to manage the inscrutability of his figures by explaining the letters and writings in the accompanying text, and\nby claiming that the cross was the central element in his figures and that all other shapes\nand representations were circumstantial.57 But when he explains that the cross should be\nmentally supplied even when it is absent from a figure because it is the hidden source of their\nefficacy, his argument effectively reverts to the position of the Ars notoria and other texts\nthat emphasize the mystery of figures and their workings.58 John\u2019s figures also depended\nfor their efficacy on celestial influences, an idea drawn from astrological image magic. 59\nIn particular, John noted that certain constellations and planetary conjunctions should be\nconsidered when making the figures because human reason was receptive to the influence\nof the heavenly bodies.60 It is even possible that the idea of combining the power of the cross\nwith celestial influences was drawn from Arabic magic. The author of the Picatrix praised\nthe cross for being a universal figure ( figura universalis) that stood for the latitude and longitude of all bodies, and claims that it was chosen by ancient wise men as the most useful\nreceptacle of the powers of the planetary spirits.61\n443\n\nPages 463:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nBut the integration of astrological and Christian motifs and ideas was also typical of\nnecromantic figures (such as the laminas considered above and the magic circles considered below) and this merging of genres made critics of the Liber florum uneasy. John himself\nadmitted that circles and crosses were enough to identify his figures as composed \u201cin the\nmanner of necromantic figures\u201d (more figurarum nigromancie).62 When he rewrote his book\nhe chose images of the Virgin Mary for his instrumental meditative figures. Though the\nnew figures of the Virgin in many respects resemble the old, they are less complicated: the\nVirgin and child are set in a simple frame with four crosses drawn around it and mystery\nis now invested in the unusual attributes accompanying the Virgin rather than inscrutable\ngraphic and letter combinations.\nControl over the interpretation of mysterious figures was hindered by the creative choices\nof new users, but also by the fact that if they were considered powerful they might be detached from their original ritual contexts and adapted to new uses.63 One of the most influential medieval magical figures was the Sigillum Dei (Seal of God), first described in the Liber\niuratus, a work of ritual magic that circulated in two medieval versions.64 The version of this\ntext integrated within the Summa sacre magice, a compendium of magical texts written ca.\n1346 by the Catalan or Valencian philosopher Beringarius Ganellus, describes how the seal\ncan be used for six theurgical practices, including achieving the vision of God, redeeming\nthe soul from purgatory and having power over all spirits.65 In the truncated, \u201cNorthwestern\u201d version of Honorius, represented by two Sloane manuscripts in the British Library,\nonly the vision of God remains at the core of the ritual magic practices and the Sigillum Dei\nis given a prominent place at the beginning of the text.66 In both Honorius texts, the seal is\nsupposed to be worn by the operator when he conjures spirits. It forces the spirits to appear\nin an attractive and docile form and grant the operator his request.\nInstructions for creating the Sigillum Dei describe in detail the sacred proportions of\nits geometrical figures, from the outer band containing the Great Schemhamphoras (the\n\u00adseventy-two letter name of God in the Jewish tradition) to an inner pentagram containing\na Tau cross. The interlocking pattern of geometric shapes on this seal creates symmetrical\nbands on which magical words and letters are inscribed. This was a complex figure with\nchallenging instructions, and surviving copies contain mistakes and deliberate simplifications as well as creative choices that reflect their makers\u2019 responses to the text.67 When it became popular to transfer the seal onto three-dimensional objects, the potential challenges\nincreased.\nIn ritual magic experiments, figures were frequently inscribed on rings and talismans to\ngive the operator power when he was wearing them, and on mirrors to turn them into instruments in which visions would appear. The transfer from parchment figure to inscribed\nmetal talismans in the sixteenth century in the case of the Sigllum Dei and the figure of\nSt Michael reflects the value assigned to these figures, and their adaptation to new uses\nsuch as pendants or ritual concealments.68 In fact, one of the original sources of inspiration\nfor the Sigillum Dei may have been a circular gold or gilded silver mirror that is described\nin an experiment in the Picatrix to see spirits and other beings and make them obedient.\nThis mirror has the same names of the seven planetary angels (Captiel, Satquiel, Samael,\nRaphael, Anael, Michael and Gabriel) as the Honorius Sigillum Dei and is also tempered\nwith blood and suffumigated.69\nThe Sigillum Dei inscribed on a fifteenth-century or early sixteenth-century circular lead\nalloy disc that was concealed in a brick in Doornenburg Castle appears to have been simplified in order to make the work of cutting into the metal less onerous.70 The most accurate\n444\n\nPages 464:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nFigure 30.7 M\n\u0007 atrix of a magic seal found in Devil\u2019s Dyke, Cambridgeshire. Oxford, Museum of the\nHistory of Science, inventory number 46378.\nsurviving Sigillum Dei in any media, however, is a sixteenth-century English matrix found\nat Devil\u2019s Dyke, Cambridgeshire (Figure 30.7).71 The maker of this matrix paid close attention to the written instructions of the Honorius text, presumably in the expectation that\nhis matrix would be used to produce many new metal copies. The matrix produces a seal\nin which syllables of the outer names are not only placed above the correct inner names (as\nin the Ganellus Sigillum) but also between the correct intersections and crosses, giving the\nseal a pleasing visual symmetry. The Devil\u2019s Dyke Sigillum is one of only four surviving seals\nthat attempt the instructions\u2019 complex triple interlacing of an outer heptagon with an inner\nheptagram to give the compelling appearance of endless knots. In addition to the Devil\u2019s\nDyke and Ganellus seals, the others are two idiosyncratic versions of the Sigillum Dei in the\nUniversity of Pennsylvania, Schoenberg MS LJS 226 that combine curving ribbons with a\nflurry of crosses (f.4v) and new angel names (f.5).72\nMagic circles\nThe iconic image of the medieval magician depicted a learned man standing in a magic\ncircle outside of which demons were standing or swarming, sometimes seeming to be submissive, at others physically menacing.73 Magic circles had become a significant instrument\nin Christian ritual magic by the late thirteenth century and were quickly disseminated into\npopular consciousness as a powerful image of the boundary between the human and spirit\nworlds and (depending on your viewpoint) human hubris or daring. This emblematic motif of medieval ritual magic was influenced by four traditions: circles in astral magic texts,\nthe seals and pentacles of Solomonic magic, protective circular amulets and the thirteenth-\u00ad\ncentury scholastic understanding of the cosmos.\nThe magic circles of Arabic astral magic texts demarcated a special space in which the\nmagical practitioner performed his sacrifices to the planetary spirits and received the spirit\ndelegated to speak to him in the smoke of the burnt sacrifice. In the Picatrix, four rituals to\ndraw down the spirits of the Moon when it is in particular zodiac signs use magic circles\nas the locations for ritual animal sacrifices.74 The practitioner stands or sits in the circle to\n445\n\nPages 465:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninvoke the spirits, and also places the sacrificial flesh, an image made from it, or the censer\nused to burn it in the centre of the figure. The circumferences of astral magic figures were\ndiverse: drawn in the earth or demarcated by animals, branches, goose eggs, a trench filled\nwith water, piles of straw or images shaped into creatures. But every demarcation of the\nfigure had some connection to the sacrifice. For example, the ritual for speaking with Mercury when it is in Sagittarius in the Astromagia includes drawing a large angled figure on the\nground in a remote mountain place and sitting within it. After the practitioner has prayed\nto Mercury, he is told to plant oak branches smeared with sacrificial blood in each internal\nangle of the figure. When one of these is burnt in a brazier in the middle of the figure, the\nspirit appointed by Mercury will come to speak to him.75\nAstral magic texts contained prominent instructions for animal sacrifices in rituals to summon planetary spirits. Animal sacrifices were forbidden in the Christian religion and never\nassociated with the cult of angels, so these planetary spirits were viewed by many Christian\nreaders of astral magic texts \u2013 whether critics or practitioners \u2013 as malign or at best ambiguous. It did not help that Christian teaching tended towards a clear divide between good and\nbad spirits. When Christians came to write their own rituals to summon spirits, now often explicitly demons, they retained the link between magic circles and sacrifices, sometimes drawing the circle with the blood of a sacrificed animal or using a knife made from animal horn\nor constructing the circle out of animal skin.76 But they also transformed the magic circle\ninto a protective boundary between themselves and what they perceived to be a malefic spirit\nworld.77 In Christian ritual magic, spirits were usually compelled to remain outside the circle\nwhere the sacrifice was sometimes thrown to them. This cautionary approach is apparent\neven in a text like the De secretis spirituum planetis that has many features of astral magic and\nis concerned with summoning planetary angels rather than demons.78 The operator of this\ntext is told to draw a magic circle around the animal sacrificed to the planetary angel and\nits character, and to throw the sacrificial flesh outside the circle.79 A composite magic circle\naccompanying the copy of this text in Wellcome MS 517 (Figures 30.8 and 30.9) illustrates the\nangel names and characters relevant to every operation.\nChristian magic circles also drew their inspiration from contemporary cosmological,\nmathematical and astrological ideas. Magic texts offered glimpses of celestial structures,\nspirits and hierarchies to persuade the reader of the cosmological underpinnings of their\noperations. Some magic circles evoked a miniature cosmos with interior bands representing\nthe heavens, characters evoking constellations (the figurae stellarum) and the names, seals and\ncharacters of celestial spirits. Other magic figures had a more terrestrial orientation, such\nas when they indicate the zonal areas that the planetary angels influenced or the demons of\nthe four cardinal points.80 The circle was not only a suitable representation of the concentric spheres of the cosmos but also shared with the Prime Mover the property of having\nno beginning and no end.81 Reflecting this association with God, divine names were usually placed either in the centre of the circle or on the outer boundary between the human\nand spirit worlds where their protective power was most needed. Both celestial and divine\nnames and symbols were intended to protect the practitioner within a ritually demarcated\nand empowered space.\nThe practitioner\u2019s protection from evil spirits was a high priority in necromantic experiments and it is therefore not surprising that some magic circles are filled with sacred\nnames, petitions and symbols of the cross. Four magic circles in the fifteenth-century necromantic manual Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek MS Clm 849 (henceforward Clm\n849) fall into this category: a circle for having a response from spirits and three figures\n446\n\nPages 466:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nFigure 30.8 \u0007Composite magic circle with the names and characters of each planet, London, Wellcome\nLibrary, MS 517, fol. 234v.\nfor experiments to obtain information about a theft by gazing into a fingernail.82 It seems\nlikely that multiple orthodox motifs were chosen for operations to speak with spirits because\nthis represented a particularly intense and dangerous kind of interaction with demons renowned for their skills at trickery and temptation. The sacred elements in the figures for\nthe fingernail experiments were appropriate to the purity of the boy skryer on whom the\nsuccess of these operations depended. Although there are some similarities between these\nfigures and the circular protective figures discussed above, there are important differences\nin emphasis. The necromantic circles were intended to call down demons as well as protect\nfrom them; hence, their petitions focus on the power of God the Creator, while the circular\namulets tend to appeal to Christ\u2019s mercy.\nAs John of Morigny noted regretfully, even figures with only circles and crosses were suggestive of demon conjuring to suspicious minds. The ways in which magic circles expressed\none thing to their makers and another thing to their critics are unpacked in John Lydgate\u2019s\nrepresentation of necromancy in his popular allegory of Christian life, the Pylgremage of the Sowle\n(1426).83 The pilgrim protagonist of this narrative encounters a student of necromancy in a\nwood, standing in a magic circle, \u201cwithin w\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 449 to page 466 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 467 to page 485 out of a total of 569:\nPages 467:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFigure 30.9 T\n\u0007 he pilgrim and the student of necromancy from John Lydgate\u2019s Pilgrimage of Man. \u00adLondon,\nBritish Library, MS Cotton Tiberius AVII, fol. 44r.\nRitual magic texts were less concerned with the orthodoxy of magic circles, however,\nthan with advising the practitioner on how to construct them and which spirits they were\nmost suitable for. A chapter on magic circles (De circulis) attributed to Virgil divides them\naccording to their use: identifying the spirits who are willing to descend (circulus discretionis),\ninvoking spirits who can help and harm (circulus invocationis) and summoning spirits by the\nvirtue of their superiors to help with the goal of the operation (circulus provocationis).84 The\ncosmology implicit in these instructions relates more closely to the spirit hierarchies of astral magic than Christian demonology and this impression is reinforced by the fact that the\ntext appears in a collection of works of image magic and astrology.\nThe adaptation of magic circles to different kinds of spirit was important in Christian\nritual magic too, perhaps under the influence of magic texts like De circulis. The Liber iuratus\n448\n\nPages 468:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nrecommends constructing different kinds of circles for the helpful spirits of the air and the\nmalign spirits of earth. The malign spirits are summoned into a concave circular pit dug in\nthe ground (called a circulus in quo apparent spiritus), while the practitioner stands in a separate\ncircle, the \u201ccircle of invocation\u201d (circulus invocationis) at a safe distance of nine feet to invoke\nthem.85 The magic circles of the Liber iuratus were taken up by Giorgio Anselmi, a professor\nof medicine at the Universities of Parma and Bologna, in his mid-fifteenth-century treatise\non magic, the Opus de magia disciplina.86 Anselmi\u2019s magic circles for evil demons include the\nsame circulus invocationis divided in four and inscribed with the names Mesyas, Sother, Eloy,\nSabbaoth for the practitioner, and, at nine paces away, a concave circle into which demons\nwere summoned.\nThe De circulis proposes that circles have four general purposes: for self-defence, to accomplish the goal of the operation, to obtain love and to consult spirits.87 The text notes\nthat the practitioner (artifex) should usually have four companions, although one will suffice\nfor the first or fourth goal.88 The emphasis on love and speaking to spirits in this text is supported by the popularity of these types of experiments in necromantic manuals. The author\nof De circulis places the circle to provoke love (circulus ad amorem) in a separate category from\nothers because it relies on sympathetic magic as well as conjuring spirits. The practitioner\nshould take into this circle something from the object of desire (a man or woman) such as a\npiece of hair.89\nThe figures in two copies of a necromantic experiment to induce love illustrate the creativity of this element of the operation as well as the ways in which the techniques of sympathetic magic and conjuring spirits are combined in love magic.90 The practitioner is\ninstructed to draw the naked body of the woman he desires onto parchment made from the\nskin of a female dog in heat using blood from the heart of a dove. He then writes the names\nof six \u201chot\u201d spirits, including Cupid and Satan, on different parts of the figure and his own\nname over her heart. Writing the demonic names on the image is a form of sympathetic\nmagic intended to induce the spirits to enter the living body.91 As each name is inscribed,\nthe spirit is commanded to go to the woman and work on her body, heart and mind, until\nshe is inflamed with a powerful love, desire and urgent restlessness.\nIf this first image is unsuccessful in provoking love, the operator is advised to construct\na second figure: a magic circle drawn on the ground with a sword and inscribed with\nthe names of different demons. These demons are then conjured to bring him the object\nof his desire. When she arrives, he touches her with the first image and by this physical\naction transfers the force of the image into her permanently so that she loves him for all\neternity. The scribes of the two copies of this experiment chose to record different figures.\nIn the Florence manuscript, a circular magic figure with the names of the six \u201chot\u201d spirits is drawn quite informally at the bottom of a folio and has additional magical characters not mentioned in the text and (perhaps) the practitioner\u2019s own initials in the centre\n(\u00adFigure 30.10). By contrast, the scribe of the Munich copy recorded only the second magic\ncircle as a large formal diagram, with the place of the operator (magister) marked clearly in\nthe centre (Figure 30.11).\nIn general, there was a broad and diverse range of graphic symbols available to the authors and scribes of magic texts who could and did express their own interests, anxieties and\nproclivities in the choice of astral signs, Christian crosses or Solomonic pentacles. There\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs\nof astral magic in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a later trend towards complex multipurpose objects and images, and sometimes, the replacement of obscure names with more\n449\n\nPages 469:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nacceptable crosses.92 In the fifteenth century and into the early modern period, Solomonic\ninfluences, especially the use of pentacles, triangles and other bisecting lines, and the inscription of divine names, and Hebrew and pseudo-Hebrew lettering, began to dominate\nthe iconography of figures in ritual magic texts.93 This influence, an acknowledgement of\nSolomon\u2019s perceived power over demons in both magical and mainstream religious contexts, is also reflected in theoretical discussions of the use of figures.94\nFigure 30.10 \u0007A magic circle from an experiment for love, Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana,\nMS Plut. 18 sup. 38, fol. 286r.\n450\n\nPages 470:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nFigure 30.11 \u0007A magic circle from an experiment for love. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS\nClm 849, fol. 10r.\nIn his De occultis et manifestis, the late fourteenth-century astrologer and physician Antonio\nda Montolmo used the typically Solomonic vocabulary of exorcism to describe the ritual\ninscription of the names of God on magic circles. Montolmo\u2019s category of figures includes\nboth spatial and amuletic types, and he draws attention to the quintessentially Solomonic\nsymbol of the pentacle, claiming that if this sign was inscribed with the name of God and\ncarried with perfect devotion it would provide its bearer with perfect protection.95 Giorgio\nAnselmi\u2019s chapter on magic circles in his fifteenth-century treatise on magic also emphasizes the use of pentacles, squares and triangles, magical characters and the inscription of\ndivine names.\n451\n\nPages 471:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFuture directions\nFuture work in this field will be able to add many more magical figures to those discussed,\nsince every collection of ritual magic texts brings a subtly different set of visual elements into\nplay with its cosmological ideas and ritual goals. In this context, it would be useful to develop\na database of medieval magical figures and seals in order to track their use, selection and\ndissemination more precisely. A database of figures would allow further investigation into\nhow these magical instruments draw together different iconographies \u2013 the sacred, the magical and the cosmological \u2013 and how their graphic elements relate to the text incorporated\nwithin or accompanying the figures. It would also be useful for identifying marks on objects\nand buildings that are likely to have had a ritual purpose rather than representing doodling,\ngraffiti, decorative motifs, maker\u2019s marks, tally marks or any other kinds of visual communication. In spite of the variety of figures in surviving medieval manuscripts and the creativity\nof new scribal interpretations, there is a recognizable vocabulary of graphic elements across\nmultiple magic texts that encouraged users\u2019 trust in their efficacy and critics\u2019 identification\nof them as deviant.\nA final area of research that could be developed in this field relates to the cognitive\nscience of looking, particularly in relation to diagrams. Like other diagram makers, the\ndesigners of medieval magical figures used strategies of visual language such as colour,\nshape, composition, framing, emphasis, vertical or horizontal orientation and placement on\nthe page to engage their audience. These strategies provided information to the viewer and\ncreated perceptual points of attention like normative diagrams, but magical figures also\nsignalled their occult power through the use of undecodable iconography, signs and patterns. Encountering and meditating on these, the viewer was not supposed to work towards\nan essential meaning but to be reassured by the power of a figure that evoked eternity, the\ncosmos, spirits and God.\nNotes\n1 This chapter is intended to be complementary to Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this volume.\nDiagrams in the Medieval Kabbalah have received more attention than those in the Latin magical\ntraditions. See Marla Segol\u2019s excellent book, Word and Image in Medieval Kabbalah: The Texts, Commentaries, and Diagrams of the Sefer Yetsirah (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).\n2 Lee E. Brasseur, Visualizing Technical Information: A Cultural Critique (Amityville, NY: Baywood Publishing, 2003), 71.\n3 Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 150 and\n256.\n4 H.A. Simon and J.H. Larkin, \u201cWhy a diagram is (Sometimes) worth ten thousand words,\u201d in Models\nof Thought, ed. H.A. Simon (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1987), 413\u201337.\n5 Al-Kindi, De radiis, ed. M.T. d\u2019Alverny and F. Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du moyen \u00c2ge\n41 (1974): 250\u201352, ch. 7 (De figuris).\n6 Nicolas Weill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen Age et \u00e0 la Renaissance: Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et\npratiques magiques (XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002).\n7 Illustrations of the forms of the planets are outside the scope of this chapter. They are rare in Latin\ntranslations of Arabic magic texts, with some notable exceptions such as the forms of the planets in\nthe copy of the Picatrix in Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellonska, MS 793 and the illustrations in the Libro\nde astromagia.\n8 Roger Bacon, Opus tertium, chapter 26 in Opus tertium, Opus maius, Compendium philosophiae, ed. J.S.\nBrewer (London, 1859) and Opus maius, part 4, in Opus maius I, ed. J.H. Bridges (Oxford, 1897), 374.\nChinese ideograms had recently been brought to the attention of the West by William of Rubruck.\nFor a further discussion of Roger Bacon\u2019s views, see Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Theory and Practice of\n452\n\nPages 472:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nPowerful Words in Medieval Magical Texts,\u201d in The Word in Medieval Logic, Theology and Psychology,\ned. Tetsuro Shimizu and Charles Burnett (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), 215\u201331.\n9 William of Auvergne, De universo, bk. 2, pt 3, ch. 22 in Opera omnia, 2 vols., vol. 1, ed. Franciscus\nHotot (Paris: Andreas Pralard, 1674), 1059\u201361.\n10 Speculum astronomiae, ch. 11, edited and translated by Paola Zambelli in Albertus Magnus, The Speculum astronomiae and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology, and Science in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries. A\nCritical Edition of the Speculum astronomiae (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 240\u201347; On Thomas Aquinas\u2019s views, see Claire Fanger, \u201cJohn the Monk\u2019s Book of Visions and its relation to the Ars notoria\nof Solomon\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Late Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 60\u201361. On the magic of images and\nidolatry, especially sculpted clay and wax figures, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume.\n11 Beno\u00eet Gr\u00e9vin and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se. \u201cLes \u2018caract\u00e8res\u2019 magiques au Moyen \u00c2ge (XIIe\u2013XIVe si\u00e8cle),\u201d Biblioth\u00e8que de l\u2019\u00c9cole des Chartes 162 (2004): 407\u201381. For examples of magical characters, see\nFigures 30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 30.9 and 30.11 in this chapter.\n12 Some magic texts in circulation like the De sigillis planetarum were devoted specifically to seals and\ntherefore provide good examples of this understudied visual motif. For examples of magic seals, see\nthe interior graphic elements in Figure 30.5 in this chapter.\n13 See Stephen Stallcup, The \u201cEye of Abraham\u201d Charm for Thieves: Versions in Middle and Early\nModern English,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 10 (2015): 24\u201325.\n14 My discussion here is based on the following Latin and vernacular copies, mainly in British manuscripts: Oxford, Bodleian Library [hereafter Bodleian], e Mus 219 (late thirteenth century);\n\u00adLondon, British Library [hereafter BL], MS Sloane 475 (fourteenth century); Munich, Bayerische\nStaatsbibliothek, Clm [hereafter Clm] MS 13057 (fifteenth century); London, Wellcome Library\n[hereafter Wellcome] MS 517 (fifteenth century, three versions of the experiment); BL Additional\nMS 34304; BL MS Sloane 2721 (fifteenth century) and BL Additional MS 34111 (1420\u201350).\n\u00adStephen Stallcup edited the MS Add. 34111 copy and four later versions of the experiment in\n\u201cThe \u201cEye of Abraham\u201d Charm for Thieves,\u201d 23\u201340.\n15 Wellcome MS 517, fol. 124: \u201cEt cum omnis oculum inspiceret si fur sit in domo videbis oculum eius\ndestrum lacrimantem.\u201d\n16 Wellcome MS 517, fols. 67, 81 and 124.\n17 For Achar, see Flavius Josephus, The Antiquities of the Jews, Bk 5, ch. 1, 9\u201314, ed. G.P. Goold (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1934), 177\u201381.\n18 Ancient lamellae were often placed in small metal tubular pendants hung from the neck, a practice that derived from Jewish and Egyptian traditions. Like some late medieval Christian laminas,\nlamellae from Jewish traditions place particular emphasis on the apotropaic power of angel names.\nChristian examples of lamellae appear as early as the second century CE: see Roy Kotansky, Greek\nMagical Amulets: The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze Lamellae. Part I: Published Texts of Known\nProvenance (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994). Amulets 35, 45, and 53 in the latter collection\nhave invocations of Christ and allied powers.\n19 For examples of these less common uses, see the instructions for a lead lamina to make all your\nenemies fear you (Ut omnes inimici tui verebunt te) in BL MS Sloane 475 (first quarter of the twelfth\ncentury), fol. 110v; a tin lamina to attract snakes (Ut serpentes convenient in uno loco) in BL MS Royal\n12 B XXV (fourteenth century), fol. 65r and a lead lamina to keep bees from leaving (Ne apes recedant\nde uase) in Clm 7021 (first half of the fifteenth century), fol. 158. I am grateful to Karel Fraaije for\nthe reference to the bee lamina.\n20 BL Additional MS 15236 (4th quarter of the 13th or 1st quarter of the 14th century), fol. 31.\n21 The five cross figure for making a lead lamina to heal wounds is unusual among the figures discussed\nin this chapter in being remarkably consistent across different manuscript copies, although there\nis some variation in the shape of the cross and not all experiments include the figure. The wound\nlamina figure is found in the following medieval manuscripts: Stockholm MS Co. Holm. x. 90, fols.\n117\u201318; Bodleian, Laud misc. 553, fol. 56v; San Marino, Huntingdon Library HM 64, fol. 145; Durham Cosin V.III.10, fol. 30r; BL MS Sloane 1964, fol. 20; Bodleian, Additional. A. 106, fol. 149v; BL\n\u00ad rinity\nMS Sloane 2584, fol. 73 (with only four crosses); BL MS Sloane 3466, fol. 55 and Cambridge, T\nCollege Library MS R.14.51 (921), fol. 29. A forthcoming article by \u00adKathleen \u00adWalker-Meikle will\nprovide a more extensive survey of Christian medical laminas in British manuscripts.\n453\n\nPages 473:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\n22 On this charm motif, see Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for Conception and Childbirth in England 900\u20131500,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89 (2015): 415.\n23 BL Sloane MS 475 (end of the eleventh or early twelfth century), at fols. 133v\u201334. For the barren\ntree instruction, see also Cambridge, Trinity College, MS O I 58 and BL MS Additional 33996\n(ca.1450).\n24 BL Additional MS 15236 (4th quarter of the 13th or 1st quarter of the 14th century), fol. 31v.\n25 Wellcome MS 517, fol. 67.\n26 See, for example, the Liber quindecim nominum in Florence, Bibioteca Nazionale Centrale, II. iii. 214,\nfols. 41r\u201342v. This text describes how to make a silver lamina to provoke the love of a woman, a\nlead lamina to help a sick person, an iron lamina to ward off mice, a tin lamina to rid a beast of\nevil or a feverish patient of illness and a lamina of copper or wax for locating a fugitive slave.\n27 The four laminas inscribed with figurative images are a tin lamina to draw clients to a physician, a silver lamina for increasing harvests and plants, a gold lamina for healing kidney stones (I v 30\u201332) and\na silver lamina for increasing business (IV ix 44). The four laminas inscribed with magical characters\nare a red bronze lamina for making mice flee, a tin lamina for making flies go away, a lead lamina to\ncreate enmity and another lead lamina to curse a place so it is never populated (II ix, 2, 4, 6, 7).\n28 Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Ghayat Al-Hakim, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute,\n1986), II, v, 2.\n29 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, II, ix, 2 and 4. Wellcome MS 517, fol. 235.\n30 Edited by Jacques Sesiano in \u201cMagic Squares for Daily Life,\u201d in Studies in the History of the Exact\nSciences in Honour of David Pingree, ed. Charles Burnett, Jan Hogendijk, Kim Plofker and Michio\nYano (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 716\u201326.\n31 British Museum inventory number: OA.1361.b. Date: sixteenth to eighteenth century. Inscription:\n\u201cNihil deo impossibile quis sicut tu in fortibus O tetragrammaton qui aperuisti vulvam Rachelae\nconcepit filiu[m]\u201d. On the image of Venus with eagle feet, see, Picatrix, II, x, 28 and 55 and the\nillustration in Krakow, Biblioteka Jagiellonska, MS 793, p. 382 where she also has the head of an\neagle.\n32 Rachel is first mentioned in Genesis, 29. The second but most beloved wife of Jacob, she had difficulty conceiving, but went on to have two sons, Joseph and Benjamin.\n33 See Wellcome MS 517, fol. 224 and Clm MS 849, fol. 67v.\n34 Of the many magical figures mentioned in this manuscript, only the following are illustrated: 1.\nA circular figure that is part of a conjuration to get spirits to depart peacefully (14v). 2. A square\nfigure that is part of a skrying operation in a mirror or glass (23v). 3. Two circular figures that are\npart of an operation to constrain spirits (28v\u201329). 4. A square figure that is part of an operation to\nconstrain spirits to do your will (46). 5. Two small circular figures that follow a prayer requesting\nGod to protect the operator from all enemies visible and invisible, especially evil spirits and to give\nhim power over them (fol. 51). 6. A square figure to be drawn with bat\u2019s blood on a window or in\na circle as part of a conjuration for a horse (74v). 7. A drawing of a circle with an outer band that\nhas not been filled in (fol. 79). 8 A small square figure filled with a grid and letters that should be\ndrawn with bat\u2019s blood on a piece of vellum (carta) as part of an experiment for love (97v). 8. A\nsquare figure said to be a \u201cSigna Salomonis\u201d to protect against spirits (fol. 101). 9. A square figure\nin an experiment to identify a thief (104v).\n35 Bodleian, Rawlinson MS D 252, fols. 36v, 46r, 52v\u201358r. Most of these references to laminas are not\naccompanied by images. An exception to this is a figure accompanying the Middle English experiment to invoke spirits on fol. 46 that describes a complex object consisting of a plate of lead or tin\nwith its sides turned up. In each of its corners, further metal plates of silver, steel, brass and iron\nare placed. The object is inscribed with spirit names, obscure symbols and magical characters.\n36 See for example, the prayer on fols. 46\u201347 which includes the commands \u201ccontestor per ista lamina\u201d and \u201cappareatis super ista lamina.\u201d\n37 Bodleian, Rawlinson MS D 252, fols. 95\u201395v.\n38 BL Sloane 3853, fol. 74. Another version of this square figure for binding a thief is found in the sixteenth-century necromantic manual, Cambridge University Library, MS Additional 3544, p. 44.\n39 A figure in San Marino, Huntington Library HM 64, f.34, acts Contra mortem subitam. Its legend\nreads: \u201cQui hoc signum super se portat sine confessione non morietur.\u201d A figure in Canterbury\nCathedral, Additional MS 23 will enable the operator to be saved wherever he is, but another offers\nits bearer protection from fire and water only if he or she has a strong belief in God.\n454\n\nPages 474:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\n40 See Canterbury Cathedral, Additional MS 23 for a figure with the \u201cineffabile nomen dei,\u201d a \u201cfigura sancto columchille\u201d and a \u201csignum regis salomonis,\u201d Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France\n[hereafter BnF], MS lat. 3269 for a figure with the \u201cTetragrammaton,\u201d BL Harley Roll T. 11 for\na figure \u201cby which all things are made\u201d and San Marino, Huntington Library, MS HM 64, for a\n\u201csignum Sancti Michaelis.\u201d\n41 This textual amulet has more than 20 magic figures (figuras) and seals (unenclosed graphic motifs)\non its face and 25 figures on its dorse, including three that are unfinished. See Don C. Skemer,\nBinding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n2006), 199\u2013212 and an edition of the texts in appendix 1.\n42 See Alphonse Aymar, \u201cContribution \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9tude du folklore de la Haute-Auvergne. Le sachet accoucheur et ses myst\u00e8res\u201d in Annales du Midi: revue arch\u00e9ologique, historique et philologique de la France\nm\u00e9ridionale, 38 (1926): 273\u2013347. The legends in the bands are transcribed on 347.\n43 BnF lat. 3269 (end of the thirteenth century to early fourteenth century), fol. 85r. On fol. 84v and 85v\nare other charms and experiments against epilepsy, sword wounds and the bites of wild animals.\n44 Figures 1 and 6 are similar to the circular figures in the necromantic compilation Bodleian,\n\u00adRawlinson MS D 252 at fol. 51.\n45 San Marino, Huntington Library HM 64 (with reference to the catalogue entry by C.W. Dutschke):\nfol. 17v, Contra inimicus [sic], 1, Si quis hoc signum super se portat nequid capi ab Inimicus [sic];\nfol. 21v, Contra mortem subitam, 2, Qui hoc signum super se portat sine confessione non morietur; fol. 34, Pro victoria, 3, Hoc signum misit deus Regi Tedeon [?] qui cum isto pugnat victoriam\nhabebit; fol. 34, Pro Igni, 4, Hoc signum crucis portans se non timebis ignem, [below the circle:] In\nquacumque domo ubi [the charm] fecerit vel ymago Virginis Dorothee eximie matris [sic] alme,\nNullus abortivus infantis nascetur in illa \u2026; fol. 51, Contra Demones, 5, Signum sancti Michaelis\nquas omnes demones timent die qua videris demones non timebis.\n46 See also the fifteenth-century medical manuscripts with magical figures: BL Royal MS 17 B\nXLVIII, BL Sloane MS 430 and BL Sloane MS 3556 discussed in Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, 33\u201335.\n47 E. Bozoky, \u201cPrivate Reliquaries and Other Prophylactic Jewels,\u201d in The Unorthodox Imagination in Late\nMedieval Britain, ed. S. Page (Manchester: Manchester University Press), 115\u201330.\n48 This figure is illustrated in Page, Magic in Medieval Manuscripts, 34.\n49 BL Sloane MS 3556, fol. 1v, and Cambridge, University Library, Additional MS 3544, p. 93v\u201394v,\ned. and trans. Francis Young, The Cambridge Book of Magic. A Tudor Necromancer\u2019s Manual (Cambridge:\nTexts in Early Modern Magic, 2015), 95\u201396. The Sloane MS text begins at the point where the\nmaterials to be suffumigated are described, then continues to the end of the instructions.\n50 For a medieval example, see the group of nine small figures and one large multipurpose figure\nin BnF, ital. 1524 (1446), fols. 185\u201385v, ed. Florence Gal, Jean-Patrice Boudet and Laurence\n\u00adMoulinier-Brogi, Vedrai Mirabilia: Un Libro Di Magia del Quattrocento (Rome: Viella, 2017), 268\u201370\nand plates IV\u2013VI.\n51 On the Ars notoria, see the edition by Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2007)\nand his chapter on Solomonic magic in this volume.\n52 Ars notoria, gloss on version B, ed. V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, 142: \u201cFigura vero est quedam sacramentalis et ineffabilis oratio que necquid per sensum humane rationis exponi.\u201d\n53 On this text, see Nicholas Watson and Claire Fanger\u2019s edition of John of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum\ncelestis doctrine (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2015) and Claire Fanger, Rewriting\nMagic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\n54 The Old Compilation Book of Figures, III. 10, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum 372.\n55 Book of Figures, III. 18. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 3778\u201382.\n56 Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 95\u201398.\n57 The circular figures in Bodleian MS Liturg. 160, fol. 1r and 66r do give the cross a central position and the representations of the Virgin in Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg, Cod. M I 24,\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019Archiginnasio, MS A. 165 and MS Clm 28864 are surrounded\nby four crosses.\n58 Book of Figures, III. 11, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 372\u201373.\n59 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 124\u201330 on John\u2019s knowledge of image magic texts and likely adaptation of their visual lexicons, notably in relation to the anthropoid planetary figures of the Picatrix.\n455\n\nPages 475:\nS o p h i e Pa g e\n60 Book of Figures, III. 12. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 373.\n61 Picatrix, III. V.\n62 New Compilation Book of Figures III.i.1.c. See Claire Fanger, \u201cLibri Nigromantici: The Good, the\nBad, and the Ambiguous in John of Morigny\u2019s Flowers of Heavenly Teaching,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 173.\n63 In some cases, this means that the rituals to use them and their goals are no longer discernable.\n64 Kassel, Murhardsche- und Landesbibliothek, MS Astron. 4\u00b0 3 and BL Sloane 313. The seals are\nat fols. 104 and fol. 4, respectively.\n65 Summa sacre magice IV.1.5 and IV.I.6. On Beringarius Ganellus, see Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume and Jan Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s\nSumma sacre magice.\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices from the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 151\u201391.\n66 The copy of the Liber iuratus in BL Sloane MS 3854, which does not include a representation of the\nSigillum Dei, was edited by G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd, Liber iuratus Honorii: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version\nof the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell, 2002).\n67 Creative interpretations of the seal are particularly apparent in examples from early modern ritual\nmagic texts. Seven examples from post 1500 manuscripts and printed books are discussed by L\u00e1szl\u00f3\nS\u00e1ndor Chardonnens and Jan R. Veenstra in \u201cCarved in Lead and Concealed in Stone: A Late\nMedieval Sigillum Dei at Doornenburg Castle,\u201d in Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft, 9 (2014): 117\u201356.\n68 The Sigillum Doornenburgensis is an example of ritual concealment. Two surviving examples of modern minted pendant versions of the Sigillum Dei both have a provenance of Rome, Italy. The example\nin Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford, Sigillum Dei (inventory number: 1985.50.619) is a 52 mm diameter\ncircular pendant made of gilt bronze metal. Chardonnens and Veenstra briefly discuss an identical\npendant Sigillum Dei that was discovered in the basement of an eighteenth-century house in Rome.\n69 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, IV.vii. 23.\n70 This seal is the subject of Chardonnens and Veenstra\u2019s article and called by them the Sigillum Doornenburgensis. It has a diameter of ca. 75 mm and was carved on a circular metal disc alloy containing\na high proportion of lead.\n71 Oxford Museum of the History of Science (inventory number: 463781), diameter of 53 mm.\nDevil\u2019s Dyke is an unusual landscape feature suitable for ritual placement: a linear earthen barrier\nprobably constructed for defensive purposes in the Anglo-Saxon period.\n72 The two seals are drawn on three leaves cut out of an earlier manuscript that have four large full\npage diagrams: a horoscopic figure relating to the angles of houses (f.3v), a cosmological diagram\nthat indicates planetary rulerships over zodiac signs and months (f.4) and the two Sigillum Dei figures\n(f.4v and f.5). The leaves have been dated 1410 based on a note in the manuscript.\n73 On this iconography, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this volume. One of the few sustained discussions of magic circles in ritual magic texts is Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s Forbidden Rites: A\nNecromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n1997), 170\u201376, which focuses particularly on their different forms and protective function.\n74 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, IV.ii and note also III.ix.16 in which seven sacrificial goats are placed in a\ncircle.\n75 Astromagia VI.2, chapter 9, ed. Alfonso d\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992), 282. A space is left for\nthe figure in the manuscript. On this work of astral magic, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in\nthis volume.\n76 See MS Florence, Biblioteca Laurentiana, P. 89, sup. Cod. 38, fols. 256v\u201360, Clm 849, fols. 8 and\n107v\u20138 and Florence, Bibioteca Nazionale Centrale, II. iii. 214, fol. 79. A necromancer and his\nassistant who were caught in 1323 confessed to preparing a ritual to summon the demon Berich\nusing a circle made from cat\u2019s skin: Les grandes chroniques de France, ed. Jules Marie \u00c9douard Viard\n(Paris: Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l\u2019histoire de France, 1920), vol. 5, 269\u201372.\n77 The protective magic circle is a topos of exempla stories as early as the thirteenth century: see\nCatherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012), 121\u201326.\n78 The De secretis spirituum planetis survives in MS Wellcome 517, fols. 133\u201335v and Cambridge, UL,\nMS Dd. Xi. 45, fols. 134v\u201339.\n79 The sacrificial meat is also thrown out of the circle in the \u201cExperimentum verum et probatum ad\namorem\u201d ed. and trans. Juris Lidaka, in Fanger, ed., Conjuring Spirits, 60\u201361.\n456\n\nPages 476:\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\n80 For a complex zonal circle to summon the spirits of the air, see the copy of the Liber iuratus in BL\nSloane 3854 at fol. 133v.\n81 Antonio da Montolmo, De occultis et manifestis, ch. 6, ed. Nicolas Weil-Parot [with collab. Julien\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se], in Fanger, ed., Conjuring Spirits (1994), 282\u201385.\n82 Each experiment has a figure attached to it: 38 (fol. 99v), 39 (fol. 103), 40 (fol. 105v). The only other\ncircular figure with orthodox elements in this manuscript (experiment 16, fols. 35v\u201336) is intended\nto be written on vellum and placed under the head while sleeping.\n83 The Pylgremage of the Sowle, lines 18471\u2013924. Lydgate\u2019s work is a translation (with some significant\nchanges) of Guillaume de Deguilleville\u2019s fourteenth-century Old French La P\u00e9lerinage de l\u2019\u0202me.\n84 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cCirculorum triplex est ordo: est enim circulus discretionis, circulus\ninvocationis, circulus provocationis. Circulus discretionis sit autem nominibus descendere volentibus, ut sunt nomina principium. Circulus invocationis sit ut spiritus invocati qui iuvare possunt et\nnocere. Circulus provocationis sit ad provocandu spiritus in virtute superiorum, ut compellantur ad\naliquid operandum.\u201d\n85 BL Sloane MS 3854, fol. 137.\n86 Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Plut. 44, cod. 35 (1501\u201310), fols. 58r\u201360v. This\nsixteenth-century manuscript is the only surviving copy of this text and has three spaces where the\nfigures for the chapter on magic circles were intended to be drawn.\n87 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cSuperius dictum est de circulis in speciali nunc dicendum est de eis in\ngenerali. Quattuor enim sunt circuli in generali necessarii. Primus ad defensionem propriam. Secundus ad impetrandum sibi vel alius. Tertius ad amorem obtinendum. Quartus ad consulendum.\u201d\n88 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cIn unoquoque istorum circulorum generalium sunt necessarie quattuor persone cum artifice, praeter in primo in quo sufficit una tamen eandem rem postulantes, In\nquarte tamen etiam potest una vel quattuor cum artifice, et sunt isti circuli totales.\u201d\n89 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cItem est circulus ad amorem qui est circulus per se. Nec sequitur\nordinem aliorum circulorum, sed sit per hunc modum: fiunt duo circuli ut dictum est in principio\noperis, tamen habeat aliquid artifex in circulo amoris de illa vel de illo pro quo intrat, ut crinem vel\naliquid tale: et semper secum etc. Et semper invocationes faciendo dicat ut superius dictum.\u201d\n90 Clm 849, fols. 8r\u201311v, ed. Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 199\u2013203 and Florence, Biblioteca Laurentiana, MS Plut. 89, sup. Cod. 38, fols. 284v\u2013287.\n91 This point is explicitly made in the Picatrix, book 1, ch. 5, 40, ed. Pingree, p. 24: \u201cverba in ymaginibus sunt quemadmodum spiritus in corpore moventes spiritus et potencias versus illud opus.\u201d\n92 In addition to John of Morigny\u2019s revision of the Ars notoria, see also the alterations to the figure in\nBL Sloane MS 513, fol. 199v.\n93 Hebrew lettering is found in late medieval necromantic manuals, independent figures and ritual\nmagic texts like John of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum.\n94 On the \u201cauthor-magician\u201d, see the chapter on Cecco d\u2019Ascoli and Antonio da Montolmo in this\nvolume.\n95 Antonio da Montolmo, De occultis et manifestis, ed. Weill-Parot, 284\u201385.\n457\n\nPages 477:\n\nPages 478:\nPart V\nAnt i-m agic a l di scou r se i n\nt h e l at e r M i ddl e Age s\n\nPages 479:\n\nPages 480:\n31\nSchol a st ici sm a n d h igh m e di eva l\nopp osi t ion to m agic\nDavid J. Collins\nThis chapter on the scholastic approach to magic is shaped by five propositions about the\nintellectual history of the High Middle Ages, particularly as it may pertain to magic. First,\nany evaluation of scholasticism is enriched by attention to the social context within which\nits particular methods and conclusions emerged. Second, scholastic conclusions on matters\nof philosophical and theological importance have, as a rule, more in continuity with their\nantecedents than in discontinuity. That is to say, scholastic thinkers can be counted on to have\ndrawn heavily from and developed squarely upon earlier medieval thought, rather than to\nhave rejected it. Third, scholastic opinions against magic, or any other topic for that matter,\nare often best understood in conjunction with the ideas and practices, often also magical,\nthat scholastics were correspondingly promoting. Fourth, while today\u2019s historical scholarship\nshould certainly rise to the challenge of identifying general trends among scholastic thinkers,\nunanimity in opinion or approach was not a defining characteristic of scholastic thought,\nincluding on magic, in affirmation or condemnation. Given the research tendencies of the\nlast hundred years, it is incumbent on researchers to seek out and highlight scholastic heterogeneity vis-\u00e0-vis magic. And finally, a scholastic approach to magic, to the extent that one,\nor several, can be identified, warrants evaluation on its own merits and comprehensively,\nnot merely, or even primarily, in anticipation of late medieval developments. Late scholastic\nwritings on witchcraft and demonology have often been made into a lens through which the\nthirteenth-century scholastic writings on magic have been viewed, with results that can be\nquite distorted. This chapter will consequently focus on early and high scholasticism, that is,\nthe twelfth to fourteenth century.\nEvaluating scholastic approaches towards magic following these principles will constitute\nthe substance of this chapter. Cautions and encouragements for ongoing research will flow\nnaturally from this investigation. These goals will be pursued through several steps: first,\nafter a sketch of scholasticism traditionally and narrowly understood as a development in\nthe history of ideas with implications for the evaluation of magic, I will consider the milieus\nthat fostered these intellectual developments, including not only centres of learning, but\nof patronage as well.1 Second, I will consider a sampling of thirteenth-century thinkers,\nscholastics, who approached the challenge of understanding and evaluating magic. And\nthird, I will evaluate the high medieval development of demonology with its implications,\non the one side, for determining how magic worked, and on the other side, for social order\nand religious conformity.\n461\n\nPages 481:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nScholasticism and its context\nScholasticism is the form of philosophical inquiry characteristic to Western higher learning from the eleventh to the sixteenth century. Its principal characteristic is a confidence in\ndialectical reasoning (logic) as the foremost mode for interpreting texts, ascertaining truth\nand adjudicating conflicting opinions. The appeal of logic developed hand in hand with\nan exuberance for the thought of Aristotle as well as for the commentary and critique on\nAristotle made in Muslim and Jewish centres of learning in the Mediterranean world. Scholasticism came to shape all disciplines of knowledge, including both theology and the study\nof the natural world. Method is more characteristic of it than content, and what we call\nscholasticism included a wide range of opinions on specific questions and inspired many\nschools of thoughts. Its pre-eminence was sharply challenged by Renaissance humanists and\nsixteenth-century Reformers who objected in various ways and for various reasons to the\ncentrality of dialectical analysis and the Aristotelian shaping of Christian theology. Extensive reflection on natural philosophy and metaphysics made Aristotelianism significant for\nlearned Western understandings of magic.2\nIn studying high medieval, Western Christian reflections on magic, the writings of \u00adMuslim\nand Jewish thinkers that entered the West along with those of Aristotle were also highly significant. There are two reasons for this: First, although Aristotle\u2019s writings on divination,\nmagic and necromancy are limited, he did provide a metaphysics, a physics and a cosmology, on which later thinkers could and did base their own ideas about magic. Second, some\nlater Mediterranean thinkers freely revised or rejected Aristotle\u2019s thinking on crucial natural\nphilosophical questions to make the miraculous, the wondrous and the magical either more\npossible or less. In the course of appropriating these later writings on Aristotle, the Western\nChristian philosophers were challenged to take these amendments into account, or reject\nthem. Such, for example, was the revision by Avicenna (980\u20131037), a Persian philosopher\nless enamoured of Aristotle than many of his contemporaries and widely read by thirteenth-\u00ad\ncentury Western philosophers, of a principle of Aristotelian physics that material objects\ncan effect change or motion in other objects only through material contact. Avicenna, in\ncontrast, developed a notion of psychic effects on material objects that then supported forms\nof divination and prophesy. In the West, the thirteenth-century scholastic Albert the Great\n(1200\u201380) rejected Avicenna\u2019s argument on strictly Aristotelian grounds, thus attempting to\nreturn the conversation to more strictly Aristotelian terms. Albert\u2019s student Thomas Aquinas (1225\u201374), in contrast, decided to follow and revise Avicenna\u2019s proposal by positing the\nexistence of intermediate objects to bridge the psychic and the material.\nThe reasons for the new exuberance for Aristotle beginning in the twelfth century are\ncomplex, and not entirely agreed upon today. Much of it had to do with the rediscovery of\nhis writings on logic, which appealed to the growing number of scholars in the \u00adChristian\nWest and their burgeoning schools. The importation and translation of works on logic\nwere followed, most importantly for purposes of this chapter, by Aristotle\u2019s writings on\nnatural philosophical topics. With them came the commentaries by such leading Mediterranean thinkers as Averroes (1126\u201398), Avicebron (1021\u201358), Avicenna and Maimonides\n\u00ad(1138\u20131204). A third tier of writings brought into the Christian West in this time encompasses works on magic and related topics. Some of these had little or nothing to do with\nAristotle but rode into the West on his coat-tails. The best known among those in this last\ncategory is the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, a work of astral magic written translated into Latin in the\nthirteenth century under the title the Picatrix.\n462\n\nPages 482:\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\nThe transmission of ideas and works from the Muslim Mediterranean world to the\n\u00ad hristian European one required a significant mediating infrastructure. Two personalities\nC\nwho often are found collaborating in the workings of this infrastructure were princes and\ntranslators. The importance of the princely courts cannot be emphasized enough as they\ndraw attention to the patronage that the intellectual revolution of the High Middle Ages\nwas receiving from corners of medieval society not immediately associated with a culture\nof learning. Much interest in the intellectual revolution, including in magic, was generated\nin princely courts across Europe. They served as one port of entry for the ancient Greek\nand medieval Arabic and Hebrew writings. Two courts frequently mentioned in modern\nscholarship, often too hurriedly, are those of the emperor Frederick II (1194\u20131250) and of\nAlfonso X, called \u201cthe Wise,\u201d king of Castile (1221\u201384). Frederick brought leading astrologers to his court, most famously Michael Scot (1175\u20131232), and consulted them diligently\nbefore making any decision of weight. More detail circulates about the magical curiosity\nof the Castilian court under Alfonso, who sponsored the Picatrix\u2019s translation from Arabic\nto Castilian and Latin. Research into other courtly milieus of the Central Middle Ages is\npatchy, Michael Ryan\u2019s study of the thirteenth-century Aragonese court being an especially\nhelpful example.3 The courtly milieu \u2013 or demimonde, as Edward Peters dubbed it \u2013 warrants\nfurther study for its fostering of magical practices and well as for its role in negotiating\nmagic\u2019s condemnation.4\nKing Alfonso\u2019s engagement also draws attention to the network of translators and\ncopyists which was central to the intellectual revolution of the High Middle Ages. The\nIberian Peninsula emerged naturally and early as a centre for translation, given its multilingual, religiously and culturally diverse population. Archbishops of Toledo had sponsored\n\u00adtranslators \u2013 Mozarabs, Jewish rabbis and Cluniac monks among them \u2013 since the early\ntwelfth century. Gerard of Cremona (1114\u201387) was the most famous of these Toledan translators. He translated Ptolemy\u2019s Almagest from Arabic to Latin with texts found in Toledo\nand compiled the \u201cToledan Tables,\u201d charts of celestial movements that were relied upon for\nastronomical and astrological purposes throughout the later Middle Ages, with the help of\nArabic mathematics. Several Aristotelian treatises that undergirded magical texts, either\nMuslim or later Christian, were also first translated into Latin in Toledo, On generation and\ncorruption and the Meteorolog y among them. Alfonso founded a centre of translation for his\nmasters of the Mediterranean languages, the Escuela de Traductores de Toledo, which\ncontinued even more systematically to produce Latin and Castilian translations not only\nof diverse ancient philosophical texts but also of magic and esotericism such as works associated with the \u00adJewish Kabbalah; the Lapidario, a work of mineralogy and geomancy;\nand \u00adAvicenna\u2019s medical Book of Healing. Frederick II\u2019s astrologer Michael Scot, who spend\ntime with the translators in Toledo, produced Latin versions of several Arabic astronomical\nworks as well as Averroes\u2019s commentaries on Aristotle\u2019s natural philosophy. Translating\nefforts can be found well beyond Toledo as well; these were an absolutely necessary precondition for scholastic engagement with magic.5\nThe Latin-language fruits of translation must themselves also be considered part of the\ninfrastructure that made a scholastic approach to magic possible. While there is no overarching study of manuscript production and dissemination as pertains to texts of magic, divination and necromancy, partial studies have demonstrated how much light such research\ncan shed on questions related to belief in and the practice of magic in the later Middle\nAges. Monographic studies customarily serve not only as expositions of specific sorts of\nmagic but also as bibliographic resources for important texts and manuscripts on these\n463\n\nPages 483:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nmagic types; a classic of the genre is Th\u00e9r\u00e8se Charmasson\u2019s 1980 study of geomancy with\nits extensive bibliography of these divinatory works. More recently, Richard Kieckhefer\nhas called for attentiveness to magic as it is found in actual manuscripts and provided a\nseminal example in his study of a fifteenth-century necromancer\u2019s manual. Another example can be pointed to in Benedek L\u00e1ng\u2019s explanation for the place of magic in the intellectual life of Central Europe through close examination of texts entering and circulating\nwith that region. Owen Davies isolated a genre of book, the grimoire, and traced its production and dissemination from the Middle Ages to the modern era. Sophie Page\u2019s innovative work on a collection of magic texts in a single monastic library in Britain charts yet\nanother way of accessing and assessing sympathy towards magic in the C\n\u00ad hristian West\u2019s\nlearned, religious mainstream. The common denominator to these scholars\u2019 efforts is the\nconviction that medieval attitudes towards magic can be discerned from the books that\ncompiled diverse texts of magic and the library that compiled diverse books of magic. This\nwould be nowhere truer than in the bookish world of scholastic philosophers, theologians,\nprelates and lawyers.6\nThe aforementioned researchers emphasized, each in his or her own way and appropriate to the specific topic at hand, that ideas and practices pertaining to magic and contained\nin these books were the object of suspicion and that participants were thus under some\nthreat of punishment from authorities. By the same token, the production, dissemination\nand possession of these books demonstrate that in this very same society, with all its complexities, there was a positive disposition and legitimated curiosity towards the thinking\nbehind and practice of magic. This positive disposition within high medieval society is\nfurther indicated by the very people producing and possessing this literature: clerics working on it discreetly alongside fulfilment of their more publicly reputable duties and monks\nin eminent cloisters. The point in highlighting this is not to deny the incipient and real\nhostilities towards the magical in the High Middle Ages, especially as it came to represent\nthought and practices judged irrational and superstitious, but rather to warn against an\noverenthusiastic examination of condemnations and punishments, whose records are, in\nthis question as in others, generally more appealing for historical research than the silence\nof their absence.\nScholastics and magic\nHigh medieval scholastics were renowned for creating conceptual categories and making distinctions. These characteristics are obvious in their writing about magic. William of Auvergne,\nscholastic, theologian and bishop of Paris (1180/90\u20131249), made a distinction, novel in his\nday and with implications for centuries to come, that identified some magic as \u201cnatural.\u201d\n\u00adDeveloped in De fide et legibus and De universo, his concept of natural magic rested on the\npresupposition that the natural world follows established laws. These laws are readily graspable by human reason, thus \u201capparent.\u201d There are also laws that are hidden, or \u201coccult,\u201d\nand while rational, not as apprehensible through the ordinary means of observation and\nreflection. Those who could manipulate natural objects according to these occult laws were\npractising natural magic. The concept of natural magic fits a middle category of engagement\nwith the created world between demonic magic and experimental science (such as it existed\nin his day). William\u2019s new category of \u201cnatural magic\u201d presupposed, affirmed and sharpened\nthe notion of a demonic magic. In short, we see here an example of simultaneous scholastic\ncondemnation and legitimation of \u201cmagic\u201d: William\u2019s distinction condemns certain kinds of\n464\n\nPages 484:\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\nmagic as demonic and thus to be avoided in theory and practice, and affirms another kind\nof magic, \u201cnatural,\u201d as an appropriate form of investigation into and engagement with the\ncreated world.7\nAnother thirteenth-century figure famous for the distinctions he drew between the scientific and the demonic is Roger Bacon (1214\u201392). An English Franciscan, Bacon was drawn\nto Paris and became immersed in the high medieval appropriation of the new thought coming from the Islamic and Jewish Mediterranean world. In a systematic proposal for revising\nthe West\u2019s educational program that he tendered to the Pope in 1262, he advocated for the\nincorporation of \u201cexperimental science\u201d (scientia experimentalis) into the medieval university\ncurriculum. By experimental science Bacon meant a testing of conclusions made with the\nother sciences through the human senses. His ruminations had positive implications especially for the practice of alchemy, a way of investigating material substances that was\ninvigorated in the Christian West, again, through the introduction of texts of Arab and\nPersian origin. Bacon seems to have been drawn to alchemy by a text wrongly ascribed to\nAristotle and circulating in thirteenth-century Europe, the Secret of Secrets. Other specifically alchemical texts that influenced Bacon and other scholastics were ascribed to J\u0101bir ibn\nHayy\u0101n (Latinized as Geber). Alchemy, though not welcomed into the medieval university curriculum, did attract the interest of many scholastics. Among the problems it posed\nChristian thinkers was its appeal to spirits, interpreted by many as demons. Working with a\nnotion similar to William\u2019s natural magic, Bacon argued against the prevailing notion that\nalchemy succeeded only with demonic assistance. He outlined, rather, natural forces, latent\nin the objects, which the alchemist was striving to tap. Bacon\u2019s arguments attempted, analogously to William of Auvergne\u2019s, to remove alchemy from the shadow of the demonic.8\nThe study of celestial influences on the terrestrial world and human society posed similar\nchallenges to scholastic thinkers. The study of the celestial bodies and their movements,\nthe responsibility of mathematicians, was uncontroversial insofar as it was a study of God\u2019s\nCreation and the principal means for telling time and making calendrical calculations. The\nmedieval Christian West had a more ambivalent stance regarding the study and exploitation of celestial influences: while certain kinds of influence on the natural world and human\npersonality were so evident as to not inspire any philosophical or theological challenges,\nother aspects of what can be called astrology and astral magic contradicted Christian understandings of free will and conjured up the spectre of demonic interference. Albert the\nGreat addressed this problem in his Speculum astronomiae. In the introduction, he drew the\nreaders\u2019 attention to a vexing distinction between necromantic studies and astrological ones,\nFor, since many of the previously mentioned books by pretending to be concerned\nwith astrology disguise necromancy, they cause noble books written on the same\n[subject (astrology)] to be contaminated in the eyes of good men, and render them\noffensive and abominable.\nAlbert proceeded to differentiate two forms of wisdom (sapientia), legitimate in his eyes, that\nare given the name astronomy. The first accounts for the movement of celestial bodies and\nthe relation of those movements to calculations of time through mathematics. The second\nis \u201cthe science of the stars,\u201d that is, the study of associations between celestial bodies and effects that they and their movements putatively have on the earthly world and human society\nand that reveal something about God, His nature, His providence, His designs in Creation.\nAlbert asserted, as did most of his learned contemporaries, that this relationship between\n465\n\nPages 485:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nheavenly movements and earthly effects follows laws of nature and is rational. This wisdom is\nthus moral to the extent that it helps distinguish between right and wrong human action and\nrational to the extent that it reveals truth. It is further to be insulated from attempts to harness\nthe powers of celestial bodies with \u201cimages, illusions and characters, rings and sigils,\u201d which\npractices, by Albert\u2019s lights, are demonically inspired and must be condemned.9\nAlbert\u2019s thinking on magic warrants extended consideration. He numbers among the\nmost creative thinkers of his age as regards magic. His writings show more explicitly\nthan those of many other scholastics a willingness to evaluate claims of magical power\nsympathetically before isolating what in them deserved condemnation. His commentary\non the story of the magi in the Gospel of Saint Matthew, as he paused to consider how\nthey knew to follow that one particular star, exemplifies this philosophical seriousness:\nthe event the star signalled was of cosmic significance, but that meaning could not have\nbeen self-evident simply because of the newness or brightness of the star. Otherwise,\nsurely more than these few wise men from the East would have followed it to Bethlehem.\nAnd if the star\u2019s meaning was not self-evident, the interpretive skill might have come\nfrom any number of sources, some of which could have been dissolute. Such reflections\nplace Albert in a tradition stretching back to the earliest generation of Christian theologian of using the gospel episode as an opportunity to address a number of epistemological problems, in particular how sources of knowledge could be distinguished as in\nthemselves good or evil, and also the problem of astrological knowledge, its epistemological validity and morality. Unease, for example, can be discerned already in Justin\nMartyr\u2019s second-century Dialogue with Trypho in which the wise men\u2019s interpretation of\nthe celestial sign is explained with references to prophesies in the Old Testament and\nepisodes of divinely inspired heathen diviners.10 Albert\u2019s exposition falls in line with the\nintervening generations of theologians who unanimously celebrated the magi\u2019s apprehension as also divinely inspired and the first fruits of divine revelation among the gentiles. Such expositions, repeated throughout late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages,\npreemptively contradicted any charge of untoward magical awareness of the Saviour\u2019s\nbirth, even long after Christian theologians lost their non-Christian interlocutors. At the\nsame time, Albert\u2019s commentary did take some idiosyncratic turns, most strikingly when\nhe designated the object of a magus\u2019s expertise as both \u201crational\u201d and \u201cmagical\u201d (scientiae\nmagicae). In a substantial excursus, he laid out an elaborate classification of practitioners\nof magic, praising the magi as true philosophers, and distinguishing them from \u00adothers \u2013\nthose who cast spells, necromancers, augurers and diviners, among others \u2013 whose\nclaims are irrational or demonically inspired.11\nAlbert\u2019s approach to the biblical wise men highlights several general characteristics of\na scholastic approach to magic. Albert clearly falls, for example, into a well-established\ntradition in the Latin West that understood \u201cthe magical\u201d to be a moral and theological\n\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 467 to page 485 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468\non magic, the Opus de magia disciplina.86 Anselmi\u2019s magic circles for evil demons include the\nsame circulus invocationis divided in four and inscribed with the names Mesyas, Sother, Eloy,\nSabbaoth for the practitioner, and, at nine paces away, a concave circle into which demons\nwere summoned.\nThe De circulis proposes that circles have four general purposes: for self-defence, to accomplish the goal of the operation, to obtain love and to consult spirits.87 The text notes\nthat the practitioner (artifex) should usually have four companions, although one will suffice\nfor the first or fourth goal.88 The emphasis on love and speaking to spirits in this text is supported by the popularity of these types of experiments in necromantic manuals. The author\nof De circulis places the circle to provoke love (circulus ad amorem) in a separate category from\nothers because it relies on sympathetic magic as well as conjuring spirits. The practitioner]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=466\nPages: 466,467\n447\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFigure 30.9 T\n\u0007 he pilgrim and the student of necromancy from John Lydgate\u2019s Pilgrimage of Man. \u00adLondon,\nBritish Library, MS Cotton Tiberius AVII, fol. 44r.\nRitual magic texts were less concerned with the orthodoxy of magic circles, however,\nthan with advising the practitioner on how to construct them and which spirits they were\nmost suitable for. A chapter on magic circles (De circulis) attributed to Virgil divides them\naccording to their use: identifying the spirits who are willing to descend (circulus discretionis),\ninvoking spirits who can help and harm (circulus invocationis) and summoning spirits by the\nvirtue of their superiors to help with the goal of the operation (circulus provocationis).84 The\ncosmology implicit in these instructions relates more closely to the spirit hierarchies of astral magic than Christian demonology and this impression is reinforced by the fact that the\ntext appears in a collection of works of image magic and astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=467\nPages: 467,468\ntext appears in a collection of works of image magic and astrology.\nThe adaptation of magic circles to different kinds of spirit was important in Christian\nritual magic too, perhaps under the influence of magic texts like De circulis. The Liber iuratus\n448\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nrecommends constructing different kinds of circles for the helpful spirits of the air and the\nmalign spirits of earth. The malign spirits are summoned into a concave circular pit dug in\nthe ground (called a circulus in quo apparent spiritus), while the practitioner stands in a separate\ncircle, the \u201ccircle of invocation\u201d (circulus invocationis) at a safe distance of nine feet to invoke\nthem.85 The magic circles of the Liber iuratus were taken up by Giorgio Anselmi, a professor\nof medicine at the Universities of Parma and Bologna, in his mid-fifteenth-century treatise\non magic, the Opus de magia disciplina.86 Anselmi\u2019s magic circles for evil demons include the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=476\nPages: 476\ninvocationis, circulus provocationis. Circulus discretionis sit autem nominibus descendere volentibus, ut sunt nomina principium. Circulus invocationis sit ut spiritus invocati qui iuvare possunt et\nnocere. Circulus provocationis sit ad provocandu spiritus in virtute superiorum, ut compellantur ad\naliquid operandum.\u201d\n85 BL Sloane MS 3854, fol. 137.\n86 Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Plut. 44, cod. 35 (1501\u201310), fols. 58r\u201360v. This\nsixteenth-century manuscript is the only surviving copy of this text and has three spaces where the\nfigures for the chapter on magic circles were intended to be drawn.\n87 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cSuperius dictum est de circulis in speciali nunc dicendum est de eis in\ngenerali. Quattuor enim sunt circuli in generali necessarii. Primus ad defensionem propriam. Secundus ad impetrandum sibi vel alius. Tertius ad amorem obtinendum. Quartus ad consulendum.\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421\naction of the demons he invokes. A magician appears inside a magical circle reading a book\nat least as early as the thirteenth-century Cantigas by Alfonso X (Cantiga 125, El Escorial,\nMS T.I.1, fol. 177v; ca. 1270\u201384), and probably in the 1307\u20138 paintings in the Palazzo della\nRagione, which we know were repainted after a fire in 1420.2 Magical circles are a fixed\nvalue in the late medieval imaginary of magic: Odo of Cheriton, Caesarius of Heisterbach\nand William of Auvergne allude to them as early as the thirteenth century,3 and precise\ninstructions for their fabrication can be found in Honorius\u2019s Liber iuratus.4\nWhile early modern representations of witchcraft and witches have been the subject of intense study in recent years, 5 images of medieval magic and magicians have barely aroused\nthe curiosity of art historians, and scarcely that of medievalists in general,6 despite the fact\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475\n(f.4v and f.5). The leaves have been dated 1410 based on a note in the manuscript.\n73 On this iconography, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this volume. One of the few sustained discussions of magic circles in ritual magic texts is Richard Kieckhefer\u2019s Forbidden Rites: A\nNecromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n1997), 170\u201376, which focuses particularly on their different forms and protective function.\n74 Picatrix, ed. Pingree, IV.ii and note also III.ix.16 in which seven sacrificial goats are placed in a\ncircle.\n75 Astromagia VI.2, chapter 9, ed. Alfonso d\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992), 282. A space is left for\nthe figure in the manuscript. On this work of astral magic, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in\nthis volume.\n76 See MS Florence, Biblioteca Laurentiana, P. 89, sup. Cod. 38, fols. 256v\u201360, Clm 849, fols. 8 and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=98\nPages: 98\n(or spiritual) and \u201castronomical\u201d. And some ten years later, the Errores philosophorum,\nattributed to Gilles de Rome, shows the detailed knowledge of al-Kind \u012b\u2019s De radiis.52 In\nfact, the two texts that have a more continuous manuscript tradition are the De radiis\n\u00ad urra\u2019s\n(29 MSS dating between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries) and Th \u0101bit ibn Q\nDe imaginibus in John of Seville\u2019s version (61 MSS dating between the thirteenth and\nthe sixteenth centuries), with whose prologue (extant in at least three manuscripts) this\nchapter began. 53\nOn the basis of the manuscript testimonies and the references in other authors, David\nPingree traces how these texts\nspread to southern France, especially among the m\u00e9decins, Christian and Jewish, of\nMontpellier, in the decades before and after 1300; and finally from Montpellier\nthese new magical traditions spread to northern Italy, to Brabant, and especially to\nCanterbury during the course of the fourteenth century.54]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475,476\n107v\u20138 and Florence, Bibioteca Nazionale Centrale, II. iii. 214, fol. 79. A necromancer and his\nassistant who were caught in 1323 confessed to preparing a ritual to summon the demon Berich\nusing a circle made from cat\u2019s skin: Les grandes chroniques de France, ed. Jules Marie \u00c9douard Viard\n(Paris: Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l\u2019histoire de France, 1920), vol. 5, 269\u201372.\n77 The protective magic circle is a topos of exempla stories as early as the thirteenth century: see\nCatherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012), 121\u201326.\n78 The De secretis spirituum planetis survives in MS Wellcome 517, fols. 133\u201335v and Cambridge, UL,\nMS Dd. Xi. 45, fols. 134v\u201339.\n79 The sacrificial meat is also thrown out of the circle in the \u201cExperimentum verum et probatum ad\namorem\u201d ed. and trans. Juris Lidaka, in Fanger, ed., Conjuring Spirits, 60\u201361.\n456\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=469\nPages: 469,471\nMS Plut. 18 sup. 38, fol. 286r.\n450\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nFigure 30.11 \u0007A magic circle from an experiment for love. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS\nClm 849, fol. 10r.\nIn his De occultis et manifestis, the late fourteenth-century astrologer and physician Antonio\nda Montolmo used the typically Solomonic vocabulary of exorcism to describe the ritual\ninscription of the names of God on magic circles. Montolmo\u2019s category of figures includes\nboth spatial and amuletic types, and he draws attention to the quintessentially Solomonic\nsymbol of the pentacle, claiming that if this sign was inscribed with the name of God and\ncarried with perfect devotion it would provide its bearer with perfect protection.95 Giorgio\nAnselmi\u2019s chapter on magic circles in his fifteenth-century treatise on magic also emphasizes the use of pentacles, squares and triangles, magical characters and the inscription of\ndivine names.\n451\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFuture directions]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475,476\n456\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\n80 For a complex zonal circle to summon the spirits of the air, see the copy of the Liber iuratus in BL\nSloane 3854 at fol. 133v.\n81 Antonio da Montolmo, De occultis et manifestis, ch. 6, ed. Nicolas Weil-Parot [with collab. Julien\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se], in Fanger, ed., Conjuring Spirits (1994), 282\u201385.\n82 Each experiment has a figure attached to it: 38 (fol. 99v), 39 (fol. 103), 40 (fol. 105v). The only other\ncircular figure with orthodox elements in this manuscript (experiment 16, fols. 35v\u201336) is intended\nto be written on vellum and placed under the head while sleeping.\n83 The Pylgremage of the Sowle, lines 18471\u2013924. Lydgate\u2019s work is a translation (with some significant\nchanges) of Guillaume de Deguilleville\u2019s fourteenth-century Old French La P\u00e9lerinage de l\u2019\u0202me.\n84 BnF MS lat. 17,178, fol. 33: \u201cCirculorum triplex est ordo: est enim circulus discretionis, circulus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=356\nPages: 356\nNicolas Eymerich in his Directorium Inquisitorum (1373), and the impunity that seems to have\nbenefited some high-flying magicians such as the Catalan cleric Beranger Ganell, a member of the entourage of King Jacques III of Mallorca and author of the Summa sacrae magicae,\na major treatise probably started at the royal court in Perpignan but completed in 1346,\nwhile Jacques and Beranger were in exile in Montpellier.25\nAstral magic seems even to have been used at the court of France, during the reign of\nCharles V (1364\u201380), for a military issue. If one believes the Italian astrologer Antonio\nda Montolmo, known as author of a De occultis and manifestis, \u201cMaster Thomas de Pizan\nof \u00adBologna, then physician to the King of France [Charles V], expelled the English companies from the Kingdom\u201d, adapting against the English soldiers the first experimentum of\nThabit ibn Qurra\u2019s De imaginibus (translated into Latin from Arabic in the twelfth century),]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=564\nPages: 564,565\ndevelopments in history of 6\u20139; sacramental\n31\u20132; sciences of 287\u20138; specialized traditions\nof 86; Thomas Aquinas on 30\u20131; western\n187; as wrong religion 30\u20131\nmagical figures 255, 432, 433, 435, 438\u201342, 439,\n443, 444, 452\n545\nIndex\nmagic circles 22, 49, 402, 412, 413, 432, 436,\n445\u201351, 447, 450, 451, 502\nMagic in History series 1\nMagisterium divinale et sapientiale (William of\nAuvergne) 409\nMagisterium eumantice artis 237, 238, 251n19\nMalleus Maleficarum (Kramer and Sprenger) 320,\n323\u20135, 344\u20136, 419, 470, 513\nMamoris, Pierre 503, 514, 515\nManfred, King of Sicily\u2013Cecco 227\nManipulus Curatorum (de Monte Roche) 483\nMarbode of Rennes 87, 171, 388\nde Marigny, Enguerrand 504\nMartini, Raymond 90\nMartyr, Justin 466\nmarvels 153\u201364, 275, 291, 312, 315, 317, 320,\n321, 358, 384, 388, 469\nMary, Virgin 32, 115, 220, 407, 435, 442\u20134\nMarzio, Galeotto 113, 114, 262\nmaterial culture 9, 138, 143, 365, 383, 388, 390,\n397, 402, 418, 497\nmateriality 384; and orality 301\u20132; and magic\n388\u201390]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=244\nPages: 244\nas the birth of the \u201cauthor-magician\u201d.1 Previously, magical texts were ascribed to legendary\nauthorities, whether ancient such as Hermes or Solomon or more recent such as Albert the\nGreat or Arnald of Villanova, and thus promoted these figures as magicians after their death.\nCecco d\u2019Ascoli, the demonic sphere and astrological nigromancy\nFrancesco Stabili, also known as Cecco d\u2019Ascoli, taught the \u201cscience of stars\u201d at the University\nof Bologna from 1322. There he wrote a commentary on the Sphaera (\u201cSphere\u201d) by Johannes\nde Sacrobosco, a widespread handbook on cosmology written in the first half of the thirteenth\ncentury, and in around 1323\u201324 he did the same for the De principiis astrologie (\u201cThe principles\nof astrology\u201d) by the tenth-century Arabic astrologer Alcabitius (al-Qab\u00ees\u00ee), one of the most\nfamous handbooks on astrology. During this time, he appeared before the Inquisitor Lamberto\nda Cingoli, but it seems he was easily released without charge and went on teaching astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=431\nPages: 431\ncircle that he draws to protect himself from evil spirits. The fact the artist includes this\ndetail when it is not mentioned in the text suggests that by this date the magic circle had\ncome to play an important role in magic rituals. By the late thirteenth century, then, this\ndiagram boundary between two worlds, which protected the magician from the demonic\nunderworld, had become a standard feature of magic rituals.\nThe crucial aspect of this most despised form of magic, necromancy, was its ability to\nharness the power of devils. Necromancy involved rituals to attract occult forces, rituals\nwhich churchmen interpreted as demonically inspired illusions. The invocation of devils\nwas, without question, contrary to the Christian religion, but on the other hand it was permissible to invoke cosmic forces using spirits that were part of the Christian tradition. These\nspirits were angels. As David Pingree observed, Alfonso X of Castile had learned from]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468\neternity. The scribes of the two copies of this experiment chose to record different figures.\nIn the Florence manuscript, a circular magic figure with the names of the six \u201chot\u201d spirits is drawn quite informally at the bottom of a folio and has additional magical characters not mentioned in the text and (perhaps) the practitioner\u2019s own initials in the centre\n(\u00adFigure 30.10). By contrast, the scribe of the Munich copy recorded only the second magic\ncircle as a large formal diagram, with the place of the operator (magister) marked clearly in\nthe centre (Figure 30.11).\nIn general, there was a broad and diverse range of graphic symbols available to the authors and scribes of magic texts who could and did express their own interests, anxieties and\nproclivities in the choice of astral signs, Christian crosses or Solomonic pentacles. There\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=464\nPages: 464,465\npopular consciousness as a powerful image of the boundary between the human and spirit\nworlds and (depending on your viewpoint) human hubris or daring. This emblematic motif of medieval ritual magic was influenced by four traditions: circles in astral magic texts,\nthe seals and pentacles of Solomonic magic, protective circular amulets and the thirteenth-\u00ad\ncentury scholastic understanding of the cosmos.\nThe magic circles of Arabic astral magic texts demarcated a special space in which the\nmagical practitioner performed his sacrifices to the planetary spirits and received the spirit\ndelegated to speak to him in the smoke of the burnt sacrifice. In the Picatrix, four rituals to\ndraw down the spirits of the Moon when it is in particular zodiac signs use magic circles\nas the locations for ritual animal sacrifices.74 The practitioner stands or sits in the circle to\n445\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninvoke the spirits, and also places the sacrificial flesh, an image made from it, or the censer]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=464\nPages: 464\nthat attempt the instructions\u2019 complex triple interlacing of an outer heptagon with an inner\nheptagram to give the compelling appearance of endless knots. In addition to the Devil\u2019s\nDyke and Ganellus seals, the others are two idiosyncratic versions of the Sigillum Dei in the\nUniversity of Pennsylvania, Schoenberg MS LJS 226 that combine curving ribbons with a\nflurry of crosses (f.4v) and new angel names (f.5).72\nMagic circles\nThe iconic image of the medieval magician depicted a learned man standing in a magic\ncircle outside of which demons were standing or swarming, sometimes seeming to be submissive, at others physically menacing.73 Magic circles had become a significant instrument\nin Christian ritual magic by the late thirteenth century and were quickly disseminated into\npopular consciousness as a powerful image of the boundary between the human and spirit]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210\nthe exploitation of Solomonic sources, the \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d of the late Middle Ages were\nnot insignificant. Thus, at the very start of the fourteenth century, the Benedictine monk\nJohn of Morigny embarked on a complete, progressive and very personal revision of the\nArs notoria in his Liber florum celestis doctrine.36 The Summa sacre magice (1346) of the Catalan\n\u201cphilosopher\u201d B\u00e9renger Ganell, a vast compilation of ritual magic in five books known in its\nLatin form through an incomplete manuscript, draws part of its substance from two distinct\nversions of the Liber juratus of Honorius.37 But in order to better establish its claim to offer\n\u201ca [magic] science that consists of compelling good and bad spirits\u201d, B\u00e9renger\u2019s work draws\non numerous Solomonic traditions including the Ydea Salomonis, the De officiis spirituum, the\nDe quattuor annulis, the De novem candariis, the Vinculum Salomonis, the Almandal and perhaps]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\ntranslation, however, includes magic numerous times, mostly referring to Latin \u201coperare\u201d); Liber\nde essentia spirituum (communication by Sophie Page); Liber Runarum, ed. Paolo Lucentini, in Hermes\nTrismegisti. Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Gerrit Bos et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 401\u201351; Liber\nAntimaquis, ed. Charles Burnett in Hermes Trismegisti. Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Bos et al. 177\u2013221;\n\u201cAl-Kindi. De radiis,\u201d ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Fran\u00e7oise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale\net litteraire du moyen age 49 (1974): 139\u2013260; Latin Cyranides, in Textes latins et vieux francais relatifs aux\nCyranides, ed. Delatte. Note that there may be two very different reasons for omitting the term:\n(1) the omission may indicate that the respective author didn\u2019t perceive the contents of the text to\nbe covered by the (first-order) concept of magic (two examples are, in my view, al-Kind\u012b\u2019s De radiis]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=470\nPages: 470,471\ndivine names.\n451\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nFuture directions\nFuture work in this field will be able to add many more magical figures to those discussed,\nsince every collection of ritual magic texts brings a subtly different set of visual elements into\nplay with its cosmological ideas and ritual goals. In this context, it would be useful to develop\na database of medieval magical figures and seals in order to track their use, selection and\ndissemination more precisely. A database of figures would allow further investigation into\nhow these magical instruments draw together different iconographies \u2013 the sacred, the magical and the cosmological \u2013 and how their graphic elements relate to the text incorporated\nwithin or accompanying the figures. It would also be useful for identifying marks on objects\nand buildings that are likely to have had a ritual purpose rather than representing doodling,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468,470\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs\nof astral magic in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a later trend towards complex multipurpose objects and images, and sometimes, the replacement of obscure names with more\n449\nS o p h i e Pa g e\nacceptable crosses.92 In the fifteenth century and into the early modern period, Solomonic\ninfluences, especially the use of pentacles, triangles and other bisecting lines, and the inscription of divine names, and Hebrew and pseudo-Hebrew lettering, began to dominate\nthe iconography of figures in ritual magic texts.93 This influence, an acknowledgement of\nSolomon\u2019s perceived power over demons in both magical and mainstream religious contexts, is also reflected in theoretical discussions of the use of figures.94\nFigure 30.10 \u0007A magic circle from an experiment for love, Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana,\nMS Plut. 18 sup. 38, fol. 286r.\n450\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=468\nPages: 468\neternity. The scribes of the two copies of this experiment chose to record different figures.\nIn the Florence manuscript, a circular magic figure with the names of the six \u201chot\u201d spirits is drawn quite informally at the bottom of a folio and has additional magical characters not mentioned in the text and (perhaps) the practitioner\u2019s own initials in the centre\n(\u00adFigure 30.10). By contrast, the scribe of the Munich copy recorded only the second magic\ncircle as a large formal diagram, with the place of the operator (magister) marked clearly in\nthe centre (Figure 30.11).\nIn general, there was a broad and diverse range of graphic symbols available to the authors and scribes of magic texts who could and did express their own interests, anxieties and\nproclivities in the choice of astral signs, Christian crosses or Solomonic pentacles. There\nwere also iconographic changes over time, such as the dissemination of the graphic motifs]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=458\nPages: 458,459\nfaith were strong, although others claim to be effective even they had not confessed.39 Why\nFigure 30.5 \u0007Seven circular magical figures, Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS lat. 3269, fol.\n85r.\n439\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninclude graphic and often recognizably magical elements on a textual amulet? First, because their mystery evoked the sacred. The user is encouraged to view some of these figures\nas \u201cthe ineffable word of God\u201d, \u201cthe name of God by which all things were made\u201d, \u201cthe seal\nof King Solomon\u201d or the special symbol (signum) of a particular saint.40 The graphic form\nof these figures had other advantages, especially since the primary goal of textual amulets\nwas to protect against the physical and spiritual blow of a sudden death. Figures could be\nactivated by the gaze, a quicker stimulant of protection than the recitation of a charm or\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=471\nPages: 471\nand buildings that are likely to have had a ritual purpose rather than representing doodling,\ngraffiti, decorative motifs, maker\u2019s marks, tally marks or any other kinds of visual communication. In spite of the variety of figures in surviving medieval manuscripts and the creativity\nof new scribal interpretations, there is a recognizable vocabulary of graphic elements across\nmultiple magic texts that encouraged users\u2019 trust in their efficacy and critics\u2019 identification\nof them as deviant.\nA final area of research that could be developed in this field relates to the cognitive\nscience of looking, particularly in relation to diagrams. Like other diagram makers, the\ndesigners of medieval magical figures used strategies of visual language such as colour,\nshape, composition, framing, emphasis, vertical or horizontal orientation and placement on\nthe page to engage their audience. These strategies provided information to the viewer and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=457\nPages: 457,458\nMedieval belief in the power of the word was reflected in the widespread use of textual\namulets or breve, apotropaic texts copied onto flexible writing supports that were worn on\n438\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nthe body for protection. Complex textual amulets sometimes included magic figures, seals,\nsymbols and characters, copied alongside prayers, charms and devotional iconography. The\nmost common graphic motifs were small, circular apotropaic figures copied in groups of\nbetween four and thirty figures (Figure 30.5). Since abstract diagrams are hard to interpret\nand their uses hard to remember, each figure had an outer band describing its properties,\nwhich also allowed the sets to be broken up and shared independently in the later Middle\nAges. The large graphic element (signum) in the inner circle was usually inspired by the form\nof the Greek, Latin or Tau cross or had a resemblance to Solomonic seals, but could also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a\ncompass, square and ruler while others were sketched in the margins. Many figures were intended to be exemplars for the production of multiple portable copies, or for creating more\ncomplex images to be drawn in blood, inscribed in metal, suffumigated, consecrated or\notherwise ritually prepared. In this chapter, I have used the term \u201cfigure\u201d to refer to a range\nof types of magical diagrams because the latin figura is the primary term used by medieval\nsources to denote large two-dimensional geometric diagrams that were assigned an instrumental power. Medieval sources distinguished these figurae from other common graphic\nmotifs in magic texts, notably, characters and seals. The term character (c(h)aracter) usually\nrefers to mysterious graphic signs, with no verbal or typographical equivalents, that are\nequivalent in size to normal script.11 Seals (sigilla) and signs (signa) denote graphic elements]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=450\nPages: 450,451\n(West Lafayette, IN: Bordighera, 2000), 79\u201392.\n431\n30\nM e di eva l m agic a l f igu r e s\nBetween image and text\nSophie Page\nMedieval magical figures are a type of diagram: a simplified figure, mainly consisting of\nlines, that conveys the meaning of the appearance, structure or workings of something and\nthe relationship between its parts. Magical figures acted as instruments to activate celestial\nand spiritual powers, and as visual devices to organize ritual elements considered powerful\nin their own right. They were part of the ritual toolkit with which practitioners attempted to\nmanipulate the cosmos and very common in texts and manuscripts of learned magic. In the\nlate Middle Ages, they were circulated both as integral parts of magic experiments and texts\nand independently, and they could involve an array of different shapes, images, words, letters, symbols, modes of construction and ritual uses. Although they have been little studied,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=440\nPages: 440,439\nthe beginning of the sixteenth century, and the story of the formation of the iconography of\nthe witch before the fifteenth century still has some chapters to be written.109\n420\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nNotes\n1 Charles Zika, \u201cMedieval Magicians as People of the Book,\u201d in Imagination, Books and Community in\nMedieval Europe, ed. G. Kratzman, (Melbourne: State Library of Victoria, 2009), 246\u201354. About\nthe iconography of the magicians in the Florentine Picture Chronicle, see I. Olah, \u201cDemons and\nMages in Renaissance Florence: Ficinian Neoplatonic Magic and Lorenzo de\u2019 Medici,\u201d Studies in\nMedieval and Renaissance History, Ser. 3, vol. 10 (2013): 149\u201381.\n2 Giampiero Bozzolato et al., Il Palazzo della Ragione a Padova (2 vols), I: Dalle pitture di Giotto agli affreschi del \u2018400; II: Gli afreschi, vol. II (Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1992), pl. 127; see\nalso Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cLa cultura visual de la magia en la \u00e9poca de Alfonso X,\u201d Alcanate:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28\naccepted, if marginal place in medieval culture.\nOther significant sources for understanding late medieval magic are the visual and material culture of magic and literary instances of spells and enchantment. The former is very\nunderresearched, a situation that three chapters in this book, respectively on the iconography of magic and magicians, magical diagrams and the material culture of magic, address.\nVisual sources in particular allow us to track transformations in the perceptions of magic\nand its relationship with mainstream religion and science (as Garc\u00eda-Aviles does in his\ndiscussion of the cover image), and to note the appearance of late medieval Christian innovations such as the magic circle. The rich evidence of literary magic is explored in chapters\nby Mark Williams and Corinne Saunders, who ask questions that reveal fruitful contrasts\nto current understandings of medieval magic and complicate our view of it: \u201cWhere does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=471\nPages: 471\nthe page to engage their audience. These strategies provided information to the viewer and\ncreated perceptual points of attention like normative diagrams, but magical figures also\nsignalled their occult power through the use of undecodable iconography, signs and patterns. Encountering and meditating on these, the viewer was not supposed to work towards\nan essential meaning but to be reassured by the power of a figure that evoked eternity, the\ncosmos, spirits and God.\nNotes\n1 This chapter is intended to be complementary to Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this volume.\nDiagrams in the Medieval Kabbalah have received more attention than those in the Latin magical\ntraditions. See Marla Segol\u2019s excellent book, Word and Image in Medieval Kabbalah: The Texts, Commentaries, and Diagrams of the Sefer Yetsirah (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).\n2 Lee E. Brasseur, Visualizing Technical Information: A Cultural Critique (Amityville, NY: Baywood Publishing, 2003), 71.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been\ntranslated. Under the guidance of Peter Sch\u00e4fer, several texts of mystical and magical significance have been edited and translated into German, including the major manuscripts\nof Hekhalot literature (Sch\u00e4fer), Tractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann), the Book of the Garment\n(Irina Wandrey), the Book of the Upright (Wandrey) and three volumes to date of magical texts\nfrom the Cairo Geniza (Sch\u00e4fer and Shaul Shaked). Sch\u00e4fer\u2019s team has also published the\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) and the Book of Secrets (Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer).41 The Hermes\nLatinus project has made the Hebrew versions of some Hermetic texts available, and a\n\u00adfuture volume is planned that will contain additional Hebrew texts. There is no translation\nor edition of the Book of Raziel as it existed in the Middle Ages, although some of its component pieces are included in the aforementioned publications, nor have the magical writings]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=431\nPages: 431\nAn essential element in magic rituals is the invocation by the magician of demonic forces to\ncompel them to perform his will. As I have said above, the Liber iuratus by Honorius of Thebes includes detailed instructions on how to draw a magic circle to protect the magus from\nevil powers. During the thirteenth century, this key element of the invocation ritual starts to\nappear in illustrations of magicians\u2019 activities as well. The tale of a priest, who lusts after a\nmaiden and who invokes devils to cast a spell on her so his desire is reciprocated, is illustrated\nin the Cantigas de Santa Maria by Alfonso X of Castile (1252\u201384) (see Figure 29.7).55\nThe text of the story is careful to describe how the priest threatens to shut the demons\naway in a bottle if they fail to carry out his orders, but it makes no mention of the magic\ncircle that he draws to protect himself from evil spirits. The fact the artist includes this]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=451\nPages: 451\nmagical figures are useful for exploring the relationship between image and text in learned\nmagic and for explaining why critics identified some texts as deviant.1 This chapter sets out\nseveral common types of figures including the \u201cEye of Abraham\u201d charm, the square figures\ncalled laminas, circular apotropaic amulets, figures to aid visualization in ritual magic and\nmagic circles to be drawn on the ground. I compare their uses, transmission histories and\nevidence of creativity in their production.\nMagical figures have some typical features of diagrams in the modern sense: they can\npossess \u201celegance, clarity, ease, pattern, simplicity, and validity.\u201d2 They are also \u201cmeditational artefacts\u201d in the medieval sense, requiring the reader to pause and fill in missing or\nabstract connections in order to retrieve information, and offering \u201can invitation to elaborate and recompose, not a prescriptive, \u2018objective\u2019 schematic.\u201d3 The medieval universe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=104\nPages: 104\nare many distinct elements of Christian magical traditions in sources produced by the Jewish\nminority, historians have made surprisingly little progress in identifying similar evidence in\nthe sources of the majority Christian culture. The problem, I will argue, lies precisely in the\nproximity of the medieval Christian and Jewish cultures. The practices that were most often\nshared were those that did not differ significantly in Jewish and Christian contexts and therefore bore few traces of their origins and transmission. In order to assess Christians\u2019 debt to\nJewish magic, we must first recognize certain characteristics of Jewish\u2013Christian encounters\nand of the diverse contexts within which different types of magic were shared. These will\nsuggest promising avenues of inquiry still to be explored.\nIn what follows, I offer an overview of some of the most important texts, themes and approaches for studying the Jewish contribution to medieval Christian magic. The analysis]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437\nFuture directions: the agency of images and\nthe efficacy of objects\nIf we take into consideration the persistence of the medieval imagery of magic in contemporary culture (Disney\u2019s Fantasia or the Harry Potter films are two outstanding examples), it is\nastonishing to realize the scarce attention paid to the medieval iconography of magic itself.\nApart from the representations of magic and magician in medieval visual cultures, future\ndirections of research should engage the magical powers of images, considering the relationships between magic and religion as well as the efficacy of objects imbued with talismanic\npower and their representations in works of art. Among other possible topics, the medieval\norigins of the iconography of the witch also need further research. Diagrams and the material culture of magic are also outstanding aspects of our subject, but other chapters in this\nbook deal with them.\nAny work on the problem of the magic of images in the Middle Ages should point out]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=421\nPages: 421,422\nthat these images can help to chart the shifts in attitudes towards magic in the Middle Ages.\nMy focus will be here on the iconography of magic and magicians in the Middle Ages, privileging learned magic over the many visual forms of \u201csuperstition\u201d and \u201cpopular magic\u201d.\nA full chapter on the visual culture of magic in the Middle Ages should also consider issues\nsuch as the material culture of magic and the use of diagrams in medieval magic, but these\n402\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.1 \u0007Hostanes from the Florentine Picture Chronicle, British Museum.\nare the subjects of other chapters in this book. Last, not only images of magic but also the\nmagic of images in the Middle Ages should be dealt with, and at the end of this chapter I\nwill briefly comment on them as an additional direction for future research.\nThe discovery of natural magic in the thirteenth century and the gradual process of its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=454\nPages: 454\nexperiments placed a band around the eye in order to add further ritual elements: magical\nnames and letters and symbols of the cross (see Figure 30.1). The enclosing band, which\nbecame a typical feature of late medieval magical figures, also clarified the relationship between the text and visual device, making sure the reader would not simply skip over latter.\nLaminas\nLaminas are small square magical figures that were inscribed on thin pieces of metal or\nother materials and then worn or carried on the body or put in the place where they were\nintended to have an effect. They appear in diverse contexts, from simple charm collections to\nnecromantic manuals. This flexibility was no accident; most late medieval Christian laminas\nhad their origins in ancient lamellae, amulets made from thin sheets of metal and inscribed\nwith magical and orthodox words and invocations, which were folded, rolled up in tubes, or]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=472\nPages: 472\nCritical Edition of the Speculum astronomiae (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 240\u201347; On Thomas Aquinas\u2019s views, see Claire Fanger, \u201cJohn the Monk\u2019s Book of Visions and its relation to the Ars notoria\nof Solomon\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Late Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 60\u201361. On the magic of images and\nidolatry, especially sculpted clay and wax figures, see Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume.\n11 Beno\u00eet Gr\u00e9vin and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se. \u201cLes \u2018caract\u00e8res\u2019 magiques au Moyen \u00c2ge (XIIe\u2013XIVe si\u00e8cle),\u201d Biblioth\u00e8que de l\u2019\u00c9cole des Chartes 162 (2004): 407\u201381. For examples of magical characters, see\nFigures 30.4, 30.6, 30.8, 30.9 and 30.11 in this chapter.\n12 Some magic texts in circulation like the De sigillis planetarum were devoted specifically to seals and\ntherefore provide good examples of this understudied visual motif. For examples of magic seals, see]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=474\nPages: 474,475\n56 Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 95\u201398.\n57 The circular figures in Bodleian MS Liturg. 160, fol. 1r and 66r do give the cross a central position and the representations of the Virgin in Salzburg, Studienbibliothek Salzburg, Cod. M I 24,\n\u00adBologna, Biblioteca Comunale dell\u2019Archiginnasio, MS A. 165 and MS Clm 28864 are surrounded\nby four crosses.\n58 Book of Figures, III. 11, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 372\u201373.\n59 See Fanger, Rewriting Magic, 124\u201330 on John\u2019s knowledge of image magic texts and likely adaptation of their visual lexicons, notably in relation to the anthropoid planetary figures of the Picatrix.\n455\nS o p h i e Pa g e\n60 Book of Figures, III. 12. d, ed. Fanger and Watson, Liber florum, 373.\n61 Picatrix, III. V.\n62 New Compilation Book of Figures III.i.1.c. See Claire Fanger, \u201cLibri Nigromantici: The Good, the\nBad, and the Ambiguous in John of Morigny\u2019s Flowers of Heavenly Teaching,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 173.]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 486 to page 500 out of a total of 569:\nPages 486:\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\nWilliam, Bacon and Albert, each in his own way, provide examples to support a central\npoint of this essay, outlined in the opening paragraph, that understanding the scholastic criticism of magic needs to always keep within the field of view the philosophical and\ntheological principles that the scholastics were attempting to preserve or even argue for\nas rational and good. Thus, Albert\u2019s condemnation of necromancy was offered by way of\npreserving and encouraging a study of the celestial bodies and their influences on terrestrial world and human society. In descrying the demonic, William of Auvergne protected\nfor appropriate study of occult powers in created objects, which he called natural magic\nand recognized as philosophical. And in underwriting experimental science, Roger Bacon\ncharted a path by which forms of alchemy might be recognized as legitimately scientific\nwithout requiring recourse to demonic aid or intervention.\nScholastic developments in magic\nMeasuring scholasticism\u2019s effect on the larger history of theological and philosophical\ntendencies in Western Christianity requires an appreciation of what preceded it. For our\npurposes, Augustine of Hippo (354\u2013430) may be taken as foundational for early Western\nChristian thinking on magic and the touchstone for scholastic thinkers as they developed\nways of thinking about magic. Augustine\u2019s teaching on magic can be arguably distilled down\nto one insistently made point: magic qua magic is demonic. In the Late Imperial period in\nwhich Augustine was writing, this perspective emerged from general opposition to Roman\npolytheism, which was rejected tout court as diabolical and contradicted a classical notion\nof the daemon as morally neutral, even benign. Faced with magic and miracle as it appeared\nin Old and New Testaments, Augustine identified a category of wondrous event that caused\nawe due to human unfamiliarity with the ordered working of nature rather than to either divine intervention or demonic manipulation. Genuine miracles were few by Augustine\u2019s lights\nand ultimately derivative of the one genuine miracle, that of Creation itself, which preceded\nand simultaneously established the very laws of nature whose violations could only occur\nwith particular divine dispensation. Magic, more a matter of illusion and deceit, was most\nevidently dangerous as a misconstrued alternative to prayer. Or, in other words, there was a\ngeneral concern that for some the reliance on magic and its requisite communication with\nthe demonic could replace adoration of God and the invocation of saints.12\nNo scholastic rejected Augustine. A precise investigation of any scholastic\u2019s novelty of\nthought must instead be measured according to degrees of dependence, on the one hand,\nand divergence, on the other. A look to Aquinas can be helpful in understanding the scholastic dependence on Augustine because he diverged so little from Augustine\u2019s conclusions\non magic, but also ranks among the most avid Aristotelianizers of the thirteenth century.\nLike Augustine, Aquinas took as his starting point the presumption that all magic is diabolic and thus sinful. He developed ideas of the sorcerers\u2019 tacit and express pacts with\ndemons that enabled their magical practices. Magic consists most generally of illusions\nworked by the demons on their human victims in consequence of their superior familiarity\nwith the workings of nature.\nAt least at first glance, Aquinas distinguished himself from Augustine on the question\nof divination, that is, the discernment of hidden and future knowledge, for his willingness\nto consider kinds of divination used in carefully delineated ways as less than completely\nrepugnant. This impression has more to do with the new knowledge that the appropriation\n467\n\nPages 487:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nof Aristotelianism was compelling the attention of scholastics than with any theological\nreversal on the part of the scholastics. The influence of celestial bodies and movements on\nhuman society was self-evident to any thirteenth-century thinker. The challenge was in assessing human engagement with these influences as genuine or fraudulent, moral or wicked.\nAmong the concerns against judicial astronomy, as the study of celestial influences on human action was designated, was that it undermined Christianity\u2019s fundamental stance that\nhumans be morally free and thus responsible for their actions. Other mantic arts \u2013 the\nacquisition of hidden knowledge by ritualistic readings of crystals, bodily characteristics\n(palmistry and phrenology), ripples in water, patterns in cast bones, sticks, stones, etc. \u2013 also\nlent themselves to easy demonic manipulation, however accurate the knowledge revealed\nthrough them might be.\nThe attention to demonic associations with the practice of magic that is characteristic\nof Aquinas, that finds resonance in all other scholastic thinkers and that develops directly\nfrom Augustine even in a distinctly scholastic way culminates in the scholastic concern\nagainst necromancy and sorcery, that is, the conjuring of demons and the effecting of real\nchanges in the natural world that would be impossible for the sorcerer on his own. Aquinas\nwas scarcely willing to entertain this very last possibility. Unlike some other scholastics,\nhe rejected the use of amulets for example as a way to harness energies emanating from\ncelestial bodies. What is to be condemned in such astral magic is not that it actually manipulates nature but that it creates a moment in which demons can work mischief with the\n\u00adcollaboration \u2013 sometimes explicit, other times implicit \u2013 of the sorcerer.13\nWhile Aquinas\u2019s view on magic is in so many respects emblematic of the scholastic approach, intriguing points of contrast are to be noted with Albert\u2019s more expansively accepting view. Although Albert was certainly more engaged in fundamental questions regarding\nthe workings and practice of magic and more nuanced in his condemnations than his more\nfamous student, Albert\u2019s later reputation as a sorcerer, already established in the later\n\u00adM iddle Ages, rested more on misinterpretations of his own work, misascribed works and\na celebrity he ultimately achieved in the popular imagination. He had, after all, called\nhimself \u201cexperienced\u201d in magic in the De anima. Late in the nineteenth century, investigators working on behalf of a petition for Albert\u2019s canonization still felt obliged to repudiate\nAlbert\u2019s lingering reputation as a practitioner of illicit magic.14\nAlbert\u2019s engagement with the theme derived from two greater, principal interests:\nfirst, he was interested in natural philosophy, that is, rational ref lection on motion and\nchange in the physical world, as well as related fields (by medieval reckoning) such\nas medicine, physics and astronomy. He was of course also a theologian and held the\nDominican\u2019s most prestigious chair of theology at Paris, which is where he began his\nlifelong mentorship of Thomas. His expertise in both natural philosophy and theology\nis important to keep in mind, as is the distinction between them since it was a hallmark\nof the scholastic structuring of knowledge, that is, of scientia. His natural philosophical\ninterests required him to consider how magic worked within the framework of a created\nworld that followed natural laws even to the extent that magical events could be worked\nand occult knowledge accessed with the help of demons. Albert\u2019s philosophical ref lections on magical topics axiomatically excluded the appeal to supernatural causes. From\nthis overarching intellectual framework emerged a scholastic tendency to distinguish\nbetween natural and other than natural ways of manipulating the material world and\nbetween licit and illicit purposes. Causes and purposes did not necessarily, univocally\n468\n\nPages 488:\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\ncorrelate; and how scholastics linked them, especially how they balanced philosophical\nand theological arguments in doing so (philosophical arguments, for example, could\nnot appeal to sources of divine revelation, that is, the Bible), determines any scholastic\napproach to magic.\nSecond, Albert was at the forefront of the medieval West\u2019s reception of Aristotle and of\nhis Arab and Jewish commentators. This engagement is already perceptible in his first written work, the De natura boni (1230s), and all the more in the works produced once he arrived\nin Paris, where the new Aristotelianism was becoming a significant point of concern for theologians and other churchmen. His engagement is important for two reasons: first, because\nthe legitimacy of magical phenomenon was in large part a function of how it worked, and\nthe dominant understanding of how the natural world worked was shifting in this period\ntowards an Aristotelian model; second, as mentioned above, because although Aristotle\u2019s\nwritings little addressed topics that explicitly or directly might be considered magic by\n\u00adthirteenth-century lights, his Arab and Jewish commentators did, and an important aspect\nof the high medieval reception of Aristotelianism was figuring out whether and how to sieve\nthe Arab and Jewish accretions out of the Aristotle. Albert, with the encouragement of his\nDominican superiors, set about the unprecedented task of paraphrasing all known works\nof Aristotle, and commenting on many as well. In consequence, he was drawn to address\ntopics such as astrology, divination, alchemy, etc., fields that the Mediterranean commentators had addressed extensively even if Aristotle had not, and were of broader contemporary\ninterest to medieval Christian society.\nLynn Thorndike was the first modern historian to analyse Albert\u2019s understanding of\nmagic and noted that Albert accepted the mainstream position that magic is due to demons. Albert judged the use of magic virtues in created objects as apostate and included\neven simple operations such as invocation, conjuration and suffumigations as demonic. He\nalso expressed concern that the harnessing of astrological forces, while in itself not necessarily evil, verged on idolatry. Albert, nonetheless, understood the marvels of magic, even at its\nmost elaborate, to pale in comparison to genuine divine miracles. Indeed, most of what humans see as magic Albert judged to be demonically inspired misperceptions, illusions and\nphantasms, rather than real change in the created world. In this respect, Albert followed\nthe precedents set by Augustine and Peter Lombard (1100\u201360), remodelling them with his\nAristotelianized anthropology. Thus, in his commentary on De somno et vigilia, he explained\nthe possibility of these demonically manipulated illusions with reference to cerebral manipulations. Such control over corporeal beings by spiritual ones was a novel concept, certainly\nby earlier medieval standards, but also by ancient ones. On this point, however, we see\nAlbert drawing on other leading interpreters of Aristotle, specifically the Persians Avicenna\nand Algazal, and their teachings on fascination.15\nAlbert also distinguished himself from other medieval Christian thinkers in his greater\nwillingness to allow magic its rationality, and for condemnation looking more to its use than\nits nature. This is, for example, key to his defence of the magi and of the contrast he draws\nbetween them and other practitioners. The magi were experts in the magical sciences.\nThis expression warrants underscoring, as to call something scientia presumes the natural\nworkings of the created universe. Scientia was not, could not be, deceptive or in itself evil.\nKnowledge could indeed be used by demonic forces, and an advantage of demons was their\nsuperior knowledge of the workings of the natural world. But those workings \u2013 however\noccult they and their laws might be \u2013 were of divine origin and so good.\n469\n\nPages 489:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nDemons and the law\nA scholastic concern for the demonic has been touched on in passing several times so far and\nmust now be focused on directly. As with the broader theme of magic, so much of what the\nscholastics understood of the demonic is indeed better understood as a change in degree than\nin kind from their predecessors. Still, an Aristotelianizing demonology arguably counts as the\nmost dramatic scholastic novelty on the question of magic. Considerable attention has been\npaid lately to identifying how theologians and prelates came to regard the practicing of diabolical magic as a kind of heresy for the first time in the High Middle Ages. The hereticizing of\ndiabolical magic and the diabolization of witchcraft provided footing for the rise of the witch\ntrials in the early modern period. That magic could be a form of heresy is less self-\u00adevident\nthan at first might be imagined since heresy was understood by the medieval church to be a\nform of belief and magic was a practice from which theological doctrine could at best only\nbe inferred. Furthermore, there was a presumption in the older canons that demons could not\neffect real changes in the natural world but only delude humans into believing something illusory was real. In his Satan the Heretic, the historian of medieval religion Alain Boureau began\nhis explanation of the change with an examination of the papal bull Super illius specula (1326).\nIssued by the second Avignonese pope John XXII (r. 1316\u201334), Super illius specula excommunicated anyone who invoked demons for magical purposes and based its severe penalty on\nthe premises that the practice of magic indicated ipso facto distorted \u00adChristian faith and\nthat devils could cause real evils through their human subjects. By Boureau\u2019s reckoning on\nthese points, Super illius contradicts the tenth-century ecclesiastical legislation Episcopi, which\npresumed the ultimately delusory nature of demonic magic. Boureau continues his argument\nwith reference to a larger context of papal politics, mendicant rivalries and social apocalypticism to suggest that Super illius is thus emblematic of a distinctive, fourteenth-\u00adcentury groundwork for the witch hunts as they broke out in the fifteenth century.16\nThe ecclesiastical condemnation of and concern for the workings of the demonic in\n\u00adChristian society raise the spectre of another figure, infamous to the high and late medieval periods, namely, the inquisitor and his role in the scholastic condemnation of magic.\nLittle effort needs to be expended demonstrating that the inquisitors belonged to the scholastic milieu. They were the efficient cause, as it were, in the new implementation of the\nlate Roman imperial legal system, first studied with exuberance by the quattuor doctores at\nthe University in Bologna in the twelfth century and gradually implemented beginning in\necclesiastical courts and then civil ones on the continent through the thirteenth century.\nJust as Super illius could be taken as belonging to the opening round in a legal battle against\ndemonic magic, the high point was Summis desiderantis affectibus. Issued in 1484 at the request\nof the Dominican inquisitor Heinrich Kramer (1430\u20131505) and printed as a forward to the\ntext in the earliest editions of the witch-hunting manual the Malleus Maleficarum, this papal\nbull authorized inquisitorial proceedings against witchcraft in Germany and is thus taken as\nproviding key endorsement of the mass trials against witches that occurred across large portions of Latin Christendom from the early fifteenth century till the late eighteenth. It should\nbe noted that the notorious witch-hunting manuals of Western history, such as the Malleus,\ndid not begin appearing until the fifteenth century, and the major witch trials followed\nthem chronologically. In contrast, the two most famous inquisitorial manuals produced in\nthe period at the focus of this essay \u2013 Practica Inquisitionis Heretice Pravitatis by \u00adBernard Gui\n(1261/62\u20131331) and the Directorium inquisitorum by Nicolas Eymerich (1320\u201399), the inquisitor general in Aragon \u2013 have little to say about demonic magic.17\n470\n\nPages 490:\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\nIn contrast to the trials against witches in the later period, there were few trials against\nsorcerers in the earlier one. The trial and execution at the stake of Cecco d\u2019Ascoli (1257\u2013\n1327) is frequently cited. Cecco d\u2019Ascoli was a mathematician, whose study of Johannes\nde Sacrobosco\u2019s De Sphaera led him to a blend of necromancy and astrology that troubled\necclesiastical and academic authorities. Put on trial several times, he was several times punished with penances, but finally executed in 1327 following his condemnation by Florentine\ninquisitors. Extant sorcery trial records show an increasing indictment and conviction rate\nof learned magicians for their reputed demonic proclivities in the twelfth to fourteenth\ncenturies. At the same time, the high drama of the Cecco d\u2019Ascoli trial seems to be the\nexception rather than the rule. As Sophie Page points out in Magic in the Cloister, Berengario\nGanell, Antonio da Montolmo and Giorgio Anselmi, whose writings on magic appear no\nless provocative than Cecco\u2019s, died natural deaths. And although his Liber florum celestis doctrina, a work on learning gained from angels (ars notoria), was ceremonially burned in Paris,\nJohn of Morigny himself died of natural causes.18\nConclusions and future directions\nEach of the principles laid out in the opening paragraph of this chapter proposes, directly\nand indirectly, challenges for future research. Some of the most promising research into\nhigh medieval learned approaches to magic has simply to do with bringing the research up\nto the same level of sophistication as shapes our understanding of late medieval and early\nmodern magic. Some has to do with taking the best current research into scholastic philosophy, especially as it currently takes into account other, earlier Mediterranean (Jewish and\nIslamic) appropriations of Aristotle as well as the broader institutional and social context of\nLatin Christendom\u2019s twelfth- to fourteenth-century \u201cintellectual revolution.\u201d In short, magic\nitself and the scholastic approaches to it deserve a precision in their analysis similar to scholasticism\u2019s more mainstream theological and philosophical ideas; and these resulting, new\nappreciations need in turn to be put in the broader social contexts of intellectual life, Mediterranean and Western European.\nLooking chronologically back to eras before the scholastic also helps sharpen the focus\non magic scholasticism. Scholasticism\u2019s conservativism and diversity make a modern approach to scholastic attitudes towards magic at best oblique. Consequently, this chapter,\nwhile indeed attempting to outline kinds of opposition to kinds of magic by a range of\nphilosophers and theologians who followed scholastic modes of inquiry, has favoured an\ninvestigation of the strategies underlying their pronouncements on the magical. Thus, the\nattention given to scholasticism\u2019s infrastructure, which included communities of thinkers\nand institutions of learning, as well as networks of patronage and other support enabled intellectual interests to be developed and followed. Critical editions of scholasticism\u2019s first tier\nof thinkers \u2013 William of Auvergne, Robert Bacon, Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas,\namong them \u2013 exist, and scholars have been turning productively to these writings with\nthe newest questions about magic that are currently intriguing us. Their ideas followed\nand diverged from, in careful measure, their antecedents within the Western philosophical\nand theological traditions as well as from one another. Western thinking about magic \u2013 in\nfavour or opposed \u2013 developed slowly. How much Augustine would recognize of himself in\nAquinas is too hypothetical a question to receive a sustained answer here. But even while\ncaution must be exercised in the necessary historical challenge of assessing the responsibility of an earlier generation for developments fostered in later generation, at a very basic\n471\n\nPages 491:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nlevel the church fathers of late Antiquity, the high scholastics of the Middle Ages and the\nlate scholastics of the early modern period share several basic premises: that the workings\nof nature follow laws, that these laws and the powers of created objects can be studied and\nmanipulated for good and for ill, and that demons can interfere in humans\u2019 appropriate\ninteractions with the created world.\nTo the extent that magic gave access to characteristics of created reality, it was worth\nserious reflection to the scholastics; to the extent it involved demons, it was abhorrent.\nThere was a scholastic way of thinking about demons, and at the same time and increasing\nthrough the later Middle Ages there was a concern about demons\u2019 interference in Christian\nsociety. Scholastic condemnations of magic, as well as their endorsements of and investigations into it, were shaped accordingly. But the thought on magic of many lesser scholastics, whose importance in particular times and places and influence on larger numbers of\nstudents cannot be doubted, has yet to be investigated, if only because the writings are less\naccessible. All the more important, in the current moment it would seem, is investigation\ninto those networks of patronage and other support that made those scholastic ruminations\npossible, the ecclesiastical and princely courts, as well as the communities of translators and\ncopyists. In a sense, the current challenge is to examine the high medieval attitude towards\nand practice of magic complementarily through lenses both of a narrow field of view that\nmagnify for the sake of revealing more precise topographies and of wide field of view for\nthe sake of exposing the broader connections between scholastic approaches to magic and\nother ideas and other contexts.\nNotes\n1 There are certain risks in insisting on a \u201cscholastic culture\u201d that encompasses \u201cscholastic ideas,\u201d\namong them that things not related to the ideas and of significance for many more dimensions of\nhigh medieval culture disappear into the scholastic juggernaut. Nonetheless, historians of Western\nlearning are finding great profit in evaluating ideas in the cultural and institutional contexts in\nwhich they are nurtured. Among those of an earlier generation who set that stage for scholasticism\nare a teacher\u2013student pair who have been influential in the English-speaking world but whose\nlegacies could not be more different: R.W. Southern, who in works such as The Making of the Middle\nAges and the never completed Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe put the philosophical\nmovement in a historical, institutional and literary context, extracting it from the disembodied\nexuberance of the historians of ideas and rooting the neo-Aristotelian thought and its thinkers in\ntime, space and culture. The other is his student R.I. Moore, whose not uncontroverted thesis in\nThe Formation of a Persecuting Society correlated the rise of a \u201cpersecuting society\u201d \u2013 the developing\ninterest in and resources for the exercise of social control by civil and ecclesiastical elites, the invention and identification of scapegoats and their sustained persecution through the exercise of\nintellectually legitimated state power \u2013 and the rise of scholasticism. R.I. Moore, The Formation of\na Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950\u20131250 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987);\nR.W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959); and Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe, 2 vols. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995 and 2001). A more recent\nand highly successful explanation of scholasticism within its cultural and institutional contexts is to\nbe found in Ian P. Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris: Theologians and the University, c.1100-1330\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).\n2 Many works describe scholasticism as a mode of philosophical inquiry and an educational approach. The classic studies still serve well to introduce readers to it: Etienne Gilson, History of\n\u00adChristian Philosophy in the Middle Ages (New York: Random House, 1955); Martin Grabmann, Die\nGeschichte der scholastischen Methode, 2 vols. (Basel: B. Schwabe, 1961); John Marenbon, Later Medieval\nPhilosophy (1150\u20131350): An Introduction (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1987).\n3 Michael A. Ryan, A Kingdom of Stargazers: Astrology and Authority in the Late Medieval Crown of Aragon\n(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2011).\n472\n\nPages 492:\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\n4 Edward Peters, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,\n1978).\n5 Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Translating Activity in Medieval Spain,\u201d in Handbuch der Orientalistik: The\nLegacy of Muslim Spain, ed. S.K. Jayyusi (Leiden: Brill, 1992); \u201cThe Coherence of the Arabic-Latin\nTranslation Program in Toledo in the Twelfth Century,\u201d Science in Context 14 (2001).\n6 Th\u00e9r\u00e8se Charmasson, Recherches sur une technique divinatoire, la g\u00e9omancie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val, Centre de\nrecherches d\u2019histoire et de philologie de la IVe Section de l\u2019\u00c9cole pratique des hautes \u00e9tudes (Gen\u00e8ve:\nDroz, 1980); Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998); Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts\nof Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe, Magic in History (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008); Owen Davies, Grimoires: A History of Magic Books (New York:\nOxfrod University Press, 2009), 6\u201392; Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and\nOccult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\n\u00adFourteenth- and fifteenth-century books and collections are receiving more attention at this point\nthan earlier period. In part this is due to how much more material there is to work with. Transmission\nhistory from earlier centuries has concentrated on works of highest profile such as the Picatrix: David\nEdwin Pingree, ed. Picatrix: the Latin Version of the Gh\u0101yat al-Hak\u012bm, Studies of the Warburg Institute\n(London: Warburg Institute, 1986); Picatrix: Un trait\u00e9 de magie m\u00e9di\u00e9val, ed. B\u00e9atrice Bakhouche, Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric\nFauquier and Brigitte P\u00e9rez-Jean, Miroir du Moyen \u00c2ge (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003).\n7 William\u2019s most recent full biography dates from 1880: No\u00ebl Valois, Guillaume d\u2019Auvergne, \u00e9v\u00eaque de\nParis (1228\u20131249) sa vie et ses ouvrages (Dubuque, IA: W. C. Brown Reprint Library, 1963). Addressing William\u2019s developing ideas on magic and demons: Thomas B. de Mayo, The Demonology\nof William of Auvergne: By Fire and Sword (Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2007). De legibus,\nc XXIV of William of Auvergne, Opera omnia (Paris: Andraea Pralard, 1674; repr., Frankfurt am\nMain: \u00adMinerva, 1963), 69.\n8 Roger Bacon, \u201cEpistola de Secretis Operibus,\u201d in Opera quaedam hactenus inedita, edited by J. S. Brewer\n(London, 1859), 523. George Molland, \u201cRoger Bacon as Magician,\u201d Traditio 30 (1974): 445\u201360;\nGraziella Federici Vescovini, Le Moyen \u00c2ge magique: La magie entre religion et science aux xiiie et xive si\u00e8cles,\ned. Marta Cristiani, et al., \u00c9tudes de philosophie m\u00e9di\u00e9vale (Paris: Librairie philosophique J. Vrin,\n2011), 27\u201331, 37\u201341, 54\u20137, 144\u201355, 250\u201355, 307\u201314.\n9 Albertus Magnus, \u201cSpeculum astronomiae,\u201d in The \u201cSpeculum astronomiae\u201d and Its Enigma, ed. Paola\nZambelli (Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992), 209. The debate over\nascription is outlined here: Jeremiah Hackett, \u201cAlbert the Great and the Speculum astronomiae: The\nState of the Research at the Beginning of the Twenty-First Century,\u201d in A Companion to Albert the\nGreat, ed. Irven Michael Resnick (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 437\u201349.\n10 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, cc. 77\u20139. See Wilhelm August Schulze, \u201cZur Geschichte der\nAuslegung von Matth. 2, 1\u201312,\u201d Theologische Zeitschrift 31 (1975): 150.\n11 Albertus Magnus, Super Mattheum, c.2, v.1. Colon. Ed. XXI.1, page 46, lines 21\u201361.\n12 Augustine of Hippo, The City of God, book 5, chapters 1\u201311; On Christian Doctrine, book 2, chapters\n20\u20139; and On the Divination of Demons. Kyle Fraser, \u201cThe Contested Boundaries of \u2018Magic\u2019 and\n\u2018Religion\u2019 in Late Pagan Monotheism,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 4 (2009): 131\u201351.\n13 Thomas Aquinas, ST Ia qq 51, 57, 58, 64, 86, 109\u201311, 114\u201317; Ia-IIae qq 9, 102; IIa-IIae qq\n36, 43, 90, 92\u20136, 154, 167, 172, 178; IIIa qq 36, 43. SCG IIIa 84\u201388, 92, 103\u201306, 154. \u00adSuper\nSent. Ia 38; IIa 7,8, 15, 25; IIIa 35; IV 9. And the treatises De iudiciis astrorum, De sortibus, De\noperationibus occultis naturae, and De malo. Aquinas in the original Latin is available online here:\nwww.\u00adcorpusthomisticum.org/. English translations of the two Summas can be found here: The\nSumma theologica, 2nd rev. ed., 22 vols., ed. and trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province\n(\u00adLondon: Burns, Oates & Washbourne, 1912\u201336; reprinted in 5 vols., Westminster, MD: Christian\nClassics, 1981). On the Truth of the Catholic Faith (Summa Contra Gentiles), 5 vols., ed. and trans. \u00adAnton\nC. Pegis, James F. Anderson, Vernon J. Bourke and Charles J. O\u2019Neil (New York: Doubleday,\n\u00ad1955\u201357; reprinted as Summa contra gentiles, Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press,\n1975). See also Thomas Linsenmann, Die Magie bei Thomas von Aquin. vol. 44, ed. Michael Schmaus,\net al., Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen des Grabmann-Institutes zur Erforschung der mittelalterlichen Theologie und Philosophie (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000), 329\u201342.\n14 David J. Collins, \u201cAlbertus, Magnus or Magus? Magic, Natural Philosophy, and Religious Reform in\nthe Late Middle Ages,\u201d Renaissance Quarterly 63 (2010): 1\u201344.\n473\n\nPages 493:\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\n15 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York, 1923\u201358), 2: 551\u201360;\nAlessandro Palazzo, \u201cAlbert the Great\u2019s Doctrine of Fascination in the Context of His Philosophical System,\u201d in Via Alberti, ed. Ludger Honnefelder, Hannes M\u00f6hle and Susana Bullido del Barrio\n(M\u00fcnster: Aschendorff, 2009), 135\u2013215.\n16 Satan the Heretic was received with much acclaim, but was also criticized for possibly exaggerating\nthe real effects and contribution of Super illius. Alexander IV\u2019s decretal Accusatus de heresi, after all,\nhad drawn the connection between heresy and magic already three quarters of a century earlier;\nand the Super illius, as well as nearly all the Pope\u2019s theological consultors in its composition, was\nscarcely heard of again after its promulgation. Alain Boureau, Satan the Heretic: The Birth of Demonology in the Medieval West, trans. Teresa Lavender Fagan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,\n2006). See also Henry Ansgar Kelly, review of Satan the Heretic: The Birth of Demonology in the Medieval\nWest by Alain Boureau, History of Religions 49 (2009): 88\u201392; and Alain Boureau, \u201cDemons and the\n\u00adChristian Community,\u201d in Cambridge History of Christianity: Christianity in Western Europe, c. 1100\u2013c.\n1500, ed. Miri Rubin and Walter Simons (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 420\u201332.\n17 For the text with commentary: Heinrich (Institoris) Kramer, Malleus Maleficarum, ed. Christopher S.\nMackay (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).\n18 Page, Magic in the Cloister, 132.\n474\n\nPages 494:\n32\nPastoral literature and preaching\nKathleen Kamerick\nWhat did the medieval Christian Church teach the laity about magic? This simple question\nhas no straightforward answer. The problem of laypeople\u2019s belief in and practice of magic\nwas bound to the more fundamental issue of what the laity needed to know in order to be\nsaved. Did magic threaten one\u2019s salvation? Medieval pastoral texts such as sermons, manuals\nfor confessors and works aiming to teach laypeople how to live as good Christians often took\nup the problem of magic, but it was rarely a major concern. These pastoralia \u2013 including both\ntexts used by priests in their work of the care of souls as well as the diverse works of religious\ninstruction read by laypeople \u2013 multiplied in Europe from the thirteenth to early sixteenth\ncenturies in both Latin and the vernacular languages. Their profusion and diversity offer a\npotentially rich source for examining complex and even conflicting views of magic, as well as\nclerical\u2013lay interactions over a contested subject. This essay focuses primarily on the research\non pastoralia known in thirteenth- to fifteenth-century England, which has formed the core\nof much of the research to date, with some attention to the early Middle Ages and to other\ngeographic areas.1\nThe outline of pastoralia\u2019s development in England has been clearly laid out. In the early\nthirteenth century, works like Richard of Wetheringsett\u2019s Qui bene praesunt (c. 1215\u20131220)\nhelped to codify several topics that pastoral instruction should include, among them the\nCreed and Lord\u2019s Prayer, the seven sacraments, the theological and cardinal virtues and\nthe seven major vices, and the Ten Commandments.2 The influence of this work combined with the impetus of the 1215 Fourth Lateran Council to encourage a number of\n\u00adthirteenth-century synods in England to produce recommendations for pastoral instruction. Around 1239, Bishop Robert Grosseteste of Lincoln, for example, worked up a pastoral syllabus that commanded parish priests to preach the Ten Commandments. Several\ndecades later in 1281, the Archbishop of Canterbury John Pecham presided over a council\nat Lambeth that elaborated the requirements for priests in the Ignorantia Sacerdotum, ordering them to preach at least four times a year in English on the creed, the Decalogue, the\nArticles of Faith, as well as the Works of Mercy and the Deadly Sins, the sacraments and\nmore.3 This syllabus formed the core of religious instruction into the sixteenth century. It\nbecame part of William of Pagula\u2019s popular Oculus Sacerdotis (c. 1320), for instance, and was\ntranslated into English in John Mirk\u2019s Instructions for Parish Priests. The Pecham statutes were\nreproduced several times in the early print era such as in the Exornatorium Curatorum (c. 1516)\nprinted by Wynkyn de Worde.4\nThis impulse for religious instruction in late medieval England led to the translation\nof many works from French and Latin to English as well as the composition of new pastoralia, including sermons, treatises on the Commandments or other elements of faith, and\n475\n\nPages 495:\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nmanuals for the instruction of both priests and laity. The advent of print, and especially\nthe productions of Wynkyn de Worde and Richard Pynson, helped to meet the laity\u2019s\nincreasing demand for religious texts. 5 Although magic rarely figured as a major concern\nin these texts, the dangers posed by magical practices nevertheless appear regularly in\npastoral works. The pastoralia authors offer definitions of magic, examine its relationship to the devil, explain Church Fathers\u2019 teachings about it, discuss which practices are\nmagical and which are not, and above all instruct Christians how to behave in regards\nto magical and superstitious practices. This literature promises insight into the dynamic\nbetween laypeople and clergy by showing how the medieval Christian Church tried to\nconvince lay parishioners about magic\u2019s dangers, and even responded to contemporary\nmagical practices.\nWhile this diverse literature thus seems likely to reward its mining for medieval teachings about magic, it also involves some potential difficulties. The first is simply to understand what the parish priest and his parishioners learnt from pastoralia. R. N. Swanson\nhas observed that most medieval laypeople received no formal religious education nor attained any depth of doctrinal understanding. In contrast, G. W. Bernard\u2019s investigation\nof \u201clay knowledge\u201d warns against dismissing the ability of even illiterates to understand\ncomplex ideas, while acknowledging the problem of knowing what the laity thought.6 This\ndivergence indicates that the question of audience is critical in assessing pastoralia. Once\na source\u2019s teachings on magic are established, we must then ask who might have read or\nheard this instruction, and how they might have received it. Joseph Goering, for example,\nargues that pastoralia\u2019s first audience was comprised of students in the cathedral schools,\nnot the parish priests whose interest in such texts or ability to discern them was minimal.7\nThe medieval laity\u2019s commonest source for religious instruction was likely sermons; yet, the\nsurviving sermon texts may not reflect actual preaching practices. So Alan Fletcher has emphasized sermons\u2019 ephemeral nature, and his study of extant codices of sermons illuminates\nthe disparity between the preached and written word.8\nThe issue of audience becomes more complicated as the growth of English literacy led to\nthe increased production of vernacular works of religious instruction that found homes in\nthe libraries of families like the fifteenth-century Norfolk Pastons.9 By the end of the Middle\nAges, members of the upper classes might read French and English and a bit of Latin, while\nEnglish reading ability alone was common among the middle-level groups of merchants,\nyeomen and artisans, and could extend even to servants.10 Laypeople sometimes owned\ntexts originally aimed at the lower clergy as, for example, Thomas Dautree of York who\nbequeathed the Pupilla Oculi and a book of vices and virtues to clergy in his 1437 will.11 As\nAlexandra Barratt points out, any work of religious instruction\u2019s \u201cintended audience\u201d may\nnot correlate with what is known about its \u201cdemonstrable readership\u201d or ownership. Her\nwork exemplifies the importance of studying the audience and ownership of texts, and how\npastoralia moved between clergy and laity, in any investigation of the teachings expounded\nin these works.12\nIn the early Middle Ages, penitentials, sermons and other pastoral texts discussed a\nwide variety of magical practices and typically yoked them to paganism, as their clerical\nauthors evinced most anxiety about lingering pagan beliefs and practices. The Christian\nclergy linked forbidden magic \u2013 conjuring, love spells, contraceptive magic and many other\n\u00adpractices \u2013 to the threat of persistent paganism. In The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe,\nValerie Flint places the teachings of pastoral literature alongside legal, literary and scientific texts to create a richly drawn tapestry of early medieval views of and teachings about\n476\n\nPages 496:\nPa s t o r a l l i t e r at u r e a n d p r e a c h i n g\nmagic. Flint\u2019s influential and controversial work proposes that Christian clergy battled pagan magic with Christian magic like miracles or \u201cmagic made respectable\u201d, and that they\nalso simultaneously condemned pagan magic and adapted parts of it for a Christianized\nmagic that included dubious practices like lot casting and binding and loosing charms.13\nOther scholars of the early Middle Ages have also traced this ambiguity in regards to\nmagic, this reluctance on the part of early medieval clerics to engage in complete denunciation of all practices that hint of magic. Karen Jolly rejects the notion of Christian magic as\nillogical, however, in her study of Anglo-Saxon religious beliefs, Popular Religion in Late Saxon\nEngland: Elf Charms in Context. Jolly shows that Abbot Aelfric of Eynsham\u2019s (c. 955\u20131010) vernacular homilies addressing miracles and magic relied on Augustinian ideas to condemn\nall magic as demonic in origin, but left the status of what Jolly identifies as the \u201cmiddle practices\u201d more fluid. Certain types of healing \u2013 such as using Christian words and rituals along\nwith herbs, or saying Christian prayers to bless fields \u2013 fell into this middle ground and\nfound a place in Aelfric\u2019s cosmology. So pagan charms received outright condemnation, but\nChristian words and rituals used as healing remedies attained acceptance.14\nScrutinizing early medieval pastoral literature\u2019s overall value as a source for the history\nof popular belief in Pagan Survivals: Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral\nLiterature, Bernadette Filotas excavates discussions of magic from the fourth to the tenth\ncenturies, expanding beyond works like penitentials and sermons to include councils, bishops\u2019 capitularies, canons and more.15 She points to several reasons why pastoral literature\nis limited as a guide to contemporary magical (and other) beliefs and practices: hostile to\nmagic, its clerical authors selectively indicted certain groups such as women and peasants\nfor its practice; the same magical activities appear in sources that span centuries and many\nregions; the Latin of these sources may render invisible a cultural diversity by lumping\ntogether performers and rituals that would have been understood distinctly in their own\ncultures. So while Filotas valuably maps what the sources say about diverse forms of both\nbeneficent and destructive magic and their amazingly varied practitioners \u2013 weather magicians, soothsayers, diviners, healers, enchanters \u2013 she also establishes why only careful\ncomparison of these sources and attentiveness to their contexts can link a particular kind of\nmagic to a specific time and place.\nThe flourishing of pastoralia in the High and Late Middle Ages has provided abundant material for studies of religious practice and belief in which magic often plays a role.\n\u00adHistorians have mined pastoralia both for testimony of clerical views of magic and also evidence of magical practices, but the conclusions drawn from this material about magic\u2019s\nplace in medieval culture have shifted over the past several decades. In his extensive compendium titled Witchcraft in Old and New England (first issued in 1929, then reprinted in\n1956), G. L. Kittredge, for example, cited warnings against magic, witchcraft, charms and\nmore that were drawn from assorted pastoralia covering a wide chronological swath, including an Anglo-Saxon penitential, a thirteenth-century German sermon, and especially the\n\u00adfourteenth-century Robert Mannyng of Brunne\u2019s Handlyng Synne. These sources contribute\nto an overcharged picture of magic\u2019s ubiquity in medieval belief and practice, reinforcing\nan argument that drew also on laws, court cases and other materials.16\nSurveying the genre of homiletic literature several decades later, the pioneering G. R.\nOwst asserted that fourteenth-century English sermons \u201csystematically\u201d indicted sorcery.17\nOwst based this claim on his analysis of several fourteenth-century works that touched on a\nwide variety of practices, including necromancy, divination, augury, witchcraft, belief in the\nthree Sister Fates, lot casting, wearing characters or figures depicted on parchment, the cult\n477\n\nPages 497:\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nof time and seasons, and more. While Owst focused on familiar works like Brunne\u2019s Handlyng Synne, the preacher\u2019s handbook Fasciculus Morum, the Benedictine Ranulph Higden\u2019s\nSpeculum Curatorum and the Dominican John Bromyard\u2019s Summa Predicantium, he also cites\nothers less well known, quoting extensively from some texts only available in manuscript.\nOwst says homiletic manuals were often directed \u201cexpressly for the instruction of the rude\u201d,\nbut then asserts that his mainly Latin sources exhibit a sophisticated learning that lay audiences could not absorb, and that preachers in English say much less on the subject.18\nOwst aimed to stimulate further research in the topic by pointing to how little was known\nof the teachings about medieval magic, and he underscored the value of studying pastoralia\nin his study of the fifteenth-century Latin manual for preachers, the Dominican Alexander\nCarpenter\u2019s Destructorium viciorum. While critiquing the work for dullness and lack of originality, Owst established its importance for providing a panoramic view of late medieval\npreaching topics and authorities which includes a survey of Christian theologians\u2019 condemnations of magic, divination and superstition, subsets of the deadly sin of pride. Carpenter\u2019s\npopular text shows magic to be just one of many concerns for preachers, a spiritual danger\nthat must be addressed but does not eclipse others. Owst\u2019s perception of the significance of\nCarpenter\u2019s text is borne out by its presence in monastic libraries and clerical wills, and its\nmultiple printings before and after 1500.19\nMore recent investigations of pastoral teachings have made use of these earlier studies\nbut in seeking to understand more about the production and audience of pastoralia have\nreached somewhat different conclusions. Since pastoralia reflected contemporary intellectual\ndevelopments in Christian theology and influences such as Arabic natural philosophy but\ncould also repeat and recycle older views, sifting the texts for magical practices of any particular era or region requires a fine analytical filter. Sustained analyses of pastoralia\u2019s teachings about magic also seek to understand how pastoralia negotiated the differences between\ntheological condemnations and pastoral awareness of common practices.\nOne conclusion arising from placing pastoralia in a broader context is that magic was\na recurrent but typically secondary concern for authors who repeated almost by rote the\ncondemnations and concerns of past eras. Investigating beliefs about the supernatural evidenced in medieval English chronicles, Carl Watkins notes that the worries about necromancy, sorcery and divination in late twelfth- and thirteenth-century pastoral handbooks\nby authors like Robert of Flamborough and Thomas of Chobham were, in fact, repeating\nstandard admonitions from patristic texts. Watkins finds far more urgent warnings in exempla, synodal statutes and historical texts about the appropriation of holy words and holy\nobjects like the host for magical purposes.20\nThe diversity of medieval religious beliefs and the accompanying ambiguous status\nof certain potentially magical practices have also been emphasized by several scholars.\nSurveying religion in England from 1000 to 1500, Andrew Brown highlights the variety\nof practices and views that comprised medieval Christianity. He shows how ambiguity\ncould temper the outright prohibition of all magic by citing Dives and Pauper, an early\nfifteenth-century commentary on the Ten Commandments, whose clerical author condemned written charms except for those using words of the Pater Noster, Creed or Scripture.21 Eamon Duffy\u2019s groundbreaking work The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion\nin England 1400\u20131580 finds no clear line separating prayers from magic, and using the\nevidence of the laity\u2019s own prayer books shows how laypeople adapted seemingly magical\nincantations and charms to religious use. Duffy asserts that scholars must view pastoral\nmanuals\u2019 discussions of these practices critically, and that past failure to do so has led\n478\n\nPages 498:\nPa s t o r a l l i t e r at u r e a n d p r e a c h i n g\nhistorians astray. Pastoral texts diverge on certain key points; some works, for instance,\npermitted holy charms to be used by pious people but others did not. The fifteenth-\u00adcentury\nDoctrinal of Sapyence, for instance, arraigned the sinfulness of believing that carrying written\nprayers could provide protection from sudden death or illness. The Doctrinal linked these\nbeliefs to simple people whose ignorance excused them, but Duffy argues forcefully against\nthis claim, showing that such prayers or charms were common among the clergy and nobility along with simpler folk.22\nWhile the medieval pastoralia overall treat magic sporadically and inconsistently, their\ndiscussions of magic took on more urgency in relation to certain topics or, as mentioned\nabove, in relation to some groups of people. Catherine Rider, for instance, has shown\nthat thirteenth- and fourteenth-century confession manuals and synodal statutes reflect\nan ongoing worry about both magically caused impotence and its magical cures. These\ndiscussions belonged to the larger investigation of the question of marriage dissolution.\nCould magically caused impotence be grounds for annulment? And could it be magically\ncured? Drawing on canon law and theology, several writers addressed the problem in\ntheir manuals for confessors. Their disparate opinions may be represented by William of\nPagula who wrote in his influential Oculus Sacerdotis (c. 1320) that magically caused impotence cannot be permanent and John de Burgo who adopted the Oculus Sacerdotis in his\nshorter Pupilla Oculi (1384) but said impotence magic could indeed be a lasting condition.23\nRider\u2019s work points to an enduring worry among medieval clerical authors about the ties\nbetween sexuality, magic and reproduction, but also provides a model for carefully weighing the evidence of pastoralia by showing that impotence magic received varied treatments\nand emphases. The issue of magically caused impotence also forecasts one obsession of\nsixteenth-century witchcraft persecutions, and an informative link between these and the\nmedieval discussions Rider sets out can be found in an early sixteenth-century lecture on\nmarriage by William Hay, who studied in Paris and then lectured in theology at Aberdeen\nfor thirty years. Hay passes fluidly from magic to witchcraft in pondering \u201cwhether witchcraft should be counted as a form of impotence\u201d and asserting that certain women are\n\u201caddicted to witchcraft and magic.\u201d The devil blocks human sexual intercourse \u201ceither\nby preventing the rigidity in the male organ or by obstructing the female organ\u201d, using\nwomen who summon demons to achieve these ends. Hay\u2019s lecture demonstrates the increased tendency at the end of the Middle Ages to associate women with demonic activity\nand dangerous magic.24\nIn Magic and Religion in Medieval England, Rider offers the most thorough study to date of\npastoralia\u2019s teachings about magic from the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries.25 This work\nprovides a detailed survey of the magical beliefs and practices discussed in this literature,\nincluding divination, charms, prophecies and dream interpretations, beliefs in creatures\nlike fairies and otherworldly beings, astrological image magic and the ritual magic known\nas the Ars Notoria. Rider\u2019s methodology addresses the problem of using pastoralia to understand medieval magic because of their reliance on much older texts and their tenuous relationship to real magical practices. Close readings of these works, for instance, can reveal\ntheir selective use of older texts and the addition of new details that reflected contemporary\nconcerns. In addition, she points out that these sermons and confessors\u2019 manuals and other\nworks must be placed within a broader context that includes court records, medical texts\nand other materials in order to understand the significance of their teachings on magic.\nWhile few of the medieval authors of pastoral works considered magic to be a major threat\nto the spiritual well-being of Christians, Rider shows that they exhibited most apprehension\n479\n\nPages 499:\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nabout the many regions where the lack of clear boundaries allowed magic, science and religion to overlap with one another. Biblical precedent authorized dream divination and lot\ncasting, for example, and wearing stones or herbs to cure ailments seemed to draw on natural powers.26 So ambiguity continued to beset the pastoralia when writers tried to separate\nthe illicit and magical from the legitimately religious.\nThis large-scale canvass of magic in medieval pastoralia has been usefully complemented\nby the studies of single texts which show in detail how magic was treated in relation to other\npotential spiritual dangers. Michael Haren\u2019s analysis of the fourteenth-century confessors\u2019\nmanual titled Memoriale Presbiterorum, for instance, indicates the author\u2019s almost dismissive\nattitude towards magic. Like Filotas, Haren finds peasants and women singled out for\nattention, as the author\u2019s interrogation of peasants highlights their tendency to believe in\n\u201cauguries and the chattering of birds\u201d, and old women are also said to practise superstitions. Female penitents are questioned about sorcery, but attention to women\u2019s possible\nsexual misdeeds outstrips magical issues, as sorcery appears as one item in a litany of sins\nthat also includes abortion, harlotry, child exposure, adultery and irreverence towards\nhusbands.27\nIn the fifteenth century, pastoral concerns about magic increasingly extended to include\nthe even broader and more nebulous category of superstition, which often involved divination, charms and healing spells.28 Michael Bailey credits a new focus on pastoral theology\nat German universities for prompting the composition of numerous treatises that treated superstitions as potentially demonic.29 The late medieval French clergy also evinced mounting\nconcerns about superstitions in sermons and other writings, including those of the prolific\nUniversity of Paris chancellor Jean Gerson (1363\u20131429) who accused great nobles along with\nordinary people of conferring with sorcerers and engaging in superstitious activities like consulting fortune tellers or trusting to charms, which he both regarded as a moral danger and\nloosely tied to sorcery.30 Yet, scholars have shown that although the French clergy often condemned superstitions as potentially demonic in origin, they also viewed many such practices\nas simple foolishness stemming from the credulity of women in particular. Their responses\nto superstition therefore ranged from \u201ccontemptuous tolerance to censorship\u201d, as Madeleine\nJeay put it.31 Looking for evidence that the scholarly critique of superstition received a pastoral application, Euan Cameron also asserts that no consensus existed among the late medieval Christian clergy on how to preach and teach laypeople about superstitious practices.32\nThe intersection of magic and superstition in pastoralia also becomes clear in commentaries on the Ten Commandments, the teaching of which was a fundamental part of pastoral\ninstruction as defined by Archbishop Pecham\u2019s syllabus. Decalogue discussions in manuals\nfor confessors often state how one might violate each commandment, and late medieval\nteachings on the First Commandment, as Edward Peters notes, linked superstitions and\nsorcery to idolatry, perhaps the gravest sin.33 Yet, understanding better how laypeople\nmight have received this teaching leads us back to certain methodological issues in using\npastoralia, as a few examples can indicate.\nCautions about superstitions and condemnations of magic appear often in sermons that\nexpound the Ten Commandments, but these sermons also place magical activities within\na broad spectrum of many sinful behaviours. This setting must be taken into account if\nwe hope to understand what medieval laypeople understood as well as what they were\ntaught in regards to magic. So a fifteenth-century English sermon glosses the Latin Non\nhabebis deos \u00adalienos [Exodus 20:3] by quoting God himself who commands Christians to have\n480\n\nPages 500:\nPa s t o r a l l i t e r at u r e a n d p r e a c h i n g\n\u201cright belief and steadfast hope and perfect love to God and to no other against God.\u201d One\n\u00adv iolates this decree by believing in witchcraft and various \u201carts of the devil\u201d, or by allowing\nworldly things to come before their service and love of God such as work or pleasures of\nthe flesh. Loving anything more than God is idolatrous.34 This treatment alludes to the\ndemonic link, but also suggests that witchcraft and divination are no more troublesome\nthan fondness for food or sex.\nDecalogue commentaries are also common in late medieval prayer books. As Eamon\nDuffy\u2019s work indicates, prayer books offer a deep well of material for apprehending how\nlaypeople understood their faith.35 Primers, or Books of Hours, as well as other kinds of\ndevotional books ranging from deluxe productions to self-made efforts belonged to people\nof many social level\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 486 to page 500 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=480\nPages: 480\nThis chapter on the scholastic approach to magic is shaped by five propositions about the\nintellectual history of the High Middle Ages, particularly as it may pertain to magic. First,\nany evaluation of scholasticism is enriched by attention to the social context within which\nits particular methods and conclusions emerged. Second, scholastic conclusions on matters\nof philosophical and theological importance have, as a rule, more in continuity with their\nantecedents than in discontinuity. That is to say, scholastic thinkers can be counted on to have\ndrawn heavily from and developed squarely upon earlier medieval thought, rather than to\nhave rejected it. Third, scholastic opinions against magic, or any other topic for that matter,\nare often best understood in conjunction with the ideas and practices, often also magical,\nthat scholastics were correspondingly promoting. Fourth, while today\u2019s historical scholarship]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=486\nPages: 486\nfor appropriate study of occult powers in created objects, which he called natural magic\nand recognized as philosophical. And in underwriting experimental science, Roger Bacon\ncharted a path by which forms of alchemy might be recognized as legitimately scientific\nwithout requiring recourse to demonic aid or intervention.\nScholastic developments in magic\nMeasuring scholasticism\u2019s effect on the larger history of theological and philosophical\ntendencies in Western Christianity requires an appreciation of what preceded it. For our\npurposes, Augustine of Hippo (354\u2013430) may be taken as foundational for early Western\nChristian thinking on magic and the touchstone for scholastic thinkers as they developed\nways of thinking about magic. Augustine\u2019s teaching on magic can be arguably distilled down\nto one insistently made point: magic qua magic is demonic. In the Late Imperial period in\nwhich Augustine was writing, this perspective emerged from general opposition to Roman]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=483\nPages: 483\nbehind and practice of magic. This positive disposition within high medieval society is\nfurther indicated by the very people producing and possessing this literature: clerics working on it discreetly alongside fulfilment of their more publicly reputable duties and monks\nin eminent cloisters. The point in highlighting this is not to deny the incipient and real\nhostilities towards the magical in the High Middle Ages, especially as it came to represent\nthought and practices judged irrational and superstitious, but rather to warn against an\noverenthusiastic examination of condemnations and punishments, whose records are, in\nthis question as in others, generally more appealing for historical research than the silence\nof their absence.\nScholastics and magic\nHigh medieval scholastics were renowned for creating conceptual categories and making distinctions. These characteristics are obvious in their writing about magic. William of Auvergne,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=490\nPages: 490\nLatin Christendom\u2019s twelfth- to fourteenth-century \u201cintellectual revolution.\u201d In short, magic\nitself and the scholastic approaches to it deserve a precision in their analysis similar to scholasticism\u2019s more mainstream theological and philosophical ideas; and these resulting, new\nappreciations need in turn to be put in the broader social contexts of intellectual life, Mediterranean and Western European.\nLooking chronologically back to eras before the scholastic also helps sharpen the focus\non magic scholasticism. Scholasticism\u2019s conservativism and diversity make a modern approach to scholastic attitudes towards magic at best oblique. Consequently, this chapter,\nwhile indeed attempting to outline kinds of opposition to kinds of magic by a range of\nphilosophers and theologians who followed scholastic modes of inquiry, has favoured an\ninvestigation of the strategies underlying their pronouncements on the magical. Thus, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=480\nPages: 480,481\nscholastics, who approached the challenge of understanding and evaluating magic. And\nthird, I will evaluate the high medieval development of demonology with its implications,\non the one side, for determining how magic worked, and on the other side, for social order\nand religious conformity.\n461\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nScholasticism and its context\nScholasticism is the form of philosophical inquiry characteristic to Western higher learning from the eleventh to the sixteenth century. Its principal characteristic is a confidence in\ndialectical reasoning (logic) as the foremost mode for interpreting texts, ascertaining truth\nand adjudicating conflicting opinions. The appeal of logic developed hand in hand with\nan exuberance for the thought of Aristotle as well as for the commentary and critique on\nAristotle made in Muslim and Jewish centres of learning in the Mediterranean world. Scholasticism came to shape all disciplines of knowledge, including both theology and the study]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=480\nPages: 480\nthirteenth-century scholastic writings on magic have been viewed, with results that can be\nquite distorted. This chapter will consequently focus on early and high scholasticism, that is,\nthe twelfth to fourteenth century.\nEvaluating scholastic approaches towards magic following these principles will constitute\nthe substance of this chapter. Cautions and encouragements for ongoing research will flow\nnaturally from this investigation. These goals will be pursued through several steps: first,\nafter a sketch of scholasticism traditionally and narrowly understood as a development in\nthe history of ideas with implications for the evaluation of magic, I will consider the milieus\nthat fostered these intellectual developments, including not only centres of learning, but\nof patronage as well.1 Second, I will consider a sampling of thirteenth-century thinkers,\nscholastics, who approached the challenge of understanding and evaluating magic. And]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=440\nPages: 440\n741\u201348; Steven P. Marrone, \u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d Early Science and Medicine 14 (2009): 158\u201385; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et nigromance.\nAstrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (XIIe-Xve si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne,\n2006) 205\u201378; Graziella Federici Vescovini, Medioevo magico: la magia tra religione e scienza nei secoli\nXIII e XIV (Torino: UTET, 2008), xxi\u2013xxxi, 35\u201346 and 171\u2013204; Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books:\nManuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState University Press, 2008), 17\u201347; Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned\nMagic in the Later Middle Ages and the Renaissance (University Park: Pennsylvania State University\nPress, 2013), 17ff.; Sebasti\u00e0 Giralt, \u201cMagia y ciencia en la Baja Edad Media: la construcci\u00f3n de los]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=481\nPages: 481\nof the natural world. Method is more characteristic of it than content, and what we call\nscholasticism included a wide range of opinions on specific questions and inspired many\nschools of thoughts. Its pre-eminence was sharply challenged by Renaissance humanists and\nsixteenth-century Reformers who objected in various ways and for various reasons to the\ncentrality of dialectical analysis and the Aristotelian shaping of Christian theology. Extensive reflection on natural philosophy and metaphysics made Aristotelianism significant for\nlearned Western understandings of magic.2\nIn studying high medieval, Western Christian reflections on magic, the writings of \u00adMuslim\nand Jewish thinkers that entered the West along with those of Aristotle were also highly significant. There are two reasons for this: First, although Aristotle\u2019s writings on divination,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=485\nPages: 485,486\nto distinguish from their ways of coming to knowledge any hint of demonic aid, Albert\u2019s\ncommentary on Matthew 2 reflects a mode of biblical exegesis and an approach to astrology that can be considered \u201cscholastic.\u201d\n466\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\nWilliam, Bacon and Albert, each in his own way, provide examples to support a central\npoint of this essay, outlined in the opening paragraph, that understanding the scholastic criticism of magic needs to always keep within the field of view the philosophical and\ntheological principles that the scholastics were attempting to preserve or even argue for\nas rational and good. Thus, Albert\u2019s condemnation of necromancy was offered by way of\npreserving and encouraging a study of the celestial bodies and their influences on terrestrial world and human society. In descrying the demonic, William of Auvergne protected\nfor appropriate study of occult powers in created objects, which he called natural magic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=490\nPages: 490\ninvestigation of the strategies underlying their pronouncements on the magical. Thus, the\nattention given to scholasticism\u2019s infrastructure, which included communities of thinkers\nand institutions of learning, as well as networks of patronage and other support enabled intellectual interests to be developed and followed. Critical editions of scholasticism\u2019s first tier\nof thinkers \u2013 William of Auvergne, Robert Bacon, Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas,\namong them \u2013 exist, and scholars have been turning productively to these writings with\nthe newest questions about magic that are currently intriguing us. Their ideas followed\nand diverged from, in careful measure, their antecedents within the Western philosophical\nand theological traditions as well as from one another. Western thinking about magic \u2013 in\nfavour or opposed \u2013 developed slowly. How much Augustine would recognize of himself in\nAquinas is too hypothetical a question to receive a sustained answer here. But even while]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=480\nPages: 480\nthat scholastics were correspondingly promoting. Fourth, while today\u2019s historical scholarship\nshould certainly rise to the challenge of identifying general trends among scholastic thinkers,\nunanimity in opinion or approach was not a defining characteristic of scholastic thought,\nincluding on magic, in affirmation or condemnation. Given the research tendencies of the\nlast hundred years, it is incumbent on researchers to seek out and highlight scholastic heterogeneity vis-\u00e0-vis magic. And finally, a scholastic approach to magic, to the extent that one,\nor several, can be identified, warrants evaluation on its own merits and comprehensively,\nnot merely, or even primarily, in anticipation of late medieval developments. Late scholastic\nwritings on witchcraft and demonology have often been made into a lens through which the\nthirteenth-century scholastic writings on magic have been viewed, with results that can be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=491\nPages: 491\nand practice of magic complementarily through lenses both of a narrow field of view that\nmagnify for the sake of revealing more precise topographies and of wide field of view for\nthe sake of exposing the broader connections between scholastic approaches to magic and\nother ideas and other contexts.\nNotes\n1 There are certain risks in insisting on a \u201cscholastic culture\u201d that encompasses \u201cscholastic ideas,\u201d\namong them that things not related to the ideas and of significance for many more dimensions of\nhigh medieval culture disappear into the scholastic juggernaut. Nonetheless, historians of Western\nlearning are finding great profit in evaluating ideas in the cultural and institutional contexts in\nwhich they are nurtured. Among those of an earlier generation who set that stage for scholasticism\nare a teacher\u2013student pair who have been influential in the English-speaking world but whose\nlegacies could not be more different: R.W. Southern, who in works such as The Making of the Middle]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=491\nPages: 491\nThere was a scholastic way of thinking about demons, and at the same time and increasing\nthrough the later Middle Ages there was a concern about demons\u2019 interference in Christian\nsociety. Scholastic condemnations of magic, as well as their endorsements of and investigations into it, were shaped accordingly. But the thought on magic of many lesser scholastics, whose importance in particular times and places and influence on larger numbers of\nstudents cannot be doubted, has yet to be investigated, if only because the writings are less\naccessible. All the more important, in the current moment it would seem, is investigation\ninto those networks of patronage and other support that made those scholastic ruminations\npossible, the ecclesiastical and princely courts, as well as the communities of translators and\ncopyists. In a sense, the current challenge is to examine the high medieval attitude towards\nand practice of magic complementarily through lenses both of a narrow field of view that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=346\nPages: 346\n\u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d 168. It may also be possible\nthat the third class are the praestigia, or opera ludificatoria \u2013 marvellous things that these men do, for\nwhich we cannot find a cause \u2013 to which William turns his attention towards the end of the chapter\n(1061aB); these may or may not involve demonic action.\n14 These lamps have a long and complicated history in natural magic, from at least the fifth century\nBC to the seventeenth century. For a sketch of this history, see R.D. Goulding, \u201cReal, Apparent\nand Illusory Necromancy: Lamp Experiments and Historical Perceptions of Experimental Knowledge,\u201d Societas Magica Newsletter (2006): 1\u20137.\n15 The version recorded in the roughly contemporary Liber aggregationis attributed to Albertus Magnus\nreads:\nA beautiful lamp, to make the house seem to be completely full of snakes and images, as long\nas the lamp is lit. Take the fat of a black snake and the skin of a black snake, and a funeral]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=333\nPages: 333\nTwo important elements of the ancient theory \u2013 illusion or imagination (phantasia and its\ncognates), and trickery (praestigia or praestigium) \u2013 were shared by the scholastic theorists of\nmagic, despite the variety among the principal authors. There was a consensus that magic\nwas either natural, or illusory, or a mixture of both. They agreed, in other words, that even\nthough magic seemed miraculous and entirely outside the normal order of nature, this was\nonly an appearance. Where scholastic authors differed was in how they divided up the labour, as it were. Were the deceptive appearances the work of the magician? Or were they the\nwork of demons? And, in each case, were they brought about by the methods of conjurors\nand jugglers, or did the agent, human or demonic act directly on the imagination or senses\nof the observers? Finally, having determined where the causation lay, was anyone criminally\nculpable for these illusions?\nWilliam of Auvergne]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=489\nPages: 489\nin kind from their predecessors. Still, an Aristotelianizing demonology arguably counts as the\nmost dramatic scholastic novelty on the question of magic. Considerable attention has been\npaid lately to identifying how theologians and prelates came to regard the practicing of diabolical magic as a kind of heresy for the first time in the High Middle Ages. The hereticizing of\ndiabolical magic and the diabolization of witchcraft provided footing for the rise of the witch\ntrials in the early modern period. That magic could be a form of heresy is less self-\u00adevident\nthan at first might be imagined since heresy was understood by the medieval church to be a\nform of belief and magic was a practice from which theological doctrine could at best only\nbe inferred. Furthermore, there was a presumption in the older canons that demons could not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=365\nPages: 365\nmedieval \u201cecclesiastical\u201d writing on magic was not monolithic and instead encompassed a\nwide range of authors and genres. \u201cEcclesiastical\u201d texts ranged from detailed, scholastic treatises like the Malleus Maleficarum or one of its key sources, Thomas Aquinas\u2019s Summa Theologiae,\nto the simpler sermons and treatises on sin and confession which were designed to educate\nthe clergy and laity and which are discussed in detail in Kathleen Kamerick\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume. This large body of texts, written across Europe, over several centuries, and across\nmany genres, did not offer a single view of magic and its practitioners. There were some\ncommon themes: for example, drawing on St Augustine, most clergy associated magic with\ndemons and condemned it. Nevertheless, they varied in their details and emphases. Work by\nMichael Bailey, Kathleen Kamerick and Alain Boureau, as well as my own work, has therefore sought to explore the range of clerical views of magic and the debates that took place]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259,260\nintroductory passage quoted above, Ganellus effectively applies these means in his work.\nThe scholastic approach is also mirrored by the choice of the genre of the summa, a choice\nwhich is unique in the magical tradition. Admittedly, Ganellus\u2019s summa is not typical in\nall regards. Among other things, it contains very few quaestiones.34 Even so, it follows the\nscholastic model in several respects. The text aims to give a comprehensive and systematic exposition of a field of knowledge and for this purpose it cites ample source material.\nThe reference to elder authorities is a common trait of both the scholastic and the magical\ntraditions. The approach to sources nevertheless differs markedly from one to the other.\nOne main difference is that the magicians, in line with magic\u2019s claim of divine and ancient\n240\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\norigins and of the immutability of its doctrine, tend to present a static image of its literature.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=487\nPages: 487\nhumans be morally free and thus responsible for their actions. Other mantic arts \u2013 the\nacquisition of hidden knowledge by ritualistic readings of crystals, bodily characteristics\n(palmistry and phrenology), ripples in water, patterns in cast bones, sticks, stones, etc. \u2013 also\nlent themselves to easy demonic manipulation, however accurate the knowledge revealed\nthrough them might be.\nThe attention to demonic associations with the practice of magic that is characteristic\nof Aquinas, that finds resonance in all other scholastic thinkers and that develops directly\nfrom Augustine even in a distinctly scholastic way culminates in the scholastic concern\nagainst necromancy and sorcery, that is, the conjuring of demons and the effecting of real\nchanges in the natural world that would be impossible for the sorcerer on his own. Aquinas\nwas scarcely willing to entertain this very last possibility. Unlike some other scholastics,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488,487\n468\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\ncorrelate; and how scholastics linked them, especially how they balanced philosophical\nand theological arguments in doing so (philosophical arguments, for example, could\nnot appeal to sources of divine revelation, that is, the Bible), determines any scholastic\napproach to magic.\nSecond, Albert was at the forefront of the medieval West\u2019s reception of Aristotle and of\nhis Arab and Jewish commentators. This engagement is already perceptible in his first written work, the De natura boni (1230s), and all the more in the works produced once he arrived\nin Paris, where the new Aristotelianism was becoming a significant point of concern for theologians and other churchmen. His engagement is important for two reasons: first, because\nthe legitimacy of magical phenomenon was in large part a function of how it worked, and\nthe dominant understanding of how the natural world worked was shifting in this period]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=481\nPages: 481\nof the natural world. Method is more characteristic of it than content, and what we call\nscholasticism included a wide range of opinions on specific questions and inspired many\nschools of thoughts. Its pre-eminence was sharply challenged by Renaissance humanists and\nsixteenth-century Reformers who objected in various ways and for various reasons to the\ncentrality of dialectical analysis and the Aristotelian shaping of Christian theology. Extensive reflection on natural philosophy and metaphysics made Aristotelianism significant for\nlearned Western understandings of magic.2\nIn studying high medieval, Western Christian reflections on magic, the writings of \u00adMuslim\nand Jewish thinkers that entered the West along with those of Aristotle were also highly significant. There are two reasons for this: First, although Aristotle\u2019s writings on divination,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=189\nPages: 189\nwas based on seeing the constant correspondences between things in the lower world as a\nreflection of the divine one, greatly influenced by Augustine of Hippo, was merged with\na new philosophical conception influenced by Aristotelianism and the humoural theory\nof Galenic medicine. \u00adPhysis then came to be seen as a reality apprehensible by the senses\n(a sensu), and physical transformations were explained by the four fundamental elements\n(earth, water, fire and air). Indeed, the craze for texts on natura rerum increased at the beginning of the thirteenth century, under the influence of two related factors: a new interest in\nnature for its own sake, and an explosion of the former quadrivium, now widened to \u201cnatural\nphilosophy\u201d, thanks to the translations of philosophical and medical texts from Arabic and\nGreek made during the twelfth century.\nIn the thirteenth century, the literature on nature and on the properties of things provided]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488\nthe dominant understanding of how the natural world worked was shifting in this period\ntowards an Aristotelian model; second, as mentioned above, because although Aristotle\u2019s\nwritings little addressed topics that explicitly or directly might be considered magic by\n\u00adthirteenth-century lights, his Arab and Jewish commentators did, and an important aspect\nof the high medieval reception of Aristotelianism was figuring out whether and how to sieve\nthe Arab and Jewish accretions out of the Aristotle. Albert, with the encouragement of his\nDominican superiors, set about the unprecedented task of paraphrasing all known works\nof Aristotle, and commenting on many as well. In consequence, he was drawn to address\ntopics such as astrology, divination, alchemy, etc., fields that the Mediterranean commentators had addressed extensively even if Aristotle had not, and were of broader contemporary\ninterest to medieval Christian society.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488,487\n468\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\ncorrelate; and how scholastics linked them, especially how they balanced philosophical\nand theological arguments in doing so (philosophical arguments, for example, could\nnot appeal to sources of divine revelation, that is, the Bible), determines any scholastic\napproach to magic.\nSecond, Albert was at the forefront of the medieval West\u2019s reception of Aristotle and of\nhis Arab and Jewish commentators. This engagement is already perceptible in his first written work, the De natura boni (1230s), and all the more in the works produced once he arrived\nin Paris, where the new Aristotelianism was becoming a significant point of concern for theologians and other churchmen. His engagement is important for two reasons: first, because\nthe legitimacy of magical phenomenon was in large part a function of how it worked, and\nthe dominant understanding of how the natural world worked was shifting in this period]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=200\nPages: 200,199\nSalimbene de Adam\u2019s Chronicle).\nIn medieval scholasticism, a particular science is defined by its interest in the nature of a\nbeing and its properties. The concept of property and virtue, on which we have particularly\nfocused in this chapter, needs to be explored further as it became integrated into various\nphilosophical disciplines in the period by focusing on a single author, and on a comparative\nbasis by focusing on various medieval authors and various languages. In this way, the definition of property in Albertinian works on natural philosophy, such as the De mineralibus, De\nanimalibus and De vegetabilibus et plantis, should be investigated in comparison with the term\u2019s\nmeanings in his Logic, a work which was strongly influenced by the grammatical legacy of\nAvicenna, Al-Ghazz\u0101 li and Al-F\u0101r\u0101b\u00ee. This is shown for instance in this section of Albert\u2019s\ncommentary on Porphyrian Isagog\u00e8, dealing with the unequivocal property of \u201cbiting\u201d:\n180\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=188\nPages: 188\neven natura. The importance of this concept comes from its use both in traditional Western\nthought, in order to define the nature of a thing or physical action, and in Arabic medicine, as an essential concept to explain a transformation or an effect. The first half of the\nthirteenth century was the time when these disciplines came together most intensely, because it was the period when we see the assimilation of Aristotle\u2019s natural philosophy and\nits commentators, and of the works of Arab physicians and philosophers which had been\ntranslated into Latin during the last hundred and fifty years. We also see in thirteenth-century\nscholasticism a growing curiosity about nature and about the science of the soul\u2019s faculties\n(\u201cpsychology\u201d, coming from the De anima of Aristotle), and a growing importance given to\ncausation, all of which enhanced considerably theories of knowledge and the study of perceptions and sensations. In this period, the comprehensive notion of natural property served]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=490\nPages: 490\ninvestigation of the strategies underlying their pronouncements on the magical. Thus, the\nattention given to scholasticism\u2019s infrastructure, which included communities of thinkers\nand institutions of learning, as well as networks of patronage and other support enabled intellectual interests to be developed and followed. Critical editions of scholasticism\u2019s first tier\nof thinkers \u2013 William of Auvergne, Robert Bacon, Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas,\namong them \u2013 exist, and scholars have been turning productively to these writings with\nthe newest questions about magic that are currently intriguing us. Their ideas followed\nand diverged from, in careful measure, their antecedents within the Western philosophical\nand theological traditions as well as from one another. Western thinking about magic \u2013 in\nfavour or opposed \u2013 developed slowly. How much Augustine would recognize of himself in\nAquinas is too hypothetical a question to receive a sustained answer here. But even while]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174,175\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional\nculture. This situation continued into the fifteenth century, as can be seen by the Recommendatio astronomiae, an anonymous tract defending astrology and magic in which Hermetic\ntexts are related to the works of the accepted authority Claudius Ptolemaeus in an attempt\nto bring talismanic images back into the framework of science.20\n155\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nThe Hermeticism of the Latin Middle Ages represented Hermes Trismegistus as the mythical custodian of an ancient wisdom, a kind of prophet, but also as a philosopher in whose\nwritings Arabic, Latin and Hebrew thinkers had sought answers to questions relating to theology, cosmology, ethics and the natural and occult sciences (in particular, medicine, astral\nmagic and alchemy).21 Recent scholarship on medieval Hermeticism, and on the magical,\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259\nfactual application of those laws by the use of magical science. As the \u201cpractical part of all\ndivine laws\u201d, magic stands as the \u201csecond and noblest part of spiritual wisdom\u201d, that is, of\ntheology.32 By formulating the connection between magic and theology in these terms, our\nauthor possibly follows the Aristotelian doctrine, where practical philosophy is presented in\nits dependence from metaphysics.\nGanellus holds that since magic is a science, it must be treated through the method fit\nfor a science. In particular, he opts for instruments, approaches and structures recurrent in\nthe scholastic tradition. In a methodological chapter, he explains that magic is best treated\nthrough the definition of its concepts and components (definitio), its division into parts\n\u00ad(divisio), its theoretical justification ( probatio) and the indication of the reasons why its components and principles are so and not otherwise ( positio).33 As one can already see in the brief]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=481\nPages: 481\nmagic and necromancy are limited, he did provide a metaphysics, a physics and a cosmology, on which later thinkers could and did base their own ideas about magic. Second, some\nlater Mediterranean thinkers freely revised or rejected Aristotle\u2019s thinking on crucial natural\nphilosophical questions to make the miraculous, the wondrous and the magical either more\npossible or less. In the course of appropriating these later writings on Aristotle, the Western\nChristian philosophers were challenged to take these amendments into account, or reject\nthem. Such, for example, was the revision by Avicenna (980\u20131037), a Persian philosopher\nless enamoured of Aristotle than many of his contemporaries and widely read by thirteenth-\u00ad\ncentury Western philosophers, of a principle of Aristotelian physics that material objects\ncan effect change or motion in other objects only through material contact. Avicenna, in\ncontrast, developed a notion of psychic effects on material objects that then supported forms]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=481\nPages: 481,482\nwere followed, most importantly for purposes of this chapter, by Aristotle\u2019s writings on\nnatural philosophical topics. With them came the commentaries by such leading Mediterranean thinkers as Averroes (1126\u201398), Avicebron (1021\u201358), Avicenna and Maimonides\n\u00ad(1138\u20131204). A third tier of writings brought into the Christian West in this time encompasses works on magic and related topics. Some of these had little or nothing to do with\nAristotle but rode into the West on his coat-tails. The best known among those in this last\ncategory is the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, a work of astral magic written translated into Latin in the\nthirteenth century under the title the Picatrix.\n462\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n\nThe transmission of ideas and works from the Muslim Mediterranean world to the\n\u00ad hristian European one required a significant mediating infrastructure. Two personalities\nC]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=276\nPages: 276\nDe vita coelitus comparanda (\u201cOn obtaining Life from the Heavens\u201d), gives a comprehensive\nand renewed theory for \u201castrological images\u201d. But in his view, Nature, that is the whole\nof natural phenomena and causes, is extended far beyond the natural world of medieval\nperipateticism; hence, even such processes as the uttering of words, invocations and other\n\u201caddressative\u201d operations are included in this larger nature \u2013 a nature that itself becomes\na \u201cmagician\u201d.9 But since Ficino was aware of Pico della Mirandola\u2019s trouble with the\nChurch, he concealed somehow his true thoughts. Indeed, several Conclusiones sive Theses\nDCCCC, published in 1497 by Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, were condemned as heretical, among them a \u201cmagical\u201d one. After publishing an Apologia (1487), Pico was prosecuted\nby Pope Innocent VIII. The theologian Pedro Garsia in the Determinationes magistrales,\nwritten against Pico\u2019s Conclusiones and Apologia, had argued lengthily against \u201castrological]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=236\nPages: 236\nthat divides the seven liberal arts according to Aristotelian categories as follows: grammar,\ndialectic and rhetoric become divisions of Rational Philosophy; arithmetic, music, geometry and astronomy those of Natural Philosophy. At a higher level, Philosophy is divided\ninto Metaphysics (allied with Natural Philosophy) and Moral Philosophy (with its M\n\u00ad onastic,\nEconomic and Political branches). Theology is Contemplative Philosophy; its branches include the four senses of Scripture: historical, tropological, allegorical and anagogical.39\nAlthough the Book of Prayers includes both, the vision and knowledge rituals differ in\nkind. The success or failure of the vision ritual is relatively clear: either visions occur or they\ndo not. By contrast, the success of the knowledge ritual is admitted to be a matter of degree.\nIn order to say the prayers, the operator, like John, must know \u201ca little about the arts\u201d.40]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=543\nPages: 543\nscholars \u2013 and also Jewish ones like Maimonides19 \u2013 absorbed Aristotle\u2019s doctrine of celestial\nmotors. The Aristotelian origin of the entire theory was never in doubt, and even such a confirmed Platonist as St Bonaventure was able to state confidently that Aristotle was correct\nwhen he said angels moved the heavenly spheres.20 Thomas Aquinas definitely attributed to\nAvicenna the paternity of the idea that each separate substance corresponds to a planet.21\nHowever, the idea was not an entirely new one. Ever since Classical times, theories attributed\nto \u201cthe most famous among the Babylonians\u201d had identified the spirits that governed the seven\nplanetary spheres as angels and archangels.22 In Hellenism, plausibly under \u00adIranian influence,\nthe motion of the supralunar world was attributed to angels. Angels also seem ultimately to\npreside over the movement of the stars in Judeo-Christian apocalyptic texts.23 Nicomachus of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=428\nPages: 428\nAuvergne, Bishop of Paris during the second quarter of the thirteenth century, and in his\nyouth an avid student of Arabic astral magic, observed that while natural magic was sometimes labelled necromancy according to philosophy, this was incorrect because in fact it\nrepresented the eleventh part of the science of nature.46 In his scholastic summa, the Magisterium divinale et sapientiale, William set magic firmly within the Aristotelian natural universe,\nwhich conceived of the world as one that operated according to natural laws initially established by God. In the universe seen through Aristotelian eyes, most natural operations are\napparent, while some of them are occult, and so those who observe nature and know how\nto manipulate it are therefore able to perform what is essentially natural magic. Sometimes\nhumans take the observation of nature a step further and try to constrain its forces using]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259\nAristotelian corpus. In the Summa, magical science is in effect described as a system each\ncomponent of which \u2013 be it the theoretical background of magic, the manifold rituals,\nthe material and verbal instruments used in them or the deontology of the magician \u2013 is\nregarded and justified in its relation to the whole. Ganellus exposes the principles upon\nwhich this system rests by use of the Aristotelian doctrine of the four causes. He writes that\nGod and the magician are the first and second causae efficientes, that is the efficient causes\nenacting the magical process; the word and the material instruments are the first and second\ncausae materiales, that is the material elements necessary for the execution of the rituals;30 the\ncause in itself on the one hand and the contents of the magical teaching and the way in\nwhich magic is taught on the other hand are the first and second causae formales, that is the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=486\nPages: 486,487\nwith the workings of nature.\nAt least at first glance, Aquinas distinguished himself from Augustine on the question\nof divination, that is, the discernment of hidden and future knowledge, for his willingness\nto consider kinds of divination used in carefully delineated ways as less than completely\nrepugnant. This impression has more to do with the new knowledge that the appropriation\n467\nDav i d J. C o l l i n s\nof Aristotelianism was compelling the attention of scholastics than with any theological\nreversal on the part of the scholastics. The influence of celestial bodies and movements on\nhuman society was self-evident to any thirteenth-century thinker. The challenge was in assessing human engagement with these influences as genuine or fraudulent, moral or wicked.\nAmong the concerns against judicial astronomy, as the study of celestial influences on human action was designated, was that it undermined Christianity\u2019s fundamental stance that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=481\nPages: 481\ncontrast, developed a notion of psychic effects on material objects that then supported forms\nof divination and prophesy. In the West, the thirteenth-century scholastic Albert the Great\n(1200\u201380) rejected Avicenna\u2019s argument on strictly Aristotelian grounds, thus attempting to\nreturn the conversation to more strictly Aristotelian terms. Albert\u2019s student Thomas Aquinas (1225\u201374), in contrast, decided to follow and revise Avicenna\u2019s proposal by positing the\nexistence of intermediate objects to bridge the psychic and the material.\nThe reasons for the new exuberance for Aristotle beginning in the twelfth century are\ncomplex, and not entirely agreed upon today. Much of it had to do with the rediscovery of\nhis writings on logic, which appealed to the growing number of scholars in the \u00adChristian\nWest and their burgeoning schools. The importation and translation of works on logic\nwere followed, most importantly for purposes of this chapter, by Aristotle\u2019s writings on]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=198\nPages: 198\nThe Speculum astronomie attributed to Albertus Magnus illustrates plainly the rational\npreoccupation to list works covering \u201castral science\u201d and to identify the works that were\nsuspected of employing demonic intervention.57 The author justifies the \u201cnaturalness\u201d of\ntalismans by arguing that the power that acts through them is a natural virtue used by man.\nHe succeeds in rendering the science of talismans compatible with Aristotelian science and\nChristian rational theology, by referring to the theory of the hierarchy of causes and subtracting phenomena from the devil, while preserving free will. 58\nThe animation of mixed bodies must be limited to recognizing or stimulating in them\nthe action of their specific virtue, as in encyclopaedic pharmacopoeias or lapidaries, and\nnot, in addition, employing the calling up of demons by invocations and inscriptions.\nWithin the broad field of scholastic natural philosophy, this limit marks the boundary of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488\nthe precedents set by Augustine and Peter Lombard (1100\u201360), remodelling them with his\nAristotelianized anthropology. Thus, in his commentary on De somno et vigilia, he explained\nthe possibility of these demonically manipulated illusions with reference to cerebral manipulations. Such control over corporeal beings by spiritual ones was a novel concept, certainly\nby earlier medieval standards, but also by ancient ones. On this point, however, we see\nAlbert drawing on other leading interpreters of Aristotle, specifically the Persians Avicenna\nand Algazal, and their teachings on fascination.15\nAlbert also distinguished himself from other medieval Christian thinkers in his greater\nwillingness to allow magic its rationality, and for condemnation looking more to its use than\nits nature. This is, for example, key to his defence of the magi and of the contrast he draws\nbetween them and other practitioners. The magi were experts in the magical sciences.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=194\nPages: 194\nnatural magic are, on the one hand, natural causality, and on the other hand, the exclusion\nof rites, invocations or charms aimed at devils or spiritual entities, purely deceptive illusions, and \u201ccharacters\u201d. These criteria allow us to exclude from the field of natural magic\nthe \u00adfollowing arts: ritual magic, the so-called \u201csolomonic\u201d magic, which seeks to subdue\ndemons; \u201ctheurgic\u201d or angelic magic, which uses sacraments to let the operator contact\nGod through angels \u2013 like the Ars notoria, which aimed at mastering universal knowledge \u2013\nand also the forms of magic, which seek to increase the natural, physical efficiency of an\naction by using talismans (astral magic) or incantations (demonic magic). As regards textual\nsources, natural magic has a more \u201cnative\u201d heritage in the Latin world than Solomonic\nmagic, which has distant Jewish roots, or than Hermetic magic. In c. 1255, these demarcations clearly appear the first time in an essential repertory for the knowledge of works]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=112\nPages: 112,113\nAnother specialized tradition that has proven fruitful is astral magic. Dov Schwartz\nhas signalled the richness of intellectual engagement with astral and other kinds of\nmagic in medieval Jewish thought, perhaps most notably in supercommentaries on\n93\nK at e ly n M e s l e r\nAbraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s biblical commentaries.35 The significance of Ibn Ezra\u2019s other astrological works has recently been highlighted thanks to Shlomo Sela\u2019s editions and translations.36 In addition, the broader terrain of Jewish astrology has been mapped with\nremarkable \u00adt horoughness by Reimund Leicht, whose Astrologumena Judaica (2006) identifies relevant texts and manuscripts, with notes on translation, circulation and reception.\nLeicht\u2019s work thus offers a solid foundation for the important textual work that remains\nto be done. These astro-\u00admagical writings are particularly important, because they figure\nprominently among the \u00adaforementioned shared texts, including the Book of Raziel, which]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=250\nPages: 250\nhis own evil angel belonging to this order of Intelligences.30 In Chapter 4, Antonio makes\na threefold distinction: images, rings and phylacteries are either astrological, magical or\nboth astrological and magical. This distinction, probably inspired by that in the Speculum\nastronomiae but quite different from it, is very similar to ideas of such authors like Giorgio\nAnselmi da Parma (before 1386\u2013 after 1449) or Jerome Torrella (1456\u2013 after 1500) 31 The\nfirst category defines a purely astral (and natural) magic, just like the Magister Speculi\u2019s \u201castrological images\u201d. This kind of magic is epitomized by an image made by a servant who\nwishes to incline a prelate to give him a better position. Thus, three questions are asked and\nanswered. First, how is a heavenly quality able to incline someone to do something? The\nastral quality is infused in the limbs of every living being as it is born. Just like a traveller]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=118\nPages: 118\nproduced earliest, as a result of rulers\u2019 and courtiers\u2019 ambition to dominate occult forces.\nHowever, although the origin of magical writings was at first related to those who held power,\nthese writings later suffered persecution and censorship on the basis of religious orthodoxy,\nand this made it difficult for them to be preserved, especially in the Iberian \u00adPeninsula. This\nchapter will focus on astral magic, which includes ritual and image magic that observed\nastrological conditions, and which poses specific problems regarding its illegitimacy and\ncirculation.\nCastile: learned magic in the vernacular for a learned king\nThe process of vernacularization began in thirteenth-century Castile and spread from there\nto the rest of the Romance-speaking world. The necessary condition for Castile\u2019s precocity\nwas the possibility of accessing the knowledge translated and produced by Islam, as a result of the Arabic manuscripts obtained in the territories taken from Muslims and of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=484\nPages: 484\npersonality were so evident as to not inspire any philosophical or theological challenges,\nother aspects of what can be called astrology and astral magic contradicted Christian understandings of free will and conjured up the spectre of demonic interference. Albert the\nGreat addressed this problem in his Speculum astronomiae. In the introduction, he drew the\nreaders\u2019 attention to a vexing distinction between necromantic studies and astrological ones,\nFor, since many of the previously mentioned books by pretending to be concerned\nwith astrology disguise necromancy, they cause noble books written on the same\n[subject (astrology)] to be contaminated in the eyes of good men, and render them\noffensive and abominable.\nAlbert proceeded to differentiate two forms of wisdom (sapientia), legitimate in his eyes, that\nare given the name astronomy. The first accounts for the movement of celestial bodies and\nthe relation of those movements to calculations of time through mathematics. The second]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=487\nPages: 487\nwas scarcely willing to entertain this very last possibility. Unlike some other scholastics,\nhe rejected the use of amulets for example as a way to harness energies emanating from\ncelestial bodies. What is to be condemned in such astral magic is not that it actually manipulates nature but that it creates a moment in which demons can work mischief with the\n\u00adcollaboration \u2013 sometimes explicit, other times implicit \u2013 of the sorcerer.13\nWhile Aquinas\u2019s view on magic is in so many respects emblematic of the scholastic approach, intriguing points of contrast are to be noted with Albert\u2019s more expansively accepting view. Although Albert was certainly more engaged in fundamental questions regarding\nthe workings and practice of magic and more nuanced in his condemnations than his more\nfamous student, Albert\u2019s later reputation as a sorcerer, already established in the later\n\u00adM iddle Ages, rested more on misinterpretations of his own work, misascribed works and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\nrectangle enchanting a wax figure in Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, where he ordered\nthe reader to gather several Arabic texts of astral magic mainly devoted to giving detailed instructions for the construction of talismans through prayers and suffumigations, pouring the spirits of the celestial bodies into stones inscribed with images and\ncharacters. In these magically vivified sculptures and talismans, we find a mixture\nof the ancient \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d \u2013 attributed to the Egyptians in the ancient\nworld \u2013 and Arabic astral magic, whose origins were in the Ancient Near East. In both\nthe case of the vivification of statues and that of the creation of talismans, this art of\nimbuing spirits in images to imprint them with life was attributed in the Middle Ages\nto Hermes Trismegistus. Since in his City of God Augustine quoted the words in the\nhermetic Asclepius about the \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d, Trismegistus was considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=465\nPages: 465\nspirit appointed by Mercury will come to speak to him.75\nAstral magic texts contained prominent instructions for animal sacrifices in rituals to summon planetary spirits. Animal sacrifices were forbidden in the Christian religion and never\nassociated with the cult of angels, so these planetary spirits were viewed by many Christian\nreaders of astral magic texts \u2013 whether critics or practitioners \u2013 as malign or at best ambiguous. It did not help that Christian teaching tended towards a clear divide between good and\nbad spirits. When Christians came to write their own rituals to summon spirits, now often explicitly demons, they retained the link between magic circles and sacrifices, sometimes drawing the circle with the blood of a sacrificed animal or using a knife made from animal horn\nor constructing the circle out of animal skin.76 But they also transformed the magic circle\ninto a protective boundary between themselves and what they perceived to be a malefic spirit]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=432\nPages: 432,431\nspirits were angels. As David Pingree observed, Alfonso X of Castile had learned from\n\u00adA rabic astral magic that \u201call magic acts, no matter how loathsome their performance or the\nbaseness of their purpose, are permissible and even carried out by God\u2019s power, transmitted\nthrough his angels\u201d.56 Alfonso saw the exercise of astral magic as legitimate, although he\nalso recognized that knowledge of it was potentially harmful and so should not be made\navailable to the ignorant. This conclusion was based on the assumption that the power of\nthe stars comes ultimately from God and that this power is transmitted to earth by celestial\nmessengers, among which the most important are angels. Alfonso saw no inconsistency\n412\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c\nFigure 29.7 M\n\u0007 onk inside a magic circle, El Escorial, Real Biblioteca del Monasterio de San Lorenzo,\nMS T.I.1, fol. 177v.\nbetween his patronage of compilations about astral magic, such as the Lapidario or the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=465\nPages: 465\ninvoke the spirits, and also places the sacrificial flesh, an image made from it, or the censer\nused to burn it in the centre of the figure. The circumferences of astral magic figures were\ndiverse: drawn in the earth or demarcated by animals, branches, goose eggs, a trench filled\nwith water, piles of straw or images shaped into creatures. But every demarcation of the\nfigure had some connection to the sacrifice. For example, the ritual for speaking with Mercury when it is in Sagittarius in the Astromagia includes drawing a large angled figure on the\nground in a remote mountain place and sitting within it. After the practitioner has prayed\nto Mercury, he is told to plant oak branches smeared with sacrificial blood in each internal\nangle of the figure. When one of these is burnt in a brazier in the middle of the figure, the\nspirit appointed by Mercury will come to speak to him.75]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=314\nPages: 314\ndo with the limiting role played by the notion of magical causation. Magic, and especially\nnatural magic, pointed to places in the natural world where, as indicated before, the normal\nprocesses of causation were superseded by the workings of a cause that, because it was not\nopen to further investigation as, for example, causation by the elemental properties, had to be\nlabelled \u201coccult\u201d. This meant that in debating whether a specific natural phenomenon was\noccult or not, scholastic thinkers were led to examine the question of the boundaries of natural causation. In my own work, I have suggested therefore that magic provides a significant\nlocus for our own investigation of medieval ideas of causality in the natural world.18 For me,\nthe issue has been one of determining when in the Middle Ages we begin to see scholastics\nturn towards the expectation that causes in nature will have to work by contiguity \u2013 that is,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=117\nPages: 117\n\u00adTosafist Period (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2000).\n35 Dov Schwartz, Amulets, Properties and Rationalism in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 2004) [Hebrew]; Idem, Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 1999). The latter has been partly translated as Studies on Astral Magic.\n36 Shlomo Sela, ed. and trans., Abraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s Astrological Writings, 5 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2007\u201317).\n37 The classic discussion is Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (Jerusalem: Keter, 1974), 182\u201389, where\nhe uses the term \u201cPractical Kabbalah\u201d in a very broad sense. See also 317\u201319. For a range of\n\u00adperspectives, see esp. Moshe Idel, \u201cOn Judaism, Jewish Mysticism and Magic,\u201d in Envisioning\nMagic: A Princeton Seminar and Symposium, ed. Peter Sch\u00e4fer and Hans G. Kippenberg (Leiden: Brill,\n1997), 195\u2013214; Jonathan Garb, \u201cMysticism and Magic: Opposition, Ambivalence, Integration,\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=194\nPages: 194,195\ncircumstances: et prestigiis valet contra dolorem oculorum (Arnoldus Saxo);32 or describe how it\nacts as a natural protection against magical illusions: veneficiis resistit omnibus et precipue magorum prestigiis (Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9, Liber de naturis rerum, 14. 40).33\nIt is significant that in some theoretical and practical contexts, however, natural magic\nis related to nigromancia. This is the case, for example, in the important work of spiritual\n175\nI s a b e l l e Dr a e l a nt s\nastral magic entitled the Picatrix, which has roots in Harranian doctrines and dedicates\na whole chapter to the question quid sit nigromancia.34 This last term is frequently used in\nthe thirteenth century, in the context of both natural magic and astral divination, and it is\noften associated with a Toledan origin,35 reflecting both the origin of the translations that\nintroduced it and the reputation of this Spanish city in the teaching of magic. Astrology]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=37\nPages: 37\nthat symbolic links are entailed, and may simply be assured that the results are tried and\nproven, but in magical operations, the symbolic causality is at least implied by the types of\nword, ritual and object used.\nAs for \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d, the clearest example is cursing.12 Threatening and\ncursing a neighbour may cause ill will, anxiety, high blood pressure, ill health and in the\nextreme case or the long run death. It counts as magical, however, only if someone \u2013 the\nmagician, the victim, a neighbour, an inquisitor \u2013 thinks of the effect as more direct, as\nflowing directly from the will and its expression, without being mediated through external agencies and mechanisms.13 This was the crux of Freud\u2019s understanding of magic as\ngrounded in an infantile confusion of will with reality: the magician, like a child, supposes]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=432\nPages: 432,433\nbetween his patronage of compilations about astral magic, such as the Lapidario or the\nLibro de astromagia, and his statements against magic and magicians in his legal texts, or his\ncondemnation of magic ceremonies in the Cantigas. The fundamentally divine origins of the\nforces of magic meant it was a legitimate branch of learning. Alfonso frequently referred\nto these origins, and it is therefore significant that for him the supernatural mediators are\nangels, God\u2019s messengers, and not demons.\n413\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nKing Alfonso\u2019s attitude towards magic is revealed in works such as his Book of Stones (Lapidario).\nThe first treatise in the compilation describes the first stage in the process of making talismans.\nThe text lists stones endowed with particular supernatural properties, and gives the optimum\nmoment in the astrological calendar to gather these stones when their latent powers are at their]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=314\nPages: 314,315\n295\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nConversely, the debate over workings of causality in the natural world exercised an effect on magic, or at least on what was considered to be magical in the eyes of theologians\nand inquisitors. Thomas Aquinas rejected, for example, the notion that words possessed a\nnatural power of their own whereby they could influence events at a distance. Therefore,\nwherever incantations or any spoken formulas were involved in a magical operation, he\ndenied that any natural process was at work. Instead, the words had to be informative,\nspoken as in common human discourse but this time intended for an invisible audience,\ndemonic spirits. Magical arts like the science of images, insofar as it involved recitation of\nchains of words or names, thus had to be demonic. In cases like this, examination of the\nparameters of scholastic understanding of action and change in nature can prepare us for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=464\nPages: 464,465\npopular consciousness as a powerful image of the boundary between the human and spirit\nworlds and (depending on your viewpoint) human hubris or daring. This emblematic motif of medieval ritual magic was influenced by four traditions: circles in astral magic texts,\nthe seals and pentacles of Solomonic magic, protective circular amulets and the thirteenth-\u00ad\ncentury scholastic understanding of the cosmos.\nThe magic circles of Arabic astral magic texts demarcated a special space in which the\nmagical practitioner performed his sacrifices to the planetary spirits and received the spirit\ndelegated to speak to him in the smoke of the burnt sacrifice. In the Picatrix, four rituals to\ndraw down the spirits of the Moon when it is in particular zodiac signs use magic circles\nas the locations for ritual animal sacrifices.74 The practitioner stands or sits in the circle to\n445\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninvoke the spirits, and also places the sacrificial flesh, an image made from it, or the censer]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48,49\nas its mode of causality is too dangerous to be widely revealed.\nIn Picatrix and texts in allied traditions of image magic, we have a presentation that,\nwhile positive, gives magic a position on the very edge of the order of knowledge. To be\nclear, the procedures and processes it advocates have a knowable content, a learnable\npraxis, some of which (notably the parts connected to astrology, Augustine\u2019s b\u00eate noir)\nseem connected to known domains of knowledge; but the exact mechanisms by which\n29\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\ntalismans operate are concealed. Thus, one might say that in Picatrix, magic is recognizable by the same index of causal hiddenness evident in Augustine, but the attitude towards\nit has been flipped. Augustine and the compiler of Picatrix would have recognized one\nanother\u2019s attitude.\nThomas Aquinas: magic as wrong religion\nThomas follows Augustine in discussing magic in the category of superstition, under the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=51\nPages: 51\nTo note that John\u2019s condemnation of magic is complicated is not the same as saying his\nviews are unclear; it is only to point out that thought is required to understand them. If we\ntake magic as a particular kind of problem, it becomes available to thought in ways that it\nwill always resist if it is assumed to be a narrow rigid grid (\u201cbelief in demons\u201d versus \u201coccult\nnatural powers\u201d). To sketch a few lines around the problem as I have tried to render it visible\nhere, magic (and its related and analogous terms) indicates, among other things, a difficulty\naround the articulation of causality in the production of certain phenomena: whether the\npowers involved are seen as beneficially mystical or decried as evil or fake, they share an\nopacity of causal structure.17 (This is not the only line one can draw through these materials,\nbut I maintain it because of its utility in tying medieval rationalities to our own.)]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=427\nPages: 427\nimagination understood the conflict between magic and religion. As we have just seen in\nthe extraordinary image from the life of Saint Cyprian, magic, idolatry and paganism were\nintimately connected in early medieval visual culture. Evil and demons are of course the\nroots of magic, and for instance in a late Byzantine manuscript, a magician, Theodas, is\nshown sending demons against his enemy, Josaphat (BnF Grec 1128, fol. 151).\nMagic and the Liberal Arts\nMagic also represented knowledge that was illicit and forbidden. An image in the now lost\ncopy of the Hortus deliciarum revealed how Augustine\u2019s condemnation of magic continued to\nbe influential as late as the second half of the twelfth century. The schematic representation\nof the Liberal Arts in the Hortus arranges the personifications of the seven arts around the\ncentral figure of Philosophy, flanked by Plato and Socrates.40 The idea that pagan learning]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259\nfactual application of those laws by the use of magical science. As the \u201cpractical part of all\ndivine laws\u201d, magic stands as the \u201csecond and noblest part of spiritual wisdom\u201d, that is, of\ntheology.32 By formulating the connection between magic and theology in these terms, our\nauthor possibly follows the Aristotelian doctrine, where practical philosophy is presented in\nits dependence from metaphysics.\nGanellus holds that since magic is a science, it must be treated through the method fit\nfor a science. In particular, he opts for instruments, approaches and structures recurrent in\nthe scholastic tradition. In a methodological chapter, he explains that magic is best treated\nthrough the definition of its concepts and components (definitio), its division into parts\n\u00ad(divisio), its theoretical justification ( probatio) and the indication of the reasons why its components and principles are so and not otherwise ( positio).33 As one can already see in the brief]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69,70\nthe border between magic and religion: as scholars well represented in the present volume\nhave emphasized, some people whom a Thomas Aquinas might have put on the \u201cMagic\u201d\nside of the \u201cReligion/Magic\u201d divide, would by no means have put up their hands to dealing\nwith demons, rather than interesting spirits, as with the Sworn Book of \u201cHonorius Son of Euclid\u201d; as Kieckhefer puts it, the \u201cspirits addressed are neither straightforwardly demonic nor\n50\nT h e c o n c e pt o f m ag i c\nconventionally angelic\u201d.12 Similarly, with the people attacked by Eudes Rigaud. Or again,\nEudes Rigaud might think that demons were operating undercover to make stones appear\nto possess unexplained powers, but the people Eudes is attacking presumably thought they\ngenuinely possessed those powers. Or again, some thought that the\npower of a plant to cure certain ailments, or the power of a gem to ward off certain\nkinds of misfortune, may derive not from the internal structure of the object but]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=402\nPages: 402\nvisible, but the absence of textual commentary makes it difficult to gauge whether these\nactivities were sanctioned by the church or regarded as illicit magic.\nArchaeological evidence prompts reconsideration of definitions of medieval magic and\nattention to the permeable borderlines between magic, religion, medicine and heresy. The\nmessiness of these categories is highlighted by evidence for material practices such as \u201codd\ndeposits\u201d: the burial, discard or concealment of objects that seems to defy any rational\nexplanation. Such deposits are recorded in domestic and ecclesiastical contexts and across\nthe social spectrum, suggesting both lay and clerical participation. Distinguishing between\nmagic and religion was challenging for medieval people, even educated clerics, and remains\nan area of contention among medieval historians.3 Archaeology adds a new perspective to\nthese debates, illuminating the murky space between documented practice and what people\nwere actually doing.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=268\nPages: 268\na cosmological, theological and philosophical framework. To this framework belong for\nexample the above-mentioned concept of the magic of the four alphabets, the astral genealogy of the alphabets or the doctrine of the tables, as well as the cosmic hierarchy and the\nposition occupied in it by the magician.\nThanks to the style tailored on the scholastic model, the contents of the Summa appear in\ngreat clarity and detail. Particularly useful for the medieval but also for the contemporary\nreader are the many definitions of seminal terms of the science of magic that are scattered\nthroughout the work. In this chapter, I have looked amongst others at the definition of\nmagic in terms of the practical part of theology. That definition, which underlines the affinity between magic and religion rather than generically identifying the two terms, enriches\nsignificantly the debate on the definition of magic, a debate which still stands at the centre\nof scholarly research.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\ndivinatio or the term ars magica.\nOne problem is the obverse of the awkwardness created by inclusion of \u201chidden forces of\nnature\u201d within the ars magica. In the latter case, the difficulty is that the same phrase covers\nheterogeneous phenomena. The symmetrically opposite difficulty is that the orthodox medieval distinction between magic and religion makes it harder to articulate some significant\nsimilarities between phenomena. Kieckhefer was no doubt right to think that Valerie Flint\nwas unduly prone to collapse the distinction between magic and religion, but her instinct,\nlike Keith Thomas\u2019s before her, was surely correct insofar as she saw striking similarities\nbetween some aspects of medieval Christianity and practices that one can in a loose and\nprovisional way call \u201cmagic\u201d. Keith Thomas pertinently quotes from the fifteenth-century\ncommonplace book of Robert Reynys:\nPope Innocent hath granted to any man that beareth the length of the three nails of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=259\nPages: 259\nwhich magic is taught on the other hand are the first and second causae formales, that is the\naccounts of the what-it-is-to-be of magic; the worship of God, support for the poor and\nthe fight against the unfaithful on one side and the magical invocation and consecration\n(the two main aspects of the ritual action) on the other are the first and second causae finales\nor ends for the sake of which magic is practised.31 This determination of the final cause,\nwhich channels the magical practice towards a typology of ends that are equally central in\nthe scriptural teaching, is directly linked with the most pregnant definition of magic given\nby Ganellus. There one reads that theologia or theology is divided into a theoretical part,\nconsisting in the divine laws exposed in the Scriptures, and a practical part, consisting of the\nfactual application of those laws by the use of magical science. As the \u201cpractical part of all]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=497\nPages: 497\ndevelopments in Christian theology and influences such as Arabic natural philosophy but\ncould also repeat and recycle older views, sifting the texts for magical practices of any particular era or region requires a fine analytical filter. Sustained analyses of pastoralia\u2019s teachings about magic also seek to understand how pastoralia negotiated the differences between\ntheological condemnations and pastoral awareness of common practices.\nOne conclusion arising from placing pastoralia in a broader context is that magic was\na recurrent but typically secondary concern for authors who repeated almost by rote the\ncondemnations and concerns of past eras. Investigating beliefs about the supernatural evidenced in medieval English chronicles, Carl Watkins notes that the worries about necromancy, sorcery and divination in late twelfth- and thirteenth-century pastoral handbooks\nby authors like Robert of Flamborough and Thomas of Chobham were, in fact, repeating]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=314\nPages: 314,315\n295\nSt e v e n P. M a rro n e\nConversely, the debate over workings of causality in the natural world exercised an effect on magic, or at least on what was considered to be magical in the eyes of theologians\nand inquisitors. Thomas Aquinas rejected, for example, the notion that words possessed a\nnatural power of their own whereby they could influence events at a distance. Therefore,\nwherever incantations or any spoken formulas were involved in a magical operation, he\ndenied that any natural process was at work. Instead, the words had to be informative,\nspoken as in common human discourse but this time intended for an invisible audience,\ndemonic spirits. Magical arts like the science of images, insofar as it involved recitation of\nchains of words or names, thus had to be demonic. In cases like this, examination of the\nparameters of scholastic understanding of action and change in nature can prepare us for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=262\nPages: 262\nformulas in which the magician worships God and proclaims his opposition to evil, which\nis embodied by the devil and evil spirits. Already the traditional ritual is thus essentially\nfounded on a devotional component. With his clause, rather than being an absolute innovator, Ganellus appears to further highlight the relationship that ties magic to religion in the\ntradition which he is promoting.\nThe link between magic and religion is rooted in the very origins and nature of magic.\nAgain in continuity with tradition, Ganellus explains that magic is a science devised by\nGod and modelled, more precisely, on the divine act of Creation. Already in the introduction he states that the principal instruments of magic are words that are \u201cinfused with a\nwonderful power created by the only Maker\u201d. Further on he clarifies the terms according\nto which the transfer of the divine power to humans actually unfolds. The intrinsic divine]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\nprovided one setting in which magical texts circulated: for example William of Auvergne,\nBishop of Paris (d. 1249), claimed to have read magical texts as a student. Perhaps more\nimportantly, the university disciplines of canon law and theology shaped later medieval\nthought about magic by offering systematic, detailed discussions of what magic was, how\nit worked, and which aspects of it were, or were not, legitimate. Canonists sought to clarify\nwhich ritual practices should be categorized as magic and prohibited by the Church.11 Theologians and natural philosophers explored the place of magic in the universe, including\nsuch issues as the role of demons in magic and their relationship with human magicians,\nas well as the question of why magic was wrong.12 And sometimes why it was right. Some\nthinkers approved of the use of the term \u201cnatural magic\u201d to refer to the production of marvellous but natural effects, argued that the science of images was based on natural forces]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=488\nPages: 488,487\nlifelong mentorship of Thomas. His expertise in both natural philosophy and theology\nis important to keep in mind, as is the distinction between them since it was a hallmark\nof the scholastic structuring of knowledge, that is, of scientia. His natural philosophical\ninterests required him to consider how magic worked within the framework of a created\nworld that followed natural laws even to the extent that magical events could be worked\nand occult knowledge accessed with the help of demons. Albert\u2019s philosophical ref lections on magical topics axiomatically excluded the appeal to supernatural causes. From\nthis overarching intellectual framework emerged a scholastic tendency to distinguish\nbetween natural and other than natural ways of manipulating the material world and\nbetween licit and illicit purposes. Causes and purposes did not necessarily, univocally\n468\nS c h o l a s t i c i s m a n d h i g h m e d i e va l o p p o s i t i o n]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=498\nPages: 498,499\n479\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nabout the many regions where the lack of clear boundaries allowed magic, science and religion to overlap with one another. Biblical precedent authorized dream divination and lot\ncasting, for example, and wearing stones or herbs to cure ailments seemed to draw on natural powers.26 So ambiguity continued to beset the pastoralia when writers tried to separate\nthe illicit and magical from the legitimately religious.\nThis large-scale canvass of magic in medieval pastoralia has been usefully complemented\nby the studies of single texts which show in detail how magic was treated in relation to other\npotential spiritual dangers. Michael Haren\u2019s analysis of the fourteenth-century confessors\u2019\nmanual titled Memoriale Presbiterorum, for instance, indicates the author\u2019s almost dismissive\nattitude towards magic. Like Filotas, Haren finds peasants and women singled out for\nattention, as the author\u2019s interrogation of peasants highlights their tendency to believe in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=536\nPages: 536\nscholarly preoccupations with the opposition between popular and learned magic, which is\nnot always functional in the existing documents. The impact of the condemnations of ritual\nmagic in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries on the paranoia that developed during the\nwitch-hunt also needs to be assessed.\nAn enquiry into the extreme lexical diversity of witchcraft and magic must also be undertaken, paying attention to particular periods and locations, and particularly noting semantic developments and shifts. The following episode is revealing of the interest of this\nline of questioning. In 1524, the peasants of the town of Dommartin (Switzerland, Vaud)\nwere accused of witchcraft: they were said to have been to the \u201csynagogue\u201d of the devil and\nto have killed beasts and men using an evil ointment. The peasants accused of witchcraft]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=490\nPages: 490\nLatin Christendom\u2019s twelfth- to fourteenth-century \u201cintellectual revolution.\u201d In short, magic\nitself and the scholastic approaches to it deserve a precision in their analysis similar to scholasticism\u2019s more mainstream theological and philosophical ideas; and these resulting, new\nappreciations need in turn to be put in the broader social contexts of intellectual life, Mediterranean and Western European.\nLooking chronologically back to eras before the scholastic also helps sharpen the focus\non magic scholasticism. Scholasticism\u2019s conservativism and diversity make a modern approach to scholastic attitudes towards magic at best oblique. Consequently, this chapter,\nwhile indeed attempting to outline kinds of opposition to kinds of magic by a range of\nphilosophers and theologians who followed scholastic modes of inquiry, has favoured an\ninvestigation of the strategies underlying their pronouncements on the magical. Thus, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=268\nPages: 268,269\ninterdiction of the teaching of magic and of the production of magical literature. In his\nview, the relationship between the magician and God skips any mediating instance, since\nthe bonds set by God with his believers can be broken by God alone.80 Even so, Ganellus\nmaintains some original views. Notably, in spite of his Christianizing programme, he remains true to the markedly demonic nature of magic. Unlike Honorius, his near contemporary and the founder of the ars nova, who classifies the invocation of evil spirits as a form\nof idolatry practised by the pagans, and who sets a fundamental trend for his contemporaries and followers by reducing licit Christian magic to the invocation of angels, Ganellus\nmaintains the involvement of evil spirits as an essential element that not only does not stand\n249\nDa m a r i s A s c h e r a G e h r\nin contradiction with the religious character of magic, but even plays a vital role in the\ndefinition of the relationship between magic and religion.81]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=263\nPages: 263\nmagic, Ganellus intends to refute the widespread argument that magic contrasts with the\ntrue Christian faith because of its pursuit of earthly or evil-minded ends.50 The definitions\nand explanations found in the Summa are still useful today since they permit us to reach a\nclearer understanding of what late medieval theorists and magicians generally understood\nby magic. Among other things, they serve to clarify that although learned magic introduces\nnew ideas and practices in the context of Christian belief, even in its demonic form it intends\nto strictly maintain, indeed to endorse, the absolute supremacy of the one God.\nThe sources of the Summa\nThe five books of the Summa, divided into eighty-six chapters, are composed for the most part]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=263\nPages: 263\nmiracles, the ultimate actor of magic is thus declared to be God alone. The magical system\nbears here a circular structure beginning and ending in God, who is its principle and its\nfinal end.\nThe clarification of both the status of the magician and the evil spirits in the dynamics\nof magic is crucial to Ganellus, not least because the involvement of spirits (and of man\nwho, due to his free will, is a potential sinner oscillating between the good and the evil) is\na structural and irrenounceable ingredient of the magical tradition that he follows, but in\nthe meantime one major argument by which the contemporary opponents of magic reinforce their identification of magic with idolatry.49 On a similar note, by further highlighting the relationship which ties magic to religion through the treatment of the teleology of\nmagic, Ganellus intends to refute the widespread argument that magic contrasts with the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=50\nPages: 50\nthe etiquette, so to speak, of the treatment of the sacred. Pairing benign image magic with\nthe Ars notoria, Thomas sees both practices as involving a recognition of the true God (such\npractices are not idolatrous), but an error in the manner of approach. The ritual behaviour\nrelating the human to God has something wrong with it. Expressively, these types of ritual\nconfuse or mystify, rather than clarify, the appropriate relation between divine and human\nthings. One might say it is their very esotericism that he reacts to as theologically pernicious.\nJohn of Morigny\u2019s Liber florum: sacramental magic,\nor the theurgic problem\nJohn of Morigny was a Benedictine active in the early fourteenth century whose Flowers of\nHeavenly Teaching comprises a set of prayers for obtaining knowledge, partly delivered by and\npartly a homage to the virgin Mary, interwoven with a compelling visionary autobiography.\nHe never advocates magic, though he engages with it extensively. He acknowledges copying]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=357\nPages: 357,358\nprince and the omnipotence of God. This is vividly illustrated by Jean Petit\u2019s justification\nof tyrannicide (1408), which for the first time in Europe fully detailed the different degrees\nof majesty affected by these criminal practices in order to exalt a defence of majesty itself.31\nSo the famous affair involving Jean de Bar, magician of the Duke of Burgundy Philip the\nBold, and the condemnations of magic by the Parisian Faculty of Theology in 1398 are not\nat all isolated, as the persecution of magic is the counterpart of magic\u2019s success and of the\ndanger it poses for holders of political power.32\n338\nM a g i c at c o u rt\nAccording to William R. Jones, \u201c the English \u2018witch-plots\u2019 of the fifteenth century were\npromoted by the same conditions a century before in France \u2014 fierce partisanship on the\nhighest levels of society, dynastic uncertainty and a politics of crime and scandal\u201d33 \u2013 but the\nsituation is not the same in Italy, where learned magic seems to have been more tolerated.]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 501 to page 515 out of a total of 569:\nPages 501:\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nNew directions for research\nThe findings on pastoralia\u2019s teachings about magic, along with some of the problems in\nunderstanding this material, suggest areas for future research. The first emerges from the\nfact that even though magic, along with superstition and witchcraft, appears frequently in\nthese works, it typically occupies a minor space.41 So understanding the possible impact\nof these comments on magic on their readers and auditors requires that these texts not be\nisolated from the lessons, prayers and other materials that provided their larger context.\nHow did the other teachings the reader encountered in this book or sermon align with\nthose on magic? What overall lessons did the clerical or lay reader likely grasp from this\nwork? A corollary to this endeavour should be the examination of the existing manuscripts\nand early printed books for physical evidence, including marginalia and underlinings, that\ncan point to the texts most read, even if it cannot show how a reader responded to or acted\nupon a text.42\nAn example of the importance of thematic context is found in a sermon for the Feast of\nMary Magdalene (22 July), likely preached in 1414 at the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene\non Burton Stone Lane in York to an audience of lay men and women. The sermon writer\nurges his audience to follow the example of Mary Magdalene as the epitome of faithful belief. As the five wits are too \u201cfeeble\u201d to lead one in matters of faith, laypeople must believe,\nlike the Magdalene, what Christ or later the holy church teaches. Those men and women\nwho seek to prove everything, rather than submitting in obedience, have \u201cfouly errored\nin their faith\u201d. Somewhat unexpectedly, this sermon then thunders briefly against magic.\nMany have disobeyed the holy church by believing in forbidden things like \u201ccharms and\nincantations\u201d or using conjurations to find stolen items, by divining the future or believing\nin dreams. Many men consider it lawful to consult the \u201csortes apostolorum\u201d to answer their\nquestions. But this is forbidden by canon law, which judges as cursed and untrue in the\nfaith the person who trusts in such conjurations or dreams, or believes that a person can be\nchanged by witchcraft or sorcery into the likeness of an unreasonable beast. Anyone who\nteaches, believes or holds such are cursed solemnly three times a year. Finally, every man\nand woman should beware of such people and should they know any, for the salvation of\nboth their souls, must make that person leave these practices and do not doubt it is forbidden by holy church.43 This outburst against magical practices is powerful, but occupies less\nthan one page (of slightly more than seventeen) in the modern edition of the sermon, and\noverall supports the greater lesson of the need for obedience to the church and faith in its\nteachings.\nWe will also understand more about what pastoralia taught both clergy and laity by paying attention to a text\u2019s availability and likely audiences. Scholars of early printed books,\nfor example, have provided some guides to sermons and other instructional texts that were\nprinted several times before 1520. While repeated printings are no guarantee of actual\nreadership, they point both to a perceived demand for these materials and a probable audience. New editions have made some of these works better known, but many books popular\nin the era before the Reformation remain unfamiliar today, available only in manuscript\nor early printed editions.44 So Anne T. Thayer argues that the essence of what was considered worth preaching about in an ordinary parish can be better understood by examining\npopular model sermon collections, citing the Sermones discipuli de tempore et de sanctis by the\nGerman Dominican Johannes Herolt (d. 1468), printed in eighty-four editions (or about\n49,000 copies).45\n482\n\nPages 502:\nPa s t o r a l l i t e r at u r e a n d p r e a c h i n g\nThayer\u2019s work highlights several authors whose writings were widespread and speak\nabout issues relating to magic. A couple of examples can underscore the value of tracking these often printed texts. The first is Hendrik Herp (or Herpf, or in Latin Harphius)\n(d. 1477), a member of the Franciscan Observants in the Cologne Province and the prolific author of several mystical works. Many of Herp\u2019s writings, like The Mirror of Perfection,\nhad a wide readership among clergy and laity. His sermon collection Sermones de tempore,\nde sanctis, printed in five editions between 1450 and 1520, won him a place on the list of\npopular preachers of the late Middle Ages.46 Another of his sermon collections, which\nhas received less scholarly attention, is titled Speculum Aureum Decem Preceptorum Dei, a compendium of hundreds of sermons on the Ten Commandments which was also printed\nseveral times between 1472 and 1520.47 The First Commandment provides the occasion\nfor commentary on magic, with Sermons Seven and Eight explicitly warning against the\nmagical arts. So Sermon Seven begins by explaining that the commandment Non habebis\ndeos alienos coram me\nprohibits those things that divert the human mind from reverence to its creator, and\nthus forbids all impious pacts with demons, whether these are through the incantations of words, or through the inscriptions of characters or images, or through the\nofferings of sacrifices. In these three things consist all the arts of magic.48\nHerp\u2019s lengthy First Commandment sermons warrant more investigation, probably less for\ntheir novelty than because of his influence as a widely read writer. He explains that he wrote\nthese sermons for the instruction of confessors and preachers and it is likely that their multiple printings made his ideas familiar to clergy around northern Europe.49\nAnother well-known author was Guido de Monte Roche (c. 1333), whose handbook\nfor parish priests, Manipulus Curatorum, exists today in over 250 manuscript copies, and\nwas printed in 122 editions between 1468 and 1501, for a total of some 60,000 copies\nspreading from London to Rome to Barcelona to Vienna. 50 He interprets the First Commandment to prohibit \u201call idolatries, all heresies, and all kind of witchcraft or divination\u201d\nbut bestows the fiercest condemnation on anyone who participates in \u201cany divinations or\nauguries\u201d for that person \u201chas violated the Christian faith and baptism, and has become\na pagan and an apostate enemy of God, and has gravely incurred the wrath of God forever\u2026.\u201d The author also addresses what is and is not superstitious, and then warns people\nto be wary of \u201cconjurors who use and recite the name of God and the angels\u2026.\u201d51 Close\nanalysis of these arguments and references in Herp\u2019s and Guido de Monte Roche\u2019s manuals would provide a deeper knowledge of how late medieval preachers handled the subject\nof magic\u2019s dangers.\nFinally, while this essay has focused mostly on medieval England, both the fifteenth-\u00ad\ncentury advent of print and the increase in vernacular works of religious instruction point\nto the need for crossing geographical boundaries in future research. An early printed sermon sourcebook written in Latin like Herp\u2019s Speculum Aureum, for example, had an international audience, its readers in England linked to those throughout Europe in a transnational\ngroup whose own writings may reflect Herp\u2019s influence. Also, while many of the English\nvernacular teachings about magic exist only in manuscripts and have yet to be collated,\nthese warnings in sermons and Decalogue commentaries must be compared with similar\nworks in French, Italian and other languages, if we are to develop a deeper understanding\nof what lay Christians were taught about magic in the Middle Ages.\n483\n\nPages 503:\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\nNotes\n1 Leonard E. Boyle, \u201cThe Fourth Lateran Council and Manuals of Popular Theology,\u201d in The Popular Literature of Medieval England, ed. Thomas J. Heffernan (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee\nPress, 1985), 30\u201343, describes as pastoralia the vast array of materials in Latin and the vernacular\nused in the cura animarum, and read by both clergy and laity.\n2 Joseph Goering, \u201cThe Summa \u2018Qui bene presunt\u2019 and Its Author,\u201d in Literature and Religion in the\nLater Middle Ages: Philological Studies in Honor of Siegfried Wenzel (Binghamton, NY: Medieval and\n\u00adRenaissance Text and Studies, 1995), 143\u201359.\n3 Councils & Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church, volume II: 1205\u20131313. ed. F.M.\nPowicke and C.R. Cheney (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 900\u20135; Leonard E. Boyle, \u201cThe Oculus\nSacerdotis and Some Other Works of William of Pagula,\u201d reprinted in Pastoral Care, Clerical Education\nand Canon Law, 1200\u20131400 (London: Variorum Reprints, 1981), Essay IV.\n4 Judith Shaw, \u201cThe Influence of Canonical and Episcopal Reform on Popular Books of Instruction,\u201d in Popular Literature, 44\u201360; Alexandra Barratt, \u201cWorks of Religious Instruction,\u201d in Middle\nEnglish Prose: A Critical Guide to Major Authors and Genres, ed. A.S.G. Edwards (New Brunswick: Rutgers\nUniversity Press, 1984), 413\u201332; Andrew Reeves, \u201cTeaching the Creed and Articles of Faith in\nEngland: 1215\u201381,\u201d in A Companion to Pastoral Care in the Late Middle Ages (1200\u20131500), ed. Ronald J. Stansbury (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 41\u201372; H. Leith Spencer English Preaching in the Late Middle\nAges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 201\u20135. Exornatorium Curatorum, edited from Wynkyn de Worde\u2019s\nText in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Sp. 335.2, ed. Niamh Pattwell (Heidelberg: Universit\u00e4tsverlag\n\u00adWinter, 2013).\n5 Vincent Gillespie, \u201cVernacular Books of Religion,\u201d in Looking in Holy Books: Essays on Late Medieval\nReligious Writing in England (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 145\u201373; Lotte Hellinga, William Caxton and\nEarly Printing in England (London: The British Library, 2010), 156\u201370.\n6 R.N. Swanson, Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), 276\u201379.\nG.W. Bernard, The Late Medieval English Church: Vitality and Vulnerability before the Break with Rome (New\nHaven and London: Yale University Press, 2012), 87\u2013116.\n7 Joseph Goering, William de Montibus (c. 1140\u20131213): The Schools and the Literature of Pastoral Care\n(\u00adToronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1992), 60\u201365.\n8 Alan John Fletcher, Late Medieval Popular Preaching in Britain and Ireland (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009),\n12\u201313; see also Augustine Thompson\u2019s comments on audience reception of sermons in \u201cFrom\nTexts to Preaching: Retrieving the Medieval Sermon as an Event,\u201d in Preacher, Sermon and Audience in\nthe Middle Ages, ed. Carolyn Muessig (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 13\u201337.\n9 Paul Strohm, \u201cWriting and Reading,\u201d in A Social History of England 1200\u20131500, ed. Rosemary\n\u00adHorrox and W. Mark Ormrod (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 454\u201372.\n10 On literacy and education in medieval England, see Ralph Hanna, \u201cLiteracy, schooling, universities,\u201d in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval English Culture, ed. Andrew Galloway (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 2011), 172\u201394; Nicholas Orme, Medieval Schools from Roman Britain to\nRenaissance England (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2006); J.B. Trapp, \u201c\u00adLiteracy,\nBooks and Readers,\u201d in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, vol. III 1400\u20131557, ed. Lotte\nHellinga and J.B. Trapp (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 31\u201343; Jo Ann \u00adHoeppner\nMoran, The Growth of English Schooling 1340\u20131548 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985),\n150\u201381.\n11 Susan H. Cavanaugh, A Study of Books Privately Owned in England 1300\u20131450 (Ph.D. dissertation,\nUniversity of Pennsylvania, 1980), 231\u201332.\n12 Alexandra Barratt, \u201cSpiritual Writings and Religious Instruction,\u201d in The Cambridge History of the\nBook in Britain 1100\u20131400, ed. Nigel J. Morgan and Rodney M. Thomson (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 2008), 340\u201366.\n13 Valerie I.J. Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press,\n1991); on the idea of Christian magic, see especially chapter 9. See also her essay \u201cA Magic Universe,\u201d in A Social History of England 1200\u20131500, ed. Rosemary Horrox and W. Mark Ormrod\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 340\u201355.\n14 Karen Louise Jolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England: Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill and\n\u00adLondon: University of North Carolina Press, 1996).\n15 Bernadette Filotas, Pagan Survivals: Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature\n(Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2005).\n484\n\nPages 504:\nPa s t o r a l l i t e r at u r e a n d p r e a c h i n g\n16 George Lyman Kittredge, Witchcraft in Old and New England (1929 by Harvard; reprint 1956 New\nYork: Russell & Russell), see 29\u201330, 42, 44, 51, 164\u20135.\n17 G.R. Owst, \u201cSortilegium in English Homiletic Literature of the Fourteenth Century,\u201d in Studies Presented to Sir Hilary Jenkinson, ed. J. Conway Davies (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), 272.\n18 Owst, \u201cSortilegium,\u201d 272, 301.\n19 G.R. Owst, The Destructorium Viciorum of Alexander Carpenter: A Fifteenth-Century Sequel to Literature and\nPulpit in Medieval England (London: S. P. C. K., 1952). The Incunabula Short Title Catalogue lists four\neditions before 1500. For ownership, see Kathleen Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition in Late Medieval England,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 3, no. 1 (2008): 29\u201353.\n20 Carl Watkins, History and the Supernatural in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 2007), 131\u201333.\n21 Andrew Brown, Church and Society in England 1000\u20131500 (Gordonsville, VA: Palgrave Macmillan,\n2003), 77.\n22 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400\u20131580 (New Haven: Yale\nUniversity Press, 1992); see especially Chapter 8, 266\u201398.\n23 Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006),\n106\u201307.\n24 William Hay\u2019s Lecture on Marriage, ed. and trans. John C. Barry (Edinburgh: The Stair Society, 1967),\n121\u201329. See also Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Feminization of Magic and the Emerging Idea of the\nFemale Witch in the Late Middle Ages,\u201d Essays in Medieval Studies 19 (2002): 120\u201334.\n25 Catherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012).\n26 Rider, Magic and Religion, 46\u201369.\n27 Michael Haren, Sin and Society in Fourteenth-Century England: A Study of the Memoriale Presbiterorum\n(\u00adOxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 149\u201350, 184.\n28 See the definition of superstition in Euan Cameron, Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion,\n1250-1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 5.\n29 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cConcern over Superstition in Late Medieval Europe,\u201d in The Religion of Fools?\nSuperstition Past and Present, ed. S.A. Smith and Alan Knight (Oxford: Oxford Journals, 2008),\n115\u201333.\n30 D. Catherine Brown, Pastor and Laity in the Theology of Jean Gerson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 158\u201360.\n31 Madeleine Jeay, \u201cThe Savage Mind of Late Medieval Preachers,\u201d Medieval Folklore 2, (1992): 49\u201366;\nF. Bonney, \u201cAutour de Jean Gerson: Opinions de th\u00e9ologiens sur les superstitions et la sorcellerie au\nd\u00e9but du XV si\u00e8cle,\u201d Le Moyen Age 77, no. 1 (1971): 85\u201398.\n32 Cameron, Enchanted Europe, 135\u201339.\n33 Edward Peters, \u201cThe Medieval Church and State on Superstition, Magic and Witchcraft: from\nAugustine to the Sixteenth Century,\u201d in Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages, ed. Bengt\nAnkarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 229.\n34 Manchester, John Rylands University Library, MS English 109, f. 123v. See Veronica O\u2019Mara and\nSuzanne Paul, A Repertorium of Middle English Prose Sermons, Part 3, (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols,\n2007), 1610\u201312, where the sermon\u2019s prohibition on witchcraft is transcribed. The Repertorium lists a\nnumber of additional sermons that address magic or witchcraft.\n35 See Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, chapter 8; and Marking the Hours: English People and Their Prayers\n1240\u20131570 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006).\n36 Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliothek, GKS 1605, f. 20r-v. The same text is in BL Additional\nMS 18852, A Book of Hours of the Use of Rome made for Joanna I of Castile, made in Bruges\nc. 1486\u2013506. On the Speculum conscientiae, see Margot Schmidt, \u201cMiroir\u201d in Dictionnaire de Spiritualit\u00e9,\nvol. 10, pt. 2 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1980), 1293.\n37 BL Royal MS 8 F VII, ff. 43v\u201344r. For additional examples, see London B.L. Additional MS\n10053, f. 105r, and Edinburgh University Library MS 93, f. 4v; quoted in Anthony Martin, \u201cThe\nMiddle English Versions of The Ten Commandments with special reference to Rylands English MS\n85,\u201d Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 64, no. 1 (1981), 212.\n38 See Spencer, Preaching, 214.\n39 Rider, Magic and Religion, 135.\n40 D.M. Grisdale, ed., Three Middle English Sermons from the Worcester Chapter Manuscript F.10 (University\nof Leeds: Leeds School of English Language Texts and Monographs 5, 1939), 60.\n485\n\nPages 505:\nK at h l e e n K a m e r i c k\n41 See Peters\u2019 comments in \u201cMedieval Church and State,\u201d 176\u201377, on the place of sorcery and witchcraft in the legal, theological and devotional literature of the late Middle Ages.\n42 See an excellent example of this kind of analysis by Anne T. Thayer and Katharine J. Lualdi in\ntheir Introduction to Handbook for Curates: A Late Medieval Manual on Pastoral Ministry by Guido of Monte\nRochen (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2011), xxxi\u2013xli.\n43 Four Middle English Sermons edited from British Library MS Harley 2268, ed. Virginia O\u2019Mara (\u00adHeidelberg:\nC. Winter, 2002), 112\u201313; for the place and date on which the sermon was given, see 163ff.\n44 Michael Milway, \u201cForgotten Best-Sellers from the Dawn of the Reformation,\u201d in Continuity and\nChange: The Harvest of Late Medieval and Reformation History, ed. Robert J. Bast and Andrew C. Gow\n(Leiden: Brill, 2000), 113\u201342, argues for investigating these works and discusses how to identify\nthem.\n45 Anne T. Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and the Coming of the Reformation (Aldershot England; Burlington,\nVermont: Ashgate, 2002), 7\u20138; 21\u201322.\n46 On Herp\u2019s mystical works, see Bernard McGinn, The Varieties of Vernacular Mysticism (1350\u20131550)\n(New York: Crossroad, 2012), 130\u201336; for his sermon collections, see Thayer, Penitence, Preaching and\nthe Coming of the Reformation, Table 2.1, 17\u20139.\n47 Printings include: Peter Sch\u00f6ffer (Mainz) 1472 and 1474; Anton Koberger (Nuremberg) 1481;\nJohann Froben (Basil) 1496; Johannem Knoblock (Strasbourg) 1520. London B. L. MS Additional\n63787, given in the late fifteenth century to the chapel of St. Stephen\u2019s in Westminster, is a very\nhigh-quality manuscript copied from the 1474 Sch\u00f6ffer edition.\n48 Henricus de Herpf, Speculum aureum decem praeceptorum Dei (Nuremberg: Anton Koberger), 1481.\n49 The incipit of Speculum aureum states \u201cper modum sermonum ad instructionem tam confessorum\nquam predicatorum.\u201d\n50 See Thayer and Lualdi, Introduction to Handbook for Curates, xiii; Milway, \u201cForgotten Best-Sellers,\u201d 117.\n51 Handbook for Curates, 294\u201396.\n486\n\nPages 506:\n33\nSu pe r st i t ion a n d sorce ry\nMichael D. Bailey\nIn 1398, the Faculty of Theology of the University of Paris condemned 28 articles pertaining to \u201cmagic arts\u201d, \u201csorceries\u201d and \u201csimilar superstitions\u201d. The theologians left no doubt\nabout the threat they felt such \u201cnefarious, pestiferous, and monstrous abomination\u201d presented to Christian society. They also stressed, however, that\nit is not our intention in any way to disparage licit and true traditions, science, or\narts, but we will try to uproot and extirpate, insofar as we are able, the insane and\nsacrilegious errors of the foolish and the deadly rites that harm, contaminate, and\ninfect orthodox faith and Christian religion.1\nThis was a necessary qualification because, as threatening and harmful as superstitious rites\nwere understood to be, they frequently bordered on practices that were legitimate, respectable and in some cases even revered. The boundaries between licit and illicit acts could be\nvery difficult to discern, even for highly educated experts. Medieval authorities did not need\nto debate whether superstition ought to be condemned, because for them the term superstitio\nalways denoted a condemnable error. The troubling issue was instead what sort of practices\nwere to be understood as superstitious. This chapter will address this question, examining\nhow the medieval church defined superstition, surveying the kinds of practices, both common and elite, that could fall within this broad category, and outlining how levels of concern\nheightened over time.\nThe category of superstition, as deployed by medieval churchmen, encompassed a vast\narray of practices, ranging from simple rites for healing and protection to complex rituals\nfor divination or demonic invocation. It was a far broader term than witchcraft (maleficium),\nsorcery (sortilegium) or even \u201cthe magical arts\u201d (artes magicae). Often when exploring the history of magic, modern scholars have preferred those other categories, and have generally\ntried to understand them in as clear and precise a manner as possible. It is fairly standard,\nfor example, for scholars to avoid referring to any form of harmful magic (maleficium) in the\nMiddle Ages as \u201cwitchcraft\u201d until we reach the fifteenth century and begin to encounter\naccusations of \u201cwitches\u201d (malefici or maleficae) operating in clearly diabolical, conspiratorial\ncults.2 Medieval writers, however, frequently lumped practices together rather than splitting them apart, particularly when it came to issuing condemnations. As important as it is\nto recognize the distinctions that existed within the practices they catalogued, therefore,\nwe must also note the commonalities and connections church authorities saw between those\npractices, in order to understand the dilemmas they encountered when trying to parse condemnable superstitions from \u201ctrue traditions, sciences, or arts\u201d.\n487\n\nPages 507:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\nWhile medieval magic and witchcraft are much studied topics, far less work has been\ndone on superstition per se, and most scholarship has been limited in some way. It is, after\nall, the very expansiveness of superstition as a category that makes it a daunting topic for\nresearch. A fundamental study remains Dieter Harmening\u2019s Superstitio, but he ends his work\nwith the thirteenth-century scholastics.3 His student Karin Baumann addressed the late\nmedieval period, but only through German vernacular sources, while Maria Montesano\ndrew only on works by observant Franciscans.4 Bernadette Filotas restricted her important\nstudy to penitential sources from the early medieval era.5 Patrick Hersperger approached\nthe issue exclusively through canon law.6 Emilie Lasson and Krzysztof Bracha both focused on single texts by major fifteenth-century authors (although Bracha\u2019s study in fact\nranges widely across all of late medieval superstition).7 Jean Verdon offered a complete\nsurvey of the entire medieval period, but only as an overview.8 Euan Cameron did excellent\nwork integrating clerical opposition to medieval superstition into a narrative that extended\nthrough the Reformation and into the Enlightenment, but ultimately concentrated more on\nthose later periods.9 My own work, focused on the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, has\nbeen restricted mostly to northern Europe, and, while I have tried to integrate a range of\nsources, I have relied most heavily on specialized theological works.10 These are also the\nsources on which I will mainly draw in this essay.\nMy late medieval leanings notwithstanding, Christian authorities had been concerned\nabout superstition from the earliest days of the church. Patristic texts provided essential\ndefinitions and descriptions of superstition, as a category, that would be reiterated for the\nnext thousand years. Ecclesiastical leaders also debated superstition and perceived superstitious practices at church councils, spoke against them in sermons and made them a\nmajor focus of penitential literature.11 Early in the eleventh century, Burchard of Worms\ncollected many earlier pronouncements about superstition in his monumental Decretum,\nparticularly in book 19, known independently as Corrector sive medicus.12 In the high medieval period, sources on superstition multiplied. It continued to be treated in sermons\nand pastoral literature, and it was taken up more systematically in canon law.13 Scholastic\ntheologians addressed the abstract category in their commentaries and summae, and inquisitors used it to label strange practices that they encountered as they began to patrol\nthe countryside.14\nOnly in the late medieval period did numerous specialized treatises dealing predominantly or even exclusively with the topic of superstitio finally appear.15 While the intensity\nof their focus was new, however, the ideas they expressed were not; nor were many of the\npractices they condemned. They offer both a window into late medieval anxieties and a\nreflection of earlier concerns. Also by the late medieval period, one can effectively approach\nsuperstition, or the world of common practices that authorities might fear were superstitious,\nthrough vernacular literature. Perhaps the most remarkable and extended work of this kind\nis the anonymous Evangiles des quenouilles, dating from the mid-fifteenth century, which depicts a group of spinsters relating various beliefs and practices known among women to a\nmale scribe over the course of several winter evenings. The character of the scribe begins\nby noting how most men treat this \u201cwisdom\u201d with \u201cderision and mockery\u201d.16 In fact, many\nchurchmen would no doubt have subjected what they would have taken to be these women\u2019s\nobvious superstitions to far harsher condemnations. While works like the Evangiles remind\nus how rich and varied medieval reactions could be, however, I limit myself here mainly to\nwhat I regard as the mainstream of authoritative discourse, inevitably clerical and Latin,\nthat shaped the idea of superstition over the medieval centuries.\n488\n\nPages 508:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\nDefinitions and frameworks\nRemarkably, given that the scope of superstition could be so vast, medieval churchmen really\nhad only a couple of definitions to which they continually returned when trying to comprehend the parameters of superstitio. The first was provided by Augustine in the second book of\nhis De doctrina Christiana. He wrote that\nsuperstition is anything instituted by men having to do with crafting or worshipping\nidols, or worshipping a created thing or any part of a created thing as if it were\nGod, or consultations and pacts concerning prognostications agreed and entered\ninto with demons.\nHe immediately added: \u201csuch are the efforts of the magic arts, which the poets are more\naccustomed to mention than to teach\u201d, as well as \u201cthe books of soothsayers and augurs\u201d,\nbefore concluding that \u201cto this category also belong all amulets and healing charms that\nmedical science condemns\u201d.17 More than eight centuries later, Thomas Aquinas crafted the\nonly definition that ever competed with Augustine\u2019s, declaring that\nsuperstition is a vice opposed to religion by excess, not because it gives more worship to God than true religion, but because it gives worship either to that which it\nought not, or in some manner which it ought not.18\nLike Augustine, what Thomas mainly meant to imply was the fearful possibility of worship\noffered to demons.\nBeyond these two somewhat abstract definitions, medieval churchmen had only a handful of authoritative frameworks to help them understand the range of practices that might\nbecome superstitious. As noted above, Augustine mentioned some categories of potentially\nsuperstitious practices when he defined superstition in De doctrina Christiana: the magic arts\nin their entirety, divination and augury, and healing charms, and he would later add erroneous forms of astrology as well as \u201cutterly inane observances\u201d like stepping on the threshold whenever one passed one\u2019s house or going back to bed if one sneezed while dressing in\nthe morning.19 Another important typology was Isidore of Seville\u2019s categorization of different kinds of magicians in his early seventh-century work Etymologies. These included malefici,\nwho could \u201cagitate the elements, disturb the minds of people, and kill by the force of their\nspells without any drinking of poison\u201d; necromancers, who raised the dead to prophesy; augurs, who divined by the flights of birds; astrologers (mathematici), who observed the course\nof the stars; sortilegi (a word that would later come to mean sorcerers more generally), who\ncast lots (sortes); as well as those who crafted magical amulets; and enchanters (incantatores),\n\u201cwho accomplish their art with words\u201d.20\nCenturies later, Thomas Aquinas would, in addition to defining superstition, establish an\ninfluential system for categorizing practices. He focused in particular on forms of divination, although his categories were often expanded by later writers to include other practices\nas well. He first posed the basic question whether different forms of divination should be distinguished at all, since he regarded them as grounded in essentially the same kind of error.\nHe took most of his forms of divination from Isidore but added others, such as chiromancy\n(palm reading) and spatulamancy (divination by animals\u2019 shoulder blades), knowledge of\nwhich had returned to the medieval West via Arabic sources during the twelfth century.21\n489\n\nPages 509:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\nHe partitioned these practices into three broad groups: divination that drew explicitly on\ndemons such as was the case with necromancy; the passive observation of signs such as\naugury or astrology; and active forms of divination such as casting lots. Subsequently, he\nintroduced further categories, addressing the legitimacy of divination performed by means\nof demons, by the stars and heavenly bodies, by dreams, by augury and observance of\nomens, and by lots.22\nThe most influential framework, however, was established by Aquinas\u2019s contemporary\nWilliam of Auvergne, a theologian and later Bishop of Paris from 1228 until 1249. In chapter 23 of his work De legibus, he laid out ten categories of \u201cidolatry\u201d (idolatria), which many\nlater writers employed as categories of superstition.23 The first and most terrible form consisted of rites performed explicitly through demonic agency. Then came other varieties,\nalmost any of which might also involve demons in some fashion. There were rites directed\nto the stars, sun or moon, including erroneous astrology (2). There were practices entailing\nthe four elements such as geo-, aero-, hydro- and pyromancy (3). People might craft supposedly animated statues to consult or worship (4), or they could employ images such as circles,\ntriangles or pentagons in dubious ways (5), which churchmen readily interpreted as forms of\ndemonic invocation. Other rites involved the improper use of written characters or figures\n(6), or of spoken words or names (7). People often attached special significance or power to\nparticular times (8) such as the widespread belief that the so-called Egyptian Days each\nmonth were particularly unlucky. Similarly, some people falsely ascribed ominous power to\n\u201cbeginnings\u201d or \u201cinitial causes\u201d (res initiales) of any sort (9): a voyage, a marriage or a military expedition might be destined to succeed or fail depending on the time or conditions\nunder which it began. William\u2019s tenth category of error was that of \u201cdiscovery\u201d (inventio),\nwhich meant regarding various everyday occurrences as omens. Encountering certain animals might portend good or bad fortune, as could crossing paths with a monk, finding a\nhorseshoe or discovering a coin on the ground.\nAs precise as these categories could be, they rarely appeal to modern scholars seeking to\ncraft typologies of medieval practices. Above all they focus mainly on supposed sources of\npower \u2013 demons, the stars, the power of spoken words or written characters \u2013 rather than\nthe potential ends to which that power could be used, whereas modern scholars tend to\ncategorize practices in terms of healing spells, harmful sorcery, love magic and the like.24\nModern scholars also tend to emphasize the basic distinction between common practices\nwidespread throughout medieval society and more rarified elite practices that required\nsome degree of Latin learning and typically involved more complex procedures, often recorded in instructive books or manuals. Such distinctions were not formally part of any\nmedieval typology of magical or superstitious practices. For example, William\u2019s category\nof rites focusing on astral bodies included both learned astrology and simple spells uttered\nto the rising sun or the new moon. Medieval writers did recognize this basic distinction,\nhowever, at least in their rhetoric if not in their abstract theorizing. They were keen to assert\nthat many superstitions were mainly, if not exclusively, the domain of common folk, foolish\nmen and, especially, \u201cuneducated little women\u201d (indoctae mulierculae).25\nCommon superstitions\nThe rites and observances that can be classified as common superstitions were extremely\ndiverse. Probably the most universal were healing practices, which is certainly not surprising.\nIn an era before much effective medicine, vulnerability to illness and injury was obviously\n490\n\nPages 510:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\na tremendous concern. Some of the practices that writers condemned or simply called into\nquestion can appear quite sensible. In the early fifteenth century, for example, the anonymous English didactic work Dives and pauper described how wounds should be cleaned with\n\u201cblac wolle and olee\u201d (black wool and oil). It also noted, however, that people often employed\nspoken charms as they performed this action, arousing concern among churchmen.26 A\nhalf-century later, the Munich court physician Johannes Hartlieb reported that many people believed cleaning wounds with holy water guaranteed that they would not become infected.27 The value of washing a wound was not in question, but the assumption that holy\nwater would automatically block any infection could be deemed superstitious, since it presumed that divine power could be constrained to operate in a set way.\nMedieval people recognized the medicinal powers of many herbs, roots and other plants,\nand insofar as they relied solely on the natural properties of such items they were immune\nto charges of superstition. Common practice, however, was often to pick medicinal plants\nat certain times, such as on the feast of Saint John (Midsummer Day) or under a full moon,\nin order to augment their power, which gave church authorities pause.28 Authorities also\nworried about the common practice of reciting certain words while gathering herbs, even\nif these were entirely Christian formulas. Most churchmen condemned any such recitation,\nexcept in the case of the Apostles\u2019 Creed or Lord\u2019s Prayer, which, following a precedent long\nset in canon law, they judged to be legitimate and beneficial.29 Words themselves, especially\nprayers or liturgical phrases, were widely believed to have great curative power. Many laypeople believed that the words used to consecrate the host during a Mass possessed healing\nvirtues, or they used charms invoking Christ\u2019s wounds to heal their own injuries.30\nMany healing practices appear to have been general in their intended effect, but some\napplied only to specific ailments. The most common of such rites mentioned in treatises\nagainst superstition dealt with fever.31 Thomas Ebendorfer, a theologian in Vienna, related that people often said prayers, particularly the Pater Noster, to relieve fever. This\nwas fine in itself, but they then added superstitious components to the rite such as saying\nthe prayer only at a particular time.32 Rites to cure toothaches also appear to have been\ncommon. Ebendorfer also decried the improper use of prayers for this purpose, while Denys\nthe \u00adCarthusian criticized people who rinsed their mouths with holy water to relieve their\npain.33 Other practices aimed to relieve backaches or cure eye afflictions.34\nAlong with healing, protection from harm in various ways was a major focus of potentially superstitious rites. Many people apparently believed that attending Mass would not\nonly benefit them spiritually but could protect them from specific physical maladies such\nas by preventing blindness.35 Others held that wearing an amulet containing Gospel verses\nwould ward off most diseases, while amulets containing the names of the biblical Three\nKings were thought to control epilepsy.36 One detailed rite involved placing a pig\u2019s shoulder\nblade on an altar and reading passages from the four Gospels over it. Thus empowered, it\ncould be fashioned into a cross that would provide protection from \u201cperils at sea, and from\ncorporeal enemies, such as thieves, and from all misfortunes\u201d.37 Numerous rites claimed to\nprovide protection against dangerous animals, most frequently wolves.38 Others promised\nto defend against serpents or to ward off caterpillars, insects, locusts or mice.39\nChurchmen also frequently lambasted superstitious rites intended to control the weather,\nparticularly to protect crops in the fields. Peasants might erect crosses to ward off storms\nor employ the Eucharist or ring church bells to the same end.40 People apparently also\ngathered special herbs on Saint John\u2019s Day and burned them in their fields, invoked Christ\nagainst coming storms or hurled stones into the air to quell tempests.41 Other rites simply\n491\n\nPages 511:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\naimed to increase the general health and fertility of crops.42 Again we see how many of\nthese rites were rooted in clearly Christian practices. What worried churchmen was the tenuous boundary between legitimate devotional behaviour and erroneous superstition, which\neven they often had trouble demarcating precisely.\nBeyond active rites intended to achieve some specific end, medieval people took numerous occurrences as signs or omens, to the consternation of clerical authorities. Animal\nomens in particular appear to have abounded. Crows landing on a roof, an owl flying over a\nhouse or a rooster crowing before dawn were all held to portend misfortune.43 Likewise if a\ncat or hare crossed one\u2019s path, this forebode ill.44 Curiously, encountering a wolf, serpent or\ntoad could all be good signs.45 Some felt that encountering a clergyman while on a journey\nwas an ill-omen.46 Many people believed the flight of birds could reveal a favourable route\nfor a journey, predict the outcome of a coming battle or foretell an approaching storm.47\nMurderers could be identified because blood would flow from the corpse when they were\nbrought into its presence.48 Thieves would be unable to swallow blessed cheese.49\nInterestingly, although false astrology was a long-standing category of superstition,\nsources rarely present examples of ordinary people observing astral signs. Churchmen constantly rebuked astral divination in general, but they typically presented detailed accounts\nonly of elite practices. They also frequently criticized divination from dreams, pronounced\nagainst the use of sortes (which could mean either casting lots or almost any other form of\nactive divination) and condemned common beliefs that particular days or times were either\nlucky or unlucky, especially belief in the supposedly ominous Egyptian Days.50 Of course,\nsince all our sources were written by members of a literate elite, the insight they offer into\ncommon rites and observances is inevitably imperfect. 51 The churchmen who engaged in\ncombatting superstition had a strong interest in understanding the practices they believed\nto exist all around them, but they inevitably saw common practices from their own perspective, framed by categories inherited from a long tradition of Christian writing against\nsuperstition and shaped also by a range of elite practices employed by people very much\nlike themselves. Those rites, too, were an important component of medieval superstition.\nElite superstitions\nWhile in modern parlance superstition tends to imply a foolish, poorly thought out, and above\nall unscientific belief or practice, in medieval Europe many aspects of learned art (scientia)\ncould warrant the label superstitio if pursued improperly. Learned astrology, for example, and\nrelated forms of astral magic were often sharply contested. The practice of astrology had an\nimpressive intellectual pedigree stretching back into antiquity, and it was championed as a legitimate science by major medieval thinkers like Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacon.52 Other\nauthorities, however, harshly criticized what they perceived to be improper forms of this art.\nAugustine did not hesitate to label it a \u201cpernicious superstition\u201d, and Isidore of \u00adSeville held\nthat astrology was always \u201cpartly natural, partly superstitious\u201d.53 Medieval authorities agreed\nthat heavenly bodies projected powerful energies towards the earth. C\n\u00ad harting the position of\nthe stars and attempting to calculate their effects on earth was a worthy science, and certain\nlegitimate predictions could be based on such calculations. Problems arose when predictions\nwere made about matters over which authorities felt the stars exerted no natural influence,\nalthough the exact nature of that distinction was a source of debate.\nThe most common astrological prognostications in medieval Europe were natal horoscopes. Authorities agreed that the bodies of newborn infants were highly impressionable,\n492\n\nPages 512:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\nand so the force of the stars at the moment of one\u2019s birth might impart enduring characteristics that could shape one\u2019s destiny. There were even debates about whether the stars\noperated on Christ\u2019s physical body in this way.54 Any narrow prediction about specific\nevents in a person\u2019s later life, however, ran headlong into the divine promise of human free\nwill. Between these two agreed-upon limits, authorities struggled to locate an exact divide\nbetween legitimate science and condemned superstition. Another widespread form of astrological practice involved \u201cinterrogations\u201d, in which astrologers sought to predict specific\nevents based on the positions of the stars. People might inquire about the likely outcome of\na battle, a marriage or a mercantile voyage if it were undertaken under certain astral signs.\nAgain, authorities became suspicious when they felt that these predictions extended beyond\noccurrences that the natural energy of the stars could directly influence. At worst, they\nfeared that demons entered into these operations, deceiving the unwary with false signs or\nconspiring to bring about predicted outcomes by their own power.55\nAstrology was closely connected to other learned arts in the Middle Ages, perhaps none\nmore than medicine. The German theologian Nicholas of Jauer repeatedly compared legitimate astrologers to physicians in that both expertly observed certain signs to \u201cdiagnose\u201d otherwise unobservable conditions, and both were able to make informed predictions\nabout future developments without entering into illicit divination.56 Johannes Hartlieb, a\nphysician himself, noted that doctors frequently needed to observe the heavens in order to\ntreat their patients, since different astral energies could promote either illness or health. 57\nBut physicians could also lapse into superstition. Jean Gerson chastised the entire medical\nfaculty of the University of Paris for allowing superstitious practices to infect their art, particularly in terms of their use of amulets, written characters and crafted figures.58 He subsequently wrote a tract against potential superstitions pertaining to an astrological amulet\nin the form of a lion crafted by the dean of the medical faculty in Montpellier, although he\nnoted that such images could be used legitimately, as the physician Arnau de Vilanova had\ndone to treat Pope Boniface VIII a century earlier.59\nMost authorities accepted that certain materials, like gold, had a natural affinity with\nand could help focus the natural energy of particular heavenly bodies, but they feared\nthat crafted images, especially those with any figures or writing engraved on them, served\ninstead to communicate with demons. Similarly, they felt that certain terrestrial materials \u2013\nherbs, minerals, or gems \u2013 might possess powerful natural properties but could also be used\nin various demonic rites. Johannes Hartlieb addressed such dangers when he discussed\nbooks that taught how to use herbs, stones and roots to summon demons.60\nComplex rituals intended to summon demons did indeed exist in the Middle Ages. This\nlearned art, known as necromancy, was passed on through magical texts known not just\nto practitioners but to opponents as well. In the fourteenth century, the Catalan inquisitor Nicolau Eymerich mentioned manuals such as the Table of Solomon and Sworn Book of\nHonorius, which he had confiscated from magicians, and in the fifteenth century, Johannes\nHartlieb mentioned several magical tomes, including both a Key of Solomon and a Figure of\nSolomon, as well as Picatrix, a famous text of astral magic that had originated in the Muslim\nworld and passed into Europe through Spain.61 These texts described rites that, to critics,\ndemonstrated blatant worship to demons. As the inquisitor Eymerich wrote:\nIn the aforesaid and some other books \u2026 it appears indeed that invokers of demons\nmanifestly exhibit the honor of worship to the demons they invoke, especially by\nsacrificing to them, adoring them, offering up execrable prayers \u2026 by genuflecting,\n493\n\nPages 513:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\nby prostrating themselves, by observing chastity out of reverence for the demon or\nby its instruction, by fasting or otherwise afflicting their flesh \u2026 by lighting candles, by burning incense or spices or other aromatics, by sacrificing birds or other\nanimals.62\nSuch notions, including animal sacrifice, were not far-fetched, because necromantic texts\nthemselves called for the sometimes gruesome killing of animals in certain rites. One powerful love spell required that a sorcerer bite out the heart of a dove with his own teeth and then\nuse the blood to draw a figure on parchment made from the flesh of a female cat that had\nbeen skinned while in heat.63\nWhere opponents saw supplication and worship, practitioners claimed that they commanded demons through their rituals, drawing on the natural power of the substances\nthey employed or even on the power of Christ. Many pointed to the biblical example from\nthe Book of Tobit, in which young Tobit burns the heart and liver of a fish to drive away\ndemons. Opponents responded, however, that this act had been accomplished by divine\npower, not fishy innards.64 Because most necromancers were clergymen of some level (given\nthe necessity of Latin learning to practice their craft), they could easily think of themselves\nas performing practices akin to the Christian rite of exorcism when they commanded demons to do their bidding. This was a powerful argument, but no less an authority than\nThomas Aquinas provided what became the standard counterpoint: that faithful Christians could expel demons and drive them away but never compel them to perform services.\nTo gain service, necromancers had to offer some form of adoration to the demons they\nsummoned, whether they intended to or not.65 And worship given to that which it ought not\nbe given was, again according to Aquinas, the very definition of superstition.\nShifting focus of concerns\nFrom the time of the early church fathers, Christian authorities had held a dichotomous view\nof potential superstitions. On the one hand, they were silly errors held only by the foolish\nand uneducated. In terms of their consequences, superstitious rites were often described as\nempty, worthless and vain. The proper response on the part of any serious thinker was disdain, but nothing more. On the other hand, superstitious rites were also seen as a primary\nmeans by which demons caught foolish people in their snares. Augustine himself demonstrated the derision that characterized so many intellectuals\u2019 attitudes towards superstitio when\nhe repeated a remark by the Roman rhetorician Cato. Many people took it as an omen if\nthey found that mice had chewed on their shoes at night. This was ridiculous, Cato quipped,\nalthough it certainly would have been a sign worthy of remark if the shoes had chewed on\nthe mice.66 Augustine also declared, however, that \u201call superstitious arts\u201d, no matter whether\nthey were merely foolish or actually harmful, were \u201cconstituted through a certain pestiferous\nassociation of human beings and demons, as if by a pact of faithless and deceitful friendship\u201d, and so they should be \u201cutterly repudiated and shunned by a Christian\u201d.67\nThroughout the Middle Ages, the degree of concern churchmen directed against superstition depended to some extent on the depth of their concern about active demonic\nmenace in the world. In general terms, a trajectory well known from the history of medieval\nmagic continues to apply: lesser concerns and a focus on penance rather than punishment\nin the early medieval period gave way in later centuries to terrible fears, culminating in\nthe notion of diabolical, conspiratorial witchcraft and the first large-scale witch-hunts in\n494\n\nPages 514:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\nWestern Europe. Even as late as the early eleventh century, a legal source like the Decretum\nof Burchard of Worms could treat superstition mainly in terms of foolish error. Whether\nhe was discussing the use of amulets, other healing rites, or practices intended to arouse\nlove, cause impotence and infertility or control the weather, he often specified that the real\nsuperstition was to believe that these vain and empty actions could produce any real effects.\nThe penalties he prescribed were always penances, mostly in the form of fasting.68 Thereafter, attitudes began to harden, however, as churchmen began to express darker concerns\nand demand more serious penalties in papal proclamations, inquisitorial manuals, pastoral\ntreatises and ultimately texts directed specifically against superstition and witchcraft. That\nincreasingly specialized literature may not have initially reflected more widespread attitudes. An examination of more quotidian pastoral texts has found that magic was rarely\na matter of deep concern to lower level church authorities, and that penance rather than\nharsh punishment remained the norm even into the late medieval centuries.69 Nevertheless,\nthe attitudes of high-ranking churchmen were clearly changing, and that shift ultimately\nhad tremendous consequences for people at all levels of European society.70\nMuch of this shift in attitude can be attributed to the growing seriousness with which\nauthorities regarded superstitious practices among elites like themselves, such as astrology\nand necromancy, which becomes evident in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and develops dramatically in the fourteenth century.71 In the fifteenth century, they began to (partially) reorient their condemnations of supposedly superstitious rites, now highly diabolized\nbecause of the need to address the explicitly demonic invocations of necromancers, back\ntoward more common practices and more ordinary people. The shift is patent in the career\nof Jean Gerson. The Paris theology faculty\u2019s condemnation of 28 articles of superstition and\nsorcery was produced under his direction in 1398 and addressed learned magical practices\nalmost exclusively. The specific kinds of rites it mentioned all involved complex rituals and\nelaborate paraphernalia: binding demons into gems, rings or mirrors; burning incense in\nthe course of an invocation; saying prayers, performing ablutions or even celebrating Mass\nas part of these rites; offering the blood of hoopoes or other animals; or baptizing images of\nwax, copper, lead or gold.72 In his own writings, Gerson addressed such elaborate rituals,\nbut he also gave considerable attention to common practices. In his first known sermon\nagainst superstition, delivered at the French court in 1391, he indicated that the court was\nbecoming infected with the superstitious beliefs of the common society surrounding it.73\nSimilarly, a decade later, in his tract On Errors Concerning the Magic Art, he chastised the Paris\nFaculty of Medicine for condoning common healing practices that he called \u201cthe pestiferous and stupid superstitions of magicians and old sorceresses\u201d.74 While he wrote works on\nlearned astrology and astral image magic, he also wrote tracts against common superstitious connected to the observance of special days or to hearing a Mass.75\nGerson\u2019s influence on later churchmen who condemned superstition was pervasive, at\nleast across much of northern Europe.76 Most fifteenth-century treatises against superstition reflect his mix of high and low, elite and common. Most also reflect his intensely diabolized concerns, even in cases of the most seemingly benign common practices. Gerson\nmaintained, for example, that even passive observances such as the belief that certain days\nwere unlucky, which most previous authorities had judged to be a foolish but basically\nharmless error, represented an opportunity for demons to undermine the true faith. In this\ncase, demons sought to work harm on supposedly unlucky days so that those false beliefs\nwould be perpetuated.77 Also in terms of clerical perceptions about the gendered nature of\nsuperstition, Gerson was a major transitional figure. While authorities who wrote mainly\n495\n\nPages 515:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\nagainst elite practices focused necessarily on educated men, when Gerson turned to common superstitions he also turned against women, writing repeatedly of \u201cold sorceresses\u201d or\n\u201cuneducated little women\u201d.78 He was, of course, far from the first churchman to associate\nsuperstitious error especially with women, whom medieval authorities almost universally\nconsidered more foolish and prone to demonic deception than men, but his writings reflect\na notable sharpening of this rhetoric that continued into the fifteenth century and beyond.79\nFuture directions\nWe are well informed about official attitudes towards superstition, and we can chart changing levels of concern with some degree of certainty. Far less clear is the nature and scope of\nthe actual practices that led to the condemnations by legal and intellectual authorities over\nmany centuries. The categories of practice they record are often highly generic and drawn\nin large measure from the writings of earlier authorities. Medieval churchmen regarded\nsuperstition as rooted, ultimately, in the eternal and unwavering malice of demons, who\nsought always to lead faithful Christians into error. One expert has described their view\nof superstition as essentially \u201cahistorical\u201d, while another has commented on the intensely\n\u00ad\u201cliterary-traditional character\u201d of their writing, unconcerned to reflect accurately the real\nworld of beliefs and practices that existed around them.80 Even when sources present a\nputatively contemporary practice in some detail, there can be room for doubt. In 1423, for\nexample, the Vienna theologian Nicholas of Dinkelsb\u00fchl described a vernacular incantation\nintended to increase wealth, which called on the new moon. An anonymous treatise from\nsouthern Germany composed at roughly the same time described almost exactly the same\nspell.81 Was this, however, actually a common practice in this region to which both writers\nwere witness, or did one simply read and copy from the other?\nStill, most scholars working in this area think that there are ways to discern at least the basic shape of real practices even from the largely proscriptive literature that church authorities\nproduced.82 One fruitful approach would be to pay more attention to shorter, more practical\npastoral treatments of var\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 501 to page 515 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 516 to page 530 out of a total of 569:\nPages 516:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\nargued that it was just another thinly veiled form of demonic invocation.87 Astrological and\nalchemical texts abound, and need more systematic study. Even some forms of common\npractices can be approached in this way. A surprising number of textual amulets survive\nfrom the Middle Ages \u2013 bits of paper covered with written formulas and then worn on one\u2019s\nperson, usually to heal or protect from harm.88\nAmulets represent not just textual evidence of common practices that were frequently\nlabelled superstitious but also an aspect of material culture. The majority of physical items\nused in magical or superstitious rites that have survived from the Middle Ages are representative of elite forms of practice: rings, gems, mirrors or astrological images, often inscribed with symbols and writing. The herbs and roots that so many texts tell us were used\nin common rites have long since rotted into dust. Archeology might uncover other kinds\nof items, although scholars face enormous problems determining solely from archeological\nremains when or if common items might have been used for magical purposes.89 Relatively\nlittle work has been done in any of these areas, however, and the possibilities of future discoveries or methodological innovations are great.\nMost basically, our understanding of the vast array of practices that could be lumped\ntogether under the heading of superstition in the Middle Ages will grow the more we look\nto what are now the margins of the field, whether these be methodological (material culture\nrather than texts), chronological (prior to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and the\nmuch studied rise of witchcraft) or geographical (Central and Eastern Europe rather than\nthe West). We will also benefit by looking away from the well-studied narrative of increasing\nconcern and condemnation to focus more on evidence of scepticism or toleration whenever\nwe can find it. Finally, while most detailed work will need to focus on specific areas of practice, we should remember that for many medieval thinkers, essential connections existed\nbetween what to us can appear highly disparate practices. Even if these connections exist\nonly in terms of formulaic expressions of possible demonic entanglements, they are still an\nessential part of medieval understandings of the broad range of belief and behaviour that\ncould be labelled as superstitious.\nNotes\n1 Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis. 4 vols. ed. Heinrich Denifle (1891\u201399; reprint Brussels: Culture\net Civilisation, 1964), 4:32\u20136; translation from Lynn Thorndike, University Records and Life in the\nMiddle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 261\u201366.\n2 See most recently Catherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion, 2012),\n15\u20136.\n3 Dieter Harmening, Superstitio: \u00dcberlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-\u00adtheologischen\nAberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1979).\n4 Karin Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien: Zur Programmatik und \u00dcberlieferung mittelalterlicher Superstitionenkritik, 2 vols. (W\u00fcrzburg: K\u00f6nigshausen & Neumann, 1989); Marina Montesano, \u201cSupra acqua et supra\nad vento\u201d: \u201cSuperstizioni\u201d, maleficia e incantamenta nei predicatori Francescani osservanti (Italia, sec. XV)\n(Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano, 1999).\n5 Bernadette Filotas, Pagan Survivals, Superstitions, and Popular Cultures (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of\nMedieval Studies, 2005).\n6 Patrick Hersperger, Kirche, Magie und \u201cAberglaube\u201d: Superstitio in der Kanonistik des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Cologne: B\u00f6hlau, 2010).\n7 Emilie Lasson, Superstitions m\u00e9di\u00e9vales: Une analyse d\u2019apr\u00e8s l\u2019exeg\u00e8se du premier commandement d\u2019Ulrich de\n\u00adPottenstein (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2010); Krzysztof Bracha, Des Teufels Lug und Trug: Nikolaus\nMagni von Jauer, ein Reformtheologe des 15. Jahrhunderts gegen Aberglaube und G\u00f6tzendienst, trans. Peter\nChmiel (Dettelbach: J. H. R\u00f6ll, 2013).\n497\n\nPages 517:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\n8 Jean Verdon, Les superstitions au Moyen Age (Paris: Perrin, 2008).\n9 Euan Cameron, Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion, 1250\u20131750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).\n10 Michael D. Bailey, Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe\n(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013).\n11 As an example of early sermons, see those of Caesarius of Arles, Sancti Caesarii Arelatensis sermones,\ned. Germain Morin, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 103\u20134 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1953); on\npenitential literature, see Medieval Handbooks of Penance, ed. and trans. John T. McNeill and Helena\nM. Gamer (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938).\n12 Substantial sections are in Medieval Handbooks of Penance, otherwise see Burchard of Worms, Decretorum libri viginti, ed. J.-P. Migne, Patrologia Latina 140 (Paris: Garnier, 1880), cols. 537\u20131058.\n13 Rider, Magic and Religion, stresses the importance of pastoral manuals; on canon law, see Hersperger, Kirche, Magie und \u201cAberglaube\u201d.\n14 For a famous example, see Jean-Claude Schmitt, The Holy Greyhound: Guinefort, Healer of Children since\nthe Thirteenth Century, trans. Martin Thom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).\n15 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 255\u201365.\n16 The Distaff Gospels: A First Modern English Edition of \u201cLes \u00c9vangiles des Quenouilles\u201d, transl. Madeleine\nJeay and Kathleen Garay (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2006), 65.\n17 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.20(30), ed. Joseph Martin, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina\n32 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1962):\nSuperstitiosum est, quicquid institutum est ab hominibus ad facienda et colenda idola pertinens uel ad colendam sicut deum creaturam partemue ullam creaturae uel ad consultationes et pacta quaedam significationum cum daemonibus placita atque foederata, qualia\nsunt molimina magicarum artium, quae quidem commemorare potius quam docere adsolent\npoetae. Ex quo genere sunt, sed quasi licentiore uanitate, haruspicum et augurum libri. Ad\nhoc genus pertinent omnes etiam ligaturae atque remedia, quae medicorum quoque disciplina condemnat.\n18 Aquinas, Summa theologiae 2.2.92.1, in Summa theologiae: Latin Text and English Translation, vol. 40, Superstition and Irreverence, ed. and trans. Thomas Franklin O\u2019Meara O.P. and Michael John Duffy O.P. (New\nYork: Blackfriars, 1968): \u201cSic igitur superstitio est vitium religioni oppositum secundum excessum,\nnon quia plus exhibeat in cultum divinum quam vera religio, sed quia exhibit cultum divinum vel cui\nnon debet, vel eo modo quo non debet\u201d (I have modified O\u2019Meara\u2019s and Duffy\u2019s translation).\n19 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.20(31)-2.21(32): \u201cHis adiunguntur milia inanissimarum\nobseruationum\u2026\u201d.\n20 Isidore, Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX 8.9.9-30, 2 vols. ed. W.M. Lindsay (1911; reprint Oxford:\nClarendon, 1971): \u201cMagi sunt, qui vulgo malefici ob facinorum magnitudinem nuncupantur. Hi\net elementa concutiunt, turbant mentes hominum, ac sine ullo veneni haustu violentia tantum\ncarminus interimunt\u201d (8.9.9) and \u201cIncantatores dicti sunt, qui artem verbis peragunt\u201d (8.9.15).\n21 Charles Burnett, \u201cThe Earliest Chiromancy in the West\u201d, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 50 (1987): 189\u201395; Charles Burnett, \u201cAn Islamic Divinatory Technique in Medieval Spain\u201d, in\nThe Arab Influence in Medieval Europe, ed. Dionisius A. Agius and Richard Hitchcock (Reading, UK:\nIthaca Press, 1994), 100\u201335.\n22 Aquinas, Summa theologiae 2.2.95.3-8.\n23 William, De legibus 23, in Opera omnia (Venice, 1591). The categories are then discussed in subsequent chapters, De legibus 24\u201327.\n24 See typologies in Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1989), 56\u201394; Karen Jolly, \u201cMedieval Magic: Definitions, Beliefs, Practices\u201d, in Witchcraft and\nMagic in Europe: The Middle Ages, ed. Bengt Ankarloo and Stuart Clark (Philadelphia: University of\nPennsylvania Press, 2002), 27\u201371.\n25 Here Jean Gerson, De erroribus circa artem magicam, in Oeuvres compl\u00e8tes, 10 vols., ed. P. Glorieux (Paris:\nDescl\u00e9e, 1960\u201373), 10:83, but similar language is found in many late medieval treatises on magic\nand superstition. Works by Gerson will subsequently be cited OC (for Oeuvres compl\u00e8tes) followed by\nvolume and page number.\n26 Anonymous, Dives and Pauper, 3 vols., Early English Text Society 275, 280, 323, ed. Priscilla Heath\nBarnum (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976, 1980, 2004), 1:168.\n498\n\nPages 518:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\n27 Johannes Hartlieb, Das Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, des Aberglaubens und der Zauberei, ed. and trans. Falk\nEisermann and Eckhard Graf (Ahlerstedt: Param, 1989), 78\u201380. While I will continue to cite from\nthis German edition, an English translation is now available in Hazards of the Dark Arts: Advice for\nMedieval Princes on Witchcraft and Magic, trans. Richard Kieckhefer (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState University Press, 2017), 21\u201392\n28 E.g. Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 80; Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus (Rome, 1559), fol. 7r.\n29 E.g. Dives and pauper, 1:158; Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus, fols. 7v and 68v-69r; Denys the\n\u00adCarthusian, Contra vicia superstitionum (Cologne, 1533), 603.\n30 Heinrich of Gorkum, De superstitiosis quibusdam casibus (Blaubeuren, ca. 1477), fol. 4v; Johannes of\nW\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, Wroc\u0142aw, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, MS 239 (I F 212), fol. 236r.\n31 Johannes of W\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, fol. 232v; Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus, fols.\n25v-26r; Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, MS Codex\n78, fol. 56v.\n32 Thomas Ebendorfer, De decem praeceptis, in Anton E. Sch\u00f6nbach, \u201cZeugnisse zur deutschen\n\u00adVolkskunde des Mittelalters\u201d, Zeitschrift des Vereins f\u00fcr Volkskunde 12 (1902): 1\u201314, at 7.\n33 Denys the Carthusian, Contra vicia superstitionum, 612; Ebendorfer, De decem praeceptis, 7.\n34 Johannes of W\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, fol. 233r; anonymous, De superstitionibus, Erlangen,\nUniversit\u00e4tsbibliothek, MS 585, fol. 176r.\n35 Jean Gerson, Adversus superstitionem in audiendo missam, OC 10:141.\n36 Johannes of W\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, fol. 235r; on the Three Kings amulet, see Don C.\nSkemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006), 64\u201365.\n37 Heinrich of Gorkum, De superstitiosis quibusdam casibus, fol. 3r-v: \u201ccreditur quod huiusmodi scapulis\nacquiratur virtus talis quod cruces facte de craneis illarum scapularum habeant virtutem preseruandi homines a periculis maris et ab inimicis corporalibus scilicet raptoribus et ab omnibus\ninfortuniis\u201d.\n38 Anonymous, De superstitionibus, fol. 176r; Denys the Carthusian, Contra vicia superstitionum, 612;\n\u00adJohannes of W\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, fol. 232v; Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus, fol. 28r;\nNicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fol. 57r.\n39 Anonymous, De superstitionibus, fol. 176r; Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 76; Johannes of\n\u00adW\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, fols. 233r, 235v; Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus, fol. 28r.\n40 Heinrich of Gorkum, De superstitiosis quibusdam casibus, fol. 4v; Johannes of W\u00fcnschelburg, De superstitionibus, fol. 232v; Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fol. 57r; Johannes Nider, Preceptorium divine\nlegis 1.11.34(pp) (Milan, 1489).\n41 Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus, fols. 7v, 29v, 61v.\n42 Denys the Carthusian, Contra vicia superstitionum, 610; Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fol. 56v.\n43 Gerson, Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam, OC 10:118.\n44 Ebendorfer, De decem praeceptis, 9; Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 90; Martin of Arles, De superstitionibus, fol. 18r.\n45 Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 80; Ebendorfer, De decem praeceptis, 9; Johannes of \u00adW\u00fcnschelburg,\nDe superstitionibus, fol. 238v.\n46 Jakob of Paradise, De potestate demonum, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 18378, fol.\n261r; Ulrich of Pottenstein, Dekalog-Auslegung: Das erste Gebot, Text und Quellen. ed. Gabriele Baptist-\u00ad\nHlawatsch (T\u00fcbingen: Max Niemeyer, 1995), 108.\n47 Heinrich of Gorkum, De superstitiosis quibusdam casibus, fol. 1r.\n48 Henricus Institoris O.P. and Jacobus Sprenger O.P., Malleus maleficarum 1.2, 2 vols., ed. and trans.\nChristopher Mackay (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 1: 239.\n49 Johannes Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 66.\n50 These matters appear in almost every text on superstition in this period.\n51 On this problem, see Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 29\u201333; Rider, Magic and Religion, 21\u201323.\n52 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York: Columbia University\nPress, 1923\u201358), 2:577\u201392, 659\u201377.\n53 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.21(32): \u201cNeque illi ab hoc genere perniciosae superstitionis\nsegregandi sunt, qui genethliaci propter natalium dierum considerationes, nunc autem uulgo\n\u00admathematici uocantur\u201d; Isidore, Etymologiae 3.27.1: \u201cAstrologia vero partim naturalis, partim superstitiosa est\u201d.\n499\n\nPages 519:\nM i c h a e l D. B a i l e y\n54 As articulated by the fifteenth-century Cardinal Pierre d\u2019Ailly in his Apologetica defensio astronomice veritatis, in d\u2019Ailly, Imago mundi et varia eiusdem auctoris et Joannis Gerson opuscula (Louvain, ca. 1483), fol. 140v.\n55 E.g. Denys the Carthusian, Contra vicia superstitionum, 601, 614\u201315; Jakob of Paradise, De potestate\ndemonum, fols. 263r\u2013264v; Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fol. 40r-v; Jean Gerson, Trilogium\nastrologiae theologizatae, OC 10:96.\n56 Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fols. 37r, 40r, 50r. Such comparisons went back at least to\n\u00adAugustine, De civitate dei 10.32.\n57 Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 88.\n58 Gerson, De erroribus circa artem magicam, passim.\n59 Gerson, Contra superstitionum sculpturae leonis, OC 10:131. On Arnau and Boniface, see Nicolas\n\u00adWeill-Parot, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen Age et \u00e0 la Renaissance: Sp\u00e9culations intellectuelles et pratiques\nmagiques (XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2002), 477\u201379; Heinrich Finke, Aus den Tagen\nBonifaz VIII: Funde und Forschungen (M\u00fcnster: Aschendorffschen Buchhandlung, 1902), 200\u20139.\n60 Hartlieb, Buch aller verbotenen K\u00fcnste, 38.\n61 Nicolau Eymerich, Directorium inquisitorum 2.43.1, ed. F. Pe\u00f1a (Rome, 1587), 338; Hartlieb, Buch aller\nverbotenen K\u00fcnste, 34, 48. For an example of such a text, see Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).\n62 Eymerich, Directorium inquisitorum 2.43.2, p. 338:\nIn praedictis et aliis nonnullis libris, et inquisitionibus apparet, quod quidam daemones inuocantes manifeste exhibent honorem latriae demonibus inuocatis, utpote eis sacrificando,\nadorando, orationes execrabiles effundendo, \u2026 genuaflectendo, prostrationes faciendo, castitatem pro daemonis reuerentia, vel monito obseruando, iciunando, vel carnem suam alias\nmacerando, \u2026 luminaria accendendo, thurificando de ambra, ligno aloes, et similibu aromaticis subfumigando, aues, vel animalia alia immolando.\n63 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites, 82.\n64 Johannes of Frankfurt, Quaestio utrum potestas cohercendi demones fieri possit per caracteres, figuras atque\nverborum prolationes, in Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im\nMittelalter. ed. Joseph Hansen (1901; reprint Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963), 72; Jakob of Paradise, De potestate demonum, fol. 270r; Nicholas of Jauer, De superstitionibus, fol. 42v.\n65 Aquinas, Summa theologiae 2.2.90.2, Summa theologiae: Latin Text and English Translation, Religion and\nWorship. vol. 39. ed. and transl. Kevin D. O\u2019Rourke O.P. (New York: Blackfriars, 1964), 238\u201340.\n66 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.20(31).\n67 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana 2.23(36): \u201cOmnes igitur artes huiusmodi uel nugatoriae uel noxiae\nsuperstitionis ex quadam pestifera societate hominum et daemonum quasi pacta infidelis et dolosae\namicitiae constituta sunt repudianda et fugienda christiano\u201d.\n68 McNeill and Gamer, Medieval Handbooks of Penance, 321\u201345.\n69 Rider, Magic and Religion, esp. chaps. 6\u20137.\n70 For a different perspective, see Peter A. Morton, \u201cSuperstition, Witchcraft, and the First Commandment in the Late Middle Ages,\u201d Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 13 (2018): 40\u201370.\n71 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, esp. chap. 2.\n72 Articles 4, 10, 12, 20, 21.\n73 Gerson, sermon \u201cRegnum\u201d, OC 7.2:1000\u201301.\n74 Gerson, De erroribus circa artem magicam, OC 10:77: \u201cIncidit ut conquererer de superstitionibus pestiferis magicorum et stultitiis vetularum sortilegarum quae per quosdam ritus maledictos mederi\npatientibus pollicentur\u201d.\n75 In Gerson, Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam, De observatione dierum quantum ad opera, and Adversus\nsuperstitionem in audiendo missam, OC 10:116\u201321, 128\u201330, 141\u201343.\n76 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 144\u201345, 188\u201389; Bracha, Teufels Lug und Trug, 50\u20132.\n77 Gerson, Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam, OC 10:119.\n78 \u201cVielles sorci\u00e8res\u201d in the sermon \u201cRegnum\u201d (OC 7.2:1001), \u201cvetulae sortilegae\u201d and \u201cindoctae\nmulierculae\u201d in De erroribus circa artem magicam (OC 10:77, 83), and \u201cvetulae sortilegae, gallice vieilles\nsorci\u00e8res\u201d in Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam (OC 10:120).\n79 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 185\u201388.\n80 Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien, 1:274; Harmening, Superstitio, 72.\n500\n\nPages 520:\nS u p e r s t i t i o n a n d s o rc e ry\n81 Nicholas of Dinkelsb\u00fchl, De preceptis decalogi (Strasbourg, 1516), fol. 29v: \u201cBis got, wilkum newer\nmon, holder her, mach mir myns geltes mer\u201d (see also Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien, 2:544); anonymous, De superstitionibus, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 4727, fol. 49r: \u201cPis got, wilkom\nain newer man, holder herr, mach mir meins guets mer\u201d.\n82 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 28\u201333.\n83 See Bailey, Fearful Spirits; and more programmatically Rider, Magic and Religion.\n84 Collected in Hemmerli, Varie oblectationis opuscula et tractatus (Strasbourg, 1497 or later).\n85 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, chap. 5.\n86 Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites; Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008); Frank\n\u00adKlassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013); Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious\nMotives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2013); Claire Fanger, Rewriting Magic: An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a\nFourteenth-Century French Monk (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\n87 Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen Age: Introduction et \u00e9dition critique (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del\nGalluzzo: 2007); see also Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed.\nClaire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012).\n88 Skemer, Binding Words.\n89 For a later period, see Brian Hoggard, \u201cThe Archeology of Counter-Witchcraft and Popular\nMagic\u201d, in Beyond the Witch Trials: Witchcraft and Magic in Enlightenment Europe, ed. Owen Davies and\nWillem de Bl\u00e9court (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), 167\u201386.\n501\n\nPages 521:\n34\nW i tchcr a f t\nMartine Ostorero\nDespite their apparent similarity, the historiography of magic does not always intersect with\nthe historiography of witch-hunting. The former focuses mainly on practices and rituals\nthat were recorded by a relatively large literary production in the last centuries of the Middle Ages. The methods of production, sources of inspiration, circulation and reception of\nmagical knowledge, along with its socio-economic impact, have been the subject of renewed\nattention in recent decades. Supported by these developments, critical editions of magical\ntexts (in a broad sense) are being produced more and more frequently. Conversely, historians\nof witchcraft concentrate on its repression, which intensified only at the very end of the Middle Ages, in particular the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries. This is dependent on the sources\navailable, that is to say \u2013 taking those which are most significant \u2013 an abundance of juridical\nmaterial, a multitude of procedural manuals, doctrinal tracts or pamphlets against so-called\nmale and female witches, as well as various official condemnations stemming from secular or\necclesiastical authorities. Most of these documents were produced by those who took part in\nthe repression of witchcraft, and a very small proportion by possible male and female witches\nthemselves. Due to the disparity between documentary sources relating to magic and witchcraft trials, a dialogue between the two fields is not always guaranteed, although it would lead\nto each increasing its respective knowledge base and both being better able to explore the\ncontinuities and points of difference between magic and witchcraft.\nFurthermore, the distinction made by scholars between magic, sorcery and witchcraft\nhas contributed to the creation of categories that are not always those employed by medieval writers.1 The term \u201cmagic\u201d groups together the practices of natural, ritual and demonic magic without differentiation, although medieval clerics attempted to distinguish\nthem to establish a conceptual and normative framework. Medieval thinkers did not have\na coherent category of sorcery (in the sense of maleficent magic), and the term can only\nbe understood in opposition to witchcraft (or conspiratorial witchcraft), which did not develop until the fifteenth century. Likewise, people in the Middle Ages probably did not\nseparate learned magicians and illiterate witches to the same extent as current historians.\nThis is evident in the example of the injunction of 1430 by Amadeus VIII Duke of Savoy\nto simultaneously pursue \u201cheretics, sorcerers, astrologers, soothsayers, the invokers of demons, immolators and other superstitious people\u201d (heretici, sortilegi, mathematici, divini, demonum invocatores, immolatores et hujusmodi supersticiosi).2 A later example is an engraving of Pieter\nBruegel the Elder from c.1564 (Saint James at the Sorcerer\u2019s Den) which shows the coexistence\nof learned magicians, like Hermogenes, and witches, flying to the Sabbat riding on broomsticks, goats or monstrous creatures. Magic circles and hands of glory went hand in hand\nwith cauldrons, cats and toads, the common thread being explained by the caption: these\n502\n\nPages 522:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nare diabolica prestigii, misleading and diabolical illusions that are shared by both magicians\nand witches. This engraving would serve as a reference model for images depicting witchcraft that were produced later, starting from Flanders.3\nFinally, the richness of the lexical registers of magic and witchcraft in the Middle Ages,\nboth in Latin and vernacular languages, is such that it makes reduction into the distinct\ncategories of \u201cmagic\u201d and \u201cwitchcraft\u201d problematic, if not inadequate. This is even more\nthe case when particular words undergo semantic mutations over the passage of time such\nas nigromanticus or sortilegus. This is not the place to elaborate on this, but it is necessary to\nbear in mind how important it is to pay attention to vocabulary and its pitfalls.4\nThe connections and continuities between the domains of magic and witchcraft are important. Hostility towards learned magic mutated into a distorted view of witchcraft over\nthe course of the fifteenth century. Moreover, magical practices, whether sorceries (sortilegium) or evil practices (maleficium), were, for the most part, absorbed into the mythology\nof demonic witchcraft and of the Sabbat that developed at the beginning of the fifteenth\ncentury. We can also see that trials for witchcraft were frequently initiated by rumours or\nwitness depositions that reported \u201ctraditional\u201d practices of sorcery such as an illness produced by a powder or an ointment, the casting of an evil spell, etc. Over the course of the\ninquisitorial judicial procedure, these preliminary denunciations were integrated into the\nmythology of the Sabbat, which transformed them during the course of the interrogations.\nFor example, the accused was brought to confess that an ointment was composed in part\nof the corpses of small children, and that it was made collectively on the Sabbat by a sect\nsubject to the instructions of the devil. In 1437, the trial brought against Joubert de Bavi\u00e8re\nin Brian\u00e7on transformed the necromancer into an expert on the Sabbat.5\nWritten sources also demonstrate this continuity between sorcery and witchcraft. For\nexample, around 1430, the chronicler of Lucerne Hans Fr\u00fcnd juxtaposed witches and\nmagicians (hexssen und zuobrern), grouped together in Latin under the category of sortilegi,\nwhose misdeeds he classifies as heresy.6 The Dominican Jean Nider created an inventory of\nthe different perpetrators of sins and mentions a necromancer in possession of \u201cforbidden\nbooks\u201d who later repented and became a monk, as well as infanticidal and cannibalistic\nwitches; the powerful sorcerer Scaedeli who caused miscarriages; and a woman who practised bewitchments using images made of lead and who knew how to cast evil spells, all in\nthe same chapter of his Formicarius (Part V, chapter 3).7 Later, the Flagellum maleficorum of\nPierre Mamoris (before 1462) also reflected this conception: the \u201cSabbat\u201d (this tract is one\nof the first occurrences of the term) is included in the midst of an enumeration of various evil\nspells (variorum maleficorum inducta narratio). This also includes cases of divination, acts of prestidigitation and healing practices, as well as evil spells in the strict sense.8 These attempts at\ncategorization by medieval writers aimed above all to differentiate between legal and illegal\npractices, whether they were linked to the magical arts, witchcraft or superstitions. The use\nof demons drew a dividing line that was supported by the majority of clerics.\nThe heresy of magic and witchcraft\nAt the end of the Middle Ages, both ecclesiastical and secular authorities began to pay closer\nattention to magic, sorcery and witchcraft, to condemn them in the most severe terms and to\nfurther incriminate those who made use of them.\nThe problem of the categorization of the alleged crimes committed by male and female\nwitches was an issue of the highest importance. It was also a potential source of tension\n503\n\nPages 523:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nbetween ecclesiastical and secular authorities. Did these evil spells legally qualify as heresy,\napostasy and idolatry (through the worship of demons), superstitions, crimes (maleficium in\nthe primary sense), treason to God or man or even homicide? The varied and multiple\nresponses to this question depended on the type of tribunal to which a case of magic was\nbrought, the procedure followed, and the way in which the crime was sentenced.\nThe assimilation of ritual magic and witchcraft with heresy is a strong tendency that\ncan be observed over the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Pope John XXII\n(1316\u201344) was particularly troubled by this issue, and began to connect the two, although\nwithout making a definitive ruling on this issue. The bull Super illius specula was the result of\nan extensive consultation of experts in around 1320, but probably remained unpublished\nat the time, even though mandates with similar contents had been sent by the pontifical\ncourt; for example, one was sent by Cardinal Guillaume de Peyre Godin to inquisitors in\nthe south of France in 1320.9 Nevertheless, inquisitors in the field, such as Bernard Gui\nand later Nicolas Eymerich, pleaded in favour of hunting magicians and sorcerers through\nthe inquisition, and endeavoured to incriminate them by associating their crimes with heresy.10 It is to Nicolas Eymerich that we owe the first attestation of Super illius specula, which\nhe includes in his Directorium inquisitorum (completed around October 1376 in Avignon).11\nThe mandate corresponds precisely with his views and particularly legitimises his actions,\nsince almost fifty of the cases he took on in response to denunciations concerned magic and\ndivination.12\nIn France and in the Papal States, in the first third of the fourteenth century, a significant\nnumber of cases of a political nature involved accusations of demonic magic, demon worship and heresy. This is the case with the lawsuits brought against the Templars (1307\u201314),\nthe enquiry taken against bishop Guichard of Troyes (1307\u201314) and the accusations against\nEnguerrand de Marigny (1314) and Mahaut d\u2019Artois (1316), led by Philippe the Fair and his\njurists.13 Some years later, Pope John XXII used similar accusations to bring his enemies\ninto line such as the Visconti or the \u201crebels\u201d of the March of Ancona who were accused\nof idolatry and heresy.14 During the 1330s, the Avignonese papacy, particularly Benedict\nXII (1334\u201342) and then Gregory XI (1371\u201378), began to pay more attention to sorcerers,\nnecromancers and the invokers of demons, whether they were clerics in the south of France\nor practitioners of magic who worked in a courtly environment. Nevertheless, until the turn\nof the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the main target of theologians and inquisitors was\nthe ritual and learned magic of invokers of demons, rather than popular sorcery.15 These\ndevelopments significantly prepared the ground for witch-hunts.\nIn 1398, not long after France withdrew its obedience to the papacy, the theology faculty\nof the University of Paris produced a broad condemnation of ritual magic. Without actually\nqualifying it as heresy, it denounced the \u201cerrors\u201d of magicians as unspeakable abominations. This condemnation took place in a context where cases of magic were disrupting\nthe courts of France and Burgundy: the \u201cmadness\u201d of King Charles VI jeopardized the\nFrench monarchy and brought about significant political tensions in which magic played a\ndominant role. Both the use of magic and its repression were at the core of the expression\nof power. In particular, they played a part in the definition of royal power and majesty (majestas), particularly as l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9 had been equated with heresy since the decretal Vergentis\nin senium (1199).16 In 1409, while still in the midst of the schism, Pope Alexander V gave\na mandate to the Franciscan inquisitor Ponce Feugeyron to pursue sorcerers, soothsayers,\nthe invokers of demons, enchanters, conjurers and superstitious diviners because they used\nforbidden and criminal (nefarius) arts, corrupting the populace and creating new sects.17\n504\n\nPages 524:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nAt the end of the Middle Ages, the field of heresy had increased considerably, and with\nit the capabilities of the inquisition. Heresy could include necromancy, the magical arts\nand witchcraft, as well as idolatry (i.e. demon worship), sexual deviance, rebellion and even\nl\u00e8se-majest\u00e9, which were all deemed attacks on and offences against God, nature and ecclesiastical authority.18 Heresy was not only an issue of deviant religious beliefs or heterodox theological positions, but it integrated acts that were likely to cause damage to local\ncommunities, or even to harm the whole of Christian society. In this respect, the struggle\nagainst heresy engaged the secular authorities at every level (fiefdoms, towns, states) and in\nfact took on a political dimension.19\nThe assimilation of magical arts and the practices of witchcraft with heresy was largely\ndue to the fact that people believed the efficacy of magical practices was linked to the intervention of demons. The practitioner was supposed to have made a sacrifice to the demons,\nor a pact with them that sealed his apostasy through the renunciation of his faith in God.\nNow, demon worship was the strongest form of rebellion against God, comparable with\ndivine l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9, as well as reinforcing the heretical character of the crime. This was a\ntheoretical and doctrinal position that had concrete consequences in judicial practice, reinforcing the actions of ecclesiastical tribunals and the use of the extraordinary inquisitorial\nprocedural method. However, this extension of the notion of heresy, while it can be found in\nthe discourse of particular theologians, judges or inquisitors, was never received nor applied\nuniversally. It is therefore always necessary to note other methods of supressing witchcraft\nand pockets of resistance to or scepticism about the pursuit of the fight against witchcraft.\nA major shift in the fifteenth century\nWhile it was frequently accepted up to around 1400 that certain individuals could produce\nevil spells with the help of demons, the first decades of the fifteenth century saw a more terrifying idea emerge: that there were men and women who formed a clandestine sect whose\nmembers renounced their faith and swore loyalty to the devil or demons through a pact.\nWhen called by the devil or demons, they would gather in remote places, most often by flying\nthrough the air. They would worship the devil, pervert Christian rites and sacraments, and\nperform evil practices against men, beasts and crops on his orders, aiming to destroy them\nor make them perish. They were suspected of engaging in sexual acts with demons. They\nkilled small children and then ate their flesh, or used it to make harmful ointments or potions.\nTheir existence constituted a major threat to society. It therefore seemed necessary to inform\nthe authorities and the populace of this, and to prepare to fight against this new danger.\nBy creating what is commonly called the Witches\u2019 Sabbat, the Christian West began\nto believe that witches flew on broomsticks, ate children and worked secretly towards the\ndestruction of Christian society under the aegis of the devil. This new belief constituted\nthe base of doctrine on demonic witchcraft, which made the dramatic witch-hunts of the\nfifteenth to seventeenth centuries possible.\nThese new practices of witchcraft are characterized by four principal elements linked\nto evil acts: their collective dimension (secret sect or society), the absolute submission that\nconnects the sorcerer to the devil (apostasy or demon worship), acts against nature such as\ncannibalism, infanticide and acts of sexual deviance, as well as, in most cases, the magical\nflight of witches through the air. This idea of the Sabbat was based on concepts that had\nundergone significant changes throughout the two previous centuries. Magic had been subject to a substantial process of demonization; the development of the persecution of heresy\n505\n\nPages 525:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nled to the creation of a polemical, stereotyped discourse that tended to render the heretic\nnot only an underling of Satan but also a being who engaged in vile acts against nature,\na sort of incarnation of absolute Evil.20 Indeed, reflections on nature and the powers of\ndemons underwent significant changes in the age of scholasticism, as Alain Boureau has\ndemonstrated.21 This scholastic demonology amply nourished tracts on witchcraft between\nthe fifteenth and seventeenth centuries.\nJean-Patrice Boudet has, for his part, succinctly demonstrated four primary metamorphoses in the transformation of accusations of magic towards demonic witchcraft and the\nSabbat: shifts from the guardian angel to a private demon; from homage (individual) to the\nSabbat (collective); from magician to witch; and from denunciations made by neighbours\nto accusations pursued by the State.22 The changes that took place during this period led\nto a new take on older conceptions of magic and sorcery. Attention was shifted from the\nindividual who operated alone to secret sects or societies who produced evil potions together or collectively brought about storms. The protagonists were no longer mostly men,\nbut now mostly women: the witch embodied the figure of the woman who had submitted\nto the devil to wreak havoc on the earth. Magical flight, which is to our eyes undoubtedly\nthe most implausible element of the Sabbat, became the emblem of the new conception of\nwitchcraft. The reality of nocturnal flight was promoted in order to make people believe\nin the possibility of secret gatherings between witches as well as to justify the witch-hunts.\nThese transformations also affected demonological concepts: while the magician invoked\ndemons and compelled them to help him, profiting from demonic power, witches at the\nSabbat irrevocably submitted themselves to demons that compelled them to harm society\nas a whole, animals and the produce of the land. The devil, Prince of Evil, directed the\nmeetings of the sect and ruled in evil majesty over the witches. The fight therefore engaged\nnot only the forces of the Church but also those of the State. Devils and demons also acquired corporeality and were incarnated, under the form of assumed bodies, by the side\nof the witches, even engaging in sexual intercourse. Finally, the realism of the Sabbat and\ndemonic witchcraft, which met with its most ardent defenders in the middle of the fifteenth\ncentury, strongly undermined the formerly prevailing notion that demons were the masters\nof illusions and trickery. Witches were brought to justice because they were really trying to\nbring harm to others as the result of an alliance really sealed with demons. Actively looking\nfor the mark of the devil on the body of the accused during judicial procedures is a pertinent\nexample of this.23\nInforming, describing the Sabbat and denouncing the gravity\nof crimes of witches (1420\u201340)\nDuring the 1430s and 1440s, numerous texts describe and define precisely what is known as\n\u201cSabbat\u201d.24 This idea was established over the course of two decades, in a territory centred\non the Western Alps and the region of Lyon. Regions such as the Pyrenees and Italy also\nexperienced similar changes in conceptions of witchcraft over the course of the first half of\nthe fifteenth century. This belief spread quickly through other regions of Western Europe\nto take its place on the landscape of thought for many centuries, all the while undergoing\nchanges from one region to another, sometimes of a significant nature.\nThese texts came from clerics, theologians, inquisitors or magistrates who were personally convinced of the reality of the Sabbat and sects of devil worshippers; in fact, they\ncontributed to the creation and defence of this reality. They effectively tried to go against\n506\n\nPages 526:\nW i tc h c r a f t\na more sceptical current of thinking which called into question the reality of the acts committed by witches and argued that witches were mostly victims of deceptions or illusions by\ndemons (in the tradition of the canon Episcopi), even suffering from madness or melancholy.\nIn contrast to this sceptical position, the \u201cfanatics\u201d of the Sabbat advocated the necessity\nfor repression; and while they constituted a quantitative minority in the first half of the\nfifteenth century, their influence grew more and more in particular places or states (the\nWestern Alps, western Switzerland, Savoy, Burgundy, as well as the north and the south of\nFrance) and in particular cultural settings (the Dominican or Franciscan inquisition, as well\nas the Council of Basel).\nSix main texts, of various natures, bear witness to the emergence of this idea. The chronicler of Lucerne Hans Fr\u00fcnd reported on the first witch-hunt undertaken in Valais from\n1428.25 According to Fr\u00fcnd, Valais saw more than two hundred pyres lit over the course\nof a year and a half. A newly appeared sect of male and female witches made up of 700\nindividuals met in secret \u201cschools\u201d to meet the \u201cevil spirit.\u201d This sect prepared to overturn\nChristian society in order to impose its own power, to elect a \u201cking\u201d and create special\ncourts. The chronicler could not be more precise: in his eyes, witchcraft constituted a danger of the first order. Even if he was sometimes prone to exaggeration, a great witch-hunt\nwas in fact conducted in Valais at least between 1428 and 1436.26 Jean Nider, an observant\nDominican and professor of theology at the University of Vienna, discussed the issue of\nwitchcraft in his Formicarius (c.1436\u201338), a pastoral work. His analysis was based on information that he had received regarding witchcraft trials that took place in the Diocese of\nLausanne and in Simmental.27\nOn the other side of the Alps, in the Dauphin\u00e9, Claude Tholosan, the principal judge ( judex major) in the service of the King of France, composed a juridical treatise, the Ut magorum\net maleficiorum errores (So that the Errors of Magicians and Sorcerers\u2026), in which he demonstrated\nthe gravity of the crimes of witches. At around the same time, the Errores gazariorum (Errors of\nthe Gazarii), an anonymous pamphlet composed between 1436 and 1438 in the Aosta Valley,\noffered a systematic description of the ritual of the Sabbat, based on juridical activities. The\nenigmatic treatise on the Vauderye de Lyonois notes the difficulty experienced by the Dominicans of Lyon in instituting witch-hunting in this region of the Kingdom of France at the same\ntime. These three texts, contemporary with each other and of a similar nature, offer a very\nsystematic description of the Sabbat ritual as part of brief treatises whose primary objective\nis to denounce the evil spells of witches. By highlighting the dangerous nature of witches\u2019\ncrimes, these writers supported the condemnation of the rites and practices they described.\nFinally, in Le Champion des Dames (The Champion of Women), a lengthy poem composed\nbetween 1440 and 1442, Martin Le Franc, a secretary of the antipope Felix V (the Duke of\nSavoy Amadeus VIII), offered one of the first descriptions of the Sabbat in a literary work,\nassociating it primarily with women.28 Le Franc, also provost of Lausanne, was aware of\nthe persecutions in the Dauphin\u00e9, particularly in Vallouise (formerly Valpute), as well as in\nPiedmont (mons d\u2019Esture, probably Stura di Demonte).29 His poem, which took the form of a\ndialogue, offers a clear insight into the varied beliefs and mentalities about witchcraft that\nexisted during this period.\nThree of these texts are particularly helpful for understanding the changes that were\nthen underway and the beginnings of repression. The treatise of Claude Tholosan, a doctor\nof law, is the fruit of his reflection after ten years of legal practice. Indeed, he had conducted\nabout a hundred witchcraft trials, mostly in the Upper Dauphin\u00e9 area, and mostly against\nwomen.30 According to Tholosan, those accused belonged to a demonic sect with precise\n507\n\nPages 527:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nrituals and practices. He described the ceremony of apostasy and homage to the devil, followed by an orgiastic and cannibalistic banquet. He detailed the composition and effects of\nvarious evil spells; for example, sorcerers were capable of making men mad and preventing\nwomen from becoming pregnant.31 Although he considered nocturnal flight a diabolical\nillusion, the Sabbat and the collection of activities of the sect are presented as real events\nand perceived as crimes of a grave nature, allowing him to justify repressive action against\nthe witches. He also developed a precise legal discussion that aimed to assimilate the crime\nof witchcraft with the crime of homicide and above all with the crimes of divine and human\nl\u00e8se-majest\u00e9. This permitted him to justify the primacy of the justice of the Prince over the\njustice of the Church, and not to allow the courts of the Inquisition to act in their own right\nagainst the perpetrators of evil acts.32 In fact, the secular powers in the Dauphin\u00e9 appeared\nat the forefront of the fight against witches. Consequently, the role of Claude Tholosan was\nunderstood as a champion of princely absolutism.33 In contrast to the Errores gazariorum\nand the Vauderye de Lyonois, Tholosan\u2019s work was not widely known outside the registers of\nthe Dauphin\u00e9\u2019s treasury (Quintus liber fachureriorum), for which he was responsible. Nevertheless, the scale and precocity of the witch-hunts undertaken between 1424 and 1445 in the\n\u00adDauphin\u00e9 made considerable waves in the surrounding communities and contributed to the\ncirculation of the idea of the Sabbat.\nClose to the vision of demonic witchcraft transmitted by judge Tholosan is the Errores\ngazariorum seu illorum qui scopam vel baculum equitare probantur (Errors of the Gazarii), completed\nc. 1436\u20133834 from which we learn how the devil attracted new followers to his sect and\nobliged them to pay him homage by kissing his posterior. All members of the sect celebrated the arrival of a new follower by eating various dishes, especially roasted or boiled\nchildren. The witches also made powders and ointments which, with the help of the devil,\nallowed them to kill men and animals or to destroy harvests. The author of the text, who\nremains anonymous, relied on the trials that took place in the Aosta Valley, in the duchy of\nSavoy; he makes reference to the trial of Jeannette Cauda, burnt at Chambave on 11 \u00adAugust\n1428. Hunts for demonic witchcraft began in this region as early as 1428: \u00adnoteworthy\nwitch-hunts were undertaken in the years 1430, 1440 and 1460, mainly by Franciscan\ninquisitors, connected to the bishop\u2019s fiscal procurators ( procurator fiscalis, the official who\nrepresented and defended a lord\u2019s interests).35 It is likely that the author of this treaty was\nPonce \u00adFeugeyron (or one of his acquaintances) because, armed with a papal mandate to act\nagainst sorcerers and invokers of demons, he was present in the Aosta Valley between 1434\nand 1439, precisely when the Errores gazariorum was completed. 36 A manuscript of this pamphlet against sorcerers was circulated in the Diocese of Lausanne and was supplemented\nwith information from lawsuits in the Vevey region.37 Two manuscripts of the Errores are\nalso preserved in collections of texts that are connected to the Council of Basel: it is worth\nnoting this as we know that the council was an ideal environment for the circulation of\ntexts on the \u00adSabbat.38 A third, later, manuscript was copied between 1451 and 1457 by\nthe jurist Mathias Widmann von Kemnath (d. 1476), the court chaplain and astrologer of\nPrince \u00adPalatine Frederick I the Victorious (Friedrich I., der Siegreiche, 1425\u201376).39 The\ntreatise from the Aosta Valley also circulated in the Germanic world and was translated\ninto \u00adGerman by Widmann, who included it in his Chronik Friedrich (I.) des Siegreichen (c. 1475).\nThe Errores gazariorum has many traits in common with a short tract usually referred to\nby its French name, the Vauderye de Lyonois en brief.40 Composed in Latin by an unknown\nauthor at an unknown date, this text seeks to describe in great detail the organization and\ncriminal practices of a diabolical sect referred to by the generic name \u201cvaudois\u201d (valdesia).\n508\n\nPages 528:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nThe apostate members of the sect, described in French as \u201cfaicturiers\u201d and \u201cfaicturi\u00e8res,\u201d\nwere supposed to gather at night in the \u201csynagogue,\u201d also called a \u201cfaict\u201d or \u201cmartinet\u201d\naround a devil who exhibited all the attributes of monstrosity and abomination. They paid\nhomage to him, desecrated Christian rites and indulged in feasting and sexual orgies. The\nunveiling of this secret society was announced with horror, but not given a theoretical emphasis. The tract described the enormity (enormia) of the crime of demonic witchcraft to\nbetter encourage its repression. The evocation of the crimes imputed to this sect was effectively correlated with specific judicial activity in the region of Lyon. Recent research, based\non documentary discoveries, has made it possible to connect this text to the Dominican\ninquisition of Lyon and to postulate a date of completion at the very end of the 1430s. In\nfact, it is over the course of this decade that the prior of Lyon, Thomas Girbelli, and the\ninquisitor of the same convent, Jean Tacot, attempted to prosecute witches in the region\nof Lyon. However, they met with strong resistance on the part of the archbishop and the\nconsular authorities of Lyon who hindered their aspirations towards repression. The tract\nVauderye de Lyonois was written by the Dominicans of Lyon in order to solicit the political and\nfinancial support of the King of France and the pope. The recently discovered supplement\nto the treatise expresses this clearly (BnF, Collection Moreau n\u00b0 779). However, Girbelli and\nTacot\u2019s efforts were unsuccessful, and the history of the Vauderie of Lyon was principally\none of the failures of witch-hunting in this region of the Kingdom of France. In spite of\nthis, the tract, now preserved in three manuscripts, enjoyed a circulation overseen by the\nnetwork of the observant Dominicans: towards Burgundy in one direction, where the affair\nof the Vauderie of Arras (c.1460) gave its name to the tract, and in the other towards the\ntown of Trier around 1470, at the door of the Empire, on the eve of the great witch-hunts.\nIn conclusion, therefore, these six initial documents offer a relatively similar idea of the\nSabbat, which Richard Kieckhefer describes as the \u201cLausanne paradigm\u201d.41 Other evidence demonstrates variations that refer to a different cultural universe, marked by the\nclassical literary tradition of the vampire witch (strix, strega) and regional folklore. This is\nthe case with sources from the Italian Peninsula, particularly the Umbrian paradigm, as\nthe sermons of Bernardino of Siena particularly demonstrate (1427 and 1443). The observant Franciscan denounced the old soothsayers who were believed to go \u201crunning with\n\u00adHerodias\u201d (in curso cum Herodia) and to transform themselves into cats or vampires (strix, lamia) to suck the blood of children. The witches described by the Italian authors (influenced\nby sporadic trials in the area) represent a combination of infanticidal vampire witches and\nthe \u201cGood Women\u201d who flew with Dame Abonde or the goddess Diana.42 They did not go\nto the \u201csynagogue\u201d often referenced in the Alps, but took part in a \u201cgame\u201d (ludus) of Diana.\nThere was little space for the devil; his role was solely to trick them. Finally, evil spells were\nperceived principally as the work of women, particularly those of a mature age. This alternative mythology of witchcraft tended to also circulate around the Alps and to meld sometimes with that of the Sabbat. However, some regions, such as the Germanic territories,\nshowed themselves to be relatively unreceptive to either of the two conceptions and limited\nthemselves to representations of the witch as a caster of evil spells.\nThe beginning of the witch-hunts\nIn the territory that covers the Western Alps, from the Dauphin\u00e9 to the Leventina, passing through Savoy, Piedmont, the Barony of Vaud, Fribourg, Valais, the Bernese Oberland,\n\u00adLucerne and the Aosta Valley, there are signs of an intense repression of witchcraft from the\n509\n\nPages 529:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\n1420s onwards. Based on a belief in the Witches\u2019 Sabbat, this took place in both ecclesiastical\ntribunals and secular courts.43 The tracking down of \u201csects\u201d of witches also developed during the same period in the Pyrenees. It intensified in the 1430s and was particularly well documented in the Dauphin\u00e9 and in the most northerly part of the State of Savoy (Tarentaise,\nthe Aosta Valley, Vaud, Savoyard Valais, Bresse and Bugey). From the 1440s, repression also\ntouched the Burgundian States, the eastern parts of the Kingdom of France and the Empire.\nVarious studies have reported on this in recent years, and a significant body of judicial material has now been edited, translated into French and commented upon.44\nIn the dioceses of Lausanne, Sion and Geneva, Dominican inquisitors and both episcopal and secular judges instigated trials according to the extraordinary inquisitorial procedure, that is to say by making use of denunciations and public rumours ( fama) in order\nto arrest suspects, holding secret enquiries and using torture. Historians have at their disposal a register which was put together in the nineteenth century, which collects together\nnearly thirty lawsuits brought between 1438 and 1538 in the Diocese of Lausanne and the\n\u00adBas-\u00adValais.45 The proceedings, which are particularly comprehensive, allow an examination of all the procedural phrases, and precisely record the interrogations of the accused.\nOne of the specificities of trials in these regions in the fifteenth century consists of their very\ndetailed descriptions of the Witches\u2019 Sabbat, called a \u201csynagogue\u201d, which include clandestine meetings with the demon, banquets, anthropophagy of children, nocturnal flight on\nsticks or broomsticks and the preparation of evil ointments.\nIt is not that these regions were particularly populated by male and female witches, as\ncontemporary accounts would have us believe, but rather that the authorities, the clerics\nand the elites were greatly convinced of the existence of these sects of devil worshipers, who\nwere attempting to harm Christian society through every possible means. Armed with this\nconviction, the authorities initiated real witch-hunts and involved the local populations in\nthe mechanisms of repression through encouraging denunciations.\nIn episcopal Valais, the Diet and the local assemblies introduced an edict in 1428 which\ncondemned severely the meetings of witches and casters of spells. Initially, these secular political elites were in charge of the exercise of repression against witches: they almost did away\n\u00ad ishop-princes\nwith the inquisitors and episcopal justice.46 However, as time went on, the b\nof Sion acted both as inquisitors and as lords with merum et mixtum imperium (pure and mixed\npower \u2013 the highest kind of jurisdiction and competence in medieval Roman law), and investigated witchcraft cases fully. Frequent conflicts of jurisdiction therefore arose between\nthe bishop-princes or their bailiffs and the mayors or the local communities, each claiming jurisdiction over the proceedings and the right to confiscate the goods of the accused.\n\u00adTrials for witchcraft played a major role in the competition for political and juridical power,\neven without the consideration of financial interests. After an initial, crucial, witch-hunt\nbetween 1428 and 1436, repression continued into the second half of the fifteenth century;\nroughly fifty cases are now known. Among them was the case of Fran\u00e7oise Bonvin, a rich\nwidow accused of witchcraft and condemned to be burnt in 1467, after she had been denounced by three \u201cwitches\u201d. Unusually, she benefitted from a defence lawyer, who gathered\n67 witnesses to establish the innocence and respectability of his client. The witnesses\u2019 stories\nportray a certain scepticism towards the development of the mythology of the Sabbat propagated by local authorities.47\nThe fight against demonic witchcraft was unleashed in a similar fashion in a large part\nof the States of Savoy from the 1430s, and was particularly well documented in the northern half of this area.48 Franciscan or Dominican inquisitors, depending on the territories\n510\n\nPages 530:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nin question, were actively engaged in the pursuit of sorcerers, and worked closely with local church officials and judges. The impetus behind this repression came largely from the\nDuke of Savoy Amadeus VIII. It is to him that we owe the Statutes of Savoy of 1430, a\nsignificant legislative undertaking that attempted to reorganize and reform his vast state.49\nThe first article of this ordinance targeted sorcerers, magicians and the invokers of demons. \u00adA madeus VIII described the crimes of witchcraft and magic as heresy, which in fact\nfell under the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical authorities. However, he believed that these\ncrimes were so serious that they necessitated the involvement of all possible authorities. It is\nfor this reason that he ordered all the judges and officials of\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 516 to page 530 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 531 to page 544 out of a total of 569:\nPages 531:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nFrom the middle of the fifteenth century, the repression of demonic witchcraft spread\ntowards the north of France, via Franche-Comt\u00e9 and Burgundy. The Vauderie d\u2019Arras\nwas the first large witch-hunt that took place in France in the Burgundian state, beginning in 1459. Those who were first accused were mostly condemned to the stake (a dozen),\nbefore the intervention of royal advisors who put an end to the hunt and rehabilitated the\n\u201cvaudois\u201d (\u201cWaldensians\u201d) of Arras. While the procedural documents have vanished (they\nwere destroyed after the ceremony of rehabilitation in 1491), the chronicle of Jacques Du\nClercq allows us to reconstruct many of the events. As Franck Mercier has demonstrated,\nthe Vauderie of Arras was the scene of competition between two sovereignties: the well-\u00ad\nestablished Kingdom of France, and the Burgundian state that failed in the end to establish\nits longevity.54 A legal brief produced on the occasion of the Vauderie of Arras, the Recollectio... Valdensium ydolatrarum, aimed to legitimate the persecutions of the \u201cvaudois-witches\u201d of\nArras. Its anonymous author, perhaps Jacques du Bois, one of the judges of Arras, may have\nbased it on one of the first tracts on demonology to address the issue of the Witches\u2019 Sabbat,\nthe Flagellum hereticorum fascinariorum (Scourge of Heretical Enchanters, 1458) by Nicolas Jacquier.\nIndeed, it follows the broad strokes of Jacquier\u2019s discussion, particularly regarding the flight\nof witches during the Sabbat, while demonstrating the necessity for using the death penalty\nfor demonic witches.\nAs we have seen, the secular authorities were aware of the changes underway in conceptions of witchcraft. They were also active in the repression of witchcraft, insofar as the\ncrime pertained to damages to people or property, as opposed to cases with a particular\n\u201cflavour of heresy.\u201d These crimes were concrete acts that directly infringed on the social\norder, for which the secular authorities were responsible. For the lay authorities, the pursuit of witches was also a way to assert their power in matters of high justice and to affirm\ntheir sovereignty, or indeed their majesty. The repression of witchcraft was not only the\nconsequence of a religious and moral control exercised over populations who had been\nbarely or badly Christianized, and who had retained their heterodox beliefs and practices.\nIt was also a means by which a state, through its political and judicial apparatus, affirmed\nits authority in the defence of the public interest, and in the interest of social cohesion, and\nChristian orthodoxy.55 The repression of witchcraft therefore had a significant political\ndimension in the context of the \u201csuper christianization of temporal power\u201d.56 Compared\nto the ecclesiastical courts (including those of the inquisition), local and municipal secular\ntribunals dealt with the lion\u2019s share of witchcraft cases, since they were responsible for the\nmajority of those condemned to death.57 However, the situation differed significantly from\none region or state to another, because the danger of the crime was perceived differently\nin different locations. The weapon of judicial repression did not have the same importance\nand the same stakes for different secular powers.\nAt the point at which witchcraft was reformulated as heresy, the secular princes tried\nto keep control of the repression of the crime and to actively take part in this campaign of\nrepression. This initiative contributed to the legitimation and affirmation of their sovereign\npower. This is precisely what the judge Claude Tholosan managed to achieve to the advantage of the Dauphin of the King of France. According to Tholosan, acts of witchcraft were\ncomparable to crimes of l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9, because they attacked sovereignty. Heresy had been\nlinked to l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9, since the end of the twelfth century, under the pontificate of Innocent\nIII (Vergentis in senium, 1199), which can be viewed, as Jacques Chiffoleau suggests, as the\nbirth of a \u201cheresy of the state\u201d.58\n512\n\nPages 532:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nThe papacy took a long time to react to witchcraft. The bulls enacted against demonic\nsorcery were usually rather sober and cautious, with the exception of Alexander V\u2019s bull in\n1409, and in contrast to the proactive attitude of John XXII in the previous century. One\ndoes not find any allusions to the Sabbat, or aerial flights of witches, or to the dominant\nfigure of the devil, in the bulls of Eugenius IV (1437/1445), Nicholas V (1451), Calixtus\nIII (1457), Pius II (1459) or Innocent VIII (1484). However, Nicholas V did authorize the\npursuit of magic that did not explicitly savour of heresy, and this consequently marks an\nexpansion of the inquisitors\u2019 field of action of against witchcraft and magical practices. In\npapal bulls, the offence tends to be referred to as divine l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9, or a great scandal.59\nUnderstanding, persuading and justification: treatises\non demonology (1450\u201380)\nFrom the 1440s, texts on witchcraft were not content solely to describe the Sabbat and the\natrocities committed by witches, but rather they aimed above all to understand the reality\nof the evil spells and the interactions between demons and witches, and their consequences.\nTheir objective was to determine the culpability of the presumed sorcerers and to confer an\nacceptable doctrinal framework on the tribunals, both in terms of law and theology. Autonomous tracts on demonology took off from the middle of the fifteenth century. Theorists of\nwitchcraft or \u201cdemonologists\u201d were mostly theologians or inquisitors, but also jurists or physicians. These were intellectuals who were trying to insert the new belief in the Sabbat into\nthe traditional framework of Christian demonology, understood as knowledge which aimed\nto define the existence and the nature of demons and their powers of action on the world\nand on men. In order to achieve this, they had to redefine witchcraft through new questions\nbrought on by the idea of the Sabbat. Their writings represent both syntheses and breaks\nwith the past; they collated knowledge on the devil, magic and witchcraft, even possession,\nand compared it to the confessions of witches.60\nAlmost thirty texts were produced before the Malleus Maleficarum (Hammer of Witches)\nby Henrich Kramer/Institoris (1486). The Malleus\u2019s fame, which owes much to the dawn\nof printing, has somewhat overshadowed these earlier texts, which are very interesting but\nstill not well known. The discussion and reflections which Kramer proposed were already\npresent in the works that preceded it. These works often bore the title of \u201chammer\u201d (malleus)\nor \u201cwhip\u201d ( flagellum) of witches, revealing the aim of the author, or else bore the more sober\ntitles of \u201ctract\u201d, \u201cbrief work\u201d (opusculum), \u201csermon\u201d or \u201cquestion\u201d, which bear witness to the\nintellectual operation that governed their writing.\nOn the whole, these texts tend to evaluate the possibility and consequently the reality of\nWitches\u2019 Sabbats and the acts of their protagonists. Their authors deploy arguments that\nseem rational: they employ the tools of scholastic reasoning and logic; they base their arguments on the texts of the Bible, the Church Fathers, Augustine, Gregory the Great and\ntheologians (principally Thomas Aquinas) and even on hagiographical texts and exempla.\nThese practical tracts are the fruit of late scholasticism, decidedly hybrid and sometimes\ndistorted in the sense that they wanted to make the reader adopt certain points of view.\nHowever, they did not always emanate from deranged and perverse individuals, as one\nmight be inclined to assume. Demonology must be understood as a true science: demonologists endeavoured to describe the place and functions of demons in the natural world. It is\nalso a literature in which scholars can find the questions and divergences of demonologists.\n513\n\nPages 533:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nContradictory positions were defended; for example, it was possible for one author to assert\nthat the devil really took witches to the Sabbat, while another defended the idea that the\ndemon made them believe that they were going to the Sabbat in their dreams. Everything\ndepended on the belief and the position of the author. There was also a certain amount of\nscepticism about the reality of the evil deeds and the Sabbats, especially in the initial stages\nof the discussion when there was a reaction against some of the more fanatical positions.\nThese texts on witchcraft were often produced as a result of trials, and aimed either to\nincite witch-hunting and to create a normative framework for it, or to justify an episode of\nrepression. For many authors, the test of the reality of witchcraft resided in the confessions\nof the accused, often obtained under torture or the threat of torture. Thus, the texts and the\ntrial proceedings were often aligned with each other.\nThree tracts are particularly revealing about how the doctrine of witchcraft was elaborated: the Tractatus contra invocatores demonum (Treatise Against Demon Invokers) of Jean Vinet,\n(c. 1450\u201352) the Flagellum hereticorum fascinariorum (Scourge of Heretical Enchanters) of Nicolas\nJacquier (1458) and the Flagellum maleficorum (Scourge of Those Who Commit Evil Deeds) of Pierre\nMamoris (after 1462).61 These three texts were among the first to discuss the issue of the\nWitches\u2019 Sabbat as part of a reflection on Christian demonology. All three works are by\nFrench authors: the Dominican Jean Vinet studied theology at Paris, where he taught the\nSentences of Peter Lombard, before being named inquisitor of Carcassonne. Nicolas \u00adJacquier,\nalso a Dominican inquisitor, was attached to the convent at Dijon, then the convent at Lille,\nwhile carrying out numerous journeys to the east and north of France, principally between\nLyon and the state of Burgundy. Pierre Mamoris, a secular clerk originally from Limoges,\nwas a canon at Saintes and a professor of theology at the University of Poitiers.\nJean Vinet discussed the magical powers that humans could obtain by allying themselves\nwith demons. Following the thought of Thomas Aquinas about the demonic pact, he believed that the efficacy of the magical arts was related to an alliance made with demons,\nwhich he forcefully condemned. The inquisitor of Carcassonne believed that the Witches\u2019\nSabbat was in fact possible: demons could meet human beings and unite with them (sexually\nand through a covenant), they could transport people from one place to another (the flight\nto the Sabbat) and they could help witches to perpetrate evil deeds. Vinet does not present\nhimself as a fierce defender of the fight against witches, but he tries to define the boundary\nbetween the possible and the impossible, and between the acceptable and the unacceptable.\nVinet\u2019s contemporary Nicolas Jacquier went much further. Convinced of the reality of\nthe Sabbat, he virulently denounced the danger of what he called \u201cnew sects of heretical witches\u201d in his Flagellum hereticorum fascinariorum (1458). In Jacquier\u2019s eyes, the Witches\u2019\n\u00adSabbat was an anti-church, to which participants adhered voluntarily and consciously. It\nwas a \u201ccult\u201d of demons, including ritual sacrifices which he believed embodied all the horror of the crimes of witches. The Burgundian inquisitor continually highlighted the corporeality of demons, who were perceptible to human senses; he recalled the real and corporeal\npresence of the demon at the Sabbat as a leitmotiv, also drawing support from Thomas\nAquinas. His argument about sensory perception helped him to convince his detractors.\nStarting from the physical experience that man has with demonic corporeality, the latter\nbecomes undeniable: the devil really and physically manifests himself, because the human\nbeing can, through using his or her external senses, touch him, hear him, see him and even\nsmell his most fetid odour. The sexual union between a devil and a human, male or female,\nis manifest proof for him; it is for this reason, he explains, that the participants in the Sabbat return from the synagogue saying that they have been completely \u201cexhausted by the\n514\n\nPages 534:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nextreme violence of pleasure\u201d they had with demons.62 Nicolas Jacquier is undoubtedly the\nfifteenth-century demonologist who tried most diligently to demonstrate what we can call\n\u201cdiabolic realism\u201d, that is to say the premise of the reality not only of the devil and demons\nbut also of physical interactions between humans and demons. In fact, the \u201csynagogue of\nthe devil,\u201d which aimed to destroy Christianity, constituted a danger of the first order. With\nthis in mind, Jacquier attempted to demonstrate that witches were not only heretics, but\nalso \u201cthe worst heretics,\u201d expressing it in this form in order to justify the force of repression\nthat needed to be taken against them. The inquisitor advocated a tightening of the judicial\nprocedures against witches, in order to deny them any possibility of grace or salvation \u2013\nthey must be condemned to death on the first indictment (instead of after relapsing, as was\nmore usual with inquisitorial trials). The Flagellum, a genuine plea for capital punishment,\naimed to make witch-hunting both possible and effective.\nThe third tract in this group adopts another perspective that renders its author, Pierre\nMamoris, more sympathetic. His Flagellum maleficorum (ca. 1462) offers a wide panorama\nof the misdeeds and magical practices attested in Poitou and the kingdom of Bourges in\nthe middle of the fifteenth century, and which, according to him, had been multiplying\nsince the Hundred Years\u2019 War. Recalling the statements of his contemporaries and his own\npersonal experience, the author conducts a kind of ethnographic collecting of data at the\nbeginning of his tract. As he states, he wants to \u201cdiscover the truth\u201d and above all, to persuade himself. Did magical arts derive their power from nature or from demons? Was the\nSabbat real, or was it demonic trickery? In order to answer these questions, he compares\nand contrasts doctrine and knowledge. He seeks to adopt a position and does not hesitate\nto express his doubts. In fact, he modifies his point of view between the beginning and the\nend of his treatise, finally telling his readers that he had been convinced by the gravity of\nwitches\u2019 evil actions, when he heard about a case, the indictment of Guillaume Adeline,\nwhich was a cause celebre at the time.63\nUnderneath an apparent, often misleading, uniformity, the fifteenth-century tracts on\ndemonology diverge from each other due to their authors\u2019 positions, their intellectual points\nof reference and the context in which they were written. Each work is unique, even if the\nmajority share the same obsession with demons. The authors of the tracts adopt significant\ndifferences in tone and method, which it is necessary to note. Christian demonology therefore opened a new range of possibilities for the Sabbat which the theologians of the fifteenth\ncentury explored in depth. The fact that the Sabbat could be understood intellectually either as a reality or as the result of an illusion or demonic deception lent them a considerable\namount of freedom. Since both one thing and its opposite were often possible and conceivable, for example nocturnal flight, the Sabbat became an issue of belief, on which the theologians expressed their opinions. Moreover, the issues relating to demons had very broad\nimplications, whether social, political, economic or cultural, because they were associated\nwith the repression of witches. Linked to the new belief in the Sabbat, learned demonology\nhad social repercussions of the first order in the fifteenth century.\nThe ambivalence of witchcraft\nWitch-hunting was in part the result of an attitude towards magic that became more and\nmore restrictive. Did it therefore also include a campaign against necromancers, learned\nmagicians and even astrologers? It is not necessary to go this far, even if the breadth of\nthe repression did succeed in drawing in some of these figures. In reality, witch-hunting,\n515\n\nPages 535:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nthrough the game of denunciations and rumours that were enough to open an inquisitorial\nprocedure, was greatly nourished by the resentments, jealousies and interpersonal conflicts\nthat simmered in the heart of families and local communities. It must be said that few true\nmagicians and witches were sent to the pyre, although an infinite number of suspects or\nso-called witches were burnt, which allowed individuals to find a perpetrator of and an\nexplanation for the misfortunes they were suffering. These victims of bad fortune created\nnew victims.\nFinally, it is important to remember that the practices of magic and witchcraft were not\nseen uniquely as damaging or harmful to others; they were not entirely reduced to maleficium. Medieval detractors of the magical arts and witchcraft have a tendency to highlight\nonly the harmful and monstrous side of these practices, and consequently their illicit characteristics. In addition, the trial sources highlight all the evils for which the accused were\nheld responsible (causing death and illness, destroying harvests, etc.). However, we must not\nforget the profoundly ambivalent nature of magic and witchcraft: the population turned often enough to magicians, soothsayers and sorcerers to be healed from an illness, to discover\nthe future, to find something that had been lost or stolen, to ensure a good harvest, to find\nlove or peace or even to benefit from a particular protection for a particular time (during\nbirth, travel, etc.). Turning to magic was the result of individual needs, and expressed a\ndesire to take control of one\u2019s life, regardless of social status and degree of Christianization.\nWe know that many magicians and sorcerers were active at the court of King Charles VI of\nFrance, who suffered from epilepsy, to find a cure for his illness. Another example, among\nmany, is that of Jeanne de Caboreto (Aosta Valley), who tried in vain to save a newborn\nthat was close to death. She was accused in 1449 of being a witch, and of having wanted to\nkill the child.64 This is a typical context for an accusation of witchcraft: when an attempt\nat healing failed, or magical protection proved ineffective. There is also the case of the last\nwitch to have been executed at Geneva in 1652, a washerwoman known for her white soup\nwith invigorating properties. When she refused to care for a desperate woman, she was\naccused by this woman of \u201cbrewing evil\u201d.65\nFuture directions\nLargely arising out of the thinking of clerics and amplified during the course of inquisitorial proceedings, the ideas linked to witchcraft were subject to significant chronological and\ngeographical variation. The \u201cSabbat\u201d was not a universal concept, and was sometimes referred to by other names, such as the \u201cGame of Diana\u201d linked to the bloodsucking witches\nin Italy, or the \u201cGoat of Biterne\u201d mentioned in the area around the Pyrenees. Following\nRichard Kieckhefer, it is worth paying considerable attention to these different paradigms\nor mythologies of witchcraft as well as their dissemination and reception, whether geographical, cultural or sociopolitical. In addition, centres of resistance or scepticism towards\nbelief in the Sabbat and demonic witchcraft would be worth examining, investigating their\ncauses and motives. Why were certain regions better able to resist, or even remain impermeable to the attraction of, the most radical conceptions or forms of the Sabbat? Was it\ndue to the regions\u2019 political, religious, social, cultural or even economic circumstances?\nOnly a detailed analysis of local contexts and the forces at play within them can provide\nan answer.\nAs underlined at the beginning of the chapter, the dialogue between historians of magic\nand specialists in the repression of witchcraft should also be intensified. It would be better to\n516\n\nPages 536:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nequip all scholars with the necessary tools to examine the concept of the magical arts used\nby diverse medieval people (theologians, jurists, judges, defendants, etc.), and get beyond\nscholarly preoccupations with the opposition between popular and learned magic, which is\nnot always functional in the existing documents. The impact of the condemnations of ritual\nmagic in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries on the paranoia that developed during the\nwitch-hunt also needs to be assessed.\nAn enquiry into the extreme lexical diversity of witchcraft and magic must also be undertaken, paying attention to particular periods and locations, and particularly noting semantic developments and shifts. The following episode is revealing of the interest of this\nline of questioning. In 1524, the peasants of the town of Dommartin (Switzerland, Vaud)\nwere accused of witchcraft: they were said to have been to the \u201csynagogue\u201d of the devil and\nto have killed beasts and men using an evil ointment. The peasants accused of witchcraft\ncalled themselves \u201castrologers\u201d (vocabantur adstrologoz).66 This kind of example draws attention to the moving boundary between witchcraft, demonology, magic and astrology, as well\nas their definitions and interpretations by different sections of society.\nWith regard to documentation, historians of witchcraft at the end of the Middle Ages\nowe much to Joseph Hansen\u2019s anthology of 1901, entitled Quellen und Untersuchungen zur\nGeschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgungen im Mittelalter. This work remains an essential base for scientific research. However, it is now necessary to develop the study of the\nmanuscripts and texts which he used, to deepen knowledge of their authors and the context they were writing in, and to encourage the publication of complete critical editions.\nHansen\u2019s anthology only included a few extracts of the tracts, which has had a detrimental\nimpact on the understanding of the whole texts and gave a biased impression of their\ncontents. Throughout the last century, other documents surfaced to complete the corpus,\nparticularly those of Italian provenance.67 It would also be worth renewing and enriching\nthe available judicial documentation with critical editions of trials for witchcraft, paired, if\npossible, with translations to facilitate a broader public readership.68 Considerable efforts\nhave been made in recent decades, but there still is an abundance of judicial material.\nFurthermore, contextual documentation such as accounts, in so far as they have been preserved, should definitely be taken into account: it offers valuable insights into the material\nframework of the witch-hunts and can compensate for the absence of precise evidence\nabout interrogation procedures or judicial sentences, in order to measure the extent of\nrepression at a local level. By making use of sources that need to be looked at afresh and\nbetter contextualized, new research could also be further enriched by new avenues of enquiry and gain in precision.\nFinally, the tools of the Digital Humanities can also offer new approaches to these texts and\ndata. Digital editions of the sources for witchcraft would particularly favour the interrogation\nof vast corpuses, lexicological inquiry and textual comparisons. Moreover, the creation of\ninteractive maps and databases identifying the documentary traces of witchcraft would allow\nus to better comprehend the scale of witch-hunting in diverse areas and over time.\nNotes\n1 Cf. especially Michael D. Bailey, Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late\nMedieval Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013); Michael D. Bailey, \u201cFrom Sorcery\nto Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions of Magic in the Later Middle Ages,\u201d Speculum. A Journal of\nMedieval Studies 76/4 (October 2001): 960\u201390; Michael D. Bailey, \u201cWitchcraft, Superstition, and\n517\n\nPages 537:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\nAstrology in the Late Middle Ages,\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res et d\u00e9monologie. Entre discours et pratiques,\ned. Martine Ostorero, Georg Modestin and Kathrin Utz Tremp (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del\n\u00adGalluzzo, 2010), 349\u201366; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cWitchcraft, Necromancy, and Sorcery as Heresy,\u201d\nin Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res, ed. Ostorero, Modestin and Utz Tremp, 133\u201353.\n2 Martine Ostorero, \u201cAm\u00e9d\u00e9e VIII et la r\u00e9pression de la sorcellerie d\u00e9moniaque: une h\u00e9r\u00e9sie d\u2019Etat,\u201d\nin La Loi du Prince: les Statuta Sabaudiae d\u2019Am\u00e9d\u00e9e VIII (1430), ed. Franco Morenzoni, in press.\n3 Renilde Verwoort, Bruegel\u2019s Witches: Witchcraft in the Low Countries between 1450 and 1700 (Bruges: Van\nde Wiele Publishing, 2015).\n4 Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d: Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val\n(XIIe-XV e si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 90\u201398, 432\u201346; Marina Montesano,\n\u201cLe r\u00f4le de la culture classique dans la d\u00e9finition des maleficia: une d\u00e9monologie alternative?\u201d in\nPenser avec les d\u00e9mons: D\u00e9monologues et d\u00e9monologies (XIIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles), ed. Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se and Martine Ostorero (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015), 277\u201392.\n5 Joseph Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 2003), 539\u201344.\n6 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat: Edition critique des textes les plus anciens (1430c.\u20131440c), ed. Martine Ostorero,\nAgostino Paravicini Bagliani, Kathrin Utz Tremp and Catherine Ch\u00e8ne (Lausanne: Cahiers\n\u00adlausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1999), 30.\n7 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 144\u201361.\n8 Martine Ostorero, Le diable au sabbat. Litt\u00e9rature d\u00e9monologique et sorcellerie (1440-1460) (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011), 503\u201358.\n9 Alain Boureau, Le pape et les sorciers. Une consultation de Jean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Manuscrit B.A.V\nBorghese 348) (Rome: Ecole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2004), xvi\u2013lii; Alain Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique. Naissance\nde la d\u00e9monologie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (1280-1330) (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004), 7\u201391; Anneliese Maier,\n\u201cEine Verf\u00fcgung Johanns XXII. \u00fcber die Zust\u00e4ndigkeit der Inquisition f\u00fcr \u00adZaubereiprozesse\u201d,\n\u00adArchivum fratrum praedicatorum 22 (1952): 226\u201327; Isabel Iribarren, \u201cFrom Black Magic to Heresy: A\nDoctrinal Leap in the Pontificate of John XXII,\u201d Church History 76 (2007): 32\u201360.\n10 Bernard Gui, Manuel de l\u2019inquisiteur, ed. and trans. Guillaume Mollat (Paris: Les Belles Lettres,\n2006); Nicolau Eymerich, Francisco Pe\u00f1a, Le manuel des inquisiteurs, intr., trans. and notes by Louis\nSala-Molins (Paris: Albin Michel, 2001).\n11 Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe Contra astrologos imperitos atque nigromanticos (1395\u201396) de Nicolas Eymerich\n(O.P.): Contexte de r\u00e9daction, classification des arts magiques et divinatoires, \u00e9dition critique partielle,\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res, ed. Ostorero, Modestin and Utz Tremp, 271\u2013329; Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se,\n\u201cNigromancie et h\u00e9r\u00e9sie: le De jurisdictione inquisitorum in et contra christianos demones invocantes (1359) de\nNicolas Eymerich (O.P.),\u201d in Penser avec les d\u00e9mons, 5\u201356; Cl. Heimann, Nicolaus Eymerich (vor 1320\u2013\n1399): Praedicator Veridicus, Inquisitor Intrepidus, Doctor Egregius: Leben und Werk eines Inquisitors (M\u00fcnster:\nAschendorff, 2001); Cl. Heimann, \u201cQuis proprie hereticus est?: Nicolaus Eymerichs H\u00e4resiebegriff\nund dessen Anwendung auf die Juden,\u201d in Praedicatores, Inquisitores, I: The Dominicans and the Medieval\nInquisition (Roma: Istituto storico domenicano, 2004), 596\u2013624; G. Macy, \u201cNicolas Eymeric and the\nCondemnation of Orthodoxy,\u201d in The Devil, Heresy, and Witchcraft in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of\nJeffrey B. Russell, ed. Alberto Ferreiro (Leiden: Brill\u201d 1998), 369\u201381.\n12 Johannes Vincke, Zur Vorgeschichte der Spanischen Inquisition. Die Inquisition in Aragon, Katalonien, Mallorca\nund Valencia w\u00e4hrend des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (Bonn: Hanstein, 1941), 162\u201382; Boudet, Entre science\net \u201cnigromance\u201d, 456\u201358, 484\u201387.\n13 Norman Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons: The Demonization of Christians in Medieval Christendom (\u00adChicago,\nIL: University of Chicago Press, 1975); James Given, \u201cChasing Phantoms: Philip IV and the\n\u00adFantastic,\u201d in Heresy and the Persecuting Society in the Middle Ages: Essays on the Work of R.I. Moore. ed.\nMichael Frassetto (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 271\u201389; Julien Th\u00e9ry, \u201cA Heresy of State: Philip the Fair,\nthe Trial of the \u2018Perfidious Templars\u2019, and the Pontificalization of the French Monarchy,\u201d Journal\nof Medieval Religious Cultures 39/2 (2013): 117\u201348; Alain Provost, Domus diaboli: un \u00e9v\u00eaque en proc\u00e8s au\ntemps de Philippe le Bel (Paris: Belin, 2010).\n14 Sylvain Parent, Dans les abysses de l\u2019infid\u00e9lit\u00e9. Les proc\u00e8s contre les ennemis de l\u2019\u00c9glise en Italie au temps de Jean\nXXII (1316\u20131334) (Rome: \u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2014).\n15 Boudet, Entre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d, 459.\n16 Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cLes condamnations de la magie \u00e0 Paris en 1398,\u201d Revue Mabillon, Nouvelle\ns\u00e9rie 12 (t. 73) (2001): 121\u201357; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Jacques Chiffoleau, \u201cMagie et construction de\n518\n\nPages 538:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nla souverainet\u00e9 sous le r\u00e8gne de Charles VI,\u201d in De Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric II \u00e0 Rodolphe II. Astrologie, divination et magie\ndans les cours (XIIIe-XVIIe si\u00e8cle), ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Martine\nOstorero (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2017), 157-239; Jacques Chiffoleau, \u201cNote sur\nla bulle Vergentis in senium, la lutte contre les h\u00e9r\u00e9tiques du Midi, et la construction des majest\u00e9s\ntemporelles,\u201d in Innocent III et le Midi (Toulouse: Privat, 2015), 89\u2013144 (Cahiers de Fanjeaux 50).\n17 Martine Ostorero, \u201cItin\u00e9raire d\u2019un inquisiteur g\u00e2t\u00e9: Ponce Feugeyron, les juifs et le sabbat des\nsorciers,\u201d M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 43 (2002): 103\u201318.\n18 Jacques Chiffoleau, \u201cLe crime de majest\u00e9, la politique et l\u2019extraordinaire; note sur les collections\n\u00e9rudites de proc\u00e8s de l\u00e8se-majest\u00e9 du XVIIe si\u00e8cle et leurs exemples m\u00e9di\u00e9vaux,\u201d in Les proc\u00e8s\npolitiques (XIVe-XVIIe si\u00e8cle), ed. Yves-Marie Berc\u00e9 (Rome: Ecole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2007), 577\u2013\n662; Jacques Chiffoleau, \u201cAvouer l\u2019inavouable: l\u2019\u00e9mergence de la proc\u00e9dure inquisitoire \u00e0 la fin du\nMoyen \u00c2ge,\u201d in L\u2019aveu. Histoire, sociologie, philosophie, ed. Renaud Dulong (Paris: PUF, 2001), 57\u201398.\n19 Kathrin Utz Tremp, Von der H\u00e4resie zur Hexerei. \u201cWirkliche\u201d und imagin\u00e4re Sekten im Sp\u00e4tmittelalter\n(\u00adHannover: Hahnsche Buchh., 2008); Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cWitchcraft, Necromancy, and Sorcery\nas Heresy\u201d; Jacques Chiffoleau, \u201cL\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie de Jeanne. Note sur les qualifications dans le proc\u00e8s\nde Rouen,\u201d in Jeanne d\u2019Arc. Histoire et mythes, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Xavier H\u00e9lary (Paris: Presses\nuniversitaires de Rennes, 2014), 28\u201339; Alexander Patschovsky, \u201cHeresy and Society: On the Political Function of Heresy in the Medieval World,\u201d in Texts and the Repression of Medieval Heresy, ed.\nCaterina Bruschi and Peter Biller (Woodbridge: York Medieval Press, 2003), 23\u201341.\n20 Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons; Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe (London and\nNew York: Longman, 1987); Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Medieval Concept of the Witches\u201d Sabbath,\u201d\nExemplaria: A Journal of Theory in Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 8 (1996): 419\u201339. The usefulness of\nthe cumulative concept of the Sabbath is discussed especially by Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cWitchcraft,\nNecromancy, and Sorcery as Heresy\u201d and Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cMythologies of Witchcraft in the\nFifteenth Century,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 1 (Summer 2006): 79\u2013107; Utz Tremp, Von der H\u00e4resie zur Hexerei, 26\u201347.\n21 Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique.\n22 Boudet, Entre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d, 468\u2013508.\n23 Martine Ostorero, \u201cLes marques du diable sur le corps des sorci\u00e8res (XIVe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles), Micrologus XIII (2005): 359\u201388.\n24 Editions, French translations and commentaries in L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat; Franck Mercier and\n\u00adMartine Ostorero, L\u2019\u00e9nigme de la Vauderie de Lyon. Enqu\u00eate sur l\u2019essor des chasses aux sorci\u00e8res entre France et\nEmpire (1430\u20131480) (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2015); Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen. Some English translation (from the extracts of Hansen, Quellen) in The Witchcraft Sourcebook,\ned. Brian P. Levack (New York: Routledge, 2004) and in Witch Beliefs and Witch Trials in the Middle\nAges: Documents and Readings, ed. P.G. Maxwell-Stuart (London: Continuum, 2011).\n25 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 23\u201398. Another manuscript of this report (Strasbourg, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale\net universitaire, 2.935), very close to the first, has been edited by G. Modestin, \u201c\u201cVon den hexen, so\nin Wallis verbrant wurdent\u201d. Eine wieder entdeckte Handschrift mit dem Bericht des Chronisten\nHans Fr\u00fcnd \u00fcber eine Hexenverfolgung im Wallis (1428),\u201d Vallesia 60 (2005): 399\u2013409.\n26 Chantal Ammann-Doubliez, \u201cLa premi\u00e8re chasse aux sorciers en Valais,\u201d in L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat,\n63\u201398; Chantal Ammann-Doubliez, \u201cLes chasses aux sorciers vues sous un angle politique: pouvoirs et pers\u00e9cutions dans le dioc\u00e8se de Sion au xve si\u00e8cle,\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res, ed. Ostorero,\nModestin and Utz Tremp, 5\u201313.\n27 Catherine Ch\u00e8ne, dans L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 99\u2013265; Michael D. Bailey, Battling Demons: Witchcraft,\nHeresy and Reform in the Late Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania University Press, 2003); Werner Tschacher, Der Formicarius des Johann Nider von 1437/1438. Studien zu den Anf\u00e4ngen der europ\u00e4ischen\nHexenverfolgungen im Sp\u00e4tmittelalter (Aachen: Shaker, 2000).\n28 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 439\u2013508. Martin Le Franc, Le Champion des Dames, vol. IV, ed. Robert D\n\u00ad eschaux\n(Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 1999), 113\u201346.\n29 Luca Patria \u201cSicut canis reddiens ad vomitum. Lo spaesamento dei valdesi nel balivato sabaudo della diocesi di Torino fra tre e quattrocento\u201d, in Valdesi medievali. ed. Marina Benedetti (Torino: \u00adClaudiana,\n2009), 152 and note 78.\n30 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 355\u2013438. On Tholosan and the witch-hunts in Dauphin\u00e9, see Pierrette \u00adParavy,\nDe la chr\u00e9tient\u00e9 romaine \u00e0 la R\u00e9forme en Dauphin\u00e9 (Rome: Ecole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 1993), 771\u2013905.\n31 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 362\u201373.\n519\n\nPages 539:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\n32 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 379\u2013415 et 420\u201331.\n33 Mercier and Ostorero, L\u2019\u00e9nigme de la Vauderie de Lyon, 305\u201342.\n34 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 267\u2013337.\n35 Cf. Silvia Bertolin and Ezio E. Gerbore, La stregoneria nella Valle d\u2019Aosta medievale (Quart: M\n\u00ad usemeci\nEditore, 2003); Silvia Bertolin, Processi per fede e sortilegi nella valle d\u2019Aosta del Quattrocento (Aosta:\nAcad\u00e9mie Saint-Anselme d\u2019Aoste, 2012).\n36 Martine Ostorero, \u201cItin\u00e9raire d\u2019un inquisiteur g\u00e2t\u00e9\u201d, 103\u201318; Thomas Bardelle, Juden in einem Transit- und Br\u00fcckenland: Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in Savoyen-Piemont bis zum Ende der Herrschaft Amadeus\nVIII (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchh., 1998), 284\u201396.\n37 L\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 269\u201375, 280\u201383 et 339\u201353.\n38 Michael D. Bailey and Edward Peters, \u201cA Sabbat of Demonologists,\u201d The Historian 65 (2003):\n1375\u201395; Stephan Sudmann, \u201cHexen \u2013 Ketzer \u2013 Kirchenreform. Debatten des Basler Konzils im\nVergleich,\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res, ed. Ostorero, Modestin and Utz Tremp, 169\u201397.\n39 BAV, Pal. lat. 1381, f. 190r\u2013192r; cf. Martine Ostorero, \u201cUn manuscrit palatin des Errores gazariorum,\u201d in Inquisition et sorcellerie en Suisse romande. Le registre Ac 29 des Archives cantonales vaudoises (1438\u2013\n1528), ed. Martine Ostorero and Kathrin Utz Tremp, with Georg Modestin (Lausanne: Cahiers\nlausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 2007), 493\u2013504.\n40 Mercier and Ostorero, L\u2019\u00e9nigme de la Vauderie de Lyon; Franck Mercier, \u201cLa vauderie de Lyon a-telle eu lieu? Un essai de recontextualisation (Lyon, vers 1430\u20131440?)\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res, ed.\n\u00adOstorero, Modestin and Utz Tremp, 27\u201344.\n41 Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cThe First Wave of Trials for Diabolical Witchcraft,\u201d in The Oxford Handbook\nof Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, ed. Brian P. Levack (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 159\u201378; Kieckhefer, \u201cMythologies of Witchcraft in the Fifteenth Century\u201d.\n42 Marina Montesano, \u201cSupra acqua et supra ad vento\u201d. Superstizioni, maleficia e incantamenta nei predicatori\nfrancescani osservanti (Italia, sec. XV) (Roma: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1999); Marina\nMontesano, \u201cLe r\u00f4le de la culture classique dans la d\u00e9finition des maleficia. Une d\u00e9monologie\nalternative?\u201d in Penser avec les d\u00e9mons, 277\u201392; Franco Mormando, The Preacher\u2019s Demons. Bernardino\nof Siena and the Social Underworld of Early Renaissance Italy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press,\n1999).\n43 Chantal Ammann-Doubliez, \u201cLa premi\u00e8re chasse aux sorciers en Valais (1428\u20131436?),\u201d in\n\u00adL\u2019imaginaire du sabbat, 63\u201398; Bertolin and Gerbore, La stregoneria, 19\u201321; F\u00e9licien Gamba, \u201cLa\n\u00adsorci\u00e8re de Saint-Vincent. Un proc\u00e8s d\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie et de sorcellerie au XVe si\u00e8cle,\u201d Bulletin de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\naca\u00add\u00e9mique, religieuse et scientifique du duch\u00e9 d\u2019Aoste 41 (1964): 283\u2013311; Ferdinando Gabotto, Roghi e\nvendette. Contribuito alla dissidenza religiosa in Piemonte prima della Riforma (Pinerolo, 1898); Massimo\nCentini, Streghe, roghi e diavoli: i processi di stregoneria in Piemonte, (L\u2019arciere, 1995); Paravy, De la chr\u00e9tient\u00e9\nromaine, 771\u2013905; Bernard Andenmatten and Kathrin Utz Tremp, \u201cDe l\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie \u00e0 la sorcellerie:\nl\u2019inquisiteur Ulric de Torrent\u00e9 OP (vers 1420\u20131445) et l\u2019affermissement de l\u2019inquisition en Suisse\nromande, Revue d\u2019Histoire eccl\u00e9siastique suisse 86 (1992): 69\u2013119; Utz Tremp, Von der H\u00e4resie zur Hexerei,\n441\u2013623; Louis Binz, \u201cLes d\u00e9buts de la chasse aux sorci\u00e8res dans le dioc\u00e8se de Gen\u00e8ve\u201d, Biblioth\u00e8que\nd\u2019Humanisme et Renaissance 59/3 (1997): 561\u201381; Kathrin Utz Tremp, \u201cDie fr\u00fchesten Hexenprozesse\nim Alpenraum (1424\u20131429),\u201d in History of Witchcraft, ed. Johannes Dillinger, Routledge, in press;\nArno Borst, \u201cAnf\u00e4nge des Hexenwahns in den Alpen,\u201d in Arno Borst, Barbaren, Ketzer und Artisten.\nWelten des Mittelalters (M\u00fcnchen; Z\u00fcrich: R. Piper, 1988), 262\u201386; Andreas Blauert, Fr\u00fche Hexenverfolgungen: Ketzer-, Zauberei- und Hexenprozesse des 15. Jahrhunderts (Hamburg: Junius, 1989).\n44 In addition to the references cited in notes 43, 45 and 51\u201353, cf. mainly Sandrine Strobino, Fran\u00e7oise\nsauv\u00e9e des flammes? Une Valaisanne accus\u00e9e de sorcellerie au XVe si\u00e8cle (Lausanne: Cahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, Lausanne, 1996); Sophie Simon, \u201cSi je le veux, il mourra!\u201d. Mal\u00e9fices et sorcellerie dans la\ncampagne genevoise (1497\u20131530) (Lausanne: Cahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 2007); Carine\nDunand, Des montagnards endiabl\u00e9s. Chasse aux sorciers dans la vall\u00e9e de Chamonix (1448\u20131462) (Lausanne:\nCahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 2009); Bertolin, Processi per fede e sortilegi; Utz Tremp, Von der\nH\u00e4resie zur Hexerei, 427\u2013623; Ursula Gie\u00dfmann, Der letzte Gegenpapst: Felix V. Studien zu Herrschaftspraxis\nund Legitimationsstrategien (1434\u20131451) (K\u00f6ln, Weimar, Wien: B\u00f6hlau, 2014), 49\u201351.\n45 This register is conserved at the Archives cantonales vaudoises, under the shelf mark Ac 29.\nL\u2019ima\u00adginaire du sabbat, 339\u201353; Pierre-Han Choffat, La Sorcellerie comme exutoire. Tensions et conflits locaux: Dommartin 1524\u20131528 (Lausanne: Cahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1989); Martine\nOstorero, \u201cFol\u00e2trer avec les d\u00e9mons.\u201d Sabbat et chasse aux sorciers \u00e0 Vevey (1448) (Lausanne: Cahiers\n520\n\nPages 540:\nW i tc h c r a f t\nlausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 2008); Eva Maier, Trente ans avec le diable. Une nouvelle chasse aux sorciers sur la Riviera l\u00e9manique (1477\u20131484) (Lausanne: Cahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1996);\n\u00adLaurence Pfister, L\u2019enfer sur terre. Sorcellerie \u00e0 Dommartin (1498) (Lausanne: Cahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1997); Georg Modestin, Le diable chez l\u2019\u00e9v\u00eaque. Chasse aux sorciers dans le dioc\u00e8se de Lausanne (vers 1460) (Lausanne: Cahiers lausannois d\u2019histoire m\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1999); Inquisition et sorcellerie en\nSuisse romande.\n46 Chantal Ammann-Doubliez, \u201cLes chasses aux sorciers vues sous un angle politique,\u201d 5\u201313.\n47 Strobino, Fran\u00e7oise sauv\u00e9e des flammes.\n48 See above, notes 43\u201344.\n49 Ostorero, \u201cAm\u00e9d\u00e9e VIII et la r\u00e9pression de la sorcellerie d\u00e9moniaque: une h\u00e9r\u00e9sie d\u2019Etat\u201d.\n50 On the concept of Heresy of State, see Chiffoleau, \u201cL\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie de Jeanne\u201d, 17 and note 13; Jacques\nChiffoleau, \u201cSur le crime de majest\u00e9 m\u00e9di\u00e9val,\u201d in Gen\u00e8se de l\u2019\u00c9tat moderne en M\u00e9diterran\u00e9e (Rome,\nEcole fran\u00e7aise de Rome, 1993), 207\u201311; Th\u00e9ry, \u201cA Heresy of State\u201d; Mercier and Ostorero,\nL\u2019\u00e9nigme de la Vauderie de Lyon, 322\u201325.\n51 Pau Castell i Granados, \u201cSortilegas, divinatrices et fetilleres. Les origines de la sorcellerie en\n\u00adCatalogne,\u201d Cahiers de Recherches M\u00e9di\u00e9vales et Humanistes 22 (2011): 217\u201341; Pau Castell i Granados,\nOr\u00edgens i evoluci\u00f3 de la cacera de bruixes a Catalunya (segles XV\u2013XVI) (Unpublished Ph.D., Barcelona,\n2013); Pau Castell i Granados, \u201c\u2018Wine vat witches suffocate children\u2019. The Mythical Components\nof the Iberian Witch,\u201d in eHumanista: Journal of Iberian Studies 26 (2014), www.ehumanista.ucsb.edu.\n52 Niklaus Schatzmann, Verdorrende B\u00e4ume und Brote wie Kuhfladen. Hexenprozesse in der Leventina 1431\u2013\n1459 und die Anf\u00e4nge der Hexenverfolgung auf der Alpens\u00fcdseite (Z\u00fcrich: Chronos 2003), 283\u201397.\n53 Laura Stokes, Demons of Urban Reform. Early European Witch Trials and Criminal Justice, 1430\u20131530\n(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).\n54 Franck Mercier, La Vauderie d\u2019Arras. Une chasse aux sorci\u00e8res \u00e0 l\u2019Automne du Moyen Age (Rennes: Presses\nuniversitaires de Rennes, 2006).\n55 Cf. especially Rita Voltmer,\u201dDie politischen Funktionen der fru\u0308hneuzeitlichen Hexenverfolgungen:\nMachtdemonstration, Kontrolle und Herrschaftsverdichtung im Rhein-Maas-Raum,\u201d in Chasses\naux sorci\u00e8res. ed. Ostorero, Modestin and Utz Tremp, 89\u2013115; Rita Voltmer, Hexenverfolgung und\nHerrschaftspraxis (Trier: Spee, 2005); Brian P. Levack, \u201cState Building and Witch-Hunting in Early\nModern Europe,\u201d in Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe, ed. Jonathan Barry, Marianne Hester and\nGareth Roberts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 96\u2013115.\n56 Boudet, Entre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d, 503, 508; Jacques Krynen, L\u2019empire du roi. Id\u00e9es et croyances politiques\nen France, XIIIe-XVe si\u00e8cles (Paris: Gallimard, 1993), 342.\n57 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300\u20131500\n(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976); Boudet, Entre science et \u201cnigromance\u201d, 498\u2013501.\n58 Cf. Chiffoleau, \u201cL\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie de Jeanne,\u201d sp. 17\u201318, note 13; Jacques Chiffoleau, La Religion flamboyante.\nFrance (1320-1520) (Paris: Seuil, 2011), 59\u201361.\n59 Martine Ostorero, \u201cDes papes face \u00e0 la sorcellerie d\u00e9moniaque (premi\u00e8re moiti\u00e9 du xve s.): une\ndilatation du champ de l\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie?\u201d in Aux marges de l\u2019h\u00e9r\u00e9sie au Moyen \u00c2ge, ed. Franck Mercier and\nIsabelle Ros\u00e9 (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017), 153\u201384; Hansen, Quellen, 16\u201324.\n60 Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons. The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Oxford: C\n\u00ad larendon\nPress, 1997); Walter Stephens, Demon Lovers. Witchcraft, Sex and the Crisis of Belief (Chicago, IL:\n\u00adUniversity of Chicago Press, 2002); Ostorero, Le diable au sabbat.\n61 For a detailed analysis of these three texts, see Ostorero, Le diable au sabbat. Extracts in Hansen,\nQuellen, 124\u2013212.\n62 Ostorero, Le diable au sabbat, 387\u2013400; Stephens, Demon Lovers, 13\u201326; Matthew Champion, \u201cCrushing the Canon: Nicolas Jacquier\u2019s Response to the Canon Episcopi in the Flagellum haereticorum fascinariorum,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 6/2 (Winter 2011): 183\u2013211; Matthew Champion, \u201cScourging\nthe Temple of God: Towards an Understanding of Nicolas Jacquier\u2019s Flagellum haereticorum fascinariorum (1458),\u201d Parergon 28/1 (2011): 1\u201324.\n63 Martine Ostorero, \u201cUn pr\u00e9dicateur au cachot. Guillaume Adeline et le sabbat\u201d, M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 44\n(2003): 73\u201396.\n64 Ed. Bertolin, Processi per fede e sortilegi, 117\u201373.\n65 Michel Porret, L\u2019ombre du Diable: Mich\u00e9e Chauderon, derni\u00e8re sorci\u00e8re ex\u00e9cut\u00e9e \u00e0 Gen\u00e8ve (1652) (Ch\u00eaneBourg: Georg, 2009).\n66 Choffat, La Sorcellerie comme exutoire, 59.\n521\n\nPages 541:\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\n67 Cf. for example Montesano, \u201cSupra acqua et supra ad vento\u201d; Mormando, Preacher\u2019s Demons; Fabio\nTroncarelli and Maria Paola Saci, \u201cIl De potestate spirituum di Guglielmo Becchi,\u201d in Stregoneria e\nstreghe nell\u2019Europa moderna. Convegno internazionale di studi, (Pisa, 24\u201326 marzo 1994), ed. Giovanna\nBosco and Patrizia Castelli (Pisa, 1996), 87\u201398; Fabio Troncarelli, Le streghe. Tra superstizione e realt\u00e0,\nstorie segrete e documenti inediti di un fenomeno tra i pi\u00f9 inquietanti della societ\u00e0 europea (Roma, 1983).\n68 Examples of english translations: See note 24 and the new serie directed by Richard Kieckhefer\nand Claire Fanger, The Magic in History Sourcebooks series (University Park, PA: The \u00adPennsylvania\nState University Press): Hazards of the Dark Arts. Advice for Medieval Princes on Witchcraft and Magic,\nTranslated by Richard Kieckhefer (2017) and The Arras Witch Treatises. Johannes Tinctor\u2019s Invectives\ncontre la secte de vauderie and the Recollectio casus, status et condicionis Valdensium ydolatrarum by the Anonymous\nof Arras (1460), Edited and translated by Andrew Colin Gow, Robert B. Desjardins, and Fran\u00e7ois\nV. Pageau (2016).\n522\n\nPages 542:\n35\nEpi l ogu e\nCosmology and magic \u2013 The angel of Mars\nin the Libro de astromagia*1\nAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s\nThe image on the front cover of this book comes from an acephalous manuscript known as Libro de astromagia (ca. 1280\u201384) ascribed to the court of Alfonso X the Wise of Castile (1252\u201384).1\nThe angel of Mars stands in the centre of a sphere containing several images of Mars to be\nengraved for the fabrication of talismans, following different sources \u2013 especially the Picatrix, as\ndeclared in the text itself2 \u2013 but without any mention of the function of the planetary angel.3\nThis angel holds the sphere\u2019s rim with both hands as though to set it spinning. In other cosmological images of the time,4 as well as some cosmological and eschatological images of the early\nMiddle Ages,5 angels appear around the celestial spheres or holding them. However, the angel\nof Mars in the Libro de astromagia actually seems to give movement to his planetary sphere. This\nimage of an angel moving a planetary sphere is exceptional in the context of medieval iconography, but it has deep roots in contemporary ideas.\nAlthough it is difficult to find philosophical speculation in Alfonso\u2019s work, there is in\nhis courtly circle a precious witness to the polemics which this image derives from. John\nGilles of Zamora was a Franciscan friar educated in Paris who would became the tutor of\nAlfonso\u2019s son, the forthcoming king Sancho IV. In his Natural History, an unfinished encyclopaedic work of a conservative character, Gilles introduces the problem of the motion of the\nplanets and discusses the theories of Aristotle (which he dismisses), Averroes and Algazel,\namong others. In this work, he speaks about \u201cwhat philosophers call immaterial [literally\n\u2018nude\u2019] intelligences \u2026 and in the Scriptures spirits close to Our Lord, that is, angels\u201d.6\nThis expression \u2013 \u201cnude\u201d or \u201cseparate\u201d intelligences \u2013 points to a polemic current in the\n1270s, when Gilles was studying in Paris and soon before Alfonso\u2019s Libro de astromagia was\nwritten and illustrated.7 The problem of angels as the movers of the planets lay at the heart\nof a heated controversy in Paris at that time which set theologians against one another, with\nsome of them attempting to reconcile Aristotelian physics with Christian teachings.\nThe debate about whether angels were the motores spherae was at stake in 1271, when the\nSuperior of the Dominicans, John of Vercelli, sought the opinions of the most notable theologians of the order \u2013 Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas and Robert Kilwardby \u2013 on\nforty-three questions, the first five of which concerned the causes of the movement of the\n*\nThis chapter was written in the course of Projects19905/GERM/15 (Fundaci\u00f3n S\u00e9neca) and HAR201565105-P (MINECO) and has benefited from a MINECO travel grant (PRX17/00242). I\u2019m grateful to Gerhard\nWolf for the facilities I enjoyed during my stay as his guest in the Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florence.\n523\n\nPages 543:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nheavens.8 The evidence provided by these questions and their answers clearly shows the unease caused by the new Aristotelian-inspired angel lore, which had led some theologians to\nidentify the separate intelligences with the angels of the Christian heavenly hierarchy. While\nhis master Albert the Great refuses this identification \u2013 as does Kilwardby 9 \u2013 \u00adAquinas states:\nHowever, in some works translated from the Arabic, the separate substances which\nwe call angels are called \u2018intelligences,\u2019 and perhaps for this reason, that such substances are always actually understanding. But in works translated from the Greek,\nthey are called \u2018intellects\u2019 or \u2018minds.\u201910\nAs many as twenty-six among the articles in the well-known Condemnations of 1277 by the\nBishop of Paris, \u00c9tienne Tempier, are \u201cMistakes about the intelligences or angels\u201d.11 The\ntext of one of these articles in the Parisian Condemnation of 1277 specifies that the angel\ncannot produce immediate effects, like the movement of a mobile, but needs the mediation of\na celestial sphere to give movement.12\nAristotle had suggested that the celestial movers were intellectual forces, separate from\nmatter.13 In his utopian political tract, The Ideal City, the tenth-century Muslim philosopher Alfarabi adapted this theory of \u201cimmaterial intelligences\u201d, but he argued that each\nimmaterial intelligence should be associated with a single sphere (not a single movement).14\nShortly afterwards, Alfarabi\u2019s idea was discussed by Avicenna in his Metaphysics,15 in a section on the number of intelligences responsible for moving the spheres. Avicenna\u2019s discussion centred upon the two theories outlined, correctly attributing to Aristotle the one which\nascribed every movement \u2013 not each sphere \u2013 to a separate intelligence, and contrasting it\nwith \u00adA lfarabi\u2019s proposal, which, it seems, he preferred in the final analysis.16 This idea became commonplace in the Islamic world: 17 for example, Algazel remarked in his summary\nof \u00adAvicenna\u2019s philosophy that \u201cthe souls <of the spheres> and the intelligences... are known\nas celestial spiritual angels\u201d.18 It was through translations of Arabic works that Christian\nscholars \u2013 and also Jewish ones like Maimonides19 \u2013 absorbed Aristotle\u2019s doctrine of celestial\nmotors. The Aristotelian origin of the entire theory was never in doubt, and even such a confirmed Platonist as St Bonaventure was able to state confidently that Aristotle was correct\nwhen he said angels moved the heavenly spheres.20 Thomas Aquinas definitely attributed to\nAvicenna the paternity of the idea that each separate substance corresponds to a planet.21\nHowever, the idea was not an entirely new one. Ever since Classical times, theories attributed\nto \u201cthe most famous among the Babylonians\u201d had identified the spirits that governed the seven\nplanetary spheres as angels and archangels.22 In Hellenism, plausibly under \u00adIranian influence,\nthe motion of the supralunar world was attributed to angels. Angels also seem ultimately to\npreside over the movement of the stars in Judeo-Christian apocalyptic texts.23 Nicomachus of\nGerasa knew the identification of planets with angels, who in his time were often identified with\ndaemons.24 Origen, who was familiar with Nicomachus, explains how planetary angels are intermediaries between God and men.25 In the generation after Origen, two of Plotinus\u2019 students,\nAmelius and Porphyry, associate daemons with heavenly bodies. Much later, the identification\nof the cosmic intelligences as angels is said to have been introduced by John of Damascus.26 Authors like Theodore of Mopsuestia, and following him Cosmas Indicopleustes, described angels\nas movers of the celestial bodies.27 Even St Augustine admitted he was unsure whether or not\nto ascribe the sun, the moon and other heavenly bodies to the realm of the angelic, but John\nPhiloponus rejected any notion that the celestial spheres were set in motion by angels28 and ridiculed the idea of the \u201cfollowers of Theodore,\u201d asking whether the angels are pushing the planets,\npulling them or carrying them on their shoulders.29\n524\n\nPages 544:\nEpilogue\nThe involvement of angels in the movement of the spheres was an issue which does not\nappear to have preoccupied very many early scholastic thinkers;30 however, Dominicus\nGundissalinus, probably alluding to Avicenna and Algazel, used the term \u201cangels\u201d for the\nintelligences that move the spheres.31 By the mid-thirteenth century, the idea was familiar\nto Michael Scot, who linked each planet with the name of its guiding angel,32 and we find\nspirits ruling over each of the revolving spheres of the planets in the Liber de essentia spirituum,\na work known in the thirteenth century. For example, those of Mercury and the Moon\nare described as \u201cthe turners of the sphere of Mercury\u201d and \u201cthe rotators of the orb of the\nMoon\u201d.33 By the end of the thirteenth century, the theory that the planetary spheres were\nmoved by angels had become part of the common intellectual property of the late Middle\nAges. As Dante wrote succinctly in his Convivio: \u201cthe movers of the heavens are substances\nindependent of matter, that is, they are Intelligences, popularly known as Angels\u201d.34\nThe Alfonsine miniatures in the Libro de astromagia are the clearest visual renderings of this\ntheory. However, it was not the first time that a similar idea had found visual expression, as\nwe learn from some Byzantine manuscripts illustrating Book IX of Christian Topography which\nare copies of late antique exemplars, where angels appear as movers of the celestial spheres,\nalthough in a very different visual rendering: the circle of stars contains twelve compartments,\neach holding one angel (in the Sinai manuscript) or two (in the Vatican manuscript).35 Summarizing Christian Topography, Photius points out among Kosmas\u2019s views that: \u201call the stars,\nwith the help of the angels, are kept in motion\u201d.36 Some other manuscripts associate angels\nwith the planetary spheres, as in the fifteenth-century Co\u00ebtivy Book of Hours,37 but there are\nonly a few examples where the angels are seen explicitly as celestial movers. In a diagram of\nthe spheres in several manuscripts of the fourteenth-century Breviari d\u2019amor by Matfr\u00e9 Ermengaud, one angel on each side seems to give movement to the spheres of the planets.38 More\nexplicitly, in another image usual in some manuscripts of this work, an angel stands on either\nside of the sphere of the universe, each turning a handle to rotate it on its axis.39 A similar\nimage including two angels rotating the axis mundi can be found in a mid-fourteenth-century\nmanuscript of Bartholomeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum (see Figure 35.1).40\nThe theory of angels as motors of the planets would survive for centuries.41 It appears,\nfor example, in the Book of Angels preserved in a fifteenth-century manuscript,42 with images\nillustrating more or less related theories. Angels are shown moving the sphere of the entire\nuniverse in a fifteenth-century woodcut where, in a variant on the iconography associated\nwith the Wheel of Fortune, an angel uses a handle to make the world spin on its axis, while the\nplanets cling to its surface.43 A somewhat related image appears on a contemporary Flemish\ntapestry now in the Museo de Santa Cruz at Toledo (Spain).44 It differs, however, in one striking respect: the angel that turns the handle does not move a globe, but an astrolabe.\nIn the Italian Renaissance, the idea of angels as motors of the heavenly spheres received\nfull credit. For example, Ludovico Lazzarelli declared that \u201ceach star has its own proper\nmover\u201d, which was illustrated by an angel holding the world,45 and when at the beginning\nof the sixteenth century the Christian cabalist Johannes Reuchlin wrote his De arte cabbalistica he explained that\nThe philosophers, and first among them the peripatetics, proved this, since every celestial sphere has besides its own essential form an intelligence next to it that moves\nit in orbit. That intelligence is called an angel because it has been sent for this duty.\nIt has will and understanding, and in them fulfi\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 531 to page 544 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 545 to page 560 out of a total of 569:\nPages 545:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nFigure 35.1 \u0007Angels rotating the universe from a French translation of Bartholomeus Anglicus,\n\u00adBiblioth\u00e8que Sainte-Genevi\u00e8ve, Paris, MS 1029, f. 108.\nAt about the same time, Raphael\u2019s drawings for the Chigi Chapel in Santa Maria del Popolo\n(Rome) were being transferred into mosaics (see Figure 35.2).47\nThis is perhaps the most familiar image associating the angels and the planets: the dome\nRaphael designed for Agostino Chigi in the Roman church of Santa Maria del Popolo,\nwhich \u2013 probably by means of Dante\u2019s Convivium48 \u2013 reveals how medieval ideas, thought\nto be grounded in Aristotelian physics, were slotted into the framework of Christian cosmology. In the centre of this scheme is God, characterized with a theatrical gesture as\nthe Aristotelian \u201cPrime Mover\u201d, to whose will the planet-guiding angels bend themselves,\n\u00add irecting the planets according to divine instruction. This is shown, for example, by the angel in charge of Mars, who we can see in Figure 35.3 in Pietro Facchetti\u2019s sixteenth-century\npainting after Raphael\u2019s drawing.49\n526\n\nPages 546:\nFigure 35.2 T\n\u0007 he creation of the universe, dome of the Chigi Chapel, Santa Maria del Popolo (Rome).\nFigure 35.3 P\n\u0007 ietro Facchetti (after Raphael\u2019s drawings for the Chigi Capel), the angel of Mars guiding\nhis planet. Museo Nacional del Prado.\n\nPages 547:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nIn sum, the images of Alfonso X\u2019s Libro de astromagia representing the angel of Mars\nrevolving the sphere of his planet are rooted in ancient thought through Arabic intermediaries. A main principle of Aristotle\u2019s Physics was that any movement has its mover. The\nmovement par excellence was imprinted to the universe by the Prime Mover in the moment of\nCreation, and in the Middle Ages the Prime Mover would be identified as God. This can\nbe seen in visual terms, for example, in a thirteenth-century manuscript of Aristotle\u2019s Physics\nwith comments by Averroes,50 where God gives movement to the sphere of the World illustrating the incipit \u201cOmne quod movetur ab alio movetur\u201d.51 Even more visually explicit\nis the opening miniature of an Aristoteles latinus now in Seville, where God imprints its first\nmovement to the universe.52\nThe relationship between planets and angels has its roots in Antiquity, but the attribution of an angelic mover for each planetary sphere was specified by Arabic authors,\nnotably Alfarabi and Avicenna. In a moment when the discussion on the celestial movers was at his height after the Parisian Condemnations of 1277, Alfonso X, following his\nArabic sources, advocated in visual terms the idea that each planetary sphere is moved\nby its angel. The images in the Libro de astromagia are exceptional: although several medieval images seem to relate angels to the movements of the cosmos, there is no other\nvisual rendering of the idea of angels as movers of the planetary spheres as explicit as\nthis one until the sixteenth century, when we find a decoration showing an angel guiding each planet after designs by Raphael. In the dome covering the Capella Chigi in\nSanta Maria del Popolo, God appears theatrically as the First Mover surrounded by\nangels, and forming a ring below, the planets and the sphere of the fixed stars, each\nguided by an angel. In the case of Mars, following the Roman iconography of the god,\nhe appears as a warrior, and the angel holds his hand, guiding his movements. While\nRaphael\u2019s iconography at the Chigi Chapel has been usually interpreted as a mere\necho of Dante\u2019s cosmology, the medieval prehistory of the subject seems to be far more\ncomplex.\nNotes\n1 Rome, Vatican Library, MS Reg.Lat.1283a, fol. 27r (see also 28v and 29v for other images of the\nangel of Mars moving its planetary sphere). Alfonso X, Astromagia, ed. and italian translation\nAlfonso d\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992), 242. D\u2019Agostino reproduces his edition as part\nof the commentary volume to the unreliable facsimile of this manuscript: Tratado de astrolog\u00eda\ny magia, ed. Carlos Alvar (Valencia: Grial, 2000). Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo Astromagical Manuscripts of Alfonso X\u201d, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 59 (1996): 14\u201323;\n\u00adAlejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cIm\u00e1genes m\u00e1gicas: la obra astrom\u00e1gica de Alfonso X y su difusi\u00f3n\nen la Europa bajomedieval\u201d, in Alfonso X: aportaciones de un rey castellano a la construcci\u00f3n de Europa,\ned. Miguel Rodr\u00edguez Llopis (Murcia: Editora Regional, 1997), 135\u201372. From a paleographical\npoint of view, see Laura Fern\u00e1ndez Fern\u00e1ndez, Arte y ciencia en el scriptorium de Alfonso X el Sabio,\nEl Puerto de Santa Mar\u00eda (C\u00e1diz) and Sevilla: C\u00e1tedra Alfonso X el Sabio and Universidad\nde Sevilla, 2013, pp. 293-319. It is surprising that there is no mention of this manuscript in\nAna Gonz\u00e1lez S\u00e1nchez, Alfonso X el mago, (Madrid: Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Madrid, 2015),\nin spite of the title of one of the chapters, \u201cLos libros de astromagia alfons\u00edes\u201d (pp. 123\u2013180),\nand that of the doctoral dissertation this book reproduces: Tradici\u00f3n y fortuna de los libros de astromagia del scriptorium alfons\u00ed, (Madrid: Universidad Aut\u00f3noma de Madrid, 2011). On Alfonso X\nand magic see Daniel Gregorio, Alphonse X et la magie (Valenciennes: Presses universitaires de\nValenciennes, 2012).\n2 Picatrix, II. 10, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 64ff.\n528\n\nPages 548:\nEpilogue\n3 This corresponds to an acephalous chapter, but soon after we can find a brief summary of the\ncontents in the lost introduction: \u201cWe have told about the properties and the natures of Mars\u2026\u201d\n(\u201cDicho avemos las propiedades e las naturas de Mars\u2026\u201d) (fol. 27r; Astromagia, ed. D\u2019Agostino,\n244); hence, probably it never was any mention to the function of the angel of Mars.\n4 For example in a manuscript of Sacrobosco, De sphaera: Milan, Ambrosiana, A 183 inf, fol. 2r\n(thirteenth century (2nd half)\u2013beginning of the fourteenth century); see Donatella Cantele, \u201cIl sistema illustrativo del De Sphaera di Johannes de Sacrobosco\u201d, Rivista di Storia della miniatura 13 (2009):\n97\u2013107.\n5 See Bianca K\u00fchnel, The End of Time in the Order of Things (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 2003),\n368ff.\n6 Johannis Aegidii Zamorensis, Historia naturalis, ed. and Spanish trans. Avelino Dom\u00ednguez Garc\u00eda\nand Luis Garc\u00eda Ballester (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Le\u00f3n, 1994), 1291\u201397, here 1292.\n7 On the datation of this manuscript in 1282\u201384, see Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, \u201cTwo astromagical manuscripts\nof Alfonso X\u201d.\n8 Marie-Dominique Chenu, \u201cLes reponses de S.Thomas et de Kilwardby a la consultation de Jean\nde Verceil (1271)\u201d, in M\u00e9langes Mandonnet. Etudes d\u2019histoire litteraire et litteraire du Moyen-\u00c2ge, vol. I (Paris:\nVrin 1930), 191\u2013222; Pierre Duhem, Le syst\u00e8me du monde: Histoire des doctrines cosmologiques de Platon \u00e0\nCopernic <1913\u20131959>, vol. 6 (Paris: Hermann, 1954; rep. 1973), 29\u201359; James Weisheipl, \u201cThe\nCelestial Movers in Medieval Physics\u201d, in The Dignity of Science. Studies in the Philosophy of Science Presented to W. H. Kane, ed. J. A. Weisheipl (Washington: Catholic University of America, 1961), 150\u2013\n90 (and in The Thomist, XXIV, 1961), now in James Weisheipl, Nature and Motion in the Middle Ages,\n(Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1985), 143\u201377. See also Paola \u00adZambelli,\n\u201cLe stelle \u201csorde e mute\u201d ed i loro \u201cmotori\u201d alle origini della scienza moderna?: un case-study\nstoriografico,\u201d in Historia philosophiae medii aevi, ed. Burkhard Mojsisch and Olaf Pluta (Amsterdam\nand Philadelphia B. R. Gr\u00fcner, 1991), 1099\u2013117; Edward Grant, Planets, Stars and Orbs. The Medieval Cosmos 1200\u20131687 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 523ff.; Edward Grant,\n\u201cCelestial Motions in the Late Middle Ages,\u201d Early Science and Medicine 2 (1997): 129\u201348.\n9 Albert the Great, In II Sent., dist. 3, a. 3 Opera omnia, 27: Commentarii in II Sententiarum, ed. Auguste Borgnet\n(Paris: Louis Viv\u00e8s, 1894), 64\u20136: \u201cUtrum nos vocemus angelos substantias illas separatas quas philosophi\nintelligentias vocant, ut quidam contentiose defendere praesumunt\u201d. In favour of this identity Albert\ncites Avicenna, Algazel and Maimonides, but his own response is negative. In his Problemata determinata\nAlbert says: \u201cNon est dubium quod corpora caelestia non movent angeli\u201d (Albertus Magnus, Problemata\ndeterminata XLIII, ed. James Weisheipl, in Opera omnia, XVII/1, (M\u00fcnster: Aschendorff, 1975), 48); see\nalso Paola Zambelli, The Speculum astronomiae and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology and Science in Albertus\nMagnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht, Boston, and London: Kluwer, 1992).\n10 \u201cIn quibusdam tamen libris de arabico translatis, substantiae separatae quas angelos dicimus, Intelligentiae vocantur; forte propter hoc, quod huiusmodi substantiae semper actu intelligunt. In libris\ntamen de graeco translatis, dicuntur Intellectus seu Mentes.\u201d Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae\nI 79, 10, resp, (Rome: Commisio Leonina, 1889), translation by the Dominican Fathers of the\nEnglish-Speaking Province, newadvent.org/summa/1079.htm#article10. See also Thomas Litt,\nLes corps c\u00e9lestes dans l\u2019univers de Thomas d\u2019Aquin (Louvain: Publications universitaires, 1963), 99\u2013108;\nTiziana Suarez-Nani, Les anges et la philosophie. Subjectivit\u00e9 et fonction cosmologique des substances s\u00e9par\u00e9es \u00e0\nla fin du XIIIe si\u00e8cle (Paris: J. Vrin, 2002), 103\u201342.\n11 This is the count of the Collectio errorum: see Henryk Anzulewicz, \u201cEine weitere \u00dcberlieferung der\n\u2018Collectio errorum in Anglia et Parisius condemnatorum\u2019 im Ms. lat. fol. 456 der Staatsbibliothek\nPreu\u00dfischer Kulturbesitz zu Berlin\u201d, Franziskanische Studien 47 (1992): 375\u201399 (387\u201388); La condamnation parisienne de 1277, ed. and French trans. David Pich\u00e9 with Claude Lafleur (Paris: Vrin, 1999),\n297\u201399.\n12 \u201cQuod angelus non potest in actus oppositos immediate, set in actus mediatos, et hoc mediante\nalio, ut orbe.\u201d Art. 75 (59), La condamnation parisienne de 1277, 102; Roland Hisette, Enqu\u00eate sur les\n219 article condamn\u00e9s \u00e0 Paris le 7 mars 1277 (Louvain-Paris: Publications universitaires-Vander-Oyez,\n1977), 114; see also Carlos Steel, \u201cSiger of Brabant versus Thomas Aquinas on the Possibility of\nKnowing the Separate Substances,\u201d in Nach der Verurteilung von 1277: Philosophie und Theologie an der\nUniversit\u00e4t von Paris im letzten Viertel des 13. Jahrhunderts, ed. Jan A. Aertsen et al. (Berlin: Walter de\nGruyter, 2001), 211\u201331.\n529\n\nPages 549:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\n13 Metaphysics, XII, 8; see Harry A. Wolfson, \u201cThe Plurality of Immovable Movers in Aristotle and\nAverroes\u201d, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 63 (1958): 233\u201353 (now in Harry A. Wolfson, Studies\nin the History of Philosophy and Religion (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973), 1\u201321);\nHarry A. Wolfson, \u201cThe Problem of the Soul of the Spheres from the Byzantine Commentaries\non Aristotle through the Arabs and St Thomas to Kepler,\u201d Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962): 67\u201393\n(now in Wolfson, Studies, 22\u201359).\n14 Al-Farabi on the perfect state, ed. and trans. Richard Walzern (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), ch. XV.\nSee Herbert A. Davidson, Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes on Intellect. Their Cosmologies, Theories of the\nActive Intellect and Theories of Human Intellect (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).\n15 Metaph., IX, 3 (Liber de philosophia prima, sive scientia divina, vol. 2, ed. Simone Van Riet (Louvain-\u00ad\nLeiden: Peeters-Brill, 1980). See also Amos Bertolacci, The reception of Aristotle\u2019s Metaphysics in\nAvicenna\u2019s Kitab al-Sifa: A Milestone of Western Metaphysical Thought (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 467.\n16 Metaph., IX, 4.\n17 On a late Islamic figurative tradition of the angels of the planets, see the work of Anna Caiozzo,\nspecially her article \u201cLes rituels th\u00e9ophaniques imag\u00e9s et pratiques magiques: les anges plan\u00e9taires\ndans le manuscrit persan 174 de Paris\u201d, Studia Iranica 29 (2000): 111\u201340.\n18 Al-Ghazali, Maqasid al-Falasifa, quoted in Davidson, Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes on Intellect, 134.\nSee also Al-Ghazali, The Niche for Lights (Mishkat al-Anwar), trans. William H. T. Gairdner (London:\nRoyal Asiatic Society, 1924), 170: \u201cthe mover of every several Heaven is another being, called\nan Angel\u201d. See Karl Allgaier, \u201cEngel und Intelligenzen \u2013 Zur arabisch-lateinischen Proklos-\u00ad\nRezeption,\u201d in Orientalische Kultur Und Europa\u0308isches Mittelalter, ed. Albert Zimmermann et al. (Berlin:\nWalter De Gruyter, 2013), 172.\n19 Moses Maimonides, The Guide of the Perplexed, trans. and intro. Shlomo Pines, (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1963), I.49 (Pines 108), where the angels are described as \u201cintellects separate\nfrom matter\u201d, and II.4 (Pines 258), II.6 (Pines 262), II.10 (Pines 273) and II.12 (Pines 280), where\nthey are identified with the separate intellects.\n20 Collationes in Hexaemeron, 5.26, trad. Jose de Vinck (Paterson: St Anthony Guild, 1970, 88\u201389). See\nDavid Keck, Angels and Angelology in the Middle Ages (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press,\n1998), 82. On Bonaventure\u2019s angelology, see Barbara Faes de Mottoni, San Bonaventura e la scala di\nGiacobbe. Letture di angelologia (Naples: Bibliopolis,1995); David Keck, The Angelology of Saint Bonaventure and the Harvest of Medieval Angelology, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Harvard University, 1992);\nDavid Keck, \u201cBonaventure\u2019s Angelology,\u201d in A Companion to Bonaventure, ed. Jared Goff (Leiden:\nBrill, 2014), 289\u2013332.\n21 De substantiis separatis, 2\u201310: \u201cAristotle attempts to find out the number of these <separate substances>\non the basis of the number of motions of the heavenly bodies. But one of his followers, namely\n\u00adAvicenna assigns the number of these substances not according to the number of motions but rather\naccording to the number of the planets and the other higher bodies, namely, the sphere of the fixed\nstars and the sphere without stars\u201d trans. Francis J. Lescoe, Thomas Aquinas, Treatise on Separate Substances (West Hartford CN: Saint Joseph College, 1959). See James D. Collins, The Thomistic Philosophy of the Angels (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1947); Jean-Marie\n\u00adVernier, Les anges chez saint Thomas d\u201dAquin: Fondements historiques et principes philosophiques (Paris: Nouvelles\n\u00ad\u00c9ditions Latines, 1986); Tiziana Suarez-Nani, Les anges et la philosophie; Tiziana Suarez-Nani, Connaissance et langage des anges selon Thomas d\u2019Aquin et Gilles de Rome (Paris: Vrin, 2002); Serge-Thomas Bonino,\n\u201cAristotelianism and Angelology According to Aquinas,\u201d in Aristotle in Aquinas\u2019s Theology, ed. Gilles\nEmery and Matthew Levering (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 29\u201347.\n22 Franz Cumont, \u201cLes anges du paganisme,\u201d Revue de l\u2019histoire des religions 163, no. 4 (1915): 159\u201382.\nOn planetary angels in late antiquity, see Les Mages Hellenis\u00e9s, ed. Joseph Bidez and Franz Cumont\n(Paris: Les Belles Lettres, repr., 1973 [1938]), II, 271\u201375, 283\u201384; Hans G. Gundel, Weltbild und\nAstrologie in den griechischen Zauberpapyri (Munich: Beck 1968), 41\u201343; Alexander Toepel, \u201cPlanetary\nDemons in Early Jewish Literature\u201d, Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 14 (2005): 231\u201338.\n23 Asc. Is. iv, 18; II Henoch, x, 8, cited in Jean Dani\u00e9lou, Th\u00e9ologie du J\u00fadeo-Christianisme (Tournai:\n\u00adDescl\u00e9e, 1958), 142. 1 Enoch 80.1 states that \u201call stars have their angelic guides\u201d: see Maxwell J.\nDavidson, Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1\u201336, 72\u2013108 and Sectarians Writings from\nQumran (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992), 93. For a more general, but still useful account, see Harold\nB. Kuhn, \u201cThe Angelology of the Non-Canonical Jewish Apocalypses,\u201d Journal of Biblical Literature\n530\n\nPages 550:\nEpilogue\n67 (1948): 217\u201332. See also Martha Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses\n(New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).\n24 Apud <Pseudo->Iamblichus, Theologumena Arithmeticae, 57.6\u20139, ed. Vittorio de Falco (Leipzig:\n\u00adTeubner, 1922); trans. Robin Waterfield, The Theology of Arithmetic (Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes\nPress, 1988), 88.\n25 Origen, Contra Celsus, trans. M. Borret (Paris: \u00c9ditions du Cerf, 1967), 257; Origen, Homily on Jeremiah,\n12.4. See A. Scott, Origen and the Life of the Stars, vol. 60 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), n. 42.\n26 As quoted by Albertus Magnus (see Zambelli, The Speculum astronomiae and Its Enigma, 92 and 179 n. 46).\n27 Theodore Mopsuesteni, In Epistolas Beati Pauli Commentarii, 270\u201371; cited by Harry A. Wolfson,\n\u201cThe Problem of the Soul,\u201d 70; now 26.\n28 Augustine, Enchiridion, 58; John Philoponus, De opificio mundi, vi, 2. \u201cPhiloponus thought it utterly\nabsurd of Theodore <of Mopsuestia> to suppose that the sun, moon and stars move because they\nare propelled by angels.\u201d Henry Chadwick, \u201cPhiloponus the Christian Theologian,\u201d in Philoponus\nand the Rejection of Aristotelian Science, ed. Richard Sorajbi (London: Duckworth, 1987), 41\u201356, here\n51; see also Philoponus, De opificio mundi, 1, 12. See also Richard C. Dales, \u201cThe De-animation of\nthe Heavens in the Middle Ages,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas 41 (1980): 533.\n29 John Philoponus, De opificio mundi, 1.12; also Narsai, Homilies on Creation, 2.372\u2013421 and passim, ed.\nPhillippe Gignoux (Patrologia Orientalis 34, fasc. 3\u20134) (Paris: 1968). See Adam H. Becker, Fear\nof God and the Beginning of Wisdom: The School of Nisibis and the Development of Scholastic Culture in Late\nAntique Mesopotamia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 122.\n30 See Marcia L. Colish, \u201cEarly Scholastic Angelology,\u201d Recherches de theologie ancienne et medievale 62 (1995):\n80\u2013109. I\u2019m grateful to Alberto Ara for sending me the concluding chapter of his unpublished dissertation: Angeli e sostanze separate: l\u2019idea di \u201cMateria spiritualis\u201d tra il secolo XII e il secolo XIII: ricognizione\nstorico-testuale - Valutazione teoretica (Firenze: Facolt\u00e0 Teologica dell\u2019Italia Centrale, 2005), 707\u201333.\n31 Dominicus Gundissalinus, De processione mundi, trans. The Procession of the World, trans. John A.\n\u00adLaumakis, (Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 2002), 73; cfr. the translation provided by Jean\nJolivet, \u201cThe Arabic Inheritance,\u201d in A History of Twelfth-Century Western Philosophy, ed. Peter Dronke\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1988), 139.\n32 Michael Scot, Liber introductorius, Munich, Staatsbibliothek, CLM 10268, fol. 95r; cited in \u00adMorpurgo,\n\u201cNote in margine a un poemetto astrologico presente nei codici del Liber particularis di Michele\nScoto,\u201d Pluteus 2, no. 12 (1984): 8. Some of the names used by Scot are also found in the De secretis\nangelorum copied in Florence: Biblioteca Nazionale, MS II.III.214; see David Pingree, \u201cLearned\nMagic in the Time of Frederick II\u201d, Micrologus 2 (1994): 47 (now reprinted in Transactions of the\nAmerican Philosophical Society, 104.3 (2014): 477\u201394).\n33 Sophie Page, \u201cImage-Magic Texts and a Platonic Cosmology at St Augustine\u2019s, Canterbury, in the\nLate Middle Ages,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. Charles Burnett and W. F. Ryan (London:\nWarburg Institute, 2005), 82.\n34 Dante, Convivium, II, iv.2, trans. Christopher Ryan, The Banquet (Saratoga: ANMA 1989), 49. See\nMaria Luisa Ardizzone, Reading as the Angels Read: Speculation and Politics in Dante\u2019s \u201cBanquet\u201d (Toronto:\nUniversity of Toronto Press, 2016), 119 ff.; Stephen Bemrose, Dante\u2019s Angelic Intelligences. Their Importance in the Cosmos and in Pre-Christian Religion, Rome 1983, and the review-article by Zygmunt G.\nBaranski, \u201cDante tra dei pagani e angeli cristiani,\u201d Filologia e critica 9 (1984): 293\u201330. On angels\nand the planets in the Divina Commedia, see Alison Cornish, Reading Dante\u2019s Stars (New Haven: Yale\nUniversity Press, 2000), 119\u201341. See also Graziella Federici Vescovini, \u201cDante et l\u2019astronomie de\nson temps,\u201d in Ut philosophia poesis: Questions philosophiques dans l\u2019oeuvre de Dante, P\u00e9trarque et Boccace,\ned. Jo\u00e8l Biard and Fosca Mariani Zin (Paris: Vrin, 2008), 129\u201350.\n35 Rome, Vatican Library, MS Graec. 699 fol. 115v (Cosimo Stornajolo, Le miniature della Topografia\ncristiana di Cosma Indicopleuste: codice vaticano greco 699 (Milan: U. Hoepli, 1908), 48\u201349, fig. 56; colour\nillustration in Marco Bussagli, \u201cCielo,\u201d in Enciclopedia dell\u2019 Arte Medievale, IV (Roma: Istituto dell\u2019Enciclopedia italiana, 1993), 739\u201348, here 743); Mount Sinai, Monastery of Saint Catherine, cod.\n1186, f. 181v (Kurt Weitzmann and George Galavaris, The Monastery of Saint Catherine at Mount Sinai.\nThe Illuminated Greek Manuscrpts. I: From the Ninth to the Eleventh Century (Princeton: Princeton University\nPress, 1991), 62, fig. 179; Maja Kominko, The World of Kosmas. Illustrated Byzantine Codices of the Christian Topography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 210\u201313. See Cosmas Indicopleust\u00e8s, Topographie chr\u00e9tienne, vol. 1, ed. Wanda Wolska-Conus (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1968), 400\u201303.\n531\n\nPages 551:\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\n36 Photius, Bibliotheka, 36, trans. Nigel G. Wilson (Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 1994).\n37 Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, W.82, 151r (Paris, ca. 1443).\n38 Katja Laske-Fix, Der Bildzyklus des Breviari d\u2019amor (Munich and Zurich: Schnell und Steiner, 1973),\nfig. 28 (Escorial, S. I, n\u00ba 3 f. 51v). See also Jo\u00eblle Ducos, \u201cLa cosmologie dans le Breviari d\u2019Amor de\nMatfre Ermengaud,\u201d in La voix occitane, ed. Guy Latry (Pessac: Presses universitaires de Bordeaux,\n2009), 491\u2013508.\n39 Laske-Fix, Der Bildzyklus, fig. 10; see an extended comment on the corresponding miniatures in\nEscorial, S. I, n\u00ba 3 f. 35r and Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, Res. 203 f. 24v in Carlos Miranda\nGarc\u00eda, Iconograf\u00eda del Breviari d\u2019amor (Escorial, ms. S. I. n\u00ba 3; Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, ms. res. 203),\nunpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1994), 309.\n40 Paris, Bibl. Sainte-Genevie\u0300ve, ms. 1029, f. 108.\n41 See Mary S. Kelly, Celestial motors: 1543\u20131632, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (University of\n\u00adOklahoma, 1964).\n42 Juris G. Lidaka, \u201cThe Book of Angels, Rings, Characters and Images of the Planets Attributed to Osbern\nBokenham,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 32\u201375. See also Sophie Page, Magic in\nthe Cloister. Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2013), 189, n. 26; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cAngel Magic and\nthe Cult of Angels in the Later Middle Ages,\u201d in Contesting Orthodoxy in Medieval and Early Modern\nEurope: Heresy, Magic and Witchcraft, ed. Louise Nyholm Kallestrup and Raisa Maria Toivo (London:\n\u00adPalgrave Macmillan, 2017), 71\u2013110.\n43 Marco Bussagli, Storia degli angeli. Racconto di immagini e di idee (Milan: Rusconi, 1991), 216.\n44 See Jean-Michel Massing, \u201cThe Movement of the Universe\u201d in Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration, ed. Jay A. Levenson (New Haven and Washington: Yale University Press and National Gallery\nof Art, 1991), 214\u201315.\n45 Rome, Vatican Library, Biblioteca Urb. Lat. 716 (second half of the fifteenth century), fols. 7v and\n10v; see A Critical Edition of De gentilium deorum imaginibus by Ludovico Lazzarelli, ed. and trans.\nWilliam J. O\u2019Neal (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen, 1997) 18\u201319; Maria Paola Saci, \u201cLe miniature in\nalcuni codici di Ludovico Lazzarelli\u201d, Rivista di storia della miniatura 3 (1998): 115\u201330.\n46 Johannes Reuchlin, De arte cabbalistica libri tres, Hagenau 1517, lib. III, fol. 76v\u201377r, reprinted with\nan English translation by Martin and Sarah Goodman, introd. by G. Lloyd-Jones (New York:\n\u00adAbaris, 1983) (repr. with an introduction by Moshe Idel, London: Bison, 1993), 347. On Reuchlin\nabout angels, see Pierre B\u00e9har, Les langues occultes de la Renaissance (Paris: Desjonqu\u00e8res, 1996), 40\u201345.\n47 John Shearman, \u201cThe Chigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo\u201d, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXIV, 1961, 129\u201360; Kathleen Weill-Garris Brandt, \u201cCosmological Patterns in \u00adRaphael\u2019s\nChigi Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo,\u201d in Raffaello a Roma (Rome: Edizioni dell\u2019elefante, 1986),\n127\u201358; Nicole Riegel, \u201cDie Chigi-Kapelle in Santa Maria del Popolo. Eine kritische Revision\u201d,\nMarburger Jahrbuch f\u00fcr Kunstwissenschaft 30 (2003): 93\u2013130; Florian M\u00e9tral, \u201cAu commencement e\u0301tait\nla fin. Retour sur la chapelle Chigi de Santa Maria del Popolo a\u0300 Rome\u201d, Studiolo 12 (2015): 154\u201383.\n48 The historiography on the subject is here indebted to Lewis Gruner, The Mosaics of the Cupola in the\n\u201cCapella Chigiana\u201d, Sta. Maria del Popolo, Rome, designed by Raffaelle Sanzio d\u201dUrbino, (London: Paul &\nDominic Colnaghi, 1850), ii.\n49 Rafael en Espa\u00f1a (Madrid, Museo del Prado, 1985), 150\u201353.\n50 Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que Mazarine, 3469, fol. 273r (Paris, ca. 1280\u201385). See Hanna Wimmer, \u201cNatura,\nGod and Aristotle: Illustrating Concepts of Nature in Paris, bibliot\u00e8que Mazarine 3469,\u201d in Art &\nNature. Studies in Medieval Art and Architecture, ed. Laura Cleaver, Kathryn Gerry and Jim Harris (London: Courtauld Institute, 2009), 8\u201321, here 8, fig. 2.\n51 See James A. Weisheipl, \u201cThe Principle Omne quod movetur ab alio movetur in Medieval Physics\u201d, Isis\n56 (1965): 26\u201345.\n52 Seville, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, 56-1-27, fol. 1r. See Alejandro Garc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s and Antonia Mart\u00ednez Ruip\u00e9rez and, \u201cImaginando la naturaleza en la cultura visual del siglo XIII\u201d in\nMedieval Studies in Honor of Peter Linehan, ed. Francisco J. Hern\u00e1ndez, Roc\u00edo S\u00e1nchez Ameijeiras and\nEmma Falque (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2018), 243\u2013274.\n532\n\nPages 552:\nF u rt he r re adi ng\nThis bibliography is a selective list of key studies which have influenced the field of medieval\nmagic, as well as editions of important primary sources. For bibliography specific to individual chapters and references to unpublished sources, see the footnotes for each chapter.\nEditions of primary texts\nAlfonso X, Lapidario, Libro de las formas y las im\u00e1genes que son en los cielos, ed. Pedro S\u00e1nchez-Prieto (Madrid:\nFundaci\u00f3n Jos\u00e9 Antonio de Castro, 2014).\nAlfonso X, Astromagia, ed. Alfonso D\u2019Agostino (Naples: Liguori, 1992).\nAl-Kind\u012b, De radiis, ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Francoise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du moyen \u00e2ge 41 (1974): 139\u2013260.\nAntonio da Montolmo, \u201cAntonio Da Montolmo\u2019s De Occultis Et Manifestis or Liber Intelligentiarum: An Annotated Critical Edition with English Translation and Introduction,\u201d ed. Nicolas Weill-Parot, in Invoking Angels, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 219\u201393.\nArnau de Vilanova, Epistola de reprobacione nigromantice ficcionis, Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia\n(AVOMO), VII.1 (Barcelona: Universitat, 2005).\nBernard, Katy, Compter, dire et figurer: \u00e9dition et commentaire de textes divinatoires et magiques en occitan m\u00e9di\u00e9val\n(Bordeaux: Universit\u00e9 Michel de Montaigne, 2007).\nBoureau, Alain, Le pape et les sorciers. Une consultation de Jean XXII sur la magie en 1320 (Rome: Ecole\nfran\u00e7aise de Rome, 2004).\nChaucer, Geoffrey, The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson, 3rd edn. (Oxford: Oxford University\nPress, 1987).\nDelatte, Louis (ed.), Textes latins et vieux fran\u00e7ais relatifs aux Cyranides (Li\u00e8ge-Paris: Universit\u00e9 de Li\u00e8ge,\n1942).\nDelaurenti, B\u00e9atrice (ed.), \u201cPietro d\u2019Abano et les incantations: pr\u00e9sentation, \u00e9dition et traduction de la\ndifferentia 156 du Conciliator\u201d, in M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magie entre Moyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance, ed. Jean-Patrice\nBoudet et al. (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012), 39\u2013105.\nDelaurenti, B\u00e9atrice (ed.), \u201cVariations sur le pouvoir des incantations: le trait\u00e9 Ex Conciliatore in medicinis\ndictus Petrus de Albano de Pierre Franchon de Z\u00e9lande\u201d, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du Moyen\n\u00c2ge 74 (2007): 173\u2013235.\nDraelants, Isabelle (ed.), Le Liber de virtutibus herbarum, lapidum et animalium (Liber aggregationis),\nUn texte \u00e0 succ\u00e8s attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Albert le Grand, Micrologus Library 22, (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo,\n2007).\nGal, F., J.-P. Boudet, and L. Moulinier (eds), Vedrai mirabilia. Uno libro de magia dell\u2019 Quatrocentto (Rome:\nViella, 2017).\nHansen, Bert, Nicole Oresme and The Marvels of Nature: A Study of His De Causis Mirabilium with Critical\n\u00adEdition, Translation, and Commentary (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1985).\n533\n\nPages 553:\nF u rt h e r r e a d i n g\nHermes Trismegistus, Astrologia et divinatoria, ed. G. Bos, C. Burnett, T. Charmasson, P. Kunitzsch, F.\nLelli and P. Lucentini, Hermes Latinus, vol. 4, part 4 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001).\nHedeg\u00e5rd, G\u00f6sta (ed.), Liber iuratus Honorii: Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius\n(Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002).\nL\u2019imaginaire du sabbat. Edition critique des textes les plus anciens (1430c.\u20131440c.), ed. Martine Ostorero,\n\u00adAgostino Paravicini Bagliani, Kathrin Utz Tremp and Catherine Ch\u00e8ne (Lausanne: Cahiers\n\u00adLausannois d\u2019Histoire M\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1999).\nJohn of Morigny, John of Morigny: \u2018Liber florum celestis doctrine\u2019, or \u2018Book of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching\u2019:\nThe New Compilation, with Independent Portions of the Old Compilation. An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire\nFanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015).\nKieckhefer, Richard, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1997).\nKramer, Heinrich (Institoris), and Sprenger, Jakob, Malleus Maleficarum, ed. Christopher S. Mackay\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).\nKyeser, Conrad, Bellifortis, 2 vols., ed. G\u00f6tz Quarg (D\u00fcsseldorf: Verlag des Vereins Deutscher Ingenieurie, 1967).\nMalory, Sir Thomas, Le Morte Darthur, 2 vols., ed. P.J.C. Field (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2013).\nPicatrix: The Latin Version of the Gh\u0101yat al-\u1e24ak\u012bm, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986).\nSannino, Antonella, Il De mirabilibus mundi tra tradizione magica e filosofia naturale, Micrologus Library 41\n(Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2011).\nSir Gawain and the Green Knight, in The Poems of the Pearl Manuscript: \u201cPearl\u201d, \u201c Cleanness\u201d, \u201cPatience\u201d, \u201cSir\nGawain and the Green Knight\u201d, ed. Malcolm Andrew and Ronald Waldron, 5th edn. (Exeter: Exeter\nUniversity Press, 2007).\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Julien, L\u2019Almandal et l\u2019Almadel latins au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9ditions critiques (Florence:\nSismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012).\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Julien, L\u2019Ars notoria au Moyen \u00c2ge. Introduction et \u00e9dition critique (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del\nGalluzzo, 2007).\nTorrella, Jerome (Hieronymus Torrella), Opus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis, ed. Nicolas Weill-Parot\n(Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2008).\nWilcox, Judith, and John M. Riddle, \u201cQusta ibn Luqa\u2019s Physical Ligatures and the Recognition of the\nPlacebo Effect,\u201d in Medieval Encounters: Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture in Confluence and Dialogue 1\n(1995): 1\u201348.\nWilliam of Palerne: An Alliterative Romance, ed. G.H.V. Bunt (Groningen: Bouma\u2019s Boekhuis, 1985).\nYwain and Gawain, Sir Percyvell of Gales, The Anturs of Arther, ed. Maldwyn Mills (London: Dent, 1992).\nZambelli, Paola, The Speculum Astronomiae and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology and Science in Albertus Magnus\nand His Contemporaries (Dordrecht, Boston, and London: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992).\nSecondary works\nBailey, Michael D., Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe\n(\u00adIthaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013).\nBailey, Michael D., \u201cThe Feminization of Magic and the Emerging Idea of the Female Witch,\u201d, Essays\nin Medieval Studies 19 (2002): 120\u2013134.\nBailey, Michael D., \u201cFrom Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions of Magic in the Later Middle\nAges,\u201d Speculum 76 (2001): 960\u201390.\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice, Entre Science et Nigromance: Astrologie, divination et magie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (Paris:\nPublications de la Sorbonne, 2006).\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice, and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d Micrologus 14\n(2006): 101\u201350.\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice, \u201cLes condamnations de la magie \u00e0 Paris en 1398,\u201d, Revue Mabillon 12 (2001):\n121\u201357.\n534\n\nPages 554:\nF u rt h e r r e a d i n g\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice, Anna Caiozzo, and Nicolas Weill-Parot (eds.), Images et magie. Picatrix entre Orient et\nOccident (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion, 2011).\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice, Franck Collard, and Nicolas Weill-Parot (eds), M\u00e9decine, astrologie et magic entre\nMoyen \u00c2ge et Renaissance: autour de Pietro d\u2019Abano (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2013).\nBoureau, Alain, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique. Histoire de la d\u00e9monologie (1280\u20131330) (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004).\nBozoky, Edina, Charmes et pri\u00e8res apotropa\u00efques, Typologie des sources du Moyen \u00c2ge occidental 86\n(\u00adTurnhout: Brepols, 2003).\nBracha, Krzysztof, \u201cMagie und Aberglaubenskritik in den Predigten des Sp\u00e4tmittelalters in Polen,\u201d in\nReligion und Magie in Ostmitteleuropa (Spielr\u00e4ume theologischer Normierungsprozesse in Sp\u00e4tmittelalter und Fr\u00fche\nNeuzeit), ed. Thomas W\u00fcnsch (Berlin: LIT Verlag, 2006), 197\u2013215.\nBremmer, J.N., and J.R. Veenstra (eds), The Metamorphosis of Magic from Late Antiquity to the Early Modern\nPeriod (Leuven: Peeters, 2002).\nBreuer, Heidi, Crafting the Witch: Gendering Magic in Medieval and Early Modern England (New York:\n\u00adRoutledge, 2009).\nBurnett, Charles, Magic and Divination in the Middle Ages: Texts and Techniques in the Islamic and Christian\nWorlds (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1996).\nBurnett, Charles, and W.F. Ryan (eds), Magic and Classical Tradition (London: Warburg Institute, 2006).\nCameron, Euan, Enchanted Europe: Superstition, Reason, and Religion, 1250\u20131750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).\nCohn, Norman, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons: the Demonisation of Christians in Medieval Christendom, 3rd edn.\n(\u00adLondon: Pimlico, 1993).\nCollins, David J. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Magic and Witchcraft in the West: From Antiquity to the Present\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).\nCooper, Helen, The English Romance in Time: Transforming Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death of\nShakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).\nCsapodi, Csaba, and Kl\u00e1ra Csapodin\u00e9 G\u00e1rdonyi (eds), Bibliotheca Corviniana: The Library of King Matthias\nCorvinus of Hungary (Budapest: Helikon, 1990).\nDasen, V\u00e9ronique, and Jean-Michel Spieser (eds), Les savoirs magiques et leur transmission de l\u2019Antiquit\u00e9 \u00e0 la\nRenaissance (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2014).\nDaston, Lorraine, and Katherine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150\u20131750 (New York: Zone\nBooks, 1998).\nDavies, Owen (ed.), The Oxford Illustrated History of Witchcraft and Magic (Oxford: Oxford University Press,\n2017).\nDelaurenti, B\u00e9atrice, La puissance des mots, virtus verborum: d\u00e9bats doctrinaux sur le pouvoir des incantations au\nMoyen \u00c2ge (Paris: Cerf, 2007).\nDoggett, Laine E. Love Cures: Healing and Love Magic in Old French Romance (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState University Press, 2009).\nEamon, William, Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture\n(\u00adPrinceton: Princeton University Press, 1994).\nEvans, Joan, Magical Jewels of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, Particularly in England (Oxford: Clarendon\nPress, 1922).\nFanger, Claire, Rewriting Magic. An Exegesis of the Visionary Autobiography of a Fourteenth-Century French Monk\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\nFanger, Claire (ed.), Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries (University\nPark: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\nFanger, Claire (ed.), Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic (University Park,\n\u00adPennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).\nFlint, Valerie I.J. The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, Alejandro, \u201cThe Philosopher and the Magician: On Some Medieval Allegories of\nMagic,\u201d in L\u2019allegorie dans l\u2019art du moyen age, ed. Christian Heck (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 241\u201352.\n535\n\nPages 555:\nF u rt h e r r e a d i n g\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, Alejandro, \u201cLa cultura visual de la magia en la \u00e9poca de Alfonso X,\u201d Alcanate: revista de\nestudios alfons\u00edes 5, (2006\u20132007), 49\u201388.\nGilchrist, Roberta, \u201cMagic for the Dead? The Archaeology of Magic in Later Medieval Burials,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 52 (2008): 119\u201359.\nGiralt, Sebasti\u00e0, \u201cThe Manuscript of a Medieval Necromancer: Magic in Occitan and Latin in ms.\nVaticano, BAV, Barb. lat. 3589,\u201d Revue d\u2019Histoire des Textes, n. s. 9 (2014): 221\u201372.\nGr\u00e9vin, Beno\u00eet, and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLes \u2018caract\u00e8res\u2019 magiques au Moyen \u00c2ge (XIIe-XIVe si\u00e8cle),\u201d\nBiblioth\u00e8que de l\u2019\u00c9cole des chartes 162 (2004): 305\u201379.\nHanegraaff, Wouter, Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture (Cambridge:\n\u00adCambridge University Press, 2012).\nHansmann, Liselotte, and Lenz Kriss-Rettenbeck, Amulett und Talisman: Erscheinungsform und Geschichte\n(Munich: Callwey, 1966).\nHarmening, Dieter, Superstitio: \u00dcberlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen\nAberglaubensliteratur des Mittlealters (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1979).\nHeng, Geraldine, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York: \u00adColumbia\nUniversity Press, 2003).\nJolly, Karen, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England. Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill, NC: University of\nNorth Carolina, 1996).\nJolly, Karen, Catharina Raudvere, and Edward Peters, Witchcraft and Magic in Europe: The Middle Ages\n(London: Athlone, 2002).\nKieckhefer, Richard, \u201cThe Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic\u201d, American Historical Review 99\n(1994): 813\u201336.\nKieckhefer, Richard, \u201cThe Holy and the Unholy: Sainthood, Witchcraft, and Magic in Late Medieval\nEurope\u201d, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 24 (1994): 355\u201385 reprinted in Christendom and Its\nDiscontents: Exclusion, Persecution, and Rebellion, 1000\u20131500, ed. S. L. Waugh and P. Diehl (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1996), 310\u2013337.\nKieckhefer, Richard, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).\nKieckhefer, Richard, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300\u20131500\n(University of California Press, 1976).\nKlaassen, Frank, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\nKlaassen, Frank, \u201cLearning and Masculinity in Manuscripts of Ritual Magic of the Later Middle Ages\nand Renaissance\u201d, Sixteenth-Century Journal 38/1 (2007): 49\u201376.\nL\u00e1ng, Benedek. Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned Magic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2008).\nLinsenmann, Thomas, Die Magie bei Thomas von Aquin (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2000).\nLucentini, Paolo, and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, I testi e I codici di Ermete nel Medioevo (Florence:\nEdizioni Polistampa, 2001).\nLucentini, Paolo, Ilaria Parri, and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, Hermetism from Late Antiquity to Humanism\n(Turnhout: Brepols, 2003).\nMarrone, Steven P., A History of Science, Magic and Belief from Medieval to Early Modern Europe (New York:\nPalgrave Macmillan, 2015).\nMarrone, Steven P., \u201cMagic and the Physical World in Thirteenth-Century Scholasticism,\u201d Early Science\nand Medicine 14 (2009): 158\u201385.\nMeaney, Audrey L., \u201cWomen, Witchcraft and Magic in Anglo-Saxon England,\u201d in Superstition and Popular Medicine in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. D.G. Scragg (Manchester: Manchester Centre for Anglo-Saxon\nStudies, 1989), 9\u201340.\nMeaney, Audrey L., Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones (Oxford: British Archaeological Report 96,\n1981).\nMerrifield, Ralph, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London: Batsford, 1987).\n536\n\nPages 556:\nF u rt h e r r e a d i n g\nMitchell, Stephen A., Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011).\nMitchell, Stephen A., Neil Price, Ronald Hutton, Diane Purkiss, Kimberly Patton, Catharina Raudvere, Carlo Severi, Miranda Aldhouse-Green, Sarah Semple, Aleks Pluskowski, Martin Carver, and\nCarlo Ginzburg, \u201cWitchcraft and Deep Time \u2013 a Debate at Harvard,\u201d Antiquity 84 (2010): 864\u201379.\nMontesano, Marina, \u201cSupra acqua et supra ad vento\u201d. Superstizioni, maleficia e incantamenta nei predicatori francescani osservanti (Italia, sec. XV) (Roma: Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, 1999).\nOlsan, Lea T., \u201cThe Corpus of Charms in the Middle English Leechcraft Remedy Books,\u201d in Charms,\nCharmers and Charming: International Research on Verbal Magic, ed. Jonathan Roper (New York: Palgrave, 2009).\nOstorero, Martine, Le diable au Sabbat: Litt\u00e9rature d\u00e9monologique et sorcellerie (1440\u20131460) (Florence: Sismel\nEdizioni del Galluzzo, 2011).\nOstorero, Martine, Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, and Kathrin Utz Tremp, L\u2019imaginaire du Sabbat: \u00e9dition\ncritique des textes les plus anciens (1430c.\u20131440c.) (Lausanne: Universit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1999).\nPage, Sophie, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\nPeters, Edward, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law, Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of\nPennsylvania Press, 1978).\nPingree, David, \u201cLearned Magic in the Time of Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356.\nPingree, David, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze\nislamische nel medio evo Europeo (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987), 57\u2013102.\nRider, Catherine, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012).\nRider, Catherine, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).\nRollo, David, Glamorous Sorcery. Magic and Literacy in the High Middle Ages (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000).\nRosi\u0144ska, Gra\u017cyna (ed.), Scientific Writings and Astronomical Tables in Cracow: A Census of Manuscript Sources\n(XIVth\u2013XVIth Centuries) (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad Narodowy Imienia Ossoli\u0144skich, 1984).\nRyan, William Francis, The Bathouse at Midnight: A Historical Survey of Magic and Divination in Russia (Stroud:\nSutton, 1999).\nSaunders, Corinne, Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2010).\nSkemer, Don C., Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006).\nSweeney, Michelle, Magic in Medieval Romance from Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes to Geoffrey Chaucer (Dublin: Four\nCourts Press, 2000).\nThorndike, Lynn, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York: Columbia University\nPress, 1923\u201358).\nUtz Tremp, Kathrin, Von der H\u00e4eresie zur Hexerei: \u201cWirkliche\u201d und imagin\u00e4re Sekten im Sp\u00e4tmittelalter (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchh., 2008).\nvan der Lugt, Maaike, \u201cThe Liber vaccae in the Medieval West or the Dangers and Attractions of\nNatural Magic,\u201d Traditio 64 (2009): 229\u201377.\nVeenstra, Jan R., Magic and Divination in the Courts of Burgundy and France: Text and Context of Laurens Pignon\u2019s\n\u201cContre les devineurs\u201d (1411) (Leiden: Brill, 1998).\nVescovini, G. Federici, Medioevo magico: la magia tra religione e scienza nei secoli XIII e XIV (Turin:\nUTET, 2008).\nWeill-Parot, Nicolas, \u201cAstrology, astral influences, and occult properties in the thirteenth and fourteenth\ncenturies,\u201d Traditio 65 (2010): 201\u201330.\nWeill-Parot, Nicolas, Les \u201cimages astrologiques\u201d au Moyen \u00c2ge et \u00e0 la Renaissance (Paris: Honor\u00e9 Champion,\n2002).\nZathey, Jerzy, \u201cPer la storia dell\u2019ambiente magico-astrologico a Cracovia nel Quattrocento,\u201d in Magia, astrologia e religione nel Rinascimento: convegno polacco-italiano, Varsavia, 25\u201327 settembre 1972, ed. Lech\nSzczucki (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad Narodowy im. Ossoli\u0144skich, 1974), 99\u2013109.\n537\n\nPages 557:\nIn de x\nNote: Italic page numbers denote figures and page numbers followed by \u201cn\u201d denote endnotes.\nAbbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology\n(Abu Ma\u2019shar) 72\nAbraham Ibn Ezra 90, 94, 181\n\u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d charm 433\u20135\nAbulafia, Abraham 94, 246\naccusations of magic 349\u201351, 404, 504, 506\n\u201caddressative\u201d magic 21, 230, 231\nAelfric of Eynsham 477\nAenigma de lapide (Enigma on the Stone) 118\nAgrippa, Henry Cornelius 164, 180, 181, 201,\n204, 221, 245\u20137, 264, 302, 320\nAided Conchobuir (The Violent Death of\nConchobor) 128\nAlbert the Great see Albertus Magnus\nAlbertus Magnus 40, 45n27, 114, 118, 154, 158,\n162, 171\u20133, 179\u201381, 187, 225, 239, 255\u201362,\n268, 271\u20133, 293, 320\u20131, 340, 360, 462,\n465\u20139, 471, 523\u20134\nalchemical mass 116, 118\nAlchemical Mass (Melchior) 113\nalchemy 72, 290\u20131; Arabic works of 78; Bacon\non 465; and Hermetic text of natural magic\n158; as magic 20; medicinal 277; and Nordic\nMiddle Ages 138\n\u00c6ldre Borgarthings Christenret 139\nAlemanno, Yohanan 87, 91, 94\nAl-Filaha al-Nabatiyya (The Nabatean agriculture)\n(Ibn Wahshiyya) 75\nAlfonsi, Petrus 74, 176, 408\u20139\nAlfonso X, king of Castile and Le\u00f3n 77, 91, 99,\n178\u20139, 258, 293, 333\u20136, 402, 412\u201314, 416,\n463, 523\u20138; French reception of works of\n103; miniatures 525; scriptorium 101\nAlmagest (Ptolemy) 113, 463\nAltrom tigi d\u00e1 medar (The Fosterage of the House of\nTwo Vessels) 130\nAmadeus VIII, Duke of Savoy 502, 511\nambiguity: and the history of thought 32\u20134;\nmagic and 32\u20134\nampullae 390\u20132\nAnglicus, Bartholomeus 171, 410, 525, 526\nAnglicus, Gilbertus 306, 307\nAnglo-Saxon medicine: magic in 300\u20131;\noverview 300\nanimal parts, in magic and ritual 162, 301, 389\n\u201canimal spirits\u201d 269\nAnne Pedersdotter (Wiers-Jenssen) 22\nAnselmi, Giorgio 231, 257, 449, 451, 471\nAnselm of Besate 89\nAntipalus Maleficiorum 40, 188, 238\nThe Antiquities of the Jews (Josephus) 435\nAntonio da Montolmo 225\u201335, 337, 451, 471;\nas author-magician 229\u201333; sources and\nmeaning of magic 233\u20135\nAphorisms (Urso of Salerno) 87, 303\nApollonius of Tyana 76\u20138, 163, 179\nAquinas, Thomas 27, 29, 30\u20132, 41, 50, 62, 65,\n174, 231, 255\u20137, 259\u201361, 270, 272, 291, 293,\n296, 320\u20131, 346, 372, 433, 462, 467\u20138, 471,\n489\u201390, 494, 514, 523, 524\nArabic magic 78; astrological talismans and 433;\nbooks 78\u201381; divisions of magic 72\u20135; magic\nas culmination of human knowledge 71\u20132;\nnatural magic and 291\u20132; search for Arabic\ntexts 75\u20138\nArabic texts 71\u20133, 75\u20138, 82, 84n28, 158, 205,\n244, 302, 416, 432\narchaeology: craft and technology 392\u20135; and\nmateriality 388\u201390; and magic 383\u201398\nThe Archaeology of Ritual and Magic\n(Merrifield) 384\nArderne, John 305, 306\n538\n\nPages 558:\nIndex\nAristotelian physics 19, 169, 462, 523, 526\nAristotle 73, 77\u20138, 153, 157, 162, 169, 173,\n186n67, 187, 234, 290, 314, 321, 323, 378\u20139,\n462\u20133, 465, 469, 471, 523, 524, 528\nArnold of Villanova 269, 276, 493\nars magica 26, 49\u201351, 175, 178, 224n60, 234\nArs notoria 2, 27, 30\u20131, 32, 41, 45, 61, 64, 87,\n115, 118, 175, 188\u201394, 196, 201, 203, 209n1,\n212\u201314, 216\u201318, 220, 221, 296, 322, 339,\n379, 433, 442, 443, 479, 496\nArt de caractas (Art of characters) 105\nArt de ymages (Art of images) 105\nArtes liberales 408\nartes magicae 26, 175, 487\nThe Ascent of Isaiah 217\nasceticism 52, 348\n\u201cAsperges me\u201d 372\u20133, 373\naspergillum 372\nAsprem, Egil 35n3, 60\nastral magic 45n25, 86, 87, 91, 93, 99\u2013101, 104,\n176, 177, 187, 189, 195, 201, 202, 254, 255,\n258, 264, 273, 276, 277, 282n91, 332, 334,\n337, 409; texts 436, 445, 446\nastrological images: development of 264; history\nof concept 254\u20138\nAstrologumena Judaica (Leicht) 94\nastrology: alchemy and 82, 120, 234, 239,\n290\u20131, 301, 305, 469; astral magic and 86,\n99, 276, 465; astronomy and 75, 78, 99,\n108, 113, 120, 241, 255, 288; false 492;\nas a form of magic 20; Hugo of Santalla\non 75, 76; Jewish 90, 94; in Krakow 113;\nlearned 490, 492, 495; medical 103\u20134;\nnatural 109; natural magic and 100, 117,\n120, 264; non-determinist 108; as part\nof the mechanical sciences 177; passive\nobservation of signs 490; Ptolemy on 255,\n259, 277, 334, 463\nAstronomical Tables (al-Khw\u0101rizm\u012b) 72\nastronomy 120, 172, 176; and Alfonso X 78;\nAlfonsine Castilian texts on 108; astrology\nand 75, 108, 113, 120, 241, 255, 288,\n289; judicial 468; the liberal art 217, 241;\npractical 289; semi-sacral view of 221;\ntheoretical 289\nAta gibor l\u2019olam adonai 88\nAugustine of Hippo, Saint 1, 27\u201330, 62, 170,\n406, 467\nAvicenna 159, 162, 166n41, 173, 174, 180, 256,\n269, 270, 277\u20138, 320\u20131, 377, 462\u20133, 469,\n524\u20135, 528\nBacon, Roger 27, 118, 161, 172, 180, 187, 188,\n239, 259, 291, 293, 294\u20135, 297, 303, 377,\n378, 415, 420, 433, 465, 467, 492\nBailey, Michael D. 7, 343, 344, 346, 351, 355, 480\nde Bar, Jean 338, 339\nBald\u2019s Leechbook 300, 396\nBallenus, Hermes 357\nBelenus, Hermes 153, 154, 156\nbaptism 51, 53\u20135, 65, 91, 96, 386, 195, 386, 483\nBaumann, Karin 7, 488\nBeatrice of Planissoles 92\nBeckford, James A. 37\nBellicorum instrumentorum liber (Fontana) 336\nBellifortis (Kyeser) 114\u201315, 336, 339\nBerger, Anna Maria Busse 375\nBernard, G. W. 476\nBernard of Clairvaux 15, 16\nBever, Edward 366, 367\nBeves of Hampton 358, 359, 361, 362\nBhagavad Gita 52\nBible 123, 128, 218, 269\u201370, 513; Old\nTestament 88, 128; New Testament 88, 128\nBiblioteca Jagiellonska 119\nBibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana 229, 230\n\u201cblack magic\u201d 202, 356\nBohemus, Henricus 115\nBonfini, Antonio 113\nBonvin, Fran\u00e7oise 510\nBook of Abramelin 87, 94\nBook of Astromagic (Alfonso X) see Libro de\nAstromagia\nBook of Cleopatra 162, 303\nBook of Creation 94\nBook of Healing (Avicenna) see Avicenna\nBook of Images (Th\u0101bit ibn Qurra) 293, 294\nThe Book of Medical Experiences 95\nBook of Nabatean agriculture 334\nThe Book of Physical Virtues, Diseases and Treatments\nor Liber Medicinalis 157\nBook of Prayers 214, 216, 217, 221, 222, 222n7\nBook of Raziel see Liber Razielis\nBook of Secrets (Sefer ha-Razim) (Rebiger and\nSch\u00e4fer) 87, 95\nThe Book of Segulot 95\nBook of Stones (De Lapidis) 388, 414\nBook of the Cow see Liber Vaccae\nBook of the Garment (Wandrey) 87, 95\nBook of the Marvels of the World see De mirabilibus mundi\nBook of the Moon 87\nBook of the Responding Entity 94\nBook of the Upright (Wandrey) 88, 95\n539\n\nPages 559:\nIndex\nThe Book of Women\u2019s Love (Carmen\nCaballero-Navas) 95\nBook on Talismans (Liber prestigiorum Thebidis) 71,\n74, 75, 77\nbooks of experiments (libri experimentorum) 294\u20135, 297\nBoudet, Jean-Patrice 7, 102, 107, 195, 205, 206,\n343, 344, 348, 350, 351, 506\nBoureau, Alain 7, 296, 346, 470, 506\nBozoky, Edina 376\nBracha, Krzysztof 112, 488\nBraekman, W.L. 304\nBreuer, Heidi 346, 356\nBr\u00e9vart, Francis 301\nBrewster, David 312\nBritish Iron Age 394\nBroedel, Hans-Peter 344\nBromyard, John 478\nBrown, Andrew 478\nBrzezinska, Anna 351\nBuddhism 52\nBurchard of Worms 376, 377, 488, 495\nde Burgo, John 479\nBurnett, Charles 2, 176\u20137, 181, 205, 372\nButler, Elizabeth 204, 205\nde Caboreto, Jeanne 516\nCameron, Euan 390, 480, 488\nCanon episcopi 139, 345, 420\nCanon medicine (Canon of medicine) (Avicenna) 256\nCanterbury Tales, the Parson\u2019s Tale (Chaucer) 357\nCantigas de Santa Maria (Alfonso X) 402, 412, 413\nCapella, Martianus 378\nCarpenter, Alexander 478\nCastile 99\u2013103\nCatalan, magic in 103\u20134\nCauda, Jeannette 508\n\u201ccelestial harmony\u201d 269, 270, 273\nCelestina (de Rojas) 346\u20137, 349\nCeltic lands: divine magic 130\u20131; historical\nmagical practices in Wales and Ireland\n124\u20136; literary druids 127\u201330; literary magic\nin medieval Irish literature 126\u20137; magic in\nmedieval Welsh literature 131\u20132\n\u201cCeltic magic\u201d 125\nCentiloquium (Ptolemy) 72, 75, 113, 259, 277, 417\nCentral and Eastern Europe: alchemical mass\n116; astrology in Krakow 113; Bellifortis (Kyeser)\n114\u201315; considerations on territorial and\nperiodization issues 112; court of Matthias\nCorvinus 113\u201314; dissemination of manuscripts\n117\u201318; Henry the Bohemian 115; highlights of\nthe region 112\u201313; library of King Wenceslas\nIV 114; MS BJ 793 and the Picatrix 116\u201317;\nNicholas of Montpellier 115\u201316; prayer book\nof King Wladislas and crystallomancy 115\nCesta spravedliv\u00e1 (The Rightful Way) 118\nde Chabannes, Ad\u00e9mar 416\nCharles-Edwards, Thomas 128\nCharles VI, King of France 336, 338, 504, 516\nCharles VII, King of France 338\nCharles VIII, King of France 275\nCharmasson, Th\u00e9r\u00e8se 464\ncharms 6, 8, 48, 87, 95, 120, 124\u20135, 132,\n137\u2013146, 162, 175, 299\u2013308, 358, 362,\n372\u20134, 376, 384, 386, 389\u201390, 395\u20136, 432\u20136,\n439\u201340, 477\u201382, 489, 491, 496\nChaucer 124, 356\u20138, 367\nChiffoleau, Jacques 512\nchildbirth 304\u20138, 347, 389\u201390, 395, 435\u20136, 440\nChr\u00e9tien de Troyes 356, 358\u20139\nChristian Topography 525\nChronicon (de Chabannes) 416\nCibiniensis, Nicolaus Melchior 116\nCifuentes, Llu\u00eds 108\nCity of God (Augustine) 406, 416\nClavicula Salomonis 87, 104, 107, 188, 189, 193,\n194, 195, 202\u20133, 234, 249, 336, 339\nLe Clerc, Daniel 299\nThe Cloud of Unknowing 15, 19\nCobham, Eleanor 340, 351\nCoeur, Jacques 338\nA Cognitive Theory of Magic (S\u00f8renson) 366\nCohn, Norman 7, 206\ncoins (in magic) 264, 296, 318, 365, 385, 390\u20132,\n395\u20136, 490\nCombarieu, Jules 371\nComestor, Petrus 259, 273\nCommentary (Urso of Salerno) 303\nCompagni, Vittoria Perrone 78, 154\u20136, 181,\n205, 259\nCompendium de radiis 270\nCompendium of sacred magic see Summa sacre magice\nConclusiones (della Mirandola) 276\u20137\nConclusiones sive Theses DCCCC 257, 276, 277\nConquest of Abundance (Feyerabend) 34\nConstantine the African 75, 171, 172, 175, 302,\n305, 306\nConversations with His Nephew (Adelard of Bath) 378\nConvivium (Dante) 526\nCooper, Helen 356\n\u201ccordial medicines\u201d 269, 274, 281n71\nCorrector sive medicus (Burchard of Worms) 488\n540\n\nPages 560:\nIndex\nCosmas Indicopleustes 524\nCouncil of Pisa 92\ncourtly magic 331\u20132; in thirteenth century 332\u20136\ncraft and technology 392\u20135\nCrafting the Witch (Breuer) 356\nCrombie, Alistair 295\nCronaca fiorentina (di Coppo Stefani) 228\nd\u2019Abano, Pietro 174, 181, 256, 257, 259, 270\u20132,\n277, 304, 336\nDaniel of Morley 79, 155, 177, 178, 288\nDaremberg, Charles 299\nd\u2019Artois, Mahaut 504\nd\u2019Ascoli, Cecco 225\u201335, 371, 471; and\nastrological nigromancy 225\u20138; sources and\nmeaning of magic 233\u20135; tragic death and\npossible reasons 228\u20139\nDaston, Lorraine 291\nData Neiringet (Aristotle) 77\nDau Gymro yn Taring (Two Welshmen Tarrying) 126\nDavies, Owen 205, 464\nd\u2019Avray, D. L. 4, 57\u201360, 63, 65, 66\nDay of Wrath 22\nDe anima (Avicenna) 270, 277, 329n43\nDe arte cabbalistica (Reuchlin) 525\nDe circulis 448\u20139\nDe civitate Dei (Saint Augustine) see City of God\nDe coniunctionibus maioribus (Albumasar) 113\nDecretum (Gratian) 7, 175, 179, 306, 345, 420\nDe divisione philosophiae (Gundisalvi) 77, 176\nDe doctrina Christiana (Augustine) 28, 175, 406, 489\nDee, John 125, 164, 238\nDe erroribus philosophorum 269\nDe esse et essentiis (Aquinas) 260, 272\nDe essentiis (On the essences) (Hermann of\nCarinthia) 76\u20137\nDe fide et legibus (William of Auvergne) 464\nDe generatione et corruptione 171\nDe imaginibus diei et noctis 157, 163\nDe imaginibus septem planetarum (The talismans of the\nseven planets) 75, 157\nDe iudiciis nativitatum liber praeclarissimus\n(Illustrious Book on the Judgments of Nativities)\n(da Pizzano) 229\nDelaurenti, B\u00e9atrice 376\nDe legibus (William of Auvergne) 79, 90, 188,\n263, 464, 490\ndella Mirandola, Pico 88, 94, 257, 259, 276\nDella Porta, Giambattista 264, 291, 296\nDe magia naturali (d\u2019\u00c9taples) 276\nDe mineralibus (Albertus Magnus) 171\u20133, 256\nDe mirabilibus mundi 87, 153\u201363, 173, 268, 271\u20132,\n275\u20137, 320\ndemonic forces 412\u201314; and law 470\u20131\n\u201cdemonic magic\u201d 138, 202\ndemonization of magic 296\ndemonology, treatises on 513\u201315\nDe natura boni 469\nDe natura rerum (Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9) 171\nDe occultis et manifestis (da Montolmo) 205, 234,\n337, 451\nDe officiis spirituum 188, 189, 191, 202\nDe ortu scientiarum (On the rise of the sciences) 72, 74,\n77, 177\nDe physicis ligaturis (Qusta ibn Luca) 75, 171, 172,\n304, 340\nDe principiis astrologie (The principles of astrology) 225\nDe proprietatibus rerum (Bartholomeus Anglicus)\n171, 410, 525\nDe quatuor confectionibus (The book on the four\nconfections) 73, 77, 78\nDe radiis stellarum (al-Kind\u00ee) 45n24, 269\u201370, 303,\n410, 432\u20133\nDe rerum naturis (Hrabanus Maurus) 410\nDe secretis naturae (Apollonius) 76, 77, 163\nDe secretis spirituum planetis 446\nDe sigillis Salomonis 188\nDe somno et vigilia 469\nDe Sphaera (de Sacrobosco) 113, 471\nDestructorium viciorum (Carpenter) 478\nd\u2019\u00c9taples, Jacques Lef\u00e8vre 276\nDeterminationes magistrales (Garsia) 257\nDe universo (William of Auvergne) 79, 157, 178,\n315, 318, 464\nDe viginti quattour horis 156\u20137, 163\ndevil-worshipping sect 3\nDe viribus cordis et medicinis cordialibus (Avicenna)\n269, 277\nDe virtute universali 172\nDe virtutibus lapidum 172\nDe vita coelitus comparanda (Ficino) 257, 260, 2\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 545 to page 560 out of a total of 569. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Pages 561:\nIndex\nThe Distaff Gospels 388, 488\ndivine magic 130\u20131\ndivisions of magic 72\u20135\nDoctrinal of Sapyence 479\ndoctrine of proprietas 379\nDoggett, Laine E. 346, 366\nDon Quixote 87\nDorothea von Montau 17\nDreyer, Carl 22\nDu Clercq, Jacques 512\nDuffy, Eamon 95, 478\u20139, 481\nDurandus, William 374\nDurkheim, Emily 66\nThe Dybbuk 17\nEamon, William 291\nEbendorfer, Thomas 491\nEckhart, Meister 15\u201316\nEgils saga Skalla-Gr\u00edmssonar 141\nElements (Euclid) 72\nelite superstition 492\u20134\nElizabeth I, Queen 125\nElucidarius magic\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 271\nElucidation of Marvelous Things (Lucidarius de\nrebus mirabilibus): goals of 277; \u201cimaginative\nspirits\u201d 277; overview 268; \u201cSummary on the\nProperties of the Heart\u201d 269\nEmerald Tablet 76\nEntzauberung der Welt 59\nEpiscopi (Canon) 139, 345, 420\nErghome, John 204\nEriksson, Magnus 139\nErmengaud, Matfr\u00e9 525\nErrores gazariorum (Errors of the Gazarii) 507\u20138\nErrores philosophorum 79\nesotericism 29\u201331, 264; contemporary 43;\nwestern 43\nEthics (Aristotle) 234\nEtt Forn-Svenskt Legendarium 141\nEtymologies (Isidore of Seville) 171, 175, 489\nEuclid 72\nEvangiles des quenouilles see The Distaff Gospels\nEvans-Pritchard, Edward 53, 63\nExornatorium Curatorum 475\nExperimenta 104, 114, 116, 117, 158, 159, 176\u20139,\n191, 192, 195, 272, 312, 326, 336\nexperimental science 175, 291, 295, 464,\n465, 467\nExperimenta Salomonis 106\nExperimentum verissimum Salomonis 192\nEymerich, Nicolas 245, 337, 470, 493, 504\nFalk, Ann-Britt 143\nFanger, Claire 4, 10, 57, 59, 62, 64\u20136, 348, 443\nfantasy 355\u20136\nFasciculus Morum 414, 478\nFeast of Mary Magdalene 482\nfemale witch 344\u20137, 502, 503, 507, 510\n\u201cfeminization\u201d of witchcraft 350\nFeugeyron, Ponce 504, 508, 511\nFevers 301, 304\u20136, 390, 440, 491\nFeyerabend, Paul 34\nFicino, Marsilio 3, 113, 114, 175, 179, 181, 201,\n221, 256\u201360, 262, 264, 276, 277, 378, 416\nFielding, Henry 374\nFigures, magical 432\u201351; \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d\n434\u20135; in ritual magic texts 442\u20135;\nindependent circular magical figures 438\u201342;\nlaminas 435\u20138; magic circles 445\u201351;\noverview 432\u20133\nFilotas, Bernadette 477, 480, 488\nFirst Commandment 480, 481, 483\nFlagellum hereticorum fascinariorum (Scourge of\nHeretical Enchanters) (Jacquier) 512, 514\nFlagellum maleficorum (Scourge of Those Who Commit\nEvil Deeds) (Mamoris) 503, 514, 515\nFletcher, Alan 476\nFlint, Valerie 48, 50, 51, 54, 58, 287, 355, 476\u20137\nFlores super opera artis magice (An anthology on the\noperation of the magical art) 73\nFlos naturarum (The flower of natural things) 75\nFlowers of Heavenly Teaching (John of Morigny)\nsee John of Morigny\nFontana, Giovanni 336\nForbuis Dromma Damghaire 129\u201330\nFoucault, Michel 27, 39, 40, 44, 59, 64\nFour Branches of the Mabinogi 124, 131\n\u201cfour-handed translation\u201d technique 91\nFournier, Jacques 92\nde Fournival, Richard 6\nThe Four Rings of Solomon 31\nLe Franc, Martin 507\nde France, Marie 356, 359\ndi Francesco, Matteuccia 351, 352\nFrancho, Petrus see Peter of Zealand\nFranklin\u2019s Tale (Chaucer) 357, 367\nFrazer, James G. 17\nFrederick I the Victorious 508\nFrederick II 91, 177, 332\u20133, 463\nFreind, John 299\nFreud, Sigmund 18\nFrom Hermes to Jabir (Pingree) 153, 158\nFr\u00fcnd, Lucerne Hans 503, 507\n542\n\nPages 562:\nIndex\nGabrovsky, Alexander 356\nGaddesden, John 306\nGanellus, Beringarius 40, 65, 237\u201350, 251n30,\n252n40, 252n50, 337, 444, 445, 471;\nbiographical information on 237\u20138; definition\nand treatment of magic 239\u201341; magical\nrituals, their ends and their relation to\nreligious worship 241\u20134; sources of the Summa\n244\u20137; subsequent reputation of 238\u20139\nGarsia, Pedro 257\nGayad Alhaqim 101\ngender and magic 343\u201351\ngendering of magical practices 347\u20139\nGeoffrey of Monmouth 87, 125\ngeomantia 26\nGerard of Cremona 77, 463\nGerson, Jean 420, 480, 493, 495\u20136\nGikatilla, Joseph 94\nGiles of Rome 269\nGilles, John 523\nGiszowiec, Petrus 116\nGlosa super ymagines duodecim signorum Hermetis\n(Antonio) 229, 230\nGloss to Aphorism (Urso of Salerno) 303\nGoal of the Wise see Picatrix\nGodwin, Joscelyn 377\u20138\nGoering, Joseph 476\nGolden Rod (Hermes) 77\nGordon, Stephen 396\nGospel of Nicodemus 87\nGrandes Chroniques de France 212, 215, 219, 221\nGratian 7, 175, 179, 306, 345, 372\nGrecus, Thoz 77\u20139, 177, 246, 247\nGreek culture 193, 287\nde Grocheio, Johannes 378\nGrosseteste, Robert 289\u201390, 295, 475\nGui, Bernard 7, 414, 470, 504\nGuide for the Perplexed (Maimonides) 90\nGundisalvi, Dominicus 77, 78, 176\u20138, 288, 525\nHacking, Ian 66\nHalevi, Judah 90\nHandlyng Synne (Robert Mannyng of Brunne)\n145, 477\u20138\nHarari, Yuval 95\nHaren, Michael 480\nHarmening, Dieter 375, 488\nHarpestreng, Henrik 145\nHartlieb, Johannes 491, 493\nHasidei Ashkenaz writings 93, 95\nHavelok the Dane 126\nHay, William 479\nHebrew magic, Latin condemnations 89\u201390;\nfuture directions 93\u20136; magical texts and\nsharing of specialized traditions 86\u20139;\noverview 85\u20136; role of personal contact in\nJewish-Christian exchanges 90\u20133; specialized\nand common traditions 90\u20133\nHekhalot mystical tradition 93, 95\nHeng, Geraldine 356\nHenry the Bohemian 113, 115, 339\nHenry VI 338\nheresy 7\u20138, 51, 53, 78, 92, 125, 179, 204, 207,\n215, 276, 278, 338, 344, 350, 383, 414, 470,\n503\u20135, 511\u201313\nHermann of Carinthia 76, 79\nHermes Trismegistus 76, 78, 156, 187, 229, 357,\n416\u201317\nHermetic magic 6, 45n25, 87, 94, 105,\n117\u201318, 153\u201364, 173\u20135, 202, 230, 234, 245,\n247, 256\nHerodotus 404\nHerolt, Johannes 482\nHerp, Hendrik 483\nHersperger, Patrick 7, 488\nHexaemeron 171\nHigden, Ranulph 478\nHistoria de preliis Alexandri Magni 141\nHistoria regum Britannie 125\nHistoria scholastica (Comestor) 273\nHistory of Magic and Experimental Science\n(Thorndike) 229, 259\nHistory of the Crusades (William of Tyre) 415\nHistory of the Kings of Britain (Geoffrey of\nMonmouth) 87, 125\nHoly Roman Empire 101\nHomilies (Nazianzenus) 406, 407\nHomo conditus 145\nHorden, Peregrine 299\nHortus deliciarum 408\nHouse of Fame (Chaucer) 357\nHugues G\u00e9raud of Cahors 91, 336\nhuman knowledge, magic as culmination of\n71\u20132\nHundred Aphorisms 87\nHungary 9, 112, 113, 119\nHutton, Ronald 127, 128, 133\nHygromantia Salomonis 193\nIbn Ezra, Abraham 90, 94, 181\nIceland 126, 136, 140, 142\nThe Ideal City (Aristotle) 524\n543\n\nPages 563:\nIndex\nidolatry 28, 30, 90, 178, 188, 244, 249, 319, 403,\n406\u20138, 414, 416\u201318, 433, 469, 480, 481, 490,\n504, 505\nIgnorantia Sacerdotum 475\nillusion, Augustine on 312\u201314\nillusion, medieval theories of 314\u201325\nimage magic 2, 29\u201331, 99, 102\u20135, 108, 109, 217,\n357, 397, 414\u201318, 443, 448, 479, 481, 495\nimaginative spirits (spiritus imaginarii) 269, 271,\n273, 277\nimago astronomica 337\nimpotence: caused by maleficium 306; and magic\n306\u20137, 347, 479\nindependent circular magical figures 438\u201342\nindirect delusions or tricks 325\ninfant corpses 389\nInnocent VIII 257, 513\nInstructions for Parish Priests (Mirk) 475\nintellectual history 174, 355\u20136, 368\nIreland, historical magical practices in 124\u20136, 132\nIrish magic 123\u20134\nIsidore of Seville 19, 88, 171, 175, 179, 259,\n325, 373, 377, 489, 492\nIslam 99, 119\nIvarrondo, Alfonso 260\nJacquart, Danielle 305\nJacques III, King of Mallorca 337\nJacquier, Nicolas 512, 514\u201315\nJames, William 16\nJeay, Madeleine 480\nJesus Christ 76, 116, 372, 404\u20136, 440, 481\nJewish astrology 94\nJewish magic 85, 88\u201391, 93\u20136, 119, 145, 196, 333\nJewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion\n(Trachtenberg) 93\nJews 77, 78, 79, 85, 86\u201393, 95, 96, 99, 101, 244,\n246, 404\nJoan I of Navarre 91\nJohannes Lasnioro (John of Laz) 118\nJohn of Burgundy 338\nJohn of Dacia 409\nJohn of Morigny 22, 27, 31\u20133, 62, 64, 89, 113,\n115, 191, 194, 201, 212\u201322, 339, 442\u20134, 447;\ncomposition of the Liber florum and 213\u201315;\nreception and use of the Liber florum 219\u201321;\nshape of the Liber florum and how it worked\n216\u201319\nJohn of Rupescissa 118, 277\nJohn of Seville 74, 77\u20139, 87, 155, 157\nJolly, Karen 477\nJones, Peter Murray 5, 8\nJones, William R. 339\nJosephus, Flavius 435\nJung, Carl Gustav 116\nThe Kabbalistic Library of Pico della Mirandola 95\nKabbalistic writings 94\nKamerick, Kathleen 7, 346\nKampfbegriffe 34\nKelleher, Richard 390\nKey of Semiphoras (Clau del Semiforas) 104\nKey of Solomon see Clavicula de Salom\u00f3, Clavicula di\nSalomone, Clavicula Salomonis\nKieckhefer, Richard 1, 4, 48, 50, 51, 54, 57\u201360,\n64, 86, 108, 124, 192, 201, 205, 206, 208,\n302, 336, 347, 348, 350, 355, 375, 385, 464,\n509, 516\nKilwardby, Robert 523, 524\nal-Kind\u00ee 65, 75, 77, 79, 154, 159, 175, 245, 246,\n248, 269\u201373, 277, 278, 289, 303, 410, 432\nKit\u00e2b al-Naw\u00e2m\u00ees (Book of Laws) 75, 153, 271\nKittredge, G. L. 206, 477\nKlaassen, Frank 109, 276, 348, 366\u20137, 378\nKonung Alexander 141\nKramer, Heinrich 324, 344, 470, 513\nKristeller, Paul Oskar 237\nKuzari (Halevi) 90\nKyeser, Conrad 113\u201315, 336, 339\nKyranides 117, 154, 157, 161\u20133, 171, 173, 340\nLacnunga 390\nLadurie, Emmanuel Le Roy 350\nlaminas 432, 433, 435\u20138\nLa musique et la magie 371\nL\u00e1ng, Benedek 112, 339, 464\nLapidario (Alfonso X) 100, 101, 334\nlapis philosophorum 116\nLasson, Emilie 488\nLatini, Brunetto 410\u201312, 411\n\u201cLausanne paradigm\u201d 509\nThe Laws of Plato 158\nLazzarelli, Ludovico 525\nLebor Gab\u00e1la \u00c9renn (The Book of the Taking of\nIreland) 130\nLe Champion des Dames (The Champion of Women) 507\nLeechbook III 300\nLegenda aurea 141\nLeicht, Reimund 82, 87, 94, 102\nLe Morte Darthur (Malory) 358, 361, 364\nLes Deux Amants (de France) 359\nLetters on Demonology and Witchcraft (Scott) 312\n544\n\nPages 564:\nIndex\nLevi, Eliphas 204\nLevy-Strauss, Claude 174\nLiber aggregationis 171\u20132, 320, 327n15, 340,\n360, 361\nLiberal Arts 113, 403, 408\u201312\nLiber Aneguemis (Nemith or Neumich) see Liber vaccae\nLiber Aneguemis minor see Liber vaccae\nLiber Conplido (Abenragel) 101\nLiber consecrationis (Scot) 332\nLiber consecrationum 189, 191, 194, 202\u20133, 207\nLiber de essentia spirituum 525\nLiber de quattuor confectionibus ad omnia genera\nanimalium capienda 154, 157\nLiber de septem figuris septem planetarum (The Book of\nthe Seven Figures of the Seven Planets) 436\nLiber de sex rerum principiis 78\nLiber experimentorum 104, 107, 109\nLiber florum (John of Morigny) 22, 27, 31\u20132,\n64, 212, 222, 442\u20133, 471; composition of\n213\u201315; reception and use of 219\u201321; shape\nof 216\u201319\nLiber Horoscopus 87\nLiber imaginum Lunae 156, 157\nLiber Intelligentiarum (Montolmo) 27\nLiber introductorius (Frederick II and Scot) 40,\n332\u20133\nLiber iuratus 22, 27, 50, 61, 63, 89, 96, 203, 238,\n239, 243, 247, 248, 249, 253n78, 402, 412,\n442, 444, 448\u20139, 493\nLiber orationum planetarum 104, 106, 155\nLiber planetarum ex scientia Abel (The book of planets\nfrom the knowledge of Abel) 75, 155\nLiber prestigiorum (Adelard) 77\nLiber quorundam sapientum 105\nLiber Razielis 87\u20138, 91, 94, 95, 101\u20135, 108, 109,\n187\u20139, 193\u20136, 237, 335\u20136, 348\nLiber regimentis (Book of the Government) 271\nLiber Samayn 187, 189, 193\nLiber Semamphoras 188, 245, 247\nLiber Semiphoras 104, 248\nLiber similitudinum (Llibre de la semblan\u00e7a de tots els\nh\u00f2mens) 104\nLiber tegumenti (Book of the Covering) 271\nLiber vaccae (Book of the Cow) 78, 87, 153\u20134,\n158\u201361, 163, 271\nLiber viginti quatuor philosophorum 78\nLiber visionum (John of Morigny) 113, 115, 339\nLibre del rey Peyre de Aragon (Book of King Peter of\nAragon) 105\u20136\nLibre de puritats (Book of secrets) 105, 106, 107, 109\nLibre de ydeis (Book of images) 105, 107, 109\nLibri naturales 409\nLibri runarum 118\nLibro Conplido (Abenragel) 103, 109\nLibro de astromagia (Alfonso X) 78, 101\u20133, 334,\n413, 414, 416, 523\u20138\nLibro de las formas 101, 103\nLibro de las formas e im\u00e1genes 108\nLibro de las formas e ymagenes 334, 336\nLibro de las formas y las im\u00e1genes (Book of forms and\nimages) 78, 101\nLilium medicinae (Bernard of Gordon) 174\nLivre des secrez de nature 103\nLombard, Peter 48, 306, 408, 469, 514\nLonginus charm 372\nLouis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland 112\nLouis XI, King of France 338\nLucentini, Paolo 157, 181\nLucidarium artis nigromantic\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 271\nLucidator dubitabilium astronomi\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 272\nLuhmann, Niklas 59\nLuhrmann, Tanya 366\nLull, Raymond 87, 118\nLydgate, John 447, 448\nMcCutcheon, Russel T. 38\nMacer Floridus (Odo of Meung) 87\nMcGee, Timothy 371\u20132\nMcVaugh, Michael 8, 279n12, 306\nmagic: ambiguity and the history of thought\n32\u20134; in Anglo-Saxon medicine 300\u20131;\nAugustine on 28\u20139, 312\u201314; in Catalan\n103\u20134; clarifying terminology 37\u20139; common\ntradition of 86; condemnations of 89\u201390;\ncraft and technology 392\u20135; as culmination\nof human knowledge 71\u20132; and the dead\n395\u20136; defining 15\u201323; as discursive concept\n39\u201343; divisions of 72\u20135; and gender 343\u201351;\nheresy of 503\u20135; as higher knowledge 29\u201330;\nand impotence 306\u20137; and materiality\n388\u201390; and medicine 299\u2013308; in medieval\nChristian Scandinavia 137\u201344; in medieval\nWelsh literature 131\u20132; as mistake in thinking\n28\u20139; natural see natural magic; and natural\nphilosophy 287\u201397; and performance\n390\u20132; and political affairs 336\u20139; recent\ndevelopments in history of 6\u20139; sacramental\n31\u20132; sciences of 287\u20138; specialized traditions\nof 86; Thomas Aquinas on 30\u20131; western\n187; as wrong religion 30\u20131\nmagical figures 255, 432, 433, 435, 438\u201342, 439,\n443, 444, 452\n545\n\nPages 565:\nIndex\nmagic circles 22, 49, 402, 412, 413, 432, 436,\n445\u201351, 447, 450, 451, 502\nMagic in History series 1\nMagisterium divinale et sapientiale (William of\nAuvergne) 409\nMagisterium eumantice artis 237, 238, 251n19\nMalleus Maleficarum (Kramer and Sprenger) 320,\n323\u20135, 344\u20136, 419, 470, 513\nMamoris, Pierre 503, 514, 515\nManfred, King of Sicily\u2013Cecco 227\nManipulus Curatorum (de Monte Roche) 483\nMarbode of Rennes 87, 171, 388\nde Marigny, Enguerrand 504\nMartini, Raymond 90\nMartyr, Justin 466\nmarvels 153\u201364, 275, 291, 312, 315, 317, 320,\n321, 358, 384, 388, 469\nMary, Virgin 32, 115, 220, 407, 435, 442\u20134\nMarzio, Galeotto 113, 114, 262\nmaterial culture 9, 138, 143, 365, 383, 388, 390,\n397, 402, 418, 497\nmateriality 384; and orality 301\u20132; and magic\n388\u201390\nmateria medica 301, 389\nMathers, Gregory 204\nMatthews, Thomas 406\nMatthias, King of Hungary 113\nMaurus, Hrabanus 410\nMauss, Marcel 24n13, 174\nMeaney, Audrey L. 384, 399n30, 400n71\nmedicine 292, 358\u201361; Anglo-Saxon 300\u20131;\ncordial 269, 274; early theories and scholastic\ndebates 302\u20134; and magic 299\u2013308; medical\nconditions and complaints 304\u20136; and natural\nmagic 358\u201361\nMedieval Song in Romance Languages 375\u20136\nMelchior, Nicolaus 113, 116, 118\nMemoriale Presbiterorum (Haren) 480\nMercier, Franck 512\nMerrifield, Ralph 384, 385, 387, 399n19\nMesca Ulad 128\u20139\nMetaphysics (Avicenna) 524\nMeteora (Aristotle) 321, 323\nMeteorology (Gerard of Cremona) 463\nMichael of Tarazona 75\nMignon, Pierre 338\nMirk, John 475\nThe Mirror of Perfection 483\nMitchell, Stephen A. 351\nMithridates, Flavius 88, 94, 95\nModlitewnik W\u0142adys\u0142awa (Wladislas) 115\nde Monte Roche, Guido 483\nMontesano, Maria 488\nMunich 157, 446, 451\nmusic 371\u20139; and archaeology 383\u201398\n\u201cmusica practica\u201d 374\u20137, 379\nmusica speculativa 374, 377\u20139\nMuslims 79, 99, 105, 154, 301, 359, 462, 463, 493\nmysticism 15\u201316, 19\u201321, 34, 60, 222\nNaaman, Rabbi 89\nNabataean Agriculture 297\nNasci, Salamies 92\nNational University of Ireland, Maynooth 123\nnatura rerum literature 170\u20132\nnatural causation 28, 62, 295\u20136\nNatural History (Gilles) 523\nNatural History (Naturalis historia) (Pliny the Elder)\n161, 171, 394\nnatural magic 2, 9, 19, 20, 23, 50, 54, 57, 60,\n74, 78, 100, 114, 116\u201318, 120, 138, 144, 154,\n157, 163, 170, 172, 174\u20136, 178, 179, 205,\n252n41, 264, 274, 288, 291\u20132, 295\u2013297,\n314\u201315, 320, 358\u201362, 365, 388, 403, 464, 467\nnatural philosophy and magic 169, 174, 178,\n287\u201397\nnatural properties: Arabic thought and 173\u20134;\nHellenistic thought and 173\u20134; Hermetic\nthought and 173\u20134; medieval understanding\nand vocabulary of natural magic 174\u20136\nNazianzenus, Gregory 406\nnecromancy see nigromancy\nNecromantia 71, 72, 74, 107, 202, 339\nnecromantic texts 203\u20136, 208, 494\nNewman, William R. 290\nNicholas of Jauer 493\nNicholas of Montpellier 115\u201316\nNicholas V 513\nNicolaus Olah, Archbishop of Esztergom 116\nNicomachus of Gerasa 524\nNider, Jean 503, 507\nnigromancy (nigromantia) 26, 27, 29, 31, 71, 72,\n74, 174,176\u20139, 201\u20136, 274\u20135, 361\u20135\nnon-magical religion 52, 63\nNordic magic 137, 140, 143\u20134\nNuova Cronaca (Villani) 228\nobjective magic 175\nOccitan texts by and for magicians 104\u20137\n\u201coccult\u201d 2, 6, 7, 19, 48, 49, 60, 99, 117, 127,\n174, 181, 231, 276, 291, 295, 464\nOculus Sacerdotis (William of Pagula) 475, 479\n546\n\nPages 566:\nIndex\nOdo of Meung 87\nOdyssey (Homer) 129\nOidheadh Chloinne Tuireann (The Tragic Deaths of the\nChildren of Tuireann) 133\nOld Compilation Book of Figures 443; see also John\nof Morigny\nOld English Herbarium 300\nde Olkusz, Martin Bylica 114\nOlsan, Lea T. 5, 8, 10n5, 306, 311n52, 365, 372\nOn Errors Concerning the Magic Art (Gerson) 495\n\u201cOn Evil Spirits\u201d 274\nOn generation and corruption (Gerard of Cremona) 463\nOn Incantations, Adjurations, and Suspension around the\nNeck (or On Physical Ligatures) 302\nOn Occult Properties (Ibn al-Jazzar) 87\nOn sorcery (De sortilegiis) 89\nOn Talismans 71, 74, 77\nOn the Division of Philosophy (Gundissalinus) 288\n\u201cOn the Hunting of Truth\u201d 273\nOn the Prolongation of Life and Retardation of Death\n(libellus de prolongatione vit\u00e6 et retardatione mortis) 268\nOn the Secrets of Nature 76\nOn the soul (Aristotle) 234\nOn the Stations for the Cult of Venus 87\nOn the Twelve Images 87, 91\n\u201cOn the Wars and Future Acts of Men, and on\ntheir Present and Future Mores\u201d 275\nOn the Wonders of the World 297\nOpus de magia disciplina (Anselmi) 449\nOpus imaginum 117, 255\nOpus maius (Bacon) 27, 293, 433\nOpus praeclarum de imaginibus astrologicis (Torrella)\n254, 258\u201362\nOpus Tertium (Bacon) 187, 378\norality 26, 301\u20132, 372\nOresme, Nicole 304, 320, 321\u20133, 376\nOrthodox Christianity 112, 119\nOtto, Bernd-Christian 4, 57, 59, 60\u20134\nOwst, G. R. 8. 477\u20138\nOxford 79, 219, 405, 436, 438, 443, 445,\n456n68\nOxford English Dictionary 50, 52\nPage, Sophie 45, 53, 162, 196, 276, 365, 464, 471\nPagel, Julius 299\nPannonius, Janus 114\nPantegni (Constantine the African) 306\nPark, Katharine 291\npastoral literature 351, 475\u201383, 488\nPater Noster 55, 220, 300, 372, 478, 491\nPecham, John 475\nPedeir Keinc y Mabinogi (The Four Branches of the\nMabinogi) 131\nPennsylvania State University Press 1\npeperit charm 435\nperformance and magic 326, 299, 300, 307,\n311n52, 390\u20132\nPerrers, Alice 351, 352\nPeter IV, King of Aragon 92\nPeter of Zealand: on al-Kind\u00ee 269; on astrology\n273; background 268; on De radiis and Picatrix\n270; medical training 269; \u201cnigromancy\u201d\n274\u20135; on witchcraft 271\nPeters, Edward 206, 355, 463, 480\nPeuerbach, Georgius 114\nde Peyre Godin, Cardinal Guillaume 504\nPhilip the Good 338\nPhiloponus, John 524\nPhysics (Aristotle) 19, 169, 462, 523, 526, 528\nPicatrix 21\u20132, 29\u201330, 62, 72, 78, 87, 91, 101\u20134,\n106, 108, 113, 116\u201318, 154, 155, 158, 160,\n161, 176, 178, 205, 230, 258, 270, 271, 276,\n293, 334, 335, 340, 436, 443\u20135, 462, 463,\n493, 523\nPike, Kenneth L. 38\npilgrim badges 301, 386\u20137, 390\nPingree, David 2, 79, 112, 153, 154, 156, 158,\n180, 181, 192, 205, 255, 412\nPius II 513\nde Pizan, Thomas 337, 338\nPlato 75, 153, 271\u20133, 277, 408\nPlatonic magic 158\nPlatonic philosophy 113\nPolicraticus (John of Salisbury) 322, 377\nPope Alexander V 504\nPope Boniface VIII 256, 336, 493\nPope Calixtus III, 513\nPope Eugenius IV, 513\nPope Gregory XI, 504\nPopes Gregory XII, 92\nPope John XXII 91, 229, 336, 337, 414, 470,\n504, 513\nPope John XXIII 7\nPractica (treatises on learned medicine) 305\u20138\nPractica Inquisitionis Heretice Pravitatis (Gui) 470\npractical astronomy 289\nPractica nigromancie 202\nPrayer Book of King Wladislas (Henry the\nBohemian) 339\npreaching 351, 440, 475\u201383\npre-Christian Nordic magic 136, 137\nPrincipe, Lawrence M. 290, 295, 297\n547\n\nPages 567:\nIndex\nromance language magic books 104, 107\u20139\nRoman d\u2019Alexandre 331\nRoman de Troie (de Sainte-Maure) 331\nRoper, Lyndal 365\nRosa Anglica (Gaddesden) 306\nRota Pythagorae 117\nProcessus de lapide philosophorum (On the Philosopher\u2019s\nStone) 118\nProcessus sub forma missae (Process in the Form of the\nMass) (Melchior) 116\nproperty, in medieval natura rerum literature\n170\u20132\nPsalter of Eadwine 372\nPtolemy 72, 77, 113, 118, 227, 234, 253n78,\n255, 277, 334, 417, 463\nPugio fidei (Martini) 90\nPupilla Oculi (de Burgo) 479\nPylgremage of the Sowle (Lydgate) 447\nPynson, Richard 476\nQuadripartitum (Ptolemy) 113, 234, 334\nQui bene praesunt (Richard of Wetheringsett) 475\nQusta ibn Luqa 75, 153, 162, 171, 172, 302\u20134\nRabbinic literature 89, 90\nRandles, Sarah 388\nRationale divinorum officiorum 374\nRaudvere, Catharina 137\nRecommendatio astronomiae 155, 165n20, 239\nRegiomontanus, Johannes 114\nreligion, magic as wrong 30\u20131\nreligious magic 52, 58\nRenaissance 79, 87, 101, 113, 125, 164, 170,\n174, 181, 196, 201, 205\u20138, 221, 257, 259,\n264, 287, 293, 296, 297, 320, 331, 339, 356,\n365, 377, 378, 462, 525\nreproduction and magic 347\nReuchlin, Johannes 525\nReynys, Robert 50, 52, 58, 304\nRichard of Wetheringsett 475\nRider, Catherine 5, 48, 306, 308, 479\u201380\nRigaud, Eudes 48, 51\nritual deposition 143, 385\u20138, 392, 394\nRobert Mannyng of Brunne 477\u20138\nRobert of Flamborough 478\nRoig, Jaime 92\nde Rojas, Fernando 346\u20137\nRollo, David 331\nromance and natural magic 358\u201361\nromance language(s): Castile 99\u2013103; circulation,\npersecution and survival of Romance\nlanguage magic books 107\u20139; courtier\u2019s\nmanual from Milan 107; French reception of\nAlfonsine works 103; future directions 109\u201310;\nlearned magic in the vernacular 99\u2013103;\nmagic in Catalan 103\u20134; Occitan texts by and\nfor magicians 104\u20137\nSabbath, witches see Witches\u2019 sabbat\nsacramental magic 31\u20132\nde Sacrobosco, Johannes 113, 225, 226\u2013228,\n234, 471\nSaint Peter 405, 406\nde Sainte-Maure, Beno\u00eet 331\nSalverte, Eus\u00e8be 312\nSamuel of Granada 92\nSannino, Antonella 297\nSan Vincenzo Maggiore 392\u20134, 393\nSatan the Heretic (Boureau) 470\nScandinavia 4, 136\u201345, 385, 395: \u201cmagic\u201d in\nmedieval Christian Scandinavia 137\u201344,\nSch\u00e4fer, Peter 95\nSch\u00e4ufelein, Hans 402\nscholasticism: context 462\u20134; demons and the\nlaw 470\u20131; and magic 461\u201372, Schwartz,\nDov 93\nscience: experimental 291; of images 292\u20134;\nmedical 292; of properties 170, 174, 176\u20139\nScientific Revolution 295, 297\nScot, Michael 40, 155, 177, 178, 188, 332\u20133,\n463, 525\nScott, Sir Walter 312\nSecret of Secrets (Bacon) 87, 465\nSecretum de sigillo Leonis 117\nSecretum secretorum 112, 117, 187\nSeelentrost 141\nSefer Yetsirah 88\nSentences (Lombard) 48, 306, 514\nSermones discipuli de tempore et de sanctis (Herolt) 482\nSeven Deadly Sins 7, 357\nsex and magic 107, 156, 162, 202, 303, 339,\n343\u201349\nShort Art (Lull) 87\nSi\u00e6linna thr\u00f8st 141\nSiete Partidas 100\nSigillum Dei (Seal of God) 444\u20135\nSigismund, Holy Roman Emperor and\nHungarian king 115\nsigna 433, 440\nSignum regis salomonis 440\nSISMEL\u2019s Micrologus Library series 1\nSkemer, Don C. 8\n548\n\nPages 568:\nIndex\nSk\u00edrnism\u00e1l 140\nSmith, Jonathan Z. 26, 33, 62\nsociocultural lexicography 51\nSolomonic ritual magic 78, 175, 192;\nhistoriographical advances and future fields of\nresearch 192\u20136; problems of defining a corpus\nof 187\u201392\nSolomonic tradition 6, 78, 99, 102, 109, 175,\n187\u2013200, 202\u20133, 205, 232\u20134, 245\u20139, 255,\n277, 339, 371, 433, 439, 445, 449\u201351\nS\u00f8renson, Jesper 366\nsortilegium 26, 27, 52, 141, 487, 503\nSoziale Systeme 59\nSpeculum astronomiae 27, 40, 41, 74, 79, 157,\n174\u20136, 181, 187\u20139, 202, 204, 230, 231, 234,\n255\u20137, 261, 270, 272\u20133, 289, 337, 433, 465,\n289, 293\nSpeculum Aureum Decem Preceptorum Dei 483\nSpeculum Curatorum (Higden) 478\nSprenger, Jacob 324, 344\nStallcup, Stephen 96\nStandley, Eleanor R. 386, 395\nStausberg, Michael 61\nStephens, Walter 345\nstereotypes and magic 7, 344\u20137\nThe Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in\nEngland 1400\u20131580 (Duffy) 478\u20139\nSudhoff, Karl 299\nSuffumigationes 157\nSuggett, Richard 126\nSumma for Confessors (Thomas of Chobham) 306\nSumma Contra Gentiles (Aquinas) 320, 257, 259\nSumma Predicantium (Bromyard) 478\n\u201cSummary on the Properties of the Heart\u201d 269\nSumma sacre magice (Ganellus) 40, 191, 237\u201350,\n337, 444\nSumma sacre magice (Montolmo) 27\nSumma Theologica (Aquinas) 30, 41, 50, 270,\n272, 346\nSummis desiderantis affectibus 470\nSuper illius specula 229, 337, 470, 504\nSuperstitio (Harmening) 375, 488\nsuperstition 3, 5, 7, 8, 27\u201331, 53, 58, 119, 139,\n141, 170, 174, 179, 221, 260, 332, 344. 346,\n365, 402, 406, 418, 478, 480, 482, 487\u201397,\n503, 504\nSuso, Henry 378\nSwanson, R. N. 476\nSwedish Older Law of V\u00e4sterg\u00f6tland (\u00c4ldre\nV\u00e4stg\u00f6talagen) 139\nSweeney, Michelle 355\nSword of Moses 95\nSworn Book of Honorius see Liber Iuratus\nsymbolic manipulation 17\u201319, 21\u20133, 60, 61, 65\nTable of Solomon 80, 493\nTabulae Alphonsi (Johannes de Sacrobosco) 113\ntabule magicales 246\nTaussig, Michael 66\nTechel/Azareus Complex 87, 96\nTen Commandments 7, 245, 475, 478, 480, 483\nTeresa of \u00c1vila 15, 16\nThabit ibn Qurra 71, 72, 74, 75, 79, 158, 178,\n255, 293, 294, 337\nTheatrum chemicum 268\nTheodore of Mopsuestia 524\nTheorica artium magicarum (The theory of the magic\narts) 75, 175, 270, 432\nThesaurus Linguae Latinae 50\nThesaurus spirituum 202\u20133, 207\nThibaut de S\u00e9zanne 89\nTholosan, Claude 507\u20138, 512\nThomas, Keith 50\u20134, 206\nThomas of Cantimpr\u00e9 87, 171\nThomas of Chobham 306, 478\nThorndike, Lynn 175, 192, 201, 204, 229, 259,\n296, 469\nTomlinson, Gary 378\nTorrella, Jerome 231, 254, 255, 258\u201362\nTrachtenberg, Joshua 93\nTractado de la divinan\u00e7a (Lope de Barrientos) 103\nTractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann) 95\nTractatus contra invocatores demonum (Treatise Against\nDemon Invokers) (Vinet) 514\ntranslatio nigromantiae 331\ntranslatio studii 331\nTratado de aojamiento o fascinaci\u00f3n (Enrique de\nVillena) 101\nTremp, Kathrin Utz 8, 350\nTres boni fratres 304\u20135\nTr\u00e9sor (Latini) 410\u201312, 411\nTrismegistus, Hermes see Hermes Trismegistus\nTrithemius, Johannes 40, 188, 189, 238, 276\nuniversal virtue 173, 180\nUniversity of Krakow 113\nUniversity of Lausanne 8, 343\nUniversity of Paris 212, 215, 443, 480, 487,\n493, 504\nUrso of Salerno 303\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) 87, 95\nUses of the Torah 88\n549\n\nPages 569:\nIndex\nVauderye de Lyonois en brief 508\u20139\nV\u00e9ron\u00e8se, Julien 205, 348\nVikings 136, 144\nde Vilanova, Arnau see Arnold of Villanova\nVillani, Giovanni 228\nVinculum Salomonis 189, 191, 192, 194, 196,\n202, 207\nVinet, Jean 514\nVisconti, Filippo Maria 339\nvisual culture of magic: demonic forces 412\u201314;\nidolatry 406\u20138; Jesus Christ 404\u20136; Liberal\nArts 408\u201312; magicians as wise men 402\u20134;\nmagic of images 414\u201318\n\u201cvital spirits\u201d 269\nVit\u00e9z, Johannes 113, 114\nvon Kemnath, Mathias Widmann 508\nWaite, Arthur Edward 204\nWales: historical magical practices in 123\u20136\nWalker, D. P. 205, 378\nWarburg Institute 82\nWatkins, Carl 478\nWatson, Nicholas 348\nWeber, Max 51, 66\nWeill-Parot, Nicolas 21, 181, 205, 294\nWenceslas IV, \u201cKing of the Romans\u201d and King\nof Bohemia 113\u201314, 339\nWene ngua 54\nWiers-Jenssen, Hans 22\nWilliam of Auvergne 2, 65, 79, 82, 90, 155, 157,\n162, 175, 178, 179, 181, 188\u201391, 263, 289,\n291, 296, 303, 314\u201325, 374, 402, 409, 416,\n433, 464\u20135, 467, 471, 490; natural magic\n314\u201315\nWilliam of Palerne 362\u20134, 367, 475\nWilliam of Tyre 415\nwitchcraft 271, 502\u201317; ambivalence of 515\u201316;\n\u201cfeminization\u201d of 350; heresy of 503\u20135\nwitches, crimes of 506\u20139, 514\nWitches\u2019 Sabbat 3, 23, 271, 343, 349, 505\u201310,\n512\u201314\nWitchhunts 3, 22, 315, 323, 470, 494, 502,\n504\u201315, 517\nWladislas, King of Hungary and Bohemia 116\nWoodville, Elizabeth 351\nde Worde, Wynkyn 475\u20136\nWyclif, John 275\u20136\nYates, Frances 201, 205, 378\nYmagines duodecim signorum Hermetis 230\nYwain and Gawain 358, 360\nZambelli, Paola 181, 205\nZell, Michael 350, 351\n550\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=367\nPages: 367\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nrecent historiography of late medieval magic: learned magic texts. These texts circulated in\nmanuscripts, described complex rituals and often drew on the same cosmological concepts\nas more scientific works such as ideas about the influence of the stars on earth, or the nature and powers of spirits. More than one hundred distinct texts and several hundred surviving manuscripts with magical contents have now been identified by scholars, although\nmany remain hardly studied and new copies of magic texts are frequently being identified.\nIn the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, some authors of magical texts also, for the first\ntime, allowed their works to circulate under their own name rather than ascribing them\nto \u00adlegendary figures such as Hermes or Solomon. Since theological condemnation made\nit dangerous to claim authorship of a magical text, the fact that authors were becoming\nconfident enough to put their real names to works of magic is a striking development, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\ntrove of magical writings from the medieval period, spanning the breadth of specialized\nand common traditions. Studies of the Geniza have revealed surprising parallels with\nChristian magic from Western Europe,40 and additional work on such parallels will surely\nincrease our understanding of the underlying contacts. If the common tradition is the point\nof greatest contact between Jewish and Christian magic, as I have suggested, then this kind\nof work may yield the most important results.\nThe Hebrew language can be a significant limiting factor for scholars of Christian magic.\nOnly a few relevant Hebrew texts are available in translation, much of medieval Jewish\nmagic remains unedited, and the existing secondary literature is insufficient for learning\nabout the varieties of Jewish magic. Nevertheless, the scholar who wishes to identify Jewish\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nfifteenth \u2013 and sixteenth-century codex,27 Frank Klaassen\u2019s catalogue of medieval magical\n\u00admanuscripts \u00adincludes two texts conserved in two fifteenth-century manuscripts and which\nhave not been edited or studied: one is a manual with conjurations in the vernacular, sigils\nand a list of spirits; the other seems to be a collection of Solomonic images translated from\nLatin to \u00adTuscan.28 Another avenue of research worth exploring is to investigate archive\ndocuments such as inventories of properties or libraries, wills, and inquisitorial and judicial\nrecords that may provide new data on the circulation and persecution of magic in Romance\nlanguages.\nMany of the manuscripts or writings presented here require further research to a greater\nor lesser extent. One of the least studied and most promising is the Barberini codex, which\ndeserves attention from philologists and historians of medieval magic, even though it does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nWhen writing about magic, I like to emphasize that the medieval anti-magical and\npro-magical arguments are part of the same conversation: the composition and rewriting\nof magic texts are done in awareness of, and often in response to, engagements with the\ndiscursive formations that condemn them. All the texts routinely brought up in the histories\nof medieval magic, from the writings of Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and the Speculum astronomie on the one hand, to the Ars notoria, the Sworn Book, Montolmo\u2019s Liber Intelligentiarum\nand the Summa sacre magice on the other, can be seen as engagements with the problem in\nthe sense I am indicating. Works like Roger Bacon\u2019s Opus Maius and John of Morigny\u2019s Liber\nflorum tread a complex ground between full acceptance and full condemnation, and are also\npart of the conversation. I use the word \u201cconversation\u201d to underscore that it is not merely a\nset of polemics.\nThe other thing I like to emphasize is that these are learned engagements constituted]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a\nlively literature in circulation in the thirteenth century employing \u201cexorcisms\u201d or conjurations and configured in Christian form.7\n202\nN e c ro m a n c y\nMost of the witnesses to medieval necromantic practice are early modern and most of\nthe medieval witnesses are late medieval. A few fifteenth-century collections survive such\nas the Rawlinson and Munich Manuals.8 These contain either fragmentary or full copies\nof earlier texts such as the Liber consecrationum and Thesaurus spirituum. The latter survives,\nin varying but apparently complete sixteenth-century versions. The classic Solomonic text\nof necromancy, the Clavicula Salomonis, survives in one fifteenth-century copy but is mostly\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=113\nPages: 113\nobservations. First of all, medieval Kabbalistic writings are not packed full of the kinds of\nrituals and techniques that Christian contemporaries would generally consider magical.\nInasmuch as many Kabbalistic treatises are devoted to theosophical speculation or midrashic exegesis, there is little room for instruction in practical magic. Second, \u00adKabbalists\ndiffered widely on their attitudes towards magic. Writers such as Abraham Abulafia and\nJoseph Gikatilla were very critical of magic, acknowledging the possibility that aspects of\nKabbalah could be misused in magical ways. Other writers like Nehemiah ben Shlomo\nand texts such as the Book of the Responding Entity offer elements that even more conservative\ndefinitions are likely to consider magical. Third, whatever we may say about the Kabbalah,\nit was common for magical writings to circulate alongside Kabbalistic writings in medieval\nmanuscripts. And finally, there are very few magical practices during our period that could]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=313\nPages: 313\nfurther principles open to fresh investigation. It is then of more than passing interest that a\nmajor body of magical literature in the Middle Ages consisted of what were called \u201cbooks of\nexperiments\u201d (libri experimentorum).15\nIn many cases, the books of experiments offered directions for acts of necromancy or\nconjuring, presented one after another in long lists of singular experiences that one might\nhave with such acts of magic. But sometimes a book of experiments would be a list of recipes\nfor what might be considered examples of the art of natural magic. What was important\nin both cases was the expectation that an actual experience was foundational for whatever\nknowledge one would draw from the actions involved. There is therefore already in the\nthirteenth century a growing awareness among university scholars, and sometimes enterprising thinkers outside the university walls, that experience or what we might even call]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=365\nPages: 365\nmedieval \u201cecclesiastical\u201d writing on magic was not monolithic and instead encompassed a\nwide range of authors and genres. \u201cEcclesiastical\u201d texts ranged from detailed, scholastic treatises like the Malleus Maleficarum or one of its key sources, Thomas Aquinas\u2019s Summa Theologiae,\nto the simpler sermons and treatises on sin and confession which were designed to educate\nthe clergy and laity and which are discussed in detail in Kathleen Kamerick\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume. This large body of texts, written across Europe, over several centuries, and across\nmany genres, did not offer a single view of magic and its practitioners. There were some\ncommon themes: for example, drawing on St Augustine, most clergy associated magic with\ndemons and condemned it. Nevertheless, they varied in their details and emphases. Work by\nMichael Bailey, Kathleen Kamerick and Alain Boureau, as well as my own work, has therefore sought to explore the range of clerical views of magic and the debates that took place]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=224\nPages: 224\nof magic. Vittoria Perone Comangni has worked to catalogue medieval astrological magic\nand Paola Zambelli\u2019s attention has focused principally on questions surrounding natural\nmagic.21\nAlthough explored briefly in his Magic in the Middle Ages and a number of articles, it was\nnot until Richard Kieckhefer published Forbidden Rites that any scholar gave close attention\nto a manuscript collection of medieval necromantic texts for its own sake.22 This was a\ncrucial step since so little was known about such works, much less at the level of detail a\ntextual edition can facilitate. Previously, even occultists had preferred to examine single\nworks of explicitly Solomonic magic rather than the disordered collections of anonymous\nand ragged material that are typical of surviving medieval handbooks. Kieckhefer\u2019s work\nbroke new ground by attempting to understand necromantic texts not as isolated travellers\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105,106\nMagical texts and the sharing of specialized traditions\nThe transmission of specialized traditions from Latin to Hebrew is easier to evaluate than\nwhatever may have been transmitted from Hebrew to Latin. Numerous learned treatises of\nmagic and occult sciences were translated from Latin (or vernacular languages) to \u00adHebrew\n86\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nduring the Middle Ages, including the Ars notoria, the Techel/Azareus Complex, the lapidary\nof Marbode of Rennes, Odo of Meung\u2019s herbal (Macer Floridus), the Key of Solomon, the\nBook of the Cow, Ibn al-Jazzar\u2019s On Occult Properties, the Picatrix, Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Hundred\n\u00adAphorisms, the Book of the Moon, a work on planetary magical squares,3 some geomantic texts\nand an extensive corpus of medical literature that often includes charms and other forms\nof healing magic. Towards the end of the fifteenth century, Yohanan Alemanno mentioned]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\nprovided one setting in which magical texts circulated: for example William of Auvergne,\nBishop of Paris (d. 1249), claimed to have read magical texts as a student. Perhaps more\nimportantly, the university disciplines of canon law and theology shaped later medieval\nthought about magic by offering systematic, detailed discussions of what magic was, how\nit worked, and which aspects of it were, or were not, legitimate. Canonists sought to clarify\nwhich ritual practices should be categorized as magic and prohibited by the Church.11 Theologians and natural philosophers explored the place of magic in the universe, including\nsuch issues as the role of demons in magic and their relationship with human magicians,\nas well as the question of why magic was wrong.12 And sometimes why it was right. Some\nthinkers approved of the use of the term \u201cnatural magic\u201d to refer to the production of marvellous but natural effects, argued that the science of images was based on natural forces]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=554\nPages: 554,555\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015).\nFanger, Claire (ed.), Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries (University\nPark: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\nFanger, Claire (ed.), Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic (University Park,\n\u00adPennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998).\nFlint, Valerie I.J. The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991).\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, Alejandro, \u201cThe Philosopher and the Magician: On Some Medieval Allegories of\nMagic,\u201d in L\u2019allegorie dans l\u2019art du moyen age, ed. Christian Heck (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 241\u201352.\n535\nF u rt h e r r e a d i n g\nGarc\u00eda Avil\u00e9s, Alejandro, \u201cLa cultura visual de la magia en la \u00e9poca de Alfonso X,\u201d Alcanate: revista de\nestudios alfons\u00edes 5, (2006\u20132007), 49\u201388.\nGilchrist, Roberta, \u201cMagic for the Dead? The Archaeology of Magic in Later Medieval Burials,\u201d Medieval Archaeology 52 (2008): 119\u201359.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\ntraditions of medieval magic. In fact, since studies concerned with literature tend to have\nbeen written as ways of explicating particular literary texts, no comprehensive survey of\nEuropean literary representations of necromancy has yet been written.\nThe growing body of scholarly editions provides concrete evidence for the ways in which\nthis literature was transmitted, but there remains a good deal more to do. We have no\nedition of the most important works of necromantic magic, such as the Thesaurus spirituum,\nand although we have single-witness editions of texts like the Liber consecrationum, the lack\nof critical editions makes it more difficult to assess how the text was compiled and transmitted. The medieval library of necromancy also included an assemblage of a variety of\nsmall texts used for specific purposes. More manageable projects (particularly for graduate\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=494\nPages: 494\nWhat did the medieval Christian Church teach the laity about magic? This simple question\nhas no straightforward answer. The problem of laypeople\u2019s belief in and practice of magic\nwas bound to the more fundamental issue of what the laity needed to know in order to be\nsaved. Did magic threaten one\u2019s salvation? Medieval pastoral texts such as sermons, manuals\nfor confessors and works aiming to teach laypeople how to live as good Christians often took\nup the problem of magic, but it was rarely a major concern. These pastoralia \u2013 including both\ntexts used by priests in their work of the care of souls as well as the diverse works of religious\ninstruction read by laypeople \u2013 multiplied in Europe from the thirteenth to early sixteenth\ncenturies in both Latin and the vernacular languages. Their profusion and diversity offer a\npotentially rich source for examining complex and even conflicting views of magic, as well as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=316\nPages: 316\nMiddle Ages and translated into Latin by the thirteenth century.22 It represents a type of\nmedieval magic concerned primarily with plant lore and detailing the way the extraordinary, even magical properties of herbs and occasionally other substances could be turned\nto medical use. A similar text was the work On the Wonders of the World, recently edited\nby Antonella Sannino.23 Here is a strain of magic about which little is known but which\nprobably figured quite large in Latin learned circles in the Middle Ages. Like the books\nof experiments, these works of medico-magical wisdom are probably best seen as belonging at least in part to medieval natural science, especially if we approach them from the\nperspective of those who promoted and drew from them. Locating such works in medieval\nmanuscripts, editing them and then studying what they had to say are projects deserving\nof scholarly attention.\nFinally, I return to the science of images and to alchemy. Little connects these two in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=375\nPages: 375\ntext becomes a place where ideas, beliefs, wishes, fears and imaginings intersect, a site of\ncultural exploration and innovation. Magic in medieval romance is most of all associated\nwith bodies: with physical influences that heal or harm, shift shape or place. Yet, for all its\nbodiliness, the affective power of magic also opens onto the mind and questions of sin and\nvirtue, intention and identity.\nHealing and harmful knowledge\nMedieval literature must be placed in the context of the thought world of the later Middle\nAges, with its complex blend of ideas stretching back through classical and Judaeo-Christian\nas well as Germanic and Celtic belief and ritual. The long history of magic, its place in natural philosophy and medicine, its use of the cosmic powers contained in plants and stones\nand its connections with demons and the natural world were all fundamental to medieval\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=376\nPages: 376,375\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may\nbroadly be termed white and black magic: both concerned with influencing the body, the\nformer often connected with the desire to heal, the latter with the desire to harm.\nWriters such as Chaucer (writing in the later fourteenth century) were certainly aware\nof the history of magic.10 Chaucer\u2019s works, as Alexander Gabrovsky has recently shown,\nwere shaped by his sophisticated knowledge of scientific theory.11 A familiarity with alchemy,\n356\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nphysics, astronomy and medicine, the interconnected disciplines central to learned understandings of magic, is evident across Chaucer\u2019s writings. His depiction in the General Prologue\nto The Canterbury Tales of the \u201cDoctour of Phisik\u201d, a pilgrim perhaps more interested in gold\nthan God, is characteristic in its representation of the physician as a practitioner of natural]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=556\nPages: 556\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013).\nPeters, Edward, The Magician, the Witch, and the Law, Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of\nPennsylvania Press, 1978).\nPingree, David, \u201cLearned Magic in the Time of Frederick II,\u201d Micrologus 2 (1994): 39\u201356.\nPingree, David, \u201cThe Diffusion of Arabic Magical Texts in Western Europe,\u201d in La diffusione delle scienze\nislamische nel medio evo Europeo (Roma: Accademia dei Lincei, 1987), 57\u2013102.\nRider, Catherine, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012).\nRider, Catherine, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006).\nRollo, David, Glamorous Sorcery. Magic and Literacy in the High Middle Ages (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000).\nRosi\u0144ska, Gra\u017cyna (ed.), Scientific Writings and Astronomical Tables in Cracow: A Census of Manuscript Sources\n(XIVth\u2013XVIth Centuries) (Wroc\u0142aw: Zak\u0142ad Narodowy Imienia Ossoli\u0144skich, 1984).]"]}

{"result":["[Pages 367:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nBy contrast, it is much easier to identify one form of magic as a largely male activity: the use\nof learned ritual and image magic texts. Medieval sources such as exempla often depict male,\nlearned magicians, often clerics, invoking demons with books and magic circles. In this case,\nit is possible to compare the stereotype with evidence of practice, thanks to the survival of a\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to\nexperiment with magical texts.27 Since 1997, more detailed studies of the ownership of magical manuscripts have tended to confirm this impression and have identified many owners of\nmagical texts as monks, university masters or students.28 They have also noted the importance of physicians as owners of manuscripts containing image magic texts.29 Women were\nnot completely excluded from this world: Claire Fanger and Nicholas Watson\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume describes the involvement of John of Morigny\u2019s sister, Bridget, in learned magic, and\nother female readers may yet be identified in what is still a developing field of scholarship.\nNevertheless, learned magic seems overwhelmingly to have been practised by men.\nThe relationship between this largely male readership and the contents of magical texts\nhas also attracted some attention. The most detailed interpretation has been offered by Frank\nKlaassen, who argues that ritual magic texts reflect the fears and desires of the clerics and\nscholars who read them, and so are gendered in their goals and aspirations. The large number\nof rituals to gain knowledge or intellectual skills therefore reflects the value placed on these\nthings by clergy and university scholars. Rituals to gain wealth, acquire status symbols such\nas horses or win the favour of a powerful person may reflect the wishes of scholars or clerics\nwho desired social status and needed to win the support of their superiors in order to build\ntheir careers. Even rituals to gain the love or sexual favours of women may reveal specifically\nmale anxieties on that score, despite the fact that celibacy was officially the norm in universities and other clerical environments. Meanwhile, alongside these rituals, some texts contain\nstories that sound like wish fulfilment, presenting their authors as \u201ca \u2018man\u2019s man\u2019, intelligent,\nmaterially successful, controlled, and bold\u201d.30 These goals and stories may seem to contradict the high-minded prologues of many magical texts that stress the importance of secrecy,\nchastity and asceticism but Klaassen sees these two strands as complementary: it is this very\nasceticism that gives the readers of magical texts the power to achieve their goals, and this\nagain reflects the value placed on self-discipline and learning in clerical culture.31\nAn article on secrecy in ritual magic by Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se also\nsheds light on the gendered nature of magical texts, although this is not its main focus. In\nparticular, Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se discuss how the prologues of some ritual magic texts emphasized that magic was an activity only suitable for a chosen few because it allowed the operator to do bad things as well as good ones. This elitism had a gendered aspect but gender\nwas bound up with other factors such as age and intellectual and moral qualities: one text,\nthe Liber Razielis, warned the reader: \u201cYou should not reveal your secrets to a woman, nor a\nchild, nor an idiot, nor a drunk.\u201d32 So far these explorations of magic and masculinity have\n348\n\nPages 368:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nfocused primarily on ritual magic. It will be interesting to see how this area develops in the\nfuture and whether similar features appear in other genres of magical texts.\nThe gendering of other forms of magic has received less attention. It is not clear, for example, to what extent healing or divination was gendered or whether there were gender differences between different forms of healing and divination. In part, this is due to the difficulties\nposed by the sources that often do not present healing or divination as particularly male or\nfemale activities (in contrast to their depictions of women doing love magic or men calling\nup demons) but more could be done to unpick the stereotypes and accusations that we do\nsee in, for example, exempla featuring healers and diviners. Another potential line of enquiry\nis to investigate whether the same kinds of healing, divination or other forms of magic were\nviewed differently when done by men and when done by women. Here, differences of emphasis and language in our sources may be important, as well as radical disparities in what\nmen and women were believed to do. For example, several studies of fifteenth-century witch\ntrials have suggested that although judges asked men and women similar questions about\nthe witches\u2019 sabbath, they asked women for much more detail about the sabbath\u2019s sexual\naspects, which may mean they viewed men\u2019s and women\u2019s participation in the same activity\ndifferently.33 The reasons why certain forms of magic might, or might not, be gendered are\nalso worth exploring further. In the case of learned magic, the gender of the practitioners\nreflects the skills and education needed, but this may not have been equally true for other\nforms of magic that did not rely so heavily on literacy and access to books.\nThe ways in which gender interacted with other factors are also important. When it came\nto defending oneself against accusations, a person\u2019s gender is likely to have interacted with\ntheir social position, occupation and reputation in determining how their activities were regarded and how suspicions were dealt with. Historians of witchcraft from the fifteenth century onwards have emphasized the importance of rumour and reputation in determining who\nmight be accused of magic in court, and what the result might be.34 Early modernists have\ngone further than medievalists in teasing out these connections between reputation, social\nstatus, gender and magic. In this, they are aided by the more extensive sources surviving from\nthe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries such as inquisition records that contain very detailed\ndescriptions of the people accused of magic, their reputations and their alleged activities. Using these sources, several scholars have suggested that prostitutes were often seen as specialists\nin love magic, rather along the lines depicted in the fictional Celestina. They have offered\ndifferent views of why this might be. It may be that prostitutes really did do love magic more\noften than other women, because their livelihood depended on inducing passion in clients and\nsubsequently keeping their love. On the other hand, prostitutes may simply have been more\nlikely than women with better reputations to end up on trial.35 Medievalists may not be able\nto explore these issues in so much detail but they can ask similar questions.\nAccusations and trials\nBy the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we have a body of source material that allows\nus to go beyond norms and stereotypes and begin to ask: How many women and men were accused of magic? What kinds of magic were they accused of and did this vary along gendered\nlines? Trials for magic survive in steadily increasing numbers from around 1375 onwards and\nespecially after 1435.36 Although these records come with their own challenges, they allow us\nto approach the gendering of magic in a different way from studies based on ecclesiastical or\nliterary sources and to identify broad patterns as well as focusing on individual cases.\n349\n\nPages 369:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nIn a study of late medieval witch trials published in 1976, Richard Kieckhefer noted that\naround two-thirds of the accused were women, and that the proportion of women accused,\ncompared to men, rose during the fifteenth century.37 More recent work on fifteenth-\u00adcentury\nSwiss trial records has sought to bring greater nuance to this picture and has stressed that\nalthough a general \u201cfeminization\u201d of witchcraft did take place in this period, the numbers of\nmen and women brought to trial varied considerably between regions. In some areas, men\ncontinued to outnumber women even at the end of the fifteenth century.38 These studies have\nalso shown the extent to which the gendering of trials depended on whether the witches were\ntried by a secular or ecclesiastical tribunal, though the impact of this also varied. \u00adSusanna\nBurghartz\u2019s comparison of trials in Lausanne and Lucerne has found that, contrary to what\nwe might assume about clerical misogyny, the proportion of women in witchcraft trials conducted by the secular authorities in Lucerne was far higher than in trials conducted by the\ninquisitors in Lausanne.39 This was not always the case, however, and Kathrin Utz Tremp\nfound the opposite pattern in late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century Freiburg: in towns\nand before inquisitors, women appeared in greater numbers, whereas in the countryside and\nbefore secular tribunals, men outnumbered women.40 The picture is one of local diversity\nwithin a general trend towards \u201cfeminization\u201d.\nThere has, therefore, been important work on Switzerland but records from other parts\nof Europe deserve further study. Areas such as England that did not see large numbers of\ntrials for magic have, not surprisingly, attracted comparatively little attention but it is still\npossible to draw some conclusions. In a study of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century church court\nrecords from the diocese of Canterbury Karen Jones and Michael Zell have suggested that,\nalthough the number of magic cases brought before the church courts was low, there were\nsome differences in the kinds of magic men and women were accused of. Women were more\nlikely than men to be accused of harmful magic while men were more likely to be accused of\nmagical treasure hunting. Conversely, other forms of magic, such as healing or finding stolen\ngoods, were linked to men and women in roughly equal numbers.41 More can be done in local\narchives across Europe to explore whether these or other patterns are found more generally.\nAnother tribunal that has been comparatively understudied by historians of magic is\nthe medieval inquisition. In part, this is probably because inquisition records from before\nthe fifteenth century yield less information about magic than we might expect. Medieval\ninquisitors, unlike early modern ones, focused narrowly on heresy rather than on other\nsins against the faith. Nevertheless, occasional accusations of magic do appear such as the\ncase of Raymond of Pouts, a diviner, in the Toulouse records of 1277.42 Emmanuel Le\nRoy \u00adLa\u00ad durie\u2019s well-known study of early fourteenth-century Montaillou also identified a\nhandful of references to magic, when individuals who were called before the inquisition for\nheresy mentioned that they had consulted diviners or noted omens.43 It is not yet clear how\nmuch can be learned about gender from these scattered examples but there may be more\ninformation to be uncovered here.\nA final and perhaps more fruitful line of enquiry would be to investigate the gendering of\ntrials and accusations at royal and aristocratic courts such as those that occurred in early\nfourteenth-century France or in England during the Wars of the Roses. These courtly accusations of magic have received considerable attention, as Jean-Patrice Boudet shows in\nhis chapter in this volume, but this has often focused on the political aspects of these cases\nrather than on the gender of the accused. There do seem to be some gendered patterns at\nwork, however. It seems that women may have been more likely than men to be accused of\nlove magic at court as they were in other contexts. In England, there are the examples of\n350\n\nPages 370:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nAlice Perrers, mistress of Edward III, who was accused by her enemies of gaining the king\u2019s\naffections by magic; and Eleanor Cobham, duchess of Gloucester, and Elizabeth Woodville,\nwife of Edward IV, who were both accused of using magic to induce their royal husbands to\nmarry them. Anna Brzezinska has discussed similar cases from sixteenth-century Poland\nof royal wives and mistresses accused of love magic and argues that, as in non-courtly love\nmagic cases, these accusations were a convenient way to shift the blame for men\u2019s unacceptable behaviour to their wives or mistresses. In a royal context, it allowed courtiers to avoid\nblaming the king directly for his misconduct or for the amount of attention he gave to certain women.44 However, other courtly accusations of magic seem less obviously gendered:\nboth men and women were accused of using magic to cause harm or death to their enemies,\nfor example. Further research is needed to confirm or qualify these impressions.\nFuture directions\nThere has, therefore, been important work on medieval magic and gender, ranging across a\nwide variety of periods and kinds of source material. Nevertheless, there is scope for more\nand each section of this chapter has suggested questions and areas that scholars could explore in greater detail. Scholarship on several relevant genres of source is developing rapidly,\nincluding literature, magical texts and the archaeology of magic and there is scope for more\nwork focused on gender here. Many of the other kinds of source discussed above also deserve\nfurther exploration by historians interested in gender, including sermons and confession treatises, canon law and trial records. Much remains unpublished in all these genres, and detailed\nwork in local archives as well as larger libraries may reveal interesting texts or comparatively\nunderstudied sets of records. Scholars doing this work will need to keep an open mind about\ntheir exact focus because it may be that there is not always a vast amount of material on\nmagic, let alone the gendering of magic, to be found in these sources: the medieval English\nchurch courts, for example, devoted far more time to other offences. In these cases, magic,\nor gender, may be best treated as one aspect of a broader study. Thus, Karen Jones discusses\nmagic as part of a book-length study of crime in late medieval and early modern Kent as well\nas co-writing an article on witchcraft in the church courts.45 Conversely, the works of Bailey\nand Boudet cited at the beginning of this chapter discuss gender as one aspect of changing\nattitudes to magic. There is therefore an element of luck in finding substantial amounts of\nrelevant material but as Jones and Zell\u2019s study shows, even a comparatively small source base\ncan suggest interesting patterns.\nIn addition to studies that focus on particular texts or kinds of text, work is also needed\nto explore the links between different kinds of evidence: for example, looking at the ways in\nwhich ideas disseminated through sermons or pastoral literature may have influenced the\naccusations made in trials, or at the links between literature written for a courtly audience\nand the accusations made in royal and aristocratic courts. For example, Franco Mormando\nhas argued that the preaching of Bernardino of Siena may have played a part in provoking the trial of an Italian healer and love magic practitioner, Matteuccia di Francesco, in\n1428, as well as in shaping the accusations against her.46 A chapter on gender in Stephen\nMitchell\u2019s Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages, which brings in a range of evidence\nincluding literature, art and trial records to examine the gendering of magic in one geographical area, is another notable example of this approach and identifies both similarities\nand differences between different genres of source in terms of how they presented the gender of magical practitioners.47\n351\n\nPages 371:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nBoth in-depth studies of individual sources and studies that join together different kinds\nof evidence will be useful in order to interrogate some of the broad patterns that have\nbeen identified in general studies of medieval magic: that clergy tended to associate magic\nwith women, for example, or that magic became increasingly associated with women in\nthe fifteenth century. A careful analysis of the sources will allow us to see how universal\nthese trends were and to see what other patterns, regional variations or chronological shifts\nemerge. The relationship between women and magical practice, and the development of\nstereotypes of female magical practitioners, are therefore important and have not been\nexhausted, but there are other possible directions too. Stereotypes relating to male magical\npractitioners and the relationship between magic and masculinity would benefit from more\nstudy, especially because the form of magic that we can most securely identify with one\ngender was learned magic performed by men.\nFinally, there are also broader and more fundamental questions to be asked about the relationship between magic and gender. How much did gender matter when medieval people\nthought about magic, and under what circumstances did it become important? Were many,\nor most, practices widely shared across society as Kieckhefer\u2019s model of the \u201ccommon tradition\u201d suggests, rather than being heavily gendered? There is also the question of how easy\nit was to gain access to forms of magic that were restricted by gender or by other factors\nsuch as education. There are examples of people hiring a specialist to perform gendered\nforms of magic for them. Thus, Alice Perrers was said to have hired a male magician to\nperform learned magic (a stereotypically male form of magic) to help her with the stereotypically female goal of securing Edward III\u2019s love. Conversely, Matteuccia di Francesco\nwas accused of performing love and healing magic for many clients, including at least one\nman.48 If there were many similar specialists whose services were for hire, the gendering\nof love magic or ritual magic may not necessarily have been crucial in practice, because if\nsomeone did not have the skills to do a particular form of magic themselves, they could hire\nsomeone who did. As noted earlier, the intersection between gender and age, reputation\nor occupation in how magic and magical practitioners were regarded also merits further\nattention. Research into all these questions is likely to complicate our existing view of medieval magic and gender by uncovering variations over time, between regions and between\ndifferent kinds of source material, but the answers will add an extra dimension to the work\non individual sources and contexts discussed elsewhere in this book.\nNotes\n1 For overviews, see Katharine Hodgkin, \u201cGender, Mind and Body: Feminism and Psychoanalysis,\u201d\nin Palgrave Advances in Witchcraft Historiography, ed. Jonathan Barry and Owen Davies (Basingstoke:\nPalgrave Macmillan, 2007), 182\u2013202; Alison Rowlands, \u201cWitchcraft and Gender in Early Modern\nEurope,\u201d in The Oxford Handbook of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe and Colonial America, ed. Brian P.\nLevack (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 449\u201366.\n2 Hodgkin, \u201cGender, Mind and Body\u201d, 196\u201398; Rowlands, \u201cWitchcraft and Gender\u201d, 464\u201365.\n3 Michael D. Bailey, \u201cFrom Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions of Magic in the Later Middle Ages,\u201d Speculum 76 (2001), 985\u201388; see also Michael D. Bailey, \u201cThe Feminization of Magic\nand the Emerging Idea of the Female Witch in the Late Middle Ages,\u201d Essays in Medieval Studies 19\n(2002), 120\u201334.\n4 Jean-Patrice Boudet, Entre Science et Nigromance: Astrologie, Divination et Magic dans l\u2019Occident M\u00e9di\u00e9val\n(XIIe-XVe si\u00e8cle) (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006), 484\u201393.\n5 Catherine Ch\u00e8ne and Martine Ostorero, \u201cD\u00e9monologie et misogynie: L\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un discours\nsp\u00e9cifique sur la femme dans l\u2019\u00e9laboration doctrinale du sabbat au XVe si\u00e8cle,\u201d in Les femmes dans\n352\n\nPages 372:\nM ag i c a n d g e n d e r\nla soci\u00e9t\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne/Die Frauen in der europ\u00e4ischen Gesellschaft, ed. Anne-Lise Head-K\u00f6nig and Liliane\nMottu-Weber (Geneva: Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d\u2019Histoire et d\u2019Arch\u00e9ologie de Gen\u00e8ve, 2000), 171\u201396. See also\nbelow, n. 33.\n6 Christopher S. Mackay, trans., The Hammer of Witches: A Complete Translation of the Malleus Maleficarum\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 170 (part 1, qu. 6).\n7 Walter Stephens, Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex and the Crisis of Belief (Chicago, IL and London: University of Chicago Press), 300\u201321; Moira Smith, \u201cThe Flying Phallus and the Laughing Inquisitor:\nPenis Theft in the Malleus Maleficarum,\u201d Journal of Folklore Research 39 (2002): 85\u2013117.\n8 Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular\nBelief (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 170, 175\u201376.\n9 See above, notes 3\u20135.\n10 Stephens, Demon Lovers, 33\u201334.\n11 For example, Norman Cohn, Europe\u2019s Inner Demons: the Demonization of Christians in Medieval Christendom, 3rd edn (London: Pimlico Press, 1993), 165\u201375; Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum, 101\u201315.\n12 The most comprehensive discussion of this text and its later reception is Werner Tschacher, \u201cDer\nFlug durch die Luft zwischen Illusionstheorie and Realit\u00e4tsbeweis: Studien zum sog. Kanon\nEpiscopi und zum Hexenflug,\u201d Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung f\u00fcr Rechtsgeschichte, Kan. Abt. 85 (1999):\n225\u201376.\n13 Tschacher, \u201cFlug durch die Luft,\u201d 268\u201375.\n14 Michael D. Bailey, Fearful Spirits, Reasoned Follies: The Boundaries of Superstition in Late Medieval Europe\n(Ithaca, NY and London: Cornell University Press, 2013); Kathleen Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition in Late Medieval England,\u201d Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft 3 (2008): 29\u201353; Alain Boureau,\nSatan H\u00e9r\u00e9tique: Naissance de la d\u00e9monologie dans l\u2019Occident m\u00e9di\u00e9val (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2004), chs. 1\u20133;\nCatherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012).\n15 Rider, Magic and Religion, 121\u201326.\n16 On magicians and demons, see Boureau, Satan h\u00e9r\u00e9tique; on debates over practices, see Bailey, Fearful\nSpirits and Kamerick, \u201cShaping Superstition\u201d.\n17 Corinne Saunders, Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval English Romance (Woodbridge: Boydell and\nBrewer, 2010), chs. 3\u20135.\n18 Saunders, Magic, 185.\n19 Laine E. Doggett, Love Cures: Healing and Magic in Old French Romance (University Park: Pennsylvania\nState University Press, 2009).\n20 Heidi Breuer, Crafting the Witch: Gendering Magic in Medieval and Early Modern England (New York and\nLondon: Routledge, 2009).\n21 Olga Luc\u00eda Valbuena, \u201cSorceresses, Love Magic, and the Inquisition of Linguistic Sorcery in\nCelestina,\u201d PMLA 109 (1994): 207\u201324; Dorothy Sherman Severin, Witchcraft in Celstina (London:\nDepartment of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, 1995); Paloma Moral de\nCalatrava, \u201cMagic or Science? What \u201cOld Women Lapidaries\u201d Knew in the Age of Celestina,\u201d La\ncor\u00f3nica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 36 (2007): 203\u201335.\n22 Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989),\n56\u201357.\n23 Catherine Rider, \u201cWomen, Men and Love Magic in Late Medieval English Pastoral Manuals,\u201d\nMagic, Ritual and Witchcraft 7 (2012): 190\u201391; Richard Kieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic in Medieval\n\u00adEurope,\u201d in Sex in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Joyce E. Salisbury (New York: Garland Publishing, 1991), 30.\n24 Kieckhefer, \u201cErotic Magic,\u201d 30\u201331; Rider, \u201cWomen\u201d, 210.\n25 Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2006), ch. 5; Peter Murray Jones and Lea T. Olsan, \u201cPerformative Rituals for\nConception and Childbirth in England, 900\u20131500,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 89, no. 3:\n(2015), 423.\n26 Catherine Rider, Magic and Impotence in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006),\n144\u201345.\n27 Kieckhefer, Magic, 151\u201356.\n28 Frank Klaassen, The Transformations of Magic: Illicit Learned Magic in the Later Middle Ages and Renaissance\n(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2013), 47\u201356, 94\u2013102; Sophie Page, Magic\nin the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests and Occult Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park:\n353\n\nPages 373:\nC at h e r i n e R i d e r\nPennsylvania State University Press, 2013); Benedek L\u00e1ng, Unlocked Books: Manuscripts of Learned\nMagic in the Medieval Libraries of Central Europe (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press,\n2008), 204, 250\u201355.\n29 Klaassen, Transformations of Magic, 47\u201351.\n30 Frank Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity in Manuscripts of Ritual Magic of the Later Middle\nAges and Renaissance,\u201d Sixteenth-Century Journal 38 (2007): 49\u201376; quote from p. 65.\n31 Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity,\u201d 73\u201374; see also Jean-Patrice Boudet and Julien V\u00e9ron\u00e8se,\n\u201cLe secret dans la magie rituelle m\u00e9di\u00e9vale,\u201d Micrologus 14 (2006): 138\u201339.\n32 Boudet and V\u00e9ron\u00e8se, \u201cLe secret,\u201d 122\u201325; \u201cNon reveles secreta tua mulieri, nec puero, nec stulto,\nnec ebrio,\u201d 132. See also Klaassen, \u201cLearning and Masculinity,\u201d 71\u201372.\n33 Martine Ostorero, \u201cFol\u00e2trer avec les d\u00e9mons\u201d: Sabbat et chasse aux sorciers \u00e0 Vevey (1448) (Lausanne:\nUniversit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1995), 111; Laurence Pfister, L\u2019enfer sur terre: Sorcellerie \u00e0 Dommartin (1498)\n(Lausanne: Universit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1997), 166\u201367; Georg Modestin, Le diable chez l\u2019\u00e9v\u00eaque: Chasse\naux sorciers dans le dioc\u00e8se de Lausanne (vers 1460) (Lausanne: Universit\u00e9 de Lausanne, 1999), 121\u201322.\n34 Alexandra Pittet, \u201cDerri\u00e8re le masque du sorcier: Une enqu\u00eate sociologique \u00e0 partir des proc\u00e8s\nde sorcellerie du registre Ac 29 (Pays de Vaud, 1438\u20131528),\u201d in Chasses aux sorci\u00e8res et d\u00e9monologie:\nEntre discours et pratiques (XIVe-XVIIe si\u00e8cles), ed. Martine Ostorero, Georg Modestin and Kathrin Utz\nTremp (Florence: Sismel Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2010), 215\u201318.\n35 Mary O\u2019Neil, \u201cMagical Healing, Love Magic and the Inquisition in Late Sixteenth-Century\nModena,\u201d in Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe, ed. S. Haliczer (London: Barnes and\n\u00adNoble, 1987), 101; Guido Ruggiero, Binding Passions: Tales of Magic, Marriage, and Power at the End of\nthe Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 44\u201345.\n36 Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300\u20131500\n(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976), 18\u201323.\n37 Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials, 96.\n38 Summarized in Ch\u00e8ne and Ostorero, \u201cD\u00e9monologie et misogynie\u201d, 172\u201374.\n39 Susanna Burghartz, \u201cThe Equation of Women and Witches: A Case Study of Witchcraft Trials\nin Lucerne and Lausanne in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,\u201d in The German Underworld:\nDeviants and Outcasts in German History, ed. Richard J. Evans (London: Routledge, 1988), 64\u201365.\n40 Kathrin Utz Tremp, \u201cIst Glaubenssache Frauensache? Zu den Anf\u00e4ngen der Hexenverfolgung in\nFreiburg (um 1440),\u201d Freiburger Geschichtsbl\u00e4tter 72 (1995): 47\u201348.\n41 Karen Jones and Michael Zell, \u201c\u2018The divels speciall instruments\u2019: Women and Witchcraft before\nthe \u2018Great Witch Hunt\u2019,\u201d Social History 30 (2005): 53.\n42 Peter Biller, Caterina Bruschi and Shelagh Sneddon, ed. and trans., Inquisitors and Heretics in Thirteenth-Century Languedoc: Edition and Translation of Toulouse Inquisition Depositions, 1273\u20131282 (Leiden:\nBrill, 2011), 728\u201331.\n43 Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a French Village 1294\u20131324, trans.\nBarbara Bray (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1978), 289\u201390.\n44 Henry Kelly, \u201cEnglish Kings and the Fear of Sorcery,\u201d Mediaeval Studies 39 (1977): 215, 219\u201320,\n233; Anna Brzezi\u0144ska, \u201cAccusations of Love Magic in the Renaissance Courtly Culture of the\nPolish-Lithuanian Commonwealth,\u201d East Central Europe 20 (1993): 117\u201340.\n45 Karen Jones, Gender and Petty Crime in Late Medieval England: The Local Courts in Kent, 1460\u20131560\n(Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2006), 173\u201379.\n46 Franco Mormando, The Preacher\u2019s Demons: Bernardino of Siena and the Social Underworld of Early Renaissance Italy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 72\u201377.\n47 Stephen Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 175\u2013200.\n48 Domenico Mammoli, \u201cThe Record of the Trial and Condemnation of a Witch, Matteuccia di\nFrancesco, at Todi, 20 March 1428,\u201d Res Tudertinae 14 (1972): 33.\n354\n\nPages 374:\n26\nM agic i n l i t e r at u r e\nRomance transformations\nCorinne Saunders\nIntroduction: from fantasy to intellectual history\nAn enduring cultural fascination with magic is reflected in its prominence in literature from\nthe classical period onwards. Magic, often within the broader context of the supernatural,\nprovides crucial plot mechanisms and defines legendary characters. Magical abilities offer\nagency and empowerment \u2013 and they present extraordinary challenges to power. While\nmagic figures across a range of literary forms, it is most prominent in the genre of romance.\nMagic occurs in the earliest instances of the genre \u2013 the romances or novels of antiquity \u2013\nand retains a strong hold on it, as is evinced by the Harry Potter and Lord of the Rings fever\nthat has swept the world. Merlin, Morgan le Fay, the Lady of the Lake, Prospero: such figures, with their special powers, hold an enduring fascination. It is easy to dismiss magic as\nescapist, attractive in its exoticism, sometimes fearful, perhaps expressive of unspoken desires\nand fears. I have argued for a more realist approach to medieval writing, for looking beyond\nescapism and exoticism to the intellectual contexts of magic, and to the seriousness with\nwhich supernatural possibilities were taken in this period.1\nFrom the later twentieth century onwards, scholars have traced a rich cultural history of\nmagic for the Middle Ages, building on the groundbreaking research of historians such as\nValerie Flint on pagan and Christian beliefs and rituals, Richard Kieckhefer on magic in relation to religion, science and the arts, and Edward Peters on the legal history of prohibitions\nagainst magical practice.2 This book attests to the richness of subsequent scholarship, which\nhas explored both popular and elite traditions across Europe, with particular attention to the\nways that folk and clerical, licit and illicit beliefs intersected, as well as to the crucial connection between magic and learning.3 Yet, even with such an embarrassment of riches in cultural\nstudies of magic and related topics \u2013 ritual, witchcraft, the supernatural \u2013 connections have not\nalways been drawn between different disciplines or different periods and places, as Michael D.\nBailey argues in his introduction to the inaugural issue of Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft.4\nThis lack of connections has, on the whole, been true of literary studies. Critics have explored aspects of magic in a variety of imaginative texts, identifying its prominent role within\nthe romance genre and exploring its literary function, most often in relation to ideas of the\nmarvellous, the supernatural or \u201cfairy\u201d, and the motifs of quest and adventure. \u00adMichelle\nSweeney\u2019s Magic in Medieval Romance from Chr\u00e9tien de Troyes to Chaucer discusses magic as a literary topic that illuminates social and spiritual situations and character motivations, often\nin relation to testing morality and probing ambiguity. While Sweeney draws attention to the\n355\n\nPages 375:\nC o r i n n e S au n d e r s\ncultural importance of magic in the medieval period, her study is largely devoted to close\nreadings of a limited number of texts, with a particular emphasis on the different treatments\nof magic in French and English romance.5 Postcolonial theory has offered an alternative lens\nthrough which to consider magic. Geraldine Heng\u2019s wide-ranging Empire of Magic explores the\npolitical and imperialist project of romance, drawing on feminist, gender and cultural theory.6 For Heng, romance offers an escapist response to the cultural trauma of the \u00adCrusades:\nshe argues that Arthurian legend, in particular, arises from the encounter of East and West,\nand that the fantasy elements of romance allow for a licit exploration of issues of race, nation\nand sexuality. Her focus, despite the book\u2019s title, is not on magic per se, but rather on fantasy:\nhow narratives of wonder illuminate fraught cultural topics while being profoundly shaped\nby Western ideologies. Neither of these studies explores in any sustained way the practice of\nmagic: rather, the term is used loosely to signify the marvellous, magical or supernatural.\nHeidi Breuer\u2019s Crafting the Witch takes a different approach to gender in her focus on the\nfigure of the witch and its relation to concepts of good and evil, female empowerment and\n\u00adgender-blending in medieval and early modern romance. Her study focuses particularly on\n\u201cthe villainization of feminine magic\u201d in Arthurian literature during the period following the\ntwelfth century.7 Whereas the witch is a nurturing, healing figure in the works of \u00adChr\u00e9tien de\nTroyes and Marie de France, in later works from the Gawain romances to those of Malory\nand Spenser, witches figure as wicked stepmothers, loathly ladies, temptresses and hags.\nBy contrast to previous literary studies, my aim in Magic and the Supernatural in Medieval\nEnglish Romance was to connect romance writing with the rich and complex cultural history\nof magic and ideas of the supernatural. Magic may be seen as a powerful \u201cromance meme\u201d\nof the kind identified by Helen Cooper in The English Romance in Time, a motif that recurs\nacross the Middle Ages and Renaissance, treated with cultural specificity and in variously\noriginal ways, but also dependent for effect on its familiarity to audiences and on its generic and literary associations.8 Magic is, however, much more than fantasy: it interweaves\nwith medicine and ideas of natural philosophy, and with a sense of the marvellous that is\nnot just fairytale but intimately connected with the Christian worldview. The romance\ntext becomes a place where ideas, beliefs, wishes, fears and imaginings intersect, a site of\ncultural exploration and innovation. Magic in medieval romance is most of all associated\nwith bodies: with physical influences that heal or harm, shift shape or place. Yet, for all its\nbodiliness, the affective power of magic also opens onto the mind and questions of sin and\nvirtue, intention and identity.\nHealing and harmful knowledge\nMedieval literature must be placed in the context of the thought world of the later Middle\nAges, with its complex blend of ideas stretching back through classical and Judaeo-Christian\nas well as Germanic and Celtic belief and ritual. The long history of magic, its place in natural philosophy and medicine, its use of the cosmic powers contained in plants and stones\nand its connections with demons and the natural world were all fundamental to medieval\nunderstanding.9 Medieval literary texts take up the idea of a mixed tradition of what may\nbroadly be termed white and black magic: both concerned with influencing the body, the\nformer often connected with the desire to heal, the latter with the desire to harm.\nWriters such as Chaucer (writing in the later fourteenth century) were certainly aware\nof the history of magic.10 Chaucer\u2019s works, as Alexander Gabrovsky has recently shown,\nwere shaped by his sophisticated knowledge of scientific theory.11 A familiarity with alchemy,\n356\n\nPages 376:\nM a g i c i n l i t e r at u r e\nphysics, astronomy and medicine, the interconnected disciplines central to learned understandings of magic, is evident across Chaucer\u2019s writings. His depiction in the General Prologue\nto The Canterbury Tales of the \u201cDoctour of Phisik\u201d, a pilgrim perhaps more interested in gold\nthan God, is characteristic in its representation of the physician as a practitioner of natural\nphilosophy: medicine is \u201cmagyk natureel\u201d, requiring the knowledge of anatomy, humours\nand diseases, medicines, especially herbal remedies, and astrology.12 The final book of Chaucer\u2019s House of Fame, a dream-vision poem poking fun at a na\u00efve \u201cGeffrey\u201d (II, 729), unwilling\nto learn the mysteries of the cosmos from the eagle who sweeps him up to the heavens, is\ncomically dedicated to Apollo, \u201cGod of science [knowledge]\u201d (I, 1091). Here, the narrator\nfinds himself in the legendary house of Fame, where he sees the practitioners of magic: magicians, \u201ctregetours\u201d (illusionists, III, 1260), old witches and sorceresses, and \u201cclerkes eke, which\nkonne wel / Al this magik naturel \u2026\u201d (III, 1265\u201366). They include celebrated magicians and\nenchantresses from different traditions \u2013 from classical legend, Medea, Calypso and Circe;\nfrom natural philosophy, Hermes Ballenus, disciple of the founder of magic, Hermes Trismegistus; from Biblical tradition, Simon Magus. They also include what seems to be a reference\nto an English magician, \u201cColle tregetour\u201d (1277), apparently one \u201cColin T.\u201d, mentioned in\na French conversation manual (c.1396) and said to have practised in Orl\u00e9ans, \u201can Englishman who was a powerful necromancer \u2026 who knew how to create many marvels by means\nof necromancy\u201d.13 Chaucer\u2019s description, however, portrays him as more of an entertainer\nthan a necromancer, producing a windmill from under a walnut shell. Magicians accompany\nmusicians in the house of Fame, their arts of illusion sharing the power to entertain. This\nperception is sustained in Chaucer\u2019s Franklin\u2019s Tale. The lovesick knight Aurelius\u2019s brother\nhas the idea of consulting a learned magician to help Aurelius win his beloved Dorigen, the\nwife of another man. The magician\u2019s knowledge of \u201csciences\u201d allows him to \u201cmake diverse\n\u00adapparences / Swiche as thise subtile tregetoures pleye\u201d (1140\u201341). They include illusions of\nhunting, jousting and dancing, but also the more sinister effect of causing the black rocks on\nwhich \u00adDorigen swears her oath of faithfulness to disappear. The brother envisages this \u201ctregetour\u201d or illusionist as a magician who uses \u201cthise moones mansions \u2026 / Or oother magyk\nnatureel above\u201d (1154\u201355) to harness astrological or natural powers. Learning is essential:\nAurelius\u2019s brother remembers the book he saw on his fellow\u2019s desk, which speaks much of the\n\u201coperaciouns\u201d of the moon (1129) \u2013 perhaps an occult work from the Arabic tradition such as\nthose attributed to Hermes Trismegistus. In the tale, the clerk\u2019s arts remain those of illusion,\nthough they are illusions with the power to affect and harm the lives of the characters.\nChaucer also suggests a more threatening aspect of such clerical magic. In the House of Fame,\nclerks are depicted as practising image magic, drawing on sidereal powers not just to create\nillusions but \u201cTo make a man ben hool or syk\u201d (1270). Chaucer\u2019s list includes witches, sorceresses and Phitonesses, practitioners who explicitly employ enchantments and spells, and who\nsummon spirits. The final work in the Canterbury Tales, the Parson\u2019s Tale, is a prose treatise on\nthe seven deadly sins and their remedies, which rehearses prohibitions of magic found in handbooks of penance.14 The Parson places magic as a form of swearing and an aspect of anger:\nBut lat us go now to thilke horrible sweryng of adjuracioun and conjuracioun, as\ndoon thise false enchantours or nigromanciens [necromancers] in bacyns ful of\nwater, or in a bright swerd, in a cercle, or in a fir, or in a shulderboon of a sheep. /\nI kan nat seye but that they doon cursedly and dampnably agayns Crist and al the\nfeith of hooly chirche.\n(603\u20134)\n357\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nfifteenth \u2013 and sixteenth-century codex,27 Frank Klaassen\u2019s catalogue of medieval magical\n\u00admanuscripts \u00adincludes two texts conserved in two fifteenth-century manuscripts and which\nhave not been edited or studied: one is a manual with conjurations in the vernacular, sigils\nand a list of spirits; the other seems to be a collection of Solomonic images translated from\nLatin to \u00adTuscan.28 Another avenue of research worth exploring is to investigate archive\ndocuments such as inventories of properties or libraries, wills, and inquisitorial and judicial\nrecords that may provide new data on the circulation and persecution of magic in Romance\nlanguages.\nMany of the manuscripts or writings presented here require further research to a greater\nor lesser extent. One of the least studied and most promising is the Barberini codex, which\ndeserves attention from philologists and historians of medieval magic, even though it does]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nrecent historiography of late medieval magic: learned magic texts. These texts circulated in\nmanuscripts, described complex rituals and often drew on the same cosmological concepts\nas more scientific works such as ideas about the influence of the stars on earth, or the nature and powers of spirits. More than one hundred distinct texts and several hundred surviving manuscripts with magical contents have now been identified by scholars, although\nmany remain hardly studied and new copies of magic texts are frequently being identified.\nIn the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, some authors of magical texts also, for the first\ntime, allowed their works to circulate under their own name rather than ascribing them\nto \u00adlegendary figures such as Hermes or Solomon. Since theological condemnation made\nit dangerous to claim authorship of a magical text, the fact that authors were becoming\nconfident enough to put their real names to works of magic is a striking development, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\ntraditions of medieval magic. In fact, since studies concerned with literature tend to have\nbeen written as ways of explicating particular literary texts, no comprehensive survey of\nEuropean literary representations of necromancy has yet been written.\nThe growing body of scholarly editions provides concrete evidence for the ways in which\nthis literature was transmitted, but there remains a good deal more to do. We have no\nedition of the most important works of necromantic magic, such as the Thesaurus spirituum,\nand although we have single-witness editions of texts like the Liber consecrationum, the lack\nof critical editions makes it more difficult to assess how the text was compiled and transmitted. The medieval library of necromancy also included an assemblage of a variety of\nsmall texts used for specific purposes. More manageable projects (particularly for graduate\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=367\nPages: 367\nlarge number of manuscripts of medieval magical texts. These manuscripts demonstrate how\nsocially restricted an activity learned magic must have been. Reading a magical text or carrying out one of the operations described in them required literacy in Latin, access to books and\nsometimes knowledge of the liturgy. These skills and opportunities were gendered and men\nwere far more likely to possess them than women. Moreover, only certain men had these skills:\nclergy and others with some education. In 1997, an early, influential study of ritual magic by\nRichard Kieckhefer suggested that magical texts were owned and read by a particular social\ngroup, a \u201cclerical underworld\u201d consisting of men such as university students in minor orders,\npriests who did not have a regular, full-time position in a parish church, monks and friars.\nThese men all had some education and knowledge of the liturgy, as well as the spare time to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nWhen writing about magic, I like to emphasize that the medieval anti-magical and\npro-magical arguments are part of the same conversation: the composition and rewriting\nof magic texts are done in awareness of, and often in response to, engagements with the\ndiscursive formations that condemn them. All the texts routinely brought up in the histories\nof medieval magic, from the writings of Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and the Speculum astronomie on the one hand, to the Ars notoria, the Sworn Book, Montolmo\u2019s Liber Intelligentiarum\nand the Summa sacre magice on the other, can be seen as engagements with the problem in\nthe sense I am indicating. Works like Roger Bacon\u2019s Opus Maius and John of Morigny\u2019s Liber\nflorum tread a complex ground between full acceptance and full condemnation, and are also\npart of the conversation. I use the word \u201cconversation\u201d to underscore that it is not merely a\nset of polemics.\nThe other thing I like to emphasize is that these are learned engagements constituted]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\ntrove of magical writings from the medieval period, spanning the breadth of specialized\nand common traditions. Studies of the Geniza have revealed surprising parallels with\nChristian magic from Western Europe,40 and additional work on such parallels will surely\nincrease our understanding of the underlying contacts. If the common tradition is the point\nof greatest contact between Jewish and Christian magic, as I have suggested, then this kind\nof work may yield the most important results.\nThe Hebrew language can be a significant limiting factor for scholars of Christian magic.\nOnly a few relevant Hebrew texts are available in translation, much of medieval Jewish\nmagic remains unedited, and the existing secondary literature is insufficient for learning\nabout the varieties of Jewish magic. Nevertheless, the scholar who wishes to identify Jewish\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nmagic texts among physicians and in universities is less well studied, and research into the\nvernacularization of magic texts from the mid-thirteenth century onwards is at a very early\nstage.23 In addition, few links have yet been made between this process of vernacularization and the \u201ccommon tradition\u201d of magic, although historians have long acknowledged\nthat many collectors of learned magic texts were also interested in charms, recipes and\ntextual amulets and that non-literate practitioners were influenced by the ritual magic\ntradition.24 Whether this frequent (if not typical) combination of interests influenced the\nincreasing condemnation of popular practices as superstitious in the fifteenth century has\nnot yet been explored. But historians have recently revealed vibrant and inflammatory\nlinks between ritual magic and other parts of mainstream religious practice such as mystical texts and exorcism.25]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=26\nPages: 26\nmanuscripts, names erased, magical characters being altered to turn them into crosses and\nbooks being revised and burnt has yet to be written. When it is explored more fully, it is\nlikely that further lines of comparison and influence will be opened up with contemporary\nattitudes to heresy and witchcraft.\nImportant work has also been done on other kinds of source material. Some of this has\nsought to shed new light on genres of source which scholars have known about for a long\ntime. For example, texts produced as part of the activities of the medieval church have long\nplayed a central role in the history of medieval magic. Ecclesiastical sources have been\nespecially crucial to studies that focus on tracing the earlier medieval origins of fifteenth-\u00ad\ncentury ideas about diabolical witchcraft. Since, as Norman Cohn argued in the 1970s,\nthese ideas seem largely to have originated among the educated, 29 the writings produced]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=224\nPages: 224\nof magic. Vittoria Perone Comangni has worked to catalogue medieval astrological magic\nand Paola Zambelli\u2019s attention has focused principally on questions surrounding natural\nmagic.21\nAlthough explored briefly in his Magic in the Middle Ages and a number of articles, it was\nnot until Richard Kieckhefer published Forbidden Rites that any scholar gave close attention\nto a manuscript collection of medieval necromantic texts for its own sake.22 This was a\ncrucial step since so little was known about such works, much less at the level of detail a\ntextual edition can facilitate. Previously, even occultists had preferred to examine single\nworks of explicitly Solomonic magic rather than the disordered collections of anonymous\nand ragged material that are typical of surviving medieval handbooks. Kieckhefer\u2019s work\nbroke new ground by attempting to understand necromantic texts not as isolated travellers\nbut as elements in a larger collection purposefully assembled by a particular user. He also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a\nlively literature in circulation in the thirteenth century employing \u201cexorcisms\u201d or conjurations and configured in Christian form.7\n202\nN e c ro m a n c y\nMost of the witnesses to medieval necromantic practice are early modern and most of\nthe medieval witnesses are late medieval. A few fifteenth-century collections survive such\nas the Rawlinson and Munich Manuals.8 These contain either fragmentary or full copies\nof earlier texts such as the Liber consecrationum and Thesaurus spirituum. The latter survives,\nin varying but apparently complete sixteenth-century versions. The classic Solomonic text\nof necromancy, the Clavicula Salomonis, survives in one fifteenth-century copy but is mostly\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=113\nPages: 113\nobservations. First of all, medieval Kabbalistic writings are not packed full of the kinds of\nrituals and techniques that Christian contemporaries would generally consider magical.\nInasmuch as many Kabbalistic treatises are devoted to theosophical speculation or midrashic exegesis, there is little room for instruction in practical magic. Second, \u00adKabbalists\ndiffered widely on their attitudes towards magic. Writers such as Abraham Abulafia and\nJoseph Gikatilla were very critical of magic, acknowledging the possibility that aspects of\nKabbalah could be misused in magical ways. Other writers like Nehemiah ben Shlomo\nand texts such as the Book of the Responding Entity offer elements that even more conservative\ndefinitions are likely to consider magical. Third, whatever we may say about the Kabbalah,\nit was common for magical writings to circulate alongside Kabbalistic writings in medieval\nmanuscripts. And finally, there are very few magical practices during our period that could]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=207\nPages: 207\ncan achieve this power themselves.11 This ancient belief is indeed commonly enlisted in the\ntexts of ritual magic at the end of the Middle Ages and the \u201cSolomonic\u201d signs mentioned\nearlier played an essential role in this regard.12\nFinally, the Speculum astronomiae gives an insight into the state of play for the form of the\nLatin Solomonic tradition in a period in which no manuscripts are preserved (except in the\nparticular case of the Ars notoria, which is not mentioned by this author). Furthermore, it allows us to gauge, up to a point, the subsequent evolutions of the \u201ccorpus\u201d that can be found in\nother, later, inventories, this time together with rare preserved manuscripts. To illustrate the\nfirst case, we can turn to the inventory of libri magici made in 1508 by the abbot of Sponheim,\nJohannes Trithemius, in his Antipalus maleficiorum. A quick comparison shows that the number\nof texts attributed to Solomon rose during the latter centuries of the Middle Ages. Trithemius]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\nprovided one setting in which magical texts circulated: for example William of Auvergne,\nBishop of Paris (d. 1249), claimed to have read magical texts as a student. Perhaps more\nimportantly, the university disciplines of canon law and theology shaped later medieval\nthought about magic by offering systematic, detailed discussions of what magic was, how\nit worked, and which aspects of it were, or were not, legitimate. Canonists sought to clarify\nwhich ritual practices should be categorized as magic and prohibited by the Church.11 Theologians and natural philosophers explored the place of magic in the universe, including\nsuch issues as the role of demons in magic and their relationship with human magicians,\nas well as the question of why magic was wrong.12 And sometimes why it was right. Some\nthinkers approved of the use of the term \u201cnatural magic\u201d to refer to the production of marvellous but natural effects, argued that the science of images was based on natural forces]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=163\nPages: 163\nSignelser ock besv\u00e4rjelser) has largely remained underexploited.55 Here is an area where there\nexist particularly exciting opportunities for new discoveries, work that can develop in tandem\nwith evolving methodological insights, as discussed below.\nIn addition to more thoroughly investigating the full range of medieval sources themselves,\nthere are some topics, such as \u201cnatural magic\u201d, towards which it seems far too little attention\nhas been paid with regard to the medieval Scandinavian situation, a bias that derives in part,\none suspects, from the tendency of scholars to shy away from the East Norse sources, that\nis, the Old Danish and Old Swedish materials, whose philological traditions tend to leave\nthe texts less accessible than are the West Norse, that is, Old Norwegian and Old Icelandic\nmaterials. Furthermore, expanding our understanding of \u201cnatural magic\u201d may require a\nbroader reach in other ways as well, such as a higher degree of cross-disciplinary work from]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=113\nPages: 113,114\n94\nT h e L at i n e n c o u n t e r w i t h H e b r e w m a g i c\nMuch less work has been done on the common tradition among Jews than among C\n\u00ad hristians.\nOne exception is the tradition of the Use of the Psalms, which circulated widely in different\ncontexts, and was thus not limited to Kabbalists, those knowledgeable in astrology or any\nother specialized group. More aspects of the common tradition can be brought to light\nthrough the study of unpublished charms, recipes, marginalia and magical compilations.\nOf particular note are medieval prayer books, many of which were privately owned. These\nbooks frequently contain angelic invocations and apotropaic charms \u2013 not as marginalia\nas Eamon Duffy has highlighted in Books of Hours,39 but rather incorporated into text.\nIn \u00adaddition, the Cairo Geniza, a storeroom for discarded texts, has preserved a treasure\ntrove of magical writings from the medieval period, spanning the breadth of specialized]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=365\nPages: 365\nmedieval \u201cecclesiastical\u201d writing on magic was not monolithic and instead encompassed a\nwide range of authors and genres. \u201cEcclesiastical\u201d texts ranged from detailed, scholastic treatises like the Malleus Maleficarum or one of its key sources, Thomas Aquinas\u2019s Summa Theologiae,\nto the simpler sermons and treatises on sin and confession which were designed to educate\nthe clergy and laity and which are discussed in detail in Kathleen Kamerick\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume. This large body of texts, written across Europe, over several centuries, and across\nmany genres, did not offer a single view of magic and its practitioners. There were some\ncommon themes: for example, drawing on St Augustine, most clergy associated magic with\ndemons and condemned it. Nevertheless, they varied in their details and emphases. Work by\nMichael Bailey, Kathleen Kamerick and Alain Boureau, as well as my own work, has therefore sought to explore the range of clerical views of magic and the debates that took place]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=313\nPages: 313\nfurther principles open to fresh investigation. It is then of more than passing interest that a\nmajor body of magical literature in the Middle Ages consisted of what were called \u201cbooks of\nexperiments\u201d (libri experimentorum).15\nIn many cases, the books of experiments offered directions for acts of necromancy or\nconjuring, presented one after another in long lists of singular experiences that one might\nhave with such acts of magic. But sometimes a book of experiments would be a list of recipes\nfor what might be considered examples of the art of natural magic. What was important\nin both cases was the expectation that an actual experience was foundational for whatever\nknowledge one would draw from the actions involved. There is therefore already in the\nthirteenth century a growing awareness among university scholars, and sometimes enterprising thinkers outside the university walls, that experience or what we might even call]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=161\nPages: 161\nThere exists an impressive, and to a great extent as yet underexplored, body of N\n\u00ad ordic\ncharm magic from, or with roots in, the Middle Ages. Some of these are to be found in\nmedical treatises and other so-called leechbooks, some in the form of runic inscriptions. An\nearly tendency to over-interpret the connection between magic and runes led to the view\nthat runes are something other, or more, than an epigraphic system45; at the same time, of\ncourse, it must be borne in mind that runes are as capable of reflecting magic as any other\nwriting system.46 And naturally among the particularly important aspects of these records\nare the facts that they do not hazard being copies in the same way manuscripts often are\nand that knowledge of them does not require the agency of, for example, a church school.\nThus, we presumably have here opportunities to hear more directly the vox populi.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=157\nPages: 157,158\ncut from whole cloth. The principal sources of information about magic in the medieval\nNorth are here for ease of presentation divided into the following categories: normative texts;\nnarratives; vocabulary; charms, including runic inscriptions; and material culture.\nThe common thread among normative texts, such as the Nordic law codes, synodal statutes, homilies, penitentials and so on, is that they all reflect the authorities\u2019 overtly negative assessments of magical behaviours and frequently detail appropriate sanctions against\npractitioners. Another commonly shared feature is that they often refer only in passing,\n138\nS c a n d i n av i a\nsometimes even obscurely, to the practices they condemn; in some instances, this tendency\nmay be supposed to depend on the fact that these phenomena were widely known and\nrequired no explanation or detailed description, but in other instances, perhaps such treatment should be understood to suggest that novel concepts are being introduced.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\ntraditions of medieval magic. In fact, since studies concerned with literature tend to have\nbeen written as ways of explicating particular literary texts, no comprehensive survey of\nEuropean literary representations of necromancy has yet been written.\nThe growing body of scholarly editions provides concrete evidence for the ways in which\nthis literature was transmitted, but there remains a good deal more to do. We have no\nedition of the most important works of necromantic magic, such as the Thesaurus spirituum,\nand although we have single-witness editions of texts like the Liber consecrationum, the lack\nof critical editions makes it more difficult to assess how the text was compiled and transmitted. The medieval library of necromancy also included an assemblage of a variety of\nsmall texts used for specific purposes. More manageable projects (particularly for graduate\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=217\nPages: 217\n32 See, for example, supra regarding Vinculum spirituum or Vinculum Salomonis.\n33 G. Hedeg\u00e5rd (ed.), \u201cLiber iuratus Honorii\u201d: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm, 2002); J.-P. Boudet, \u201cMagie th\u00e9urgique, ang\u00e9lologie et vision b\u00e9atifique dans le Liber\nsacratus attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Honorius de Th\u00e8bes,\u201d in Les anges et la magie au Moyen \u00c2ge, J.-P. Boudet, H. Bresc\nand B. Gr\u00e9vin (dir.), \u201cActes de la table ronde de Nanterre (8 and 9 December 2000),\u201d M\u00e9langes de\nl\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome. Moyen \u00c2ge, 114, no. 2 (2002): 851\u201390; J.R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil\nof God: The Liber juratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s Summa sacre magice,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas\nand Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2012), 151\u201391, has recently shown that the Summa sacre magice (1346) by B\u00e9renger\nGanell drew on an older version of Liber juratus besides the version edited by Hedeg\u00e5rd.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210\nthe exploitation of Solomonic sources, the \u201cauthor-magicians\u201d of the late Middle Ages were\nnot insignificant. Thus, at the very start of the fourteenth century, the Benedictine monk\nJohn of Morigny embarked on a complete, progressive and very personal revision of the\nArs notoria in his Liber florum celestis doctrine.36 The Summa sacre magice (1346) of the Catalan\n\u201cphilosopher\u201d B\u00e9renger Ganell, a vast compilation of ritual magic in five books known in its\nLatin form through an incomplete manuscript, draws part of its substance from two distinct\nversions of the Liber juratus of Honorius.37 But in order to better establish its claim to offer\n\u201ca [magic] science that consists of compelling good and bad spirits\u201d, B\u00e9renger\u2019s work draws\non numerous Solomonic traditions including the Ydea Salomonis, the De officiis spirituum, the\nDe quattuor annulis, the De novem candariis, the Vinculum Salomonis, the Almandal and perhaps]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=213\nPages: 213,214\nfor many purposes, whereas others aspire to establish a less strained relationship with\nthe angelic world, most often for the purposes of obtaining understanding or revelations,\nor even, finally, salvation. The first type, such as the Clavicula Salomonis, the Liber consecrationum and the catalogues of demons that accompany them, belongs, strictly speaking,\nto necromancy 63; they are based on the conjuration of demons, related when necessary\nto liturgical exorcism, which aims to \u201cbind\u201d the demons to the will of the exorcista/\u00ad\nexorcizator or the magister \u2013 the Vinculum spirituum (also known as the Vinculum Salomonis)\nis a good example.64 The second type, such as the Ars notoria and its derivatives, draws\nabove all on prayers addressed to the angels, and indeed to God and to Christ; to a\n194\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\ncertain point, they represent the expression of a form of individual piety, more or less]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a\nlively literature in circulation in the thirteenth century employing \u201cexorcisms\u201d or conjurations and configured in Christian form.7\n202\nN e c ro m a n c y\nMost of the witnesses to medieval necromantic practice are early modern and most of\nthe medieval witnesses are late medieval. A few fifteenth-century collections survive such\nas the Rawlinson and Munich Manuals.8 These contain either fragmentary or full copies\nof earlier texts such as the Liber consecrationum and Thesaurus spirituum. The latter survives,\nin varying but apparently complete sixteenth-century versions. The classic Solomonic text\nof necromancy, the Clavicula Salomonis, survives in one fifteenth-century copy but is mostly\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=256\nPages: 256,255\n34 See Weill-Parot, Les \u201cImages astrologiques\u201d, 25\u2013219.\n35 (2.2, 258\u201359) cf. Cecco, ch. 3, 402 (ascendens necromanticorum, ed. Thorndike; ascendens nigromanticorum,\nms. Paris, BnF, lat. 7337, p. 36).\n36 Nicolas Weill-Parot, \u201cDans le ciel ou sous le ciel? Les anges dans la magie astrale, xiie-xive si\u00e8cle,\u201d\nM\u00e9langes de l\u2019Ecole Fran\u00e7aise de Rome. Moyen \u00c2ge 114, no. 2 (2002): 753\u201371 [=Les Anges et la Magie au\nMoyen \u00c2ge, ed. Jean-Patrice Boudet, Henri Bresc et Beno\u00eet Gr\u00e9vin].\n236\n18\nBe r i nga r i us Ga n e l lus a n d t h e\nSumma sacre magice\nMagic as the promotion of God\u2019s Kingship\nDamaris Aschera Gehr\nAround 1346, the Catalan magician Beringarius Ganellus completed the Summa sacre magice or Compendium of sacred magic in five books. Due to its complexity and its length of over\n200,000 words, this work stands out as the most thorough overview of Latin medieval magic\ntransmitted to our day.\nIn modern scholarship, the Summa was first signalled in the 1960s by Paul Oskar \u00adK risteller,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nGalluzzo, 2012), for example 134; Liber Razielis \u2013see, exemplarily, book 7 entitled Liber magice (Halle\nMS 14 B 36, fol. 178r: \u201cHic incipit liber qui dicitur Flores Mercurii de Babilonia super opera artis\nmagice\u2026\u201d) in Ms. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reginense MS Lat. 1300; see also Sefer ha-Razim,\ned. Bill Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer (T\u00fcbingen: Mohr Siebek, 2009), Vol I, 28; Picatrix: The Latin Version\nof the G\u1e25\u0101yat al-\u1e25ak\u012bm, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 83, 87, 96 and so on;\nBerengarius Ganellus\u2019 Summa Sacre Magice (self-evident due to the title, but see also further instances\nin Ms. Kassel university library 4\u00b0 astron. 3, for example fol. 13r); Liber Iuratus Honorii, ed. G\u00f6sta\nHedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), for example 60, 66; Ms. Munich Clm 849, ed.\nRichard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (University Park:\nPennsylvania State University Press, 1998), for example pp. 211, 221; \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=269\nPages: 269\nJan R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s Summa\nsacre magice,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire\nFanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 151\u201391; Gehr, \u201cSpiritus et\nangeli\u201d, 189\u2013217; Damaris Gehr, \u201cLa fittizia associazione del Liber Razielis in sette libri ad Alfonso\nX il Saggio e una nuova determinazione delle fasi redazionali del trattato, della loro datazione\ne dell\u2019identita\u0300 dei compilatori coinvolti,\u201d Viator. Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 43 Multilingual\n(2012): 181\u2013210; Damaris Gehr, \u201c\u2018Gaudent brevitatem moderni\u2019: Rielaborazioni della teoria\nmagica nel tardo Medioevo sull\u2019esempio dell\u2019Almandal di Salomone,\u201d Societa\u0300 e storia 139 (2013):\n1\u201336. The Summa was the subject of my doctoral dissertation \u201cLa Summa sacre magice di Berengario\n\u00adGanello\u201d (Venezia: Universit\u00e0 Ca\u2019 Foscari, 2007).\n7 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ha, fol. 194v.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475\n63 In some cases, this means that the rituals to use them and their goals are no longer discernable.\n64 Kassel, Murhardsche- und Landesbibliothek, MS Astron. 4\u00b0 3 and BL Sloane 313. The seals are\nat fols. 104 and fol. 4, respectively.\n65 Summa sacre magice IV.1.5 and IV.I.6. On Beringarius Ganellus, see Damaris Gehr\u2019s chapter in this\nvolume and Jan Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s\nSumma sacre magice.\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices from the Thirteenth to the Sixteenth Century, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 151\u201391.\n66 The copy of the Liber iuratus in BL Sloane MS 3854, which does not include a representation of the\nSigillum Dei, was edited by G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd, Liber iuratus Honorii: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version\nof the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell, 2002).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=568\nPages: 568\n187\u2013200, 202\u20133, 205, 232\u20134, 245\u20139, 255,\n277, 339, 371, 433, 439, 445, 449\u201351\nS\u00f8renson, Jesper 366\nsortilegium 26, 27, 52, 141, 487, 503\nSoziale Systeme 59\nSpeculum astronomiae 27, 40, 41, 74, 79, 157,\n174\u20136, 181, 187\u20139, 202, 204, 230, 231, 234,\n255\u20137, 261, 270, 272\u20133, 289, 337, 433, 465,\n289, 293\nSpeculum Aureum Decem Preceptorum Dei 483\nSpeculum Curatorum (Higden) 478\nSprenger, Jacob 324, 344\nStallcup, Stephen 96\nStandley, Eleanor R. 386, 395\nStausberg, Michael 61\nStephens, Walter 345\nstereotypes and magic 7, 344\u20137\nThe Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in\nEngland 1400\u20131580 (Duffy) 478\u20139\nSudhoff, Karl 299\nSuffumigationes 157\nSuggett, Richard 126\nSumma for Confessors (Thomas of Chobham) 306\nSumma Contra Gentiles (Aquinas) 320, 257, 259\nSumma Predicantium (Bromyard) 478\n\u201cSummary on the Properties of the Heart\u201d 269\nSumma sacre magice (Ganellus) 40, 191, 237\u201350,\n337, 444\nSumma sacre magice (Montolmo) 27\nSumma Theologica (Aquinas) 30, 41, 50, 270,\n272, 346]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210\nare not but which have recourse, in varying degrees, to what we might call the materia magica\nsalomonica, it is appropriate to add a number of experimenta, in other words recipes stripped\nof all narrative devices, which to a greater or lesser extent profess Solomonic associations.\nThese often circulated alongside Solomonic texts in manuscripts, or ultimately fall within\nthe remit of a kind of magic founded on the same principles. This is the case, for example,\nin MS Munich Clm 849 which, besides two versions of the Liber consecrationum (no. 31) and\na version of the Vinculum Salomonis incorporated into an experimentum on catoptromancy\n(no. 33), preserves numerous experimenta referring to Solomon and to his seals, his rings\nand other characters capable of \u201cbinding\u201d spirits.39 An experimentum for love involving the\nconjuration of demons even specifies, by playing implicitly and somewhat ironically on the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval\nLatin witness to this work), the Liber Samayn (here Liber sextus) from the Liber Razielis in\nseven books, the De officiis spirituum, the Liber consecrationum linked to Solomonic catalogues\nof demons, the Liber Almadel, as well as a Liber angelicus that is attributed first to Hermes\nand secondarily to Solomon. The latter purports to be a compendium of astral and ritual\nmagic mainly based on the De quattuor annulis, the Clavicula, and the Liber Almandal. One\nmight speculate that it was a manuscript of this type that Johannes Trithemius relied on to\ndevise his inventory, even if, in view of the order in which his notes occur, he did not isolate\na specifically Solomonic corpus within it. At any rate, according to the description and the\nincipits of the texts he consulted, the points of contact are numerous; these relate notably]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=568\nPages: 568\n337, 444\nSumma sacre magice (Montolmo) 27\nSumma Theologica (Aquinas) 30, 41, 50, 270,\n272, 346\nSummis desiderantis affectibus 470\nSuper illius specula 229, 337, 470, 504\nSuperstitio (Harmening) 375, 488\nsuperstition 3, 5, 7, 8, 27\u201331, 53, 58, 119, 139,\n141, 170, 174, 179, 221, 260, 332, 344. 346,\n365, 402, 406, 418, 478, 480, 482, 487\u201397,\n503, 504\nSuso, Henry 378\nSwanson, R. N. 476\nSwedish Older Law of V\u00e4sterg\u00f6tland (\u00c4ldre\nV\u00e4stg\u00f6talagen) 139\nSweeney, Michelle 355\nSword of Moses 95\nSworn Book of Honorius see Liber Iuratus\nsymbolic manipulation 17\u201319, 21\u20133, 60, 61, 65\nTable of Solomon 80, 493\nTabulae Alphonsi (Johannes de Sacrobosco) 113\ntabule magicales 246\nTaussig, Michael 66\nTechel/Azareus Complex 87, 96\nTen Commandments 7, 245, 475, 478, 480, 483\nTeresa of \u00c1vila 15, 16\nThabit ibn Qurra 71, 72, 74, 75, 79, 158, 178,\n255, 293, 294, 337\nTheatrum chemicum 268\nTheodore of Mopsuestia 524\nTheorica artium magicarum (The theory of the magic\narts) 75, 175, 270, 432]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=463\nPages: 463\niuratus, a work of ritual magic that circulated in two medieval versions.64 The version of this\ntext integrated within the Summa sacre magice, a compendium of magical texts written ca.\n1346 by the Catalan or Valencian philosopher Beringarius Ganellus, describes how the seal\ncan be used for six theurgical practices, including achieving the vision of God, redeeming\nthe soul from purgatory and having power over all spirits.65 In the truncated, \u201cNorthwestern\u201d version of Honorius, represented by two Sloane manuscripts in the British Library,\nonly the vision of God remains at the core of the ritual magic practices and the Sigillum Dei\nis given a prominent place at the beginning of the text.66 In both Honorius texts, the seal is\nsupposed to be worn by the operator when he conjures spirits. It forces the spirits to appear\nin an attractive and docile form and grant the operator his request.\nInstructions for creating the Sigillum Dei describe in detail the sacred proportions of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=440\nPages: 440\nContemplatives: The Liber iuratus, the Liber visionum and the Christian Appropriation of Jewish\nOccultism,\u201d in Conjuring Spirits: Texts and Traditions of Medieval Ritual Magic, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 250\u201365; Jean-Patrice Boudet, \u201cMagie\nth\u00e9urgique, ang\u00e9lologie et vision b\u00e9atifique dans le Liber sacratus attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Honorius de Th\u00e8bes,\u201d\nM\u00e9langes de l\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome: Moyen \u00c2ge 114 (2002): 851\u201390; Katelyn Mesler, \u201cThe Liber\niuratus Honorii and the Christian Reception of Angel Magic,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and\nPractices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 113\u201350; Jan R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil of God: The Liber iuratus in\n\u00adBerengario Ganell\u2019s Summa sacre magice\u201d in Invoking Angels, ed. Fanger 151\u201391 (with new insights on\nthe origins of the Liber iuratus).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=268\nPages: 268\nliterature, offers a reliable terminus ad quem for its contents. This implies that other texts can\nbe classified in relation to those contained in the Summa and the still fragmentary history of\nmedieval magic and its literature can be further assessed and reconstructed.\nIn addition to discussing traditional doctrines and sources, the origins of which can be\npartly traced back to the twelfth century, Ganellus offers self-authored sections and treats\nthe trends and debates of his time. The Summa is therefore an important document for the\nmagical theory and literature of the mid-fourteenth century as well. The conciliation of\nmagic with Christianity is seminal to the entire work, and the treatise contains the most\nexplicit confrontations of a fourteenth-century magician with the papal condemnation of\nmagic of which we have knowledge today. In the footsteps of the Liber iuratus, in an audacious passage probably referring to the policy of Pope John XII, Ganellus replies to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=209\nPages: 209\nLiber sacratus mentioned by William of Auvergne along with explicitly Solomonic treatises\nwith which he seems closely acquainted.28 Even when texts of this type were not directly\nattributed to Solomon, they were certainly recorded among others that were in a common\ncategory, that of texts of ritual magic.29 This category, even if there might be points of\n\u00adcontact and significant amounts of interpolation and contamination in the course of \u00adcopying\nand revising,30 was quite clearly distinct from astral or talismanic magic. The liturgical,\nparaliturgical, indeed literally spiritual and devotional dimension, always predominates,\nallowing the magician to enter (without danger) into contact with demons, spirits or angels,\nwho are generally recalcitrant but who finally submit to the power that God grants the\nmagician, sometimes described as an \u201cexorcist\u201d; knowledge linked to planets or stars is here\n\u00ad ethodology]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=265\nPages: 265,266\nFigure 18.2 T\n\u0007 he first and second Hebrew tables, through which the magicians used to generate\n\u00adwonder-working words (Ganellus, Summa, ms. Ka, fols. 128v\u2013129r).\n246\nB e r i n g a r i u s G a n e l lu s a n d t h e S u m m a s ac r e m ag i c e\ntreat the more basic level of the alphabets.67 Elements of the tradition treated in the Summa\nre-emerge only later, in the work of an early modern author such as Agrippa. The Summa\nand the Magica which is recorded in it are thus seminal indicators of the strong astral basis\nof medieval pseudo-Solomonic magic, a basis no less developed than that of the magic\nclassified as Hermetic.\nLet us come to the other carriers of magical power in the Magica, the names of the elements of Creation. Here we enter the domain of planetary magic. Regarding this aspect,\nthe Magica again stood in continuity with the Liber semamphoras and its tradition. Both the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=271\nPages: 271\nexplained in chapters 70 and 86.\n43 Ganellus, Summa, ms. Be, fol. 450r\u2013v.\n44 Honorius, Liber iuratus, ed. G\u00f6sta Hedeg\u00e5rd (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 2002), III, 16\u201326.\n45 I could find an approach similar to that of the Summa in the long version of the Liber Razielis, where\none reads that \u201cmagic is a fine and spiritual science which is formed in the skies and in man. [\u2026]\nAnd its first end is above in the skies and in the stars. And its second end resides in man, in order\nthat he may be able to operate. And the common end is the approved operation, which happens\nthrough the judgement and the knowledge of the things of the sublunar world\u201d (ms. Citt\u00e0 del\nVaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. Lat. 1300, fols. 139v\u2013140r: \u201cmagica est sciencia\nsubtilis et spiritualis formata in celis et in homine. [\u2026] Et primus finis eius est sursum in celis et in\nstellis. Et secundus finis est in homine quod sit aptus ad operandum. Et finis omnium est opus cum]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=258\nPages: 258\nbooks as the Liber Ptholomei, the Liber Lune Hermetis, the Liber runarum, the Liber Hermetis de\ncaracteribus et sigillis and the Liber Balemi\u201d. Scholars have considered De diffinicione to be a\nchapter of the Summa and identified \u201cBurgarius\u201d with our Beringarius.26 The Summa, yet,\ndoes not contain or mention the writing De diffinicione, which is probably lost, so this identification is uncertain.\nGanellus\u2019s definition and treatment of magic\nThe Summa opens with an introduction defining magic and explaining its status:27\nMagic is the science of binding evil and good spirits by the use of the name of God,\nHis names and the names of the things of the world. Hence it follows that magic is\na science of words, because each noun is a word, since a word is each thing which\nis uttered by the tongue on condition that it can be written with letters. But there\nare many sciences of the word such as grammar, logic, rhetoric and magic [\u2026]]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=213\nPages: 213,214\nfor many purposes, whereas others aspire to establish a less strained relationship with\nthe angelic world, most often for the purposes of obtaining understanding or revelations,\nor even, finally, salvation. The first type, such as the Clavicula Salomonis, the Liber consecrationum and the catalogues of demons that accompany them, belongs, strictly speaking,\nto necromancy 63; they are based on the conjuration of demons, related when necessary\nto liturgical exorcism, which aims to \u201cbind\u201d the demons to the will of the exorcista/\u00ad\nexorcizator or the magister \u2013 the Vinculum spirituum (also known as the Vinculum Salomonis)\nis a good example.64 The second type, such as the Ars notoria and its derivatives, draws\nabove all on prayers addressed to the angels, and indeed to God and to Christ; to a\n194\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\ncertain point, they represent the expression of a form of individual piety, more or less]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208,207\nto have passed over certain elements concerning this type of books in silence.15 It must finally\nbe taken into account that he makes his inventory without putting forward a Solomonic attribution for a text such as the Vinculum spirituum, even though we know that Solomon is well and\ntruly established as the \u201cauthor\u201d in certain manuscripts.16\n188\nSo lo m o n i c m ag i c\nManuscripts from the end of the Middle Ages or the beginning of the modern era, though\nnot numerous, also illustrate this quantitative growth. Some combine several \u00adSolomonic\ntexts, in diverse proportions, alongside other traditions, notably astral magic.17 Others,\nmore rarely, maintain a clear or even an overwhelming majority of Solomonic texts and in\nthis way take on the appearance of collections, even if they are never exhaustive. The finest\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nincipits of the texts he consulted, the points of contact are numerous; these relate notably\nto the Clavicula, the Liber angelicus, the Liber Almadel, the De quattuor annulis, the De officiis\nspirituum and the Vinculum spirituum, a majority being texts not mentioned by the author of\nthe Speculum astronomiae in his day. If we have privileged texts in Latin here, we should also\nnot forget that translations and adaptations in vernacular languages appeared from the\nlate medieval period, and remain important sources for modern scholars.20\nThis quick survey of the situation invites caution from the outset when dealing with\nSolomonic magic in the Latin West in the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the early\nmodern period. Evidently, postulating the existence of a corpus that was well defined from\nits inception is impossible. On the contrary, it seems to evolve extensively between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, and to bring together, under a single authority, texts with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=217\nPages: 217\n32 See, for example, supra regarding Vinculum spirituum or Vinculum Salomonis.\n33 G. Hedeg\u00e5rd (ed.), \u201cLiber iuratus Honorii\u201d: A Critical Edition of the Latin Version of the Sworn Book of Honorius (Stockholm, 2002); J.-P. Boudet, \u201cMagie th\u00e9urgique, ang\u00e9lologie et vision b\u00e9atifique dans le Liber\nsacratus attribu\u00e9 \u00e0 Honorius de Th\u00e8bes,\u201d in Les anges et la magie au Moyen \u00c2ge, J.-P. Boudet, H. Bresc\nand B. Gr\u00e9vin (dir.), \u201cActes de la table ronde de Nanterre (8 and 9 December 2000),\u201d M\u00e9langes de\nl\u2019\u00c9cole fran\u00e7aise de Rome. Moyen \u00c2ge, 114, no. 2 (2002): 851\u201390; J.R. Veenstra, \u201cHonorius and the Sigil\nof God: The Liber juratus in Berengario Ganell\u2019s Summa sacre magice,\u201d in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas\nand Practices, Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park: Pennsylvania State\nUniversity Press, 2012), 151\u201391, has recently shown that the Summa sacre magice (1346) by B\u00e9renger\nGanell drew on an older version of Liber juratus besides the version edited by Hedeg\u00e5rd.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval\nLatin witness to this work), the Liber Samayn (here Liber sextus) from the Liber Razielis in\nseven books, the De officiis spirituum, the Liber consecrationum linked to Solomonic catalogues\nof demons, the Liber Almadel, as well as a Liber angelicus that is attributed first to Hermes\nand secondarily to Solomon. The latter purports to be a compendium of astral and ritual\nmagic mainly based on the De quattuor annulis, the Clavicula, and the Liber Almandal. One\nmight speculate that it was a manuscript of this type that Johannes Trithemius relied on to\ndevise his inventory, even if, in view of the order in which his notes occur, he did not isolate\na specifically Solomonic corpus within it. At any rate, according to the description and the\nincipits of the texts he consulted, the points of contact are numerous; these relate notably]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=208\nPages: 208\nexample up to this point is, without doubt, the manuscript Coxe 25 (preserved in a private\nFrench collection), which is of Germanic provenance and datable to the end of the fifteenth\ncentury. Its contents (the work of a single hand) indicate that certain late medieval scribes\nmight have been tempted to create a true Solomonic corpus, even if the general title given to\nthe book, Liber Hermetis sive de rebus occultis, appears from this perspective quite paradoxical\nand shows the limits of the exercise well, unless it is a camouflage strategy.18 Notably, this\nmanuscript includes two versions of the De quattuor annulis, of which one, ascribed to four of\nSolomon\u2019s disciples, Fortunatus, Eleazar, Macarius and Toz (those to whom the Speculum\nastronomiae alludes), mentions the Ydea Salomonis, two versions of the Vinculum spirituum (also\nknown by the title Vinculum Salomonis),19 the Clavicula Salomonis (the only known medieval]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226\ntraditions of medieval magic. In fact, since studies concerned with literature tend to have\nbeen written as ways of explicating particular literary texts, no comprehensive survey of\nEuropean literary representations of necromancy has yet been written.\nThe growing body of scholarly editions provides concrete evidence for the ways in which\nthis literature was transmitted, but there remains a good deal more to do. We have no\nedition of the most important works of necromantic magic, such as the Thesaurus spirituum,\nand although we have single-witness editions of texts like the Liber consecrationum, the lack\nof critical editions makes it more difficult to assess how the text was compiled and transmitted. The medieval library of necromancy also included an assemblage of a variety of\nsmall texts used for specific purposes. More manageable projects (particularly for graduate\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222,223\nspirituum, for example, contains a ritual for conjuring spirits that are clearly fairies and\nthat corresponds to the traditions represented in medieval fairy literature.15 Finally, as this\nmaterial spread into vernacular languages starting in the fifteenth century, the texts also\nchanged under the influence of its new middlebrow transmitters. As a result, the history of\nthe texts is difficult to trace, and this process is made more difficult by the fact that most\nof the surviving manuscripts post-date 1500, when major shifts in social, intellectual, and\nreligious conditions were underway.\nNecromantic texts travelled in a relatively stable social context through the medieval period, although that began to break down in the fifteenth century. The clerical underworld described above had ragged edges and included educated courtiers, grammar\n203\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nschool teachers and itinerant clerics who had deserted their posts or had never held an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=540\nPages: 540,541\nthe Temple of God: Towards an Understanding of Nicolas Jacquier\u2019s Flagellum haereticorum fascinariorum (1458),\u201d Parergon 28/1 (2011): 1\u201324.\n63 Martine Ostorero, \u201cUn pr\u00e9dicateur au cachot. Guillaume Adeline et le sabbat\u201d, M\u00e9di\u00e9vales 44\n(2003): 73\u201396.\n64 Ed. Bertolin, Processi per fede e sortilegi, 117\u201373.\n65 Michel Porret, L\u2019ombre du Diable: Mich\u00e9e Chauderon, derni\u00e8re sorci\u00e8re ex\u00e9cut\u00e9e \u00e0 Gen\u00e8ve (1652) (Ch\u00eaneBourg: Georg, 2009).\n66 Choffat, La Sorcellerie comme exutoire, 59.\n521\nM a rt i n e O s t o r e ro\n67 Cf. for example Montesano, \u201cSupra acqua et supra ad vento\u201d; Mormando, Preacher\u2019s Demons; Fabio\nTroncarelli and Maria Paola Saci, \u201cIl De potestate spirituum di Guglielmo Becchi,\u201d in Stregoneria e\nstreghe nell\u2019Europa moderna. Convegno internazionale di studi, (Pisa, 24\u201326 marzo 1994), ed. Giovanna\nBosco and Patrizia Castelli (Pisa, 1996), 87\u201398; Fabio Troncarelli, Le streghe. Tra superstizione e realt\u00e0,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\nmagic texts given in the Speculum astronomiae suggests that, whatever its origin, there was a\nlively literature in circulation in the thirteenth century employing \u201cexorcisms\u201d or conjurations and configured in Christian form.7\n202\nN e c ro m a n c y\nMost of the witnesses to medieval necromantic practice are early modern and most of\nthe medieval witnesses are late medieval. A few fifteenth-century collections survive such\nas the Rawlinson and Munich Manuals.8 These contain either fragmentary or full copies\nof earlier texts such as the Liber consecrationum and Thesaurus spirituum. The latter survives,\nin varying but apparently complete sixteenth-century versions. The classic Solomonic text\nof necromancy, the Clavicula Salomonis, survives in one fifteenth-century copy but is mostly\nwitnessed in later manuscripts.9 Although medieval witnesses are very rare in comparison]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=465\nPages: 465\ninto a protective boundary between themselves and what they perceived to be a malefic spirit\nworld.77 In Christian ritual magic, spirits were usually compelled to remain outside the circle\nwhere the sacrifice was sometimes thrown to them. This cautionary approach is apparent\neven in a text like the De secretis spirituum planetis that has many features of astral magic and\nis concerned with summoning planetary angels rather than demons.78 The operator of this\ntext is told to draw a magic circle around the animal sacrificed to the planetary angel and\nits character, and to throw the sacrificial flesh outside the circle.79 A composite magic circle\naccompanying the copy of this text in Wellcome MS 517 (Figures 30.8 and 30.9) illustrates the\nangel names and characters relevant to every operation.\nChristian magic circles also drew their inspiration from contemporary cosmological,\nmathematical and astrological ideas. Magic texts offered glimpses of celestial structures,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=475\nPages: 475,476\n107v\u20138 and Florence, Bibioteca Nazionale Centrale, II. iii. 214, fol. 79. A necromancer and his\nassistant who were caught in 1323 confessed to preparing a ritual to summon the demon Berich\nusing a circle made from cat\u2019s skin: Les grandes chroniques de France, ed. Jules Marie \u00c9douard Viard\n(Paris: Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l\u2019histoire de France, 1920), vol. 5, 269\u201372.\n77 The protective magic circle is a topos of exempla stories as early as the thirteenth century: see\nCatherine Rider, Magic and Religion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012), 121\u201326.\n78 The De secretis spirituum planetis survives in MS Wellcome 517, fols. 133\u201335v and Cambridge, UL,\nMS Dd. Xi. 45, fols. 134v\u201339.\n79 The sacrificial meat is also thrown out of the circle in the \u201cExperimentum verum et probatum ad\namorem\u201d ed. and trans. Juris Lidaka, in Fanger, ed., Conjuring Spirits, 60\u201361.\n456\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\n76 \u201cSecundo, dico quod ille processus artis notori\u00e6 confert ad sedandum motus et inundatione\nspirituum vitalium, naturalium et spirituum animalium, ut cerebri, quibus sedatur anima, et fit\nprudens et sapiens ac ad prophetiam aptus,\u201d f. 91v.\n77 \u201cUtrum ars notoria possit licite exerceri,\u201d f. 91r.\n78 Compendium de spirituum officiis, ff. 92v\u2013101v.\n79 \u201cAn spiritus hominis potest immutare spiritus c\u00e6lestes ut intelligentias c\u00e6li motrices,\u201d f. 99v.\n80 \u201cDicendum est igitur ad qu\u00e6situm quod sic. Probatur experimento et auctoritate sacr\u00e6 scriptur\u00e6\n[\u2026],\u201d f. 100v.\n81 De malignis spiritibus, ff. 101v\u2013113r.\n82 \u201cEt sic generaliter potest dici nigromantia omnis ars, omne magisterium convocandi malignos\nspiritus ut appareant ad aliquid faciendum quod invocator intendit, sive ad bonum sive ad malum\nfuerit talis invocatio [\u2026],\u201d f. 102r. See also above, note 68.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=519\nPages: 519\n72 Articles 4, 10, 12, 20, 21.\n73 Gerson, sermon \u201cRegnum\u201d, OC 7.2:1000\u201301.\n74 Gerson, De erroribus circa artem magicam, OC 10:77: \u201cIncidit ut conquererer de superstitionibus pestiferis magicorum et stultitiis vetularum sortilegarum quae per quosdam ritus maledictos mederi\npatientibus pollicentur\u201d.\n75 In Gerson, Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam, De observatione dierum quantum ad opera, and Adversus\nsuperstitionem in audiendo missam, OC 10:116\u201321, 128\u201330, 141\u201343.\n76 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 144\u201345, 188\u201389; Bracha, Teufels Lug und Trug, 50\u20132.\n77 Gerson, Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam, OC 10:119.\n78 \u201cVielles sorci\u00e8res\u201d in the sermon \u201cRegnum\u201d (OC 7.2:1001), \u201cvetulae sortilegae\u201d and \u201cindoctae\nmulierculae\u201d in De erroribus circa artem magicam (OC 10:77, 83), and \u201cvetulae sortilegae, gallice vieilles\nsorci\u00e8res\u201d in Contra superstitiosam dierum observantiam (OC 10:120).\n79 Bailey, Fearful Spirits, 185\u201388.\n80 Baumann, Aberglaube f\u00fcr Laien, 1:274; Harmening, Superstitio, 72.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=215\nPages: 215\nturn \u2013 sometimes on a massive scale \u2013 to develop new rituals of exorcism, which flourished\nfrom the beginning of the fifteenth century, especially in the Germanic regions, which are\nthe best documented. The review of the first known ritual, preserved in MS Munich, BSB,\nClm 10085 (c. 1400), illustrates this well: in addition to maintaining intertextual links with\nthe content of the now celebrated manuscript Clm 849, remarkably, we also find here the\nVinculum Salomonis, for the purposes of expelling demons from someone who is possessed!77\nThus, at the moment when, in a society troubled by the invasion of the demoniacal, a liturgical norm for exorcism is composed, founded in part on ancient formulas, the permeability\nbetween \u201cmagical\u201d practices and canonical exorcisms appears very powerful. It therefore\nremains to assess, over the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the scale and the forms of these]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=226\nPages: 226,227\nstudents) would be to provide editions and studies of these smaller texts such as the Vinculum\n\u00adSalomonis. At this point, it is not even clear whether these texts have a real textual tradition\nor whether there are numerous texts circulating under their names, the writing of which\nwas prompted by the fact that another text cited them. Undoubtedly, there are also other\ntexts yet to be identified among the great variety of anonymous and untitled material.\n207\nFr a nk K l a a s s e n\nAs a literature characterized by regular textual pillaging, transformation, and reinvention, a good deal can be gleaned about the intellectual culture of magic from the ways in\nwhich necromancy changed over time. Such studies will be increasingly possible as more of\nthis literature is published in scholarly editions. In addition to examining the ways in which\nthe texts themselves were transformed, such studies can look at three issues: relations with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174\nCompagni in 2001.13 The theoretical basis of these concepts lies in the art of animating\nstatues or rather the art of creating artificial life, as it is described in Asclepius.14 William of\nAuvergne in the thirteenth century was aware of these works and he made a classification of\nthem that constitutes a very important source.15\nHermetic ceremonial magic involves invoking intelligent spiritual essences (spiritus)\nlinked to the planets. These essences differ from Christian angels and they are invoked\nthrough an imago, in order to focus the action on the world, and to force, bend and dominate nature. The Hermetic spiritus represents an ordering principle, a quickening of reality and the merging of an astrological conception of the world with a spiritual one. In\nthis way, the kind of vivificatio found in these operational texts is not the sort that invokes\nthe soul of a demon to settle in the talisman. The idea of spiritus can be identified with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=298\nPages: 298\nmodo taceo, quo saltem occasionaliter proderit inspexisse illos,\u201d f. 80r. Cf. Speculum astronomi\u00e6, 17,\ned. and transl. Paola Zambelli et al., The \u201cSpeculum astronomi\u00e6\u201d and Its Enigma: Astrology, Theology and\nScience in Albertus Magnus and His Contemporaries (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1992), 270\u201371.\n23 An spiritus potest immutare voluntatem hominis et per quem modum, ff. 47v\u201350r.\n24 De visionibus et apparitionibus, ff. 50r\u201351r.\n25 Utrum confidentia infirmi de medico conferat ad ejus sanitatem habendam, ff. 51r\u201356r.\n26 Utrum incantatio conferat in curatione \u00e6gritudinum (Ex conciliatore in medicinis dictus Petrus de Albano Paduanus\ndoctor famosus, ff. 56r\u201364r). This chapter of the Lucidarius was most inaccurately edited by B\u00e9atrice\nDelaurenti, \u201cVariations sur le pouvoir des incantations: le trait\u00e9 Ex Conciliatore in medicinis dictus\nPetrus de Albano de Pierre Franchon de Z\u00e9lande,\u201d Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale et litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=41\nPages: 41\nconjurations, but also the conception of the spirits as capable of locomotion and thus subject\nto summons. Still, what is true of the Liber iuratus is not necessarily true of all angel magic,\nwhich may use some of the trappings of conjuration but still address the angels in terms\nof petition rather than command. One particularly fascinating example is the Liber florum\nby John of Morigny, which involves a kind of symbolic manipulation focused on a series\nof meditative figures, and also entails the ministration of angels \u2013 but one might say that\nthis is a form of magic involving angels that is not in any ordinary sense angel magic.25\nThe concept of conjuration remains clear, but its application to this particular practice is\nsometimes ambiguous \u2013 and the clarity of the concept actually highlights the ambiguity of\nthe practice by holding up a mirror to its complexities. The situation is yet more complex]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=533\nPages: 533\nto the Sabbat) and they could help witches to perpetrate evil deeds. Vinet does not present\nhimself as a fierce defender of the fight against witches, but he tries to define the boundary\nbetween the possible and the impossible, and between the acceptable and the unacceptable.\nVinet\u2019s contemporary Nicolas Jacquier went much further. Convinced of the reality of\nthe Sabbat, he virulently denounced the danger of what he called \u201cnew sects of heretical witches\u201d in his Flagellum hereticorum fascinariorum (1458). In Jacquier\u2019s eyes, the Witches\u2019\n\u00adSabbat was an anti-church, to which participants adhered voluntarily and consciously. It\nwas a \u201ccult\u201d of demons, including ritual sacrifices which he believed embodied all the horror of the crimes of witches. The Burgundian inquisitor continually highlighted the corporeality of demons, who were perceptible to human senses; he recalled the real and corporeal\npresence of the demon at the Sabbat as a leitmotiv, also drawing support from Thomas]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=250\nPages: 250\nintroduction, Antonio explains the title of his work, since it deals with \u201coccult\u201d as well as\n\u201cmanifest\u201d operations of the Intelligences \u2013 an alternative title is Liber intelligentiarum (\u201cBook of\n\u00adIntelligences\u201d).29 In the first chapter, Antonio explicitly refers to evil Intelligences. There are\nfour parts in the heavens, he writes, each one belonging to one of the four cardinal signs: Aries,\nLibra, Capricorn and Cancer, and accordingly there are four orders of Intelligences. This\nis the reason why the magician must perform the required exorcisms at a crossroad of four\nroads. Antonio asks four scholastic questions, which he then answers: Why are these Intelligences established under their own cardinal signs? Because they make use of the influences of\nthese zodiacal signs. Why are some people able to see them, whereas others are not? Because\nthe Intelligences are able to produce images playing with rules of optics, so these images are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=564\nPages: 564\n64, 212, 222, 442\u20133, 471; composition of\n213\u201315; reception and use of 219\u201321; shape\nof 216\u201319\nLiber Horoscopus 87\nLiber imaginum Lunae 156, 157\nLiber Intelligentiarum (Montolmo) 27\nLiber introductorius (Frederick II and Scot) 40,\n332\u20133\nLiber iuratus 22, 27, 50, 61, 63, 89, 96, 203, 238,\n239, 243, 247, 248, 249, 253n78, 402, 412,\n442, 444, 448\u20139, 493\nLiber orationum planetarum 104, 106, 155\nLiber planetarum ex scientia Abel (The book of planets\nfrom the knowledge of Abel) 75, 155\nLiber prestigiorum (Adelard) 77\nLiber quorundam sapientum 105\nLiber Razielis 87\u20138, 91, 94, 95, 101\u20135, 108, 109,\n187\u20139, 193\u20136, 237, 335\u20136, 348\nLiber regimentis (Book of the Government) 271\nLiber Samayn 187, 189, 193\nLiber Semamphoras 188, 245, 247\nLiber Semiphoras 104, 248\nLiber similitudinum (Llibre de la semblan\u00e7a de tots els\nh\u00f2mens) 104\nLiber tegumenti (Book of the Covering) 271\nLiber vaccae (Book of the Cow) 78, 87, 153\u20134,\n158\u201361, 163, 271\nLiber viginti quatuor philosophorum 78]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nPennsylvania State University Press, 1998), for example pp. 211, 221; \u201cAntonio da Montolmo\u2019s\nDe occultis et manifestis or Liber intelligentiarum,\u201d ed. Weill-Parot, for example 258, 264, 274, 286; De\nquindecim stellis, quindecim lapidibus, quindecim herbis et quindecim imaginibus, ed. Louis Delatte, Textes latins et vieux francais relatifs aux Cyranides (Li\u00e8ge: Facult\u00e9 de Philosophie et Lettres, 1942), for example\n242, 275, 281, 286); Clavicula Salomonis (I am referring to the presumably earliest Latin witness,\n[former] Amsterdam BPH 114 A [now Ms. Coxe 25], f. 74\u2013138) and most later texts belonging\nto the so-called \u201cSolomonic cycle\u201d, such as the Heptameron, uncritic. ed. Joseph Peterson, \u201cPeter de\nAbano: Heptameron\u201d (online edition), based on the 1565 appendix to Agrippa of Nettesheim\u2019s De\nocculta philosophia, and the Lemegeton, uncritic. ed. Joseph Peterson, The Lesser Key of Solomon (York]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=542\nPages: 542\n\u2018nude\u2019] intelligences \u2026 and in the Scriptures spirits close to Our Lord, that is, angels\u201d.6\nThis expression \u2013 \u201cnude\u201d or \u201cseparate\u201d intelligences \u2013 points to a polemic current in the\n1270s, when Gilles was studying in Paris and soon before Alfonso\u2019s Libro de astromagia was\nwritten and illustrated.7 The problem of angels as the movers of the planets lay at the heart\nof a heated controversy in Paris at that time which set theologians against one another, with\nsome of them attempting to reconcile Aristotelian physics with Christian teachings.\nThe debate about whether angels were the motores spherae was at stake in 1271, when the\nSuperior of the Dominicans, John of Vercelli, sought the opinions of the most notable theologians of the order \u2013 Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas and Robert Kilwardby \u2013 on\nforty-three questions, the first five of which concerned the causes of the movement of the\n*]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=250\nPages: 250\nthe Intelligences are able to produce images playing with rules of optics, so these images are\nseen or not by people according to their nature or abilities. Why do these Intelligences appear\nto virgins and unpolluted people? Because the nature of the evil angels is pure or because\nsexual intercourse causes the human soul to be endowed with a dignity that makes the Intelligences jealous. Why do they prefer to come into sight in transparent bodies such as water\nor crystals? Because they give a more perfect reflection to the image of these Intelligences.\nChapter 2 tells the moment when the invocations must be performed. In Chapter 3,\nAntonio writes about the Altitudes, or the Intelligences standing under the twelve zodiacal\nsigns. Each order of Altitudines reacts to the others according to the astrological aspect between their respective zodiacal signs. Every human being, he adds, receives when he is born]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=543\nPages: 543\nHowever, in some works translated from the Arabic, the separate substances which\nwe call angels are called \u2018intelligences,\u2019 and perhaps for this reason, that such substances are always actually understanding. But in works translated from the Greek,\nthey are called \u2018intellects\u2019 or \u2018minds.\u201910\nAs many as twenty-six among the articles in the well-known Condemnations of 1277 by the\nBishop of Paris, \u00c9tienne Tempier, are \u201cMistakes about the intelligences or angels\u201d.11 The\ntext of one of these articles in the Parisian Condemnation of 1277 specifies that the angel\ncannot produce immediate effects, like the movement of a mobile, but needs the mediation of\na celestial sphere to give movement.12\nAristotle had suggested that the celestial movers were intellectual forces, separate from\nmatter.13 In his utopian political tract, The Ideal City, the tenth-century Muslim philosopher Alfarabi adapted this theory of \u201cimmaterial intelligences\u201d, but he argued that each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=553\nPages: 553\n\u00adAgostino Paravicini Bagliani, Kathrin Utz Tremp and Catherine Ch\u00e8ne (Lausanne: Cahiers\n\u00adLausannois d\u2019Histoire M\u00e9di\u00e9vale, 1999).\nJohn of Morigny, John of Morigny: \u2018Liber florum celestis doctrine\u2019, or \u2018Book of the Flowers of Heavenly Teaching\u2019:\nThe New Compilation, with Independent Portions of the Old Compilation. An Edition and Commentary, ed. Claire\nFanger and Nicholas Watson (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2015).\nKieckhefer, Richard, Forbidden Rites. A Necromancer\u2019s Manual of the Fifteenth Century (Stroud: Sutton, 1997).\nKramer, Heinrich (Institoris), and Sprenger, Jakob, Malleus Maleficarum, ed. Christopher S. Mackay\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).\nKyeser, Conrad, Bellifortis, 2 vols., ed. G\u00f6tz Quarg (D\u00fcsseldorf: Verlag des Vereins Deutscher Ingenieurie, 1967).\nMalory, Sir Thomas, Le Morte Darthur, 2 vols., ed. P.J.C. Field (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2013).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=298\nPages: 298\nfilius nascatur niger ut \u00c6thiopus extra tamen Ethiopiam, [\u2026] c\u00e6li tamen natura cum arte ad hoc\noperante,\u201d f. 41r.\n21 \u201cEt bene fecit ecclesia prohibendo ne publice in universitate h\u00e6c legantur, ne animo vindicandi\net appetitu nocendi, divites seu magnates, reges et principes saperent et per se h\u00e6c vel per alios in\neffectu deducerent, et ipsi seipsos invicem destruerent. Quare Picatrix libro primo incantat illos ad\nquos scientia horum poterit pervenire, ne pandatur indoctis et indignis sapere, sed solum personis\nsecretis et sapidis, sub p\u0153na anathematis,\u201d f. 63v. Cf. Picatrix: The Latin Version of the \u201cGh\u00e2yat alHak\u00eem\u201d, ed. David Pingree (London: Warburg Institute, 1986), 6 (Prologue, 4), 15 (Book I, 4, 33).\n22 \u201cDe libris vero nigromanticis, sine pr\u00e6judicio melioris sententi\u00e6, videtur quod magis debeant reservari quam destrui et comburi. Tempus enim jam prope est, quod propter quasdam causas quas]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=184\nPages: 184\n18 Hermannus de Carinthia, De essentiis II, 72vF, ed. Charles Burnett (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 182: \u201cthelesmatici Iorma Babilonius et Tuz Ionicus\u201d.\n19 Michael Scotus, Liber Introductorius, Prooem., ms. M\u00fcnchen, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm\n10268, fol. 1vb, quoted in Lucentini, \u201cErmetismo magico\u201d:\nscientia secretorum que exaltat hominem inter magnates et facit, eius quantum ad corpus,\nquasi habere iam principium paradisi\u2019; Introduct., dist. II, Clm 10268, fol. 116va: \u201cLicet autem\nhec et alia sint contradicta et vetita, possibilia tamen sunt, sed scientia talium sive actus perturbat fidem catholicam, que est mater nostra, et sic maculat puritatem anime hominum.\n20 P. Lucentini and A. Sannino, \u201cRecommendatio astronomiae: un anonimo trattato del secolo XV\nin difesa dell\u2019astrologia e della magia,\u201d in Magic and the Classical Tradition, ed. Burnett and Ryan,\n190, \u201cSuper quod verbum fundantur multa secreta sapientum celantium artem de talis ymaginibus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=560\nPages: 560\n(Illustrious Book on the Judgments of Nativities)\n(da Pizzano) 229\nDelaurenti, B\u00e9atrice 376\nDe legibus (William of Auvergne) 79, 90, 188,\n263, 464, 490\ndella Mirandola, Pico 88, 94, 257, 259, 276\nDella Porta, Giambattista 264, 291, 296\nDe magia naturali (d\u2019\u00c9taples) 276\nDe mineralibus (Albertus Magnus) 171\u20133, 256\nDe mirabilibus mundi 87, 153\u201363, 173, 268, 271\u20132,\n275\u20137, 320\ndemonic forces 412\u201314; and law 470\u20131\n\u201cdemonic magic\u201d 138, 202\ndemonization of magic 296\ndemonology, treatises on 513\u201315\nDe natura boni 469\nDe natura rerum (Thomas of Cantimpr\u00e9) 171\nDe occultis et manifestis (da Montolmo) 205, 234,\n337, 451\nDe officiis spirituum 188, 189, 191, 202\nDe ortu scientiarum (On the rise of the sciences) 72, 74,\n77, 177\nDe physicis ligaturis (Qusta ibn Luca) 75, 171, 172,\n304, 340\nDe principiis astrologie (The principles of astrology) 225\nDe proprietatibus rerum (Bartholomeus Anglicus)\n171, 410, 525\nDe quatuor confectionibus (The book on the four\nconfections) 73, 77, 78]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=353\nPages: 353\nwas made from a Castilian version (of which only fragments remain) written in 1256 at the\nrequest of Alfonso X, but the prologue does not reveal the identity of the translators; perhaps Yehuda ben Moshe for the Castilian version and Aegidius of Thebaldis for the Latin.\nAegidius translated for Alfonso two major astrological works from Castilian, the Liber de\niudiciis astrorum of Hali Abenragel and Hali Abenrudian\u2019s commentary on Ptolemy\u2019s Quadripartitum. Allegedly inspired by more than 200 treatises, among which are different astral\nmagic works, the encyclopeadia of the Brethren of Purity and the Book of Nabatean agriculture, the Picatrix gives great prominence to the magical and astrological talismans, prayers,\nsacrifices and suffumigationes stellarum intended to influence the planetary spirits. It has been\npartly written and translated from the perspective of its potential political and military use,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=543\nPages: 543\nimmaterial intelligence should be associated with a single sphere (not a single movement).14\nShortly afterwards, Alfarabi\u2019s idea was discussed by Avicenna in his Metaphysics,15 in a section on the number of intelligences responsible for moving the spheres. Avicenna\u2019s discussion centred upon the two theories outlined, correctly attributing to Aristotle the one which\nascribed every movement \u2013 not each sphere \u2013 to a separate intelligence, and contrasting it\nwith \u00adA lfarabi\u2019s proposal, which, it seems, he preferred in the final analysis.16 This idea became commonplace in the Islamic world: 17 for example, Algazel remarked in his summary\nof \u00adAvicenna\u2019s philosophy that \u201cthe souls <of the spheres> and the intelligences... are known\nas celestial spiritual angels\u201d.18 It was through translations of Arabic works that Christian\nscholars \u2013 and also Jewish ones like Maimonides19 \u2013 absorbed Aristotle\u2019s doctrine of celestial]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=251\nPages: 251\nare isolated, our senses are more susceptible to the actions of these Intelligences.\nIn the last chapter, Antonio recalls the usual requirements that can be found in nigromantical treatises (especially those belonging to the so-called Solomonic tradition). The\noperator has to be born under a specific constellation so that he shares common propriety\nwith the spirits. Some qualities are also needed: sagacity and learning (so that he will be\nable to grasp the secrets of the spirits), courage (so that he will not fear them), eloquence (in\norder to say perfectly and with strength the words addressed to the spirits, making them\ntremble). He has to be skilled in astrology in order to know the moments for operating. He\nmust also have a firm confidence in the performance of the magical operation. He has to be\na Catholic and must be clean and free of any vice so that he bears likeness with the spirits.\nA bath and suffumigation are also required.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=564\nPages: 564\n158\u201361, 163, 271\nLiber viginti quatuor philosophorum 78\nLiber visionum (John of Morigny) 113, 115, 339\nLibre del rey Peyre de Aragon (Book of King Peter of\nAragon) 105\u20136\nLibre de puritats (Book of secrets) 105, 106, 107, 109\nLibre de ydeis (Book of images) 105, 107, 109\nLibri naturales 409\nLibri runarum 118\nLibro Conplido (Abenragel) 103, 109\nLibro de astromagia (Alfonso X) 78, 101\u20133, 334,\n413, 414, 416, 523\u20138\nLibro de las formas 101, 103\nLibro de las formas e im\u00e1genes 108\nLibro de las formas e ymagenes 334, 336\nLibro de las formas y las im\u00e1genes (Book of forms and\nimages) 78, 101\nLilium medicinae (Bernard of Gordon) 174\nLivre des secrez de nature 103\nLombard, Peter 48, 306, 408, 469, 514\nLonginus charm 372\nLouis the Great, King of Hungary and Poland 112\nLouis XI, King of France 338\nLucentini, Paolo 157, 181\nLucidarium artis nigromantic\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 271\nLucidator dubitabilium astronomi\u00e6 (d\u2019Abano) 272\nLuhmann, Niklas 59\nLuhrmann, Tanya 366\nLull, Raymond 87, 118\nLydgate, John 447, 448]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nJohn of Morigny (fl. c. 1301\u201315) is important both for what his writing reveals about the\nculture of learned magic at the turn of the fourteenth century and for his own contribution\nto that culture, the Liber florum celestis doctrine. The Liber florum is an unusual work, some 55,000\nwords in its most commonly circulated form, comprising a devotional autobiography with\nvisions (the Book of Visions), a long liturgy for knowledge acquisition (the Book of Prayers)\nand a work of meditative figures (the Book of Figures). Unknown between the mid-sixteenth\nand late twentieth centuries, copies of the book began to be noticed in the late 1980s. The\nmajority of its more than twenty currently known manuscripts have been found over the last\nfifteen years. It survives in two authorial versions, the Old Compilation (OC) (1311) and the\nNew Compilation (NC) (1315), and two versions of a later redaction.1\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nThe book draws on many sources, including works of theology and liturgy that may be\nlinked to John\u2019s Benedictinism, and works classified as magical that may be linked to his\nyears at university. Notable in the latter category is the Ars notoria, a book of rituals involving\nprayers and figures attributed to Solomon, the main purpose of which is to transmit the\nliberal arts, philosophy and theology into the mind of the operator by divine infusion with\nthe assistance of the angels.2 John discovered the Ars notoria to be demonically corrupt and\nevil in operation, although he clearly saw it as holy in its original conception. Although the\nLiber florum also took on other agendas, it began as his attempt to provide a new ritual that\ncould achieve the same goals as the Ars notoria in a spiritually secure fashion.\nThe prayers of the Ars notoria are idiosyncratic in that they feature invocations in what is\nsaid to be a mix of \u201cGreek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldean, and Arabic\u201d written in such a way]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=461\nPages: 461,462\nas celestial or sacramental signs. Nevertheless, scribal creativity sometimes undermined these\nbids for orthodoxy, however, with stylized lions, oxen and dragons, swords, serpents and birds\nbeing drawn alongside the magical motifs and verba ignota.\nIn the early fourteenth century, a French Benedictine monk named John of Morigny\nwrote a book called the Liber florum celestis doctrine (The Flowers of Heavenly Teaching), a revision of the Ars notoria that tried to shift focus away from its unintelligibility and towards a less\nobscure ritual combination of Marian devotion and astrological ideas.53 The Liber florum was\n442\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\na practical manual for achieving a visionary ascent to the presence of God and knowledge\nof all the arts and sciences. John\u2019s claims to have had revelatory experiences were viewed\nwith suspicion and his work was burnt at the University of Paris in 1323. Nevertheless, his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=290\nPages: 290\nand quoted here as Liber tegumenti (\u201cBook of the Covering\u201d). This variant reading of the\ntitle fits well with Peter\u2019s conception of Plato as a philosopher who concealed elevated\ntruths so as to keep them out of the ignorant\u2019s reach: \u201cAnd therefore occultation should be\nused as much as possible, for he who reveals secret mysteries lessens the divinity, as Plato\nsaid\u201d.36 The two parts of this Pseudo-Platonic work were mentioned in Picatrix as \u201cthe\nGreater and the Lesser Books of Plato\u201d, 37 and it certainly guaranteed their authenticity in\nPeter\u2019s eyes, together with the fact that \u201cAlbert the Great\u201d used them as one of his main\nsources in De mirabilibus mundi. The passages quoted by Peter, who adapts them freely to\nhis purpose, deal with the arts the magus should know in order to understand how the\nsecret sciences work.38\nOnce again, Peter uses a work commonly deemed abominable \u2013 the De mirabilibus mundi]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\ntranslation, however, includes magic numerous times, mostly referring to Latin \u201coperare\u201d); Liber\nde essentia spirituum (communication by Sophie Page); Liber Runarum, ed. Paolo Lucentini, in Hermes\nTrismegisti. Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Gerrit Bos et al. (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 401\u201351; Liber\nAntimaquis, ed. Charles Burnett in Hermes Trismegisti. Astrologica et Divinatoria, ed. Bos et al. 177\u2013221;\n\u201cAl-Kindi. De radiis,\u201d ed. Marie-Th\u00e9r\u00e8se d\u2019Alverny and Fran\u00e7oise Hudry, Archives d\u2019histoire doctrinale\net litteraire du moyen age 49 (1974): 139\u2013260; Latin Cyranides, in Textes latins et vieux francais relatifs aux\nCyranides, ed. Delatte. Note that there may be two very different reasons for omitting the term:\n(1) the omission may indicate that the respective author didn\u2019t perceive the contents of the text to\nbe covered by the (first-order) concept of magic (two examples are, in my view, al-Kind\u012b\u2019s De radiis]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=124\nPages: 124\nwith Latin.19\nThe most remarkable work is the anonymous Libre de puritats [Book of secrets], which occupies the first two-thirds of the codex (ff. 3r-51v). It supposedly consisted of three sections.\nThe first section, based above all on Book VI of the Liber Razielis and some of the treatises\nassociated with it, teaches how to control angels, demons and other spirits by reciting the\nrelevant Psalms and performing rites, suffumigations and animal sacrifices in suitable astrological conditions in order to achieve the magician\u2019s aims. The second section, the only\none copied by another hand, seeks to explain a treatise entitled Art de caractas [Art of characters], attributed to Theberiadi (Omar Tiberiades?) focused on characters, namely combinations of stars that correspond to beings of the universe. The core of this part are ten tables\ngiving the value of the characters and letters. Almost all these come from another treatise]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=175\nPages: 175\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174,175\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional\nculture. This situation continued into the fifteenth century, as can be seen by the Recommendatio astronomiae, an anonymous tract defending astrology and magic in which Hermetic\ntexts are related to the works of the accepted authority Claudius Ptolemaeus in an attempt\nto bring talismanic images back into the framework of science.20\n155\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nThe Hermeticism of the Latin Middle Ages represented Hermes Trismegistus as the mythical custodian of an ancient wisdom, a kind of prophet, but also as a philosopher in whose\nwritings Arabic, Latin and Hebrew thinkers had sought answers to questions relating to theology, cosmology, ethics and the natural and occult sciences (in particular, medicine, astral\nmagic and alchemy).21 Recent scholarship on medieval Hermeticism, and on the magical,\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\nMy discussion of the relationship between the magic of marvels and the Latin Hermetic\ntexts is centred on two points: a) formal aspects; b) content aspects.\nThe Latin Hermetic texts deal with sympathetic, amuletic and talismanic magic, so\n\u00adHermetic magic can be divided into natural magic (for example, the Kyranides and the Liber\nde quattuor confectionibus ad omnia genera animalium capienda, discussed below) and ceremonial\nmagic. Almost all the Hermetic texts on ceremonial magic are as yet unpublished and they\ncan be classified according to the manuscripts\u2019 attributions to Hermes, Belenus, Toz \u00adGraecus\nand Toz Graecus \u2013 Germa Babilonensis.7 A study of the sources of the Book of the Marvels of the\nWorld showed the links in terms of content between this work and the sympathetic magic of\nthe Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. In particular, the manuscript Montpellier,\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176\nmagic with highly pronounced ceremonial components.34\nTurning now to the Hermetic texts belonging to the category of natural magic, the\n\u00adKyranides, referenced as an authority by the Book of the Marvels of the World, describes in alphabetical order the magical healing powers of plants, animals and stones, and their secret relationships.35 Also entitled The Book of Physical Virtues, Diseases and Treatments or Liber\nMedicinalis, this work is made up of two sections, the Kyranis attributed to the Persian king\nKyranus, and the Liber Therapeutikos by Harpokration of Alexandria. It was compiled by a\nByzantine author between the fifth and eighth centuries and was probably translated into\nLatin by the cleric Paschalis Romanus in 1169 at Constantinople. The first Kyranis, said to\nhave been carved in Syriac characters on an iron pillar, was given by Hermes Trismegistus\nto men so that they could be educated about the virtues of plants, fish, birds and twenty-four]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both\nare centred on how magic operates to create artificial life. The Hermetic image magic texts\ndeal with instructions for the drawing down of spiritual power or celestial virtue into objects, in\norder to transform them into instruments of magical action,2 whilst the magic of marvels represents an attempt to situate magical practices within a broader natural philosophical framework.\nDavid Pingree, in his essay From Hermes to Jabir, has shown that three cultural \u00adtraditions \u2013\nsymbolically represented in the legend of the \u201cthree Hermes\u201d (Egyptian, Harranian and\nMesopotamian) \u2013 contributed to the variety of Hermetic techniques for creating artificial\nlife. Here, we will deal with the first and second.3 The first cultural tradition contributing to\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,175\nmagic rite with smoke and the burning of incense.25 My final example from this group of\nHermetic magic texts, the De imaginibus et horis, describes the talismans to be fabricated at\ndifferent times of the day, every day of the week.26\nMy second group of Hermetic magic texts on talismans are those attributed to Belenus,\namong which the most popular and well known was the Liber imaginum Lunae. This work\nlists the talismans to be created when the moon is in each of its twenty-eight mansions.\nThe mansions refer to a star or a group of stars in which the moon appears or rests every\nnight during its monthly orbit.27 This composite text includes the De viginti quattuor horis,\nwhich lists the names of each of the twenty-four hours, specifies the classes of bodies that,\nin every single hour, direct their prayers to God, and for each hour indicates the projects\n156\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=137\nPages: 137\nattributed to the Russian Ivan Rykov (probably a cleric from the court of Ivan IV), which\nis a long and elaborate text on geomancy, originally Byzantine but rewritten for Russian\nChristians.23\nBesides divination, the usually short talismanic magic texts were also popular in the\n\u00adcodices of Central European university masters, court intellectuals and monks. The c\u00ad lassics\nof Thebit ibn Qurra and Ptolemy (De imaginibus and Opus imaginum), the Picatrix, the Seven\nmagic squares of the planets and some Hermetic texts have already been mentioned. The\nemergence of this genre seems to be almost exclusively imported from the West, with one\n\u00adpossible exception: two of the four surviving Libri runarum (a particular text combining\n\u00adhermetic talismanic magic with Scandinavian runes) have come to us from the Krakow\nregion. A considerable number of survived talismanic objects testify that the methods put\nforward in these texts were not only consulted but also followed and taken seriously.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=177\nPages: 177\nand perform many other occult acts. It is a Hermetic text of natural magic that can also be\nlinked to alchemy. One indication of Hermetic origins is noted by David Pingree who, in\n\u201cFrom Hermes to J\u0101bir and the Book of the Cow\u201d, hypothesized that the word naw\u0101m\u012bs, transcribed namusa, and meaning \u201csecrets\u201d, is not in fact the Greek nomos, meaning law. Thus, the\nterm tegumentum, which is found in the Latin prologue and which means the hiding or keeping\nof secrets, can be explained. The original Syriac version would be the work of Thabit ibn\nQurra, and the Kit\u0101b \u2018an-naw\u0101m\u012bs attributable to the prophet Hermes.38\nThe Liber vaccae is divided into two books, the Aneguemis maior, with forty-six experiments\nand the Aneguemis minor with forty-one, introduced with a commentary by pseudo-Hunayn.\nThe contents of these two books are set out in the prologue. This refers to the preparation and\npreliminary study of the plants, stones, animals and tools required for the magical operation:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=266\nPages: 266\nsuch as spirits\u2019 lists and ritual practices, with the homonymous writing by Solomon. The\nOrationes artis veteris, a set of twenty-one orations, as well as the Orationes testimoniales, four\nlong orations corresponding to the seasons, both quoted in full in the Summa, were either\ncontained or mentioned in Solomon\u2019s Magica.71 A selection of rituals is cited from the Liber\nRazielis, of which Ganellus had the short version consisting in the translation of the \u00adHebrew\nSefer ha-Razim.72 To the ars vetus also belongs a group of writings currently classified as\n\u00adHermetic such as the Prestigia by Toz Grecus, the Liber Saturni, the Liber Lune, the Liber\n\u00adVeneris, the Liber de capite Saturni and the Liber Antimaquis, all devoted to planetary magic, and\nsome texts considered by Ganellus to be less reputable such as the Liber vacce and the Liber\nkaracterum by Sumach.\nLess space but not less importance is given in the Summa to the sources of the ars nova. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=168\nPages: 168,172\n84 (2010): 2.\n149\nPart III\nK ey ge nr e s a n d f igu r e s\n12\nFrom H e rm et ic m agic to t h e\nm agic of m a rv e l s\nAntonella Sannino\nHermetic magic and the magic of marvels are two of the most characteristic features of medieval and early modern magic. They did not form a single coherent genre, but rather were two\ndifferent sources of astrological techniques that were categorized frequently under the natural\nsciences and empirical and experimental approaches to nature. The magical texts associated\nwith the names Hermes, Belenus and Toz Graecus, which form the basis of Hermetic magic,\nhave been identified by modern scholars as a distinctive group, with a common origin.1 The\nmost significant magic text to treat marvels, the Book of the Marvels of the World (De mirabilibus\nmundi), has recently received detailed attention from scholars who have examined its sources.\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nIn the case of other shared texts, the relationship between the Latin and Hebrew versions\nhas not yet been established. These include On the Twelve Images and the Use of the Psalms\n(though in one specific case a Christian appropriated a Hebrew psalter to produce a hybrid\nset of magical Psalms).5 As for astral magic, Reimund Leicht has observed,\nBy the Renaissance at the latest, various basic teachings of astrology and astral\nmagic had become the common property of Jews and Christians so thoroughly that\nin most cases a direct source can be determined only with great difficulty, if at all.6\nBut there are also instances in which the texts provide their own claims of provenance.\nA \u00adHermetic text known as On the Stations for the Cult of Venus includes the detail that it was translated from Hebrew by John of Seville, a statement that raises some doubt since the translator]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the\ndifferent magical traditions that are found in the Book of the Marvels of the World.8\nIn contrast, we know less about the links within the Hermetic ceremonial magic corpus.\nAll of these writings were translated from Arabic to Latin over a century between the first\nhalf of the 1100s and the first decades of the 1200s, continuing to c. 1260. According to\nDavid Pingree and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, most of these texts reached the West from\nthe Muslim world between the end of the eleventh century and the first half of the twelfth.\nThese ceremonial writings present\nthemselves in the form of mere collections of precepts [\u2026]; like all learned magic,\nHermetic magic has its institutional basis in astrology. The direct relationship\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=184\nPages: 184\n151\u2013209; D. Porreca, \u201cHermes Trismegistos: William of Auvergne\u2019s Mythical Authority\u201d, Archives\nd\u2019Histoire Doctrinale et Litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge 67 (2000): 143\u201358.\n16 Asclepius 41, 355, 13\u201314: \u201cHaec optantes convertimus nos ad puram et sine animalibus cenam\u201d.\n17 On Adelardus Bathensis, see Perrone Compagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II: Latin Middle Ages,\u201d 521:\nA fascination with knowledge, which is also power is evident throughout Adelard of Bath\u2019s\ncareer as a translator. In his Quaestiones naturales Adelard (ca. 1080\u20131155) unhesitatingly acknowledges his interest in magic and tells us how he took lessons from an aged expert in\nmagical operations. He is a true pioneer in exploring works on magic, and has the deliberate\ncultural objective of introducing this \u201cuseful\u201d and \u201cpuissant\u201d art into the scientific curriculum and legitimizing it as the operative branch of astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\n\u201c\u00adHermetic\u201d idolatry and \u201cSolomonic\u201d figurae to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s harsh response to the\nfigures in the Ars notoria.10 These condemnations and the figures\u2019 associations with demonic\nsigns and idolatry hampered efforts by some authors to establish the orthodoxy of their\ntexts. Nevertheless, they became significant ritual instruments, in part because of already\nexisting traditions of amulets with visual motifs. Simpler kinds of instrumental figures such\nas the \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d charm, laminas to heal wounds or aid with conception, and small\ncircular apotropaic figures copied onto folded parchments preceded and influenced the\ntraditions of learned magic, but were, in turn, transformed by them.\nMagical figures of all types were drawn by scribes rather than specialized illustrators.\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been\ntranslated. Under the guidance of Peter Sch\u00e4fer, several texts of mystical and magical significance have been edited and translated into German, including the major manuscripts\nof Hekhalot literature (Sch\u00e4fer), Tractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann), the Book of the Garment\n(Irina Wandrey), the Book of the Upright (Wandrey) and three volumes to date of magical texts\nfrom the Cairo Geniza (Sch\u00e4fer and Shaul Shaked). Sch\u00e4fer\u2019s team has also published the\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) and the Book of Secrets (Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer).41 The Hermes\nLatinus project has made the Hebrew versions of some Hermetic texts available, and a\n\u00adfuture volume is planned that will contain additional Hebrew texts. There is no translation\nor edition of the Book of Raziel as it existed in the Middle Ages, although some of its component pieces are included in the aforementioned publications, nor have the magical writings]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\ndoing he brought together the terminology from the Latin and the Arabic traditions.\nImage magic texts detail rituals to be performed over an image to imbue in it the powers of spirits or heavenly bodies, or to say it with the words of William of Auvergne,\nthey purport to fabricate images \u201cin which a kind of splendour of divinity and power\nof spirit (numen) was poured in\u201d.75 This mixture of two different \u201chermetic\u201d traditions,\nthe ancient \u201cEgyptian\u201d one and the Arabic astral magic rooted in the Ancient Near\nEast \u2013 to which it contributed the translation of the Arabic word for talisman as \u201cimage\u201d (imago)76 \u2013 often derived in confusion between both traditions. In his De vita coelitus\ncomparanda, Marsilio Ficino discusses the use of talismans in medicine, and again he\nrelates Arabic astral magic to the hermetic tradition:77\nYet the Arabs and the Egyptians ascribe so much power to statues and images fashioned by astronomical and magical art that they believe the spirits of the stars are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=177\nPages: 177,178\nwork. The Experimenta are precepts, formulas and mixtures. This is the prescriptive part of the\n158\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\ntext where the theory is put into practice. Here, the theoretical and speculative level of the previous pages is debased to the level of recipe and ritual, more typical of other hermetic magic\ntexts. In this middle section, the prescriptions for lamps and the fire derived from the work\nof Marcus Graecus, and experiments from the Aneguemis minor and the De proprietatibus come\ntogether. On the one hand, our author seems to deliberately ignore the Aneguemis maior, recognizing, in a sort of self-censorship, the danger of mixtures between humans and animals. On\nthe other hand, the debt of the De mirabilibus towards the Aneguemis minor or Liber vaccae is great,\nas has already been shown.40 In fact, the philosophical momentum of the first and third parts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=175\nPages: 175\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to\nToz and Germa Babiloniensis, has expanded our view of Hermes Trismegistus and his image\nduring the Middle Ages. Furthermore, scholars have recently argued that the old distinction\nbetween philosophical Hermeticism and occult Hermeticism is no longer sustainable.\nHermetic magic texts\nDavid Pingree has suggested that the ceremonial magical literature of Arabic origin can be\nclassified by distinguishing texts on the basis of the means used to achieve their effect: amulets\nor talismans. In this reading, an amulet is a stone, usually a gem, naturally endowed with occult virtues, whilst talisman is an image moulded or carved in metal, or in rare cases modelled\nin wax or clay. Vittoria Perrone Compagni has also introduced a distinction within Hermetic\nceremonial texts according to their attribution to Hermes, Belenus and Toz \u00adGraecus.22 I will]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174,175\nposition makes clear how difficult it was to integrate this new material within traditional\nculture. This situation continued into the fifteenth century, as can be seen by the Recommendatio astronomiae, an anonymous tract defending astrology and magic in which Hermetic\ntexts are related to the works of the accepted authority Claudius Ptolemaeus in an attempt\nto bring talismanic images back into the framework of science.20\n155\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nThe Hermeticism of the Latin Middle Ages represented Hermes Trismegistus as the mythical custodian of an ancient wisdom, a kind of prophet, but also as a philosopher in whose\nwritings Arabic, Latin and Hebrew thinkers had sought answers to questions relating to theology, cosmology, ethics and the natural and occult sciences (in particular, medicine, astral\nmagic and alchemy).21 Recent scholarship on medieval Hermeticism, and on the magical,\nastrological, medical and alchemical texts that were translated from Arabic and attributed to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\nMy discussion of the relationship between the magic of marvels and the Latin Hermetic\ntexts is centred on two points: a) formal aspects; b) content aspects.\nThe Latin Hermetic texts deal with sympathetic, amuletic and talismanic magic, so\n\u00adHermetic magic can be divided into natural magic (for example, the Kyranides and the Liber\nde quattuor confectionibus ad omnia genera animalium capienda, discussed below) and ceremonial\nmagic. Almost all the Hermetic texts on ceremonial magic are as yet unpublished and they\ncan be classified according to the manuscripts\u2019 attributions to Hermes, Belenus, Toz \u00adGraecus\nand Toz Graecus \u2013 Germa Babilonensis.7 A study of the sources of the Book of the Marvels of the\nWorld showed the links in terms of content between this work and the sympathetic magic of\nthe Kyranides and the Liber de quattuor confectionibus. In particular, the manuscript Montpellier,\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176\nmagic with highly pronounced ceremonial components.34\nTurning now to the Hermetic texts belonging to the category of natural magic, the\n\u00adKyranides, referenced as an authority by the Book of the Marvels of the World, describes in alphabetical order the magical healing powers of plants, animals and stones, and their secret relationships.35 Also entitled The Book of Physical Virtues, Diseases and Treatments or Liber\nMedicinalis, this work is made up of two sections, the Kyranis attributed to the Persian king\nKyranus, and the Liber Therapeutikos by Harpokration of Alexandria. It was compiled by a\nByzantine author between the fifth and eighth centuries and was probably translated into\nLatin by the cleric Paschalis Romanus in 1169 at Constantinople. The first Kyranis, said to\nhave been carved in Syriac characters on an iron pillar, was given by Hermes Trismegistus\nto men so that they could be educated about the virtues of plants, fish, birds and twenty-four]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both\nare centred on how magic operates to create artificial life. The Hermetic image magic texts\ndeal with instructions for the drawing down of spiritual power or celestial virtue into objects, in\norder to transform them into instruments of magical action,2 whilst the magic of marvels represents an attempt to situate magical practices within a broader natural philosophical framework.\nDavid Pingree, in his essay From Hermes to Jabir, has shown that three cultural \u00adtraditions \u2013\nsymbolically represented in the legend of the \u201cthree Hermes\u201d (Egyptian, Harranian and\nMesopotamian) \u2013 contributed to the variety of Hermetic techniques for creating artificial\nlife. Here, we will deal with the first and second.3 The first cultural tradition contributing to\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,175\nmagic rite with smoke and the burning of incense.25 My final example from this group of\nHermetic magic texts, the De imaginibus et horis, describes the talismans to be fabricated at\ndifferent times of the day, every day of the week.26\nMy second group of Hermetic magic texts on talismans are those attributed to Belenus,\namong which the most popular and well known was the Liber imaginum Lunae. This work\nlists the talismans to be created when the moon is in each of its twenty-eight mansions.\nThe mansions refer to a star or a group of stars in which the moon appears or rests every\nnight during its monthly orbit.27 This composite text includes the De viginti quattuor horis,\nwhich lists the names of each of the twenty-four hours, specifies the classes of bodies that,\nin every single hour, direct their prayers to God, and for each hour indicates the projects\n156\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=137\nPages: 137\nattributed to the Russian Ivan Rykov (probably a cleric from the court of Ivan IV), which\nis a long and elaborate text on geomancy, originally Byzantine but rewritten for Russian\nChristians.23\nBesides divination, the usually short talismanic magic texts were also popular in the\n\u00adcodices of Central European university masters, court intellectuals and monks. The c\u00ad lassics\nof Thebit ibn Qurra and Ptolemy (De imaginibus and Opus imaginum), the Picatrix, the Seven\nmagic squares of the planets and some Hermetic texts have already been mentioned. The\nemergence of this genre seems to be almost exclusively imported from the West, with one\n\u00adpossible exception: two of the four surviving Libri runarum (a particular text combining\n\u00adhermetic talismanic magic with Scandinavian runes) have come to us from the Krakow\nregion. A considerable number of survived talismanic objects testify that the methods put\nforward in these texts were not only consulted but also followed and taken seriously.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=177\nPages: 177\nand perform many other occult acts. It is a Hermetic text of natural magic that can also be\nlinked to alchemy. One indication of Hermetic origins is noted by David Pingree who, in\n\u201cFrom Hermes to J\u0101bir and the Book of the Cow\u201d, hypothesized that the word naw\u0101m\u012bs, transcribed namusa, and meaning \u201csecrets\u201d, is not in fact the Greek nomos, meaning law. Thus, the\nterm tegumentum, which is found in the Latin prologue and which means the hiding or keeping\nof secrets, can be explained. The original Syriac version would be the work of Thabit ibn\nQurra, and the Kit\u0101b \u2018an-naw\u0101m\u012bs attributable to the prophet Hermes.38\nThe Liber vaccae is divided into two books, the Aneguemis maior, with forty-six experiments\nand the Aneguemis minor with forty-one, introduced with a commentary by pseudo-Hunayn.\nThe contents of these two books are set out in the prologue. This refers to the preparation and\npreliminary study of the plants, stones, animals and tools required for the magical operation:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=266\nPages: 266\nsuch as spirits\u2019 lists and ritual practices, with the homonymous writing by Solomon. The\nOrationes artis veteris, a set of twenty-one orations, as well as the Orationes testimoniales, four\nlong orations corresponding to the seasons, both quoted in full in the Summa, were either\ncontained or mentioned in Solomon\u2019s Magica.71 A selection of rituals is cited from the Liber\nRazielis, of which Ganellus had the short version consisting in the translation of the \u00adHebrew\nSefer ha-Razim.72 To the ars vetus also belongs a group of writings currently classified as\n\u00adHermetic such as the Prestigia by Toz Grecus, the Liber Saturni, the Liber Lune, the Liber\n\u00adVeneris, the Liber de capite Saturni and the Liber Antimaquis, all devoted to planetary magic, and\nsome texts considered by Ganellus to be less reputable such as the Liber vacce and the Liber\nkaracterum by Sumach.\nLess space but not less importance is given in the Summa to the sources of the ars nova. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=168\nPages: 168,172\n84 (2010): 2.\n149\nPart III\nK ey ge nr e s a n d f igu r e s\n12\nFrom H e rm et ic m agic to t h e\nm agic of m a rv e l s\nAntonella Sannino\nHermetic magic and the magic of marvels are two of the most characteristic features of medieval and early modern magic. They did not form a single coherent genre, but rather were two\ndifferent sources of astrological techniques that were categorized frequently under the natural\nsciences and empirical and experimental approaches to nature. The magical texts associated\nwith the names Hermes, Belenus and Toz Graecus, which form the basis of Hermetic magic,\nhave been identified by modern scholars as a distinctive group, with a common origin.1 The\nmost significant magic text to treat marvels, the Book of the Marvels of the World (De mirabilibus\nmundi), has recently received detailed attention from scholars who have examined its sources.\nThis paper will focus on the relationships between these two different genres of magic. Both]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nIn the case of other shared texts, the relationship between the Latin and Hebrew versions\nhas not yet been established. These include On the Twelve Images and the Use of the Psalms\n(though in one specific case a Christian appropriated a Hebrew psalter to produce a hybrid\nset of magical Psalms).5 As for astral magic, Reimund Leicht has observed,\nBy the Renaissance at the latest, various basic teachings of astrology and astral\nmagic had become the common property of Jews and Christians so thoroughly that\nin most cases a direct source can be determined only with great difficulty, if at all.6\nBut there are also instances in which the texts provide their own claims of provenance.\nA \u00adHermetic text known as On the Stations for the Cult of Venus includes the detail that it was translated from Hebrew by John of Seville, a statement that raises some doubt since the translator]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\n\u00c9cole de m\u00e9decine, MS H 277 is very useful for understanding the precise links between the\ndifferent magical traditions that are found in the Book of the Marvels of the World.8\nIn contrast, we know less about the links within the Hermetic ceremonial magic corpus.\nAll of these writings were translated from Arabic to Latin over a century between the first\nhalf of the 1100s and the first decades of the 1200s, continuing to c. 1260. According to\nDavid Pingree and Vittoria Perrone Compagni, most of these texts reached the West from\nthe Muslim world between the end of the eleventh century and the first half of the twelfth.\nThese ceremonial writings present\nthemselves in the form of mere collections of precepts [\u2026]; like all learned magic,\nHermetic magic has its institutional basis in astrology. The direct relationship\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to\nthe medieval Hermetic tradition. The anthology finishes with the first survived \u2013 and only\nillustrated \u2013 long version of the Latin Picatrix, more precisely its first two books. From external\nevidence (descriptions of sixteenth-century travellers), it seems that the zoomorphic decanic\nand planetary illustrations of the codex were copied on the walls of the royal palace of\nKrakow, the Wawel \u2013 a telling sign of the direct cultural impact of the codex.\nDissemination of manuscripts\nThough the evidence is both geographically and temporally scattered, the number of magic\ntexts that survived in East and Central European libraries from the fifteenth century is not\nnegligible. Among these libraries, university book collections dominate, but royal collections\n(as we have seen above) and to a smaller extent monastic libraries also played a considerable]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=184\nPages: 184\n151\u2013209; D. Porreca, \u201cHermes Trismegistos: William of Auvergne\u2019s Mythical Authority\u201d, Archives\nd\u2019Histoire Doctrinale et Litt\u00e9raire du Moyen \u00c2ge 67 (2000): 143\u201358.\n16 Asclepius 41, 355, 13\u201314: \u201cHaec optantes convertimus nos ad puram et sine animalibus cenam\u201d.\n17 On Adelardus Bathensis, see Perrone Compagni, \u201cHermetic Literature II: Latin Middle Ages,\u201d 521:\nA fascination with knowledge, which is also power is evident throughout Adelard of Bath\u2019s\ncareer as a translator. In his Quaestiones naturales Adelard (ca. 1080\u20131155) unhesitatingly acknowledges his interest in magic and tells us how he took lessons from an aged expert in\nmagical operations. He is a true pioneer in exploring works on magic, and has the deliberate\ncultural objective of introducing this \u201cuseful\u201d and \u201cpuissant\u201d art into the scientific curriculum and legitimizing it as the operative branch of astrology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\n\u201c\u00adHermetic\u201d idolatry and \u201cSolomonic\u201d figurae to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s harsh response to the\nfigures in the Ars notoria.10 These condemnations and the figures\u2019 associations with demonic\nsigns and idolatry hampered efforts by some authors to establish the orthodoxy of their\ntexts. Nevertheless, they became significant ritual instruments, in part because of already\nexisting traditions of amulets with visual motifs. Simpler kinds of instrumental figures such\nas the \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d charm, laminas to heal wounds or aid with conception, and small\ncircular apotropaic figures copied onto folded parchments preceded and influenced the\ntraditions of learned magic, but were, in turn, transformed by them.\nMagical figures of all types were drawn by scribes rather than specialized illustrators.\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nelements in Christian magic can begin by turning to those primary sources that have been\ntranslated. Under the guidance of Peter Sch\u00e4fer, several texts of mystical and magical significance have been edited and translated into German, including the major manuscripts\nof Hekhalot literature (Sch\u00e4fer), Tractate Hekhalot (Klaus Herrmann), the Book of the Garment\n(Irina Wandrey), the Book of the Upright (Wandrey) and three volumes to date of magical texts\nfrom the Cairo Geniza (Sch\u00e4fer and Shaul Shaked). Sch\u00e4fer\u2019s team has also published the\nUse of the Psalms (Bill Rebiger) and the Book of Secrets (Rebiger and Sch\u00e4fer).41 The Hermes\nLatinus project has made the Hebrew versions of some Hermetic texts available, and a\n\u00adfuture volume is planned that will contain additional Hebrew texts. There is no translation\nor edition of the Book of Raziel as it existed in the Middle Ages, although some of its component pieces are included in the aforementioned publications, nor have the magical writings]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\ndoing he brought together the terminology from the Latin and the Arabic traditions.\nImage magic texts detail rituals to be performed over an image to imbue in it the powers of spirits or heavenly bodies, or to say it with the words of William of Auvergne,\nthey purport to fabricate images \u201cin which a kind of splendour of divinity and power\nof spirit (numen) was poured in\u201d.75 This mixture of two different \u201chermetic\u201d traditions,\nthe ancient \u201cEgyptian\u201d one and the Arabic astral magic rooted in the Ancient Near\nEast \u2013 to which it contributed the translation of the Arabic word for talisman as \u201cimage\u201d (imago)76 \u2013 often derived in confusion between both traditions. In his De vita coelitus\ncomparanda, Marsilio Ficino discusses the use of talismans in medicine, and again he\nrelates Arabic astral magic to the hermetic tradition:77\nYet the Arabs and the Egyptians ascribe so much power to statues and images fashioned by astronomical and magical art that they believe the spirits of the stars are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=177\nPages: 177,178\nwork. The Experimenta are precepts, formulas and mixtures. This is the prescriptive part of the\n158\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\ntext where the theory is put into practice. Here, the theoretical and speculative level of the previous pages is debased to the level of recipe and ritual, more typical of other hermetic magic\ntexts. In this middle section, the prescriptions for lamps and the fire derived from the work\nof Marcus Graecus, and experiments from the Aneguemis minor and the De proprietatibus come\ntogether. On the one hand, our author seems to deliberately ignore the Aneguemis maior, recognizing, in a sort of self-censorship, the danger of mixtures between humans and animals. On\nthe other hand, the debt of the De mirabilibus towards the Aneguemis minor or Liber vaccae is great,\nas has already been shown.40 In fact, the philosophical momentum of the first and third parts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=248\nPages: 248\nin Mantua, is the only one that was later printed by Regiomontanus, in 1540. Two works\non magic are kept in late medieval manuscripts: a short Glosa super ymagines duodecim signorum\nHermetis (\u201cGloss on the images of the twelve signs of Hermes\u201d) and a longer treatise De occultis\net manifestis (\u201cOn Occult and Manifest Things\u201d). Both of them are extant in an Italian codex\nfrom the fifteenth century: ms. Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, latinus 7337; the\nGlosa is also contained, anonymously, in a manuscript of the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana,\nlatinus 4085. Both texts have been recently edited. Three \u201cexperimenta\u201d or tales about talismanic experiences, found in both manuscripts, can also be ascribed to him.24\nBesides the obvious reasons of theological censorship and legal risks, as shown by the\ntragic example of Cecco\u2019s death, it was also a theoretical impossibility to assume the authorship of a magical text. Generally, a magical text contained specific recipes, rituals,]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80,79\nand instead focus on identifying and refining three \u201cconstitutive terms\u201d that denote elements\nor subcategories of the undefinable meta-category \u201cmagic\u201d: \u201cconjuration\u201d, \u201csymbolic manipulation\u201d and \u201cdirectly efficacious volition\u201d.\nI am very sympathetic to Kieckhefer\u2019s approach as it resembles my own suggestion to develop \u201copen and flexible taxonomies\u201d of narrative or ritual patterns that appear in sources\nof medieval \u201clearned magic\u201d. Alluding to a formulation recently used by Egil Asprem, both\n60\nResponses\nKieckhefer and I seem to believe that a substantial \u201creverse-engineering\u201d1 of the concept\nof \u201cmagic\u201d is necessary, as it allows for breaking down this \u201ccomplex cultural construct\u201d (to\nuse Asprem\u2019s terminology) into smaller, more specific and thus easier to handle \u201cbuilding\nblocks\u201d. The same idea underlies the concept of \u201cpatterns of magicity\u201d which I have elsewhere proposed with Michael Stausberg,2 but which has not (yet) been adapted to medieval\nsources.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nthe \u201cinsider\u201d categories used by those who practised magic, or the categories of churchmen\nwho condemned magic. He suggests that scholars need to find their own modern, scholarly\nterms for the phenomena they study. These will allow analyses of medieval magic which\ndistinguish between different phenomena that medieval writers may group together, or\nconversely highlight the similarities between phenomena which medieval writers regarded\nas distinct. He goes on to suggest some possible categories that can be used to analyse different aspects of the relationship between magic and religion.\nThese four pieces highlight different, often contrasting, approaches to how scholars can or\nshould define magic; whether the term \u201cmagic\u201d is useful for scholarly analysis at all; whose\ndefinitions scholars should use (medieval or modern, insider or outsider); and the ways in\nwhich different definitions allow us to ask different questions about medieval magic or focus]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=49\nPages: 49\nThomas follows Augustine in discussing magic in the category of superstition, under the\nbroader category of vices antithetical to the virtue of justice, but his distinctions are further\nrefined. According to Thomas \u201csuperstition is contrary to religion by excess \u2026 because it\noffers divine worship either to whom it ought not, or in a manner it ought not\u201d.11 Thomas\nbreaks magic down into subcategories according to how its specific practices relate to religion:\nThe species of superstition are differentiated, first on the part of the mode, secondly\non the part of the object. For the divine worship may be given either to whom it\nought to be given, namely, to the true God, but \u201cin an undue mode,\u201d and this is\nthe first species of superstition; or to whom it ought not to be given, namely, to any\ncreature whatsoever, and this is another genus of superstition \u2026. the first species of\nthis genus is \u201cidolatry,\u201d which unduly gives divine honor to a creature. The second]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=318\nPages: 318\nThere has been a strong temptation in twentieth-century scholarship on medicine and\nmagic in the Middle Ages to try to separate healing into categories defined as rational (usually scholastic medicine), religious (employing prayer, and the intercessory power attributed\nto the Virgin Mary and the saints) and magical (amulets, spells, charms). As pointed out\nby Peregrine Horden in \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with Early Medieval Medicine?\u201d, this has often\nresulted in a dismissal of early medieval medicine as a deplorable mixing up of these categories, whereas later medieval medicine is congratulated for having sorted them out. The\ncategories themselves are derived from twentieth-century paradigms that have little real usefulness as analytic tools for historians. Instead, Horden argues for an approach recognizing\nthat early (and late) medieval scribes and readers had no problem themselves in juxtaposing\nand combining prognostications and remedies various in origin into textual miscellanies]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=506\nPages: 506\nThe category of superstition, as deployed by medieval churchmen, encompassed a vast\narray of practices, ranging from simple rites for healing and protection to complex rituals\nfor divination or demonic invocation. It was a far broader term than witchcraft (maleficium),\nsorcery (sortilegium) or even \u201cthe magical arts\u201d (artes magicae). Often when exploring the history of magic, modern scholars have preferred those other categories, and have generally\ntried to understand them in as clear and precise a manner as possible. It is fairly standard,\nfor example, for scholars to avoid referring to any form of harmful magic (maleficium) in the\nMiddle Ages as \u201cwitchcraft\u201d until we reach the fifteenth century and begin to encounter\naccusations of \u201cwitches\u201d (malefici or maleficae) operating in clearly diabolical, conspiratorial]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=521\nPages: 521\nto each increasing its respective knowledge base and both being better able to explore the\ncontinuities and points of difference between magic and witchcraft.\nFurthermore, the distinction made by scholars between magic, sorcery and witchcraft\nhas contributed to the creation of categories that are not always those employed by medieval writers.1 The term \u201cmagic\u201d groups together the practices of natural, ritual and demonic magic without differentiation, although medieval clerics attempted to distinguish\nthem to establish a conceptual and normative framework. Medieval thinkers did not have\na coherent category of sorcery (in the sense of maleficent magic), and the term can only\nbe understood in opposition to witchcraft (or conspiratorial witchcraft), which did not develop until the fifteenth century. Likewise, people in the Middle Ages probably did not\nseparate learned magicians and illiterate witches to the same extent as current historians.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=71\nPages: 71\nmarking out these \u201cemic\u201d concepts from the \u201cetic\u201d concepts that the historian constructs.\nEvidently, the \u201cetic\u201d concepts created by historians should be carefully and clearly articulated, a process closer to the heart of the historians task than the phrase \u201cdefining one\u2019s\nterms\u201d might suggest.\nSo I would suggest the following categories or ideal types:15\nMagic = the use of non-physical (and not merely mental) forces to serve the magicians ends,\nwhether good or bad.\nReligious magic = the above, within the framework of a religious system. The passage\nquoted above, after Keith Thomas, from the commonplace book of Robert Reynys, is an\nexample from within the later medieval Church. The thinking is genuinely magical as we\nhave defined it, and theologians would probably have disapproved while dismissing it as\nharmless.\nA religious system = a set of ways of giving meaning to the world and human action in\nwhich non-physical (and not merely mental) factors play a part (it is best not to mention]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=157\nPages: 157,158\ncut from whole cloth. The principal sources of information about magic in the medieval\nNorth are here for ease of presentation divided into the following categories: normative texts;\nnarratives; vocabulary; charms, including runic inscriptions; and material culture.\nThe common thread among normative texts, such as the Nordic law codes, synodal statutes, homilies, penitentials and so on, is that they all reflect the authorities\u2019 overtly negative assessments of magical behaviours and frequently detail appropriate sanctions against\npractitioners. Another commonly shared feature is that they often refer only in passing,\n138\nS c a n d i n av i a\nsometimes even obscurely, to the practices they condemn; in some instances, this tendency\nmay be supposed to depend on the fact that these phenomena were widely known and\nrequired no explanation or detailed description, but in other instances, perhaps such treatment should be understood to suggest that novel concepts are being introduced.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=72\nPages: 72\nbound to give up sex and meat, because they had technically joined the ranks of the perfect.\nIt must be emphasized again that these are ideal types: conceptual distinctions drawn by the\nhistorian to identify forms of life and thought that are inextricably mixed up together in the\nactual life of the past. One can think of them as a kind of colour coding to help us identify\ndifferent elements in the complex mixture that we are working on. Note too that \u201creligion\u201d\nand \u201cmagic\u201d are not treated even conceptually as mutually exclusive categories. This enables\nthe conceptual scheme to cope comfortably with the distinctively religious forms of magic\nstudied, notably, by Sophie Page.\nThis conceptual scheme has another advantage: It avoids collapsing the categories of\nmagic and heresy into one another, as the idea of magic as \u201cwhat lacked official approval\u201d\nwould logically tend to do. Yet, another advantage is that these concepts are relatively free]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=67\nPages: 67\nof the concepts of medieval people. Catherine Rider does this in her excellent Magic and\nReligion in Medieval England (London: Reaktion Books, 2012). She simply follows the contours of the categories of the pastoral manuals which she mines so successfully for data\non magic. Ultimately, this is also the approach advocated with great sophistication in a\nclassic article by Richard Kieckhefer.1 He was engaged in a polite polemic against the\nview of Valerie Flint that a lot of what the medieval Church got up to could be called\nmagic (but in a good way): in particular, pagan practices had been incorporated to ease\nthe process of conversion. Against that, Kieckhefer put the case for taking seriously\nthe medieval clergy\u2019s categories, and especially the idea of magic as involving demonic\npower.\nCertainly, it is a medieval, \u201cemic\u201d, idea that the use of the mysterious virtutes attributed\nto stones or herbs or diagrams is really a cover for demonic activity. The thirteenth-century]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40\nmagic, as if they could apply to all magic, it is equally pointless to try to sort out distinct\ntypes or forms of magic, as if there were enforceable boundaries. Typologies are no more\nhelpful than essences.\nA second clarification is important. One might expect that if the constitutive terms can\nbe given clear, precise and stable meaning, this precision would then transfer to aggregating term \u201cmagic\u201d \u2013 that the clarity of the parts would be communicated to the whole\nthat they constitute. The problem is that even if the constitutive terms can be given stable\nmeaning in themselves, they are unstable in relationship to each other and to the aggregating term that encompasses them. In actual usage, historical and modern, different\nspeakers and hearers, writers and readers, will have different sets of particulars in mind.\nI am proposing three constitutive terms under the category of magic, but others might offer]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=508\nPages: 508\nbecome superstitious. As noted above, Augustine mentioned some categories of potentially\nsuperstitious practices when he defined superstition in De doctrina Christiana: the magic arts\nin their entirety, divination and augury, and healing charms, and he would later add erroneous forms of astrology as well as \u201cutterly inane observances\u201d like stepping on the threshold whenever one passed one\u2019s house or going back to bed if one sneezed while dressing in\nthe morning.19 Another important typology was Isidore of Seville\u2019s categorization of different kinds of magicians in his early seventh-century work Etymologies. These included malefici,\nwho could \u201cagitate the elements, disturb the minds of people, and kill by the force of their\nspells without any drinking of poison\u201d; necromancers, who raised the dead to prophesy; augurs, who divined by the flights of birds; astrologers (mathematici), who observed the course]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=334\nPages: 334\nof certain things, which are commonly called manipulations or shufflings, and these are\ngreat marvels to men, until they know how they are done.\u201d12 In other words, these are the\nkinds of illusions that are done by jugglers and other entertainers; they do not play a large\nrole in William\u2019s theory, but later readers of his work will make more use of this category.\nThe second type of magic will occupy most of William\u2019s attention: phenomena that \u201chave\nno reality at all outside of appearance, which are brought about by the addition or removal\nof certain things.\u201d13\nWilliam began his examination of this second genus of magic with an illusion with certain types of lamps that produce misleading visions.14 His first example is a lamp made\nof wax and \u201csulphurated\u201d snake skin. This lamp is lit in a place where there are no other\nlamps, and where the floor is strewn with straw and chaff: then, he said, the individual]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=157\nPages: 157\nthe traditions practiced by non-elites and the \u201cnatural magic\u201d of elites \u2013 on the one hand,\nthere were various forms of charm magic and witchcraft-related activities; on the other\nhand, there existed a growing interest in, for example, alchemy and what might be termed\nChristian \u201cmagic\u201d, that is, practices that operationally resemble charm magic but which\nwere carried out with the tacit, sometimes explicit approval of Church authorities.20\nMagic is categorized differently in the medieval Nordic sources themselves, however,\na bifurcation that mainly concerns itself with the effects of such practices. Here, working\nwithin the world of living traditions of charms and other practical applications of inherited\nand borrowed magic, medieval Scandinavian ecclesiastical and secular authorities periodically established carefully wrought typologies of magic. Thus, for example, the medieval\nIcelandic laws known collectively as Gr\u00e1g\u00e1s begin one section by condemning the veneration]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=68\nPages: 68\nexplained. This kind of \u201cmagic\u201d has little to do with the other medieval understanding of\nthe term: which points to a world of demonic activity or at least to non-natural forces quite\ndifferent in kind to those that science explicates, and available as a special source of power.\nAs a category, ars magica includes too much to generate questions going beyond \u201cwhat did\nthey mean by ars magica?\u201d\nThe problem might be dodged by concentrating our attention on different medieval\nterms: divinatio, divinus (sorcerer, magus), divina (sorceress, witch). A fascinating discussion\nof divinatio etc. by a northern Italian Franciscan writing circa 1300 (whose thoughts on\nthis and many other subjects are recorded in MS Birmingham University 6/iii/19) takes\nus through most of the types of activity and forms of thought we associate with medieval]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nto measure the messiness and note phenomena that only partly embody the concept or\nwhere it is mixed up with other elements. That his three constitutive concepts correspond\nto three types of thought and practice that tend to be associated \u201con the ground\u201d is a further stage of analysis. The association between these three practices is itself an illuminating ideal type. They do not have to go together, but in the Middle Ages they tended to go\ntogether. All this advances our understanding of the field by providing better conceptual\ntools.\n\u201cMagic\u201d is relegated by Kieckhefer to the category of \u201caggregative concepts\u201d that maps\nfairly well on to what I would call the concepts of ordinary language as opposed to precise\nidealtypes. He makes clear his view that \u201cmagic\u201d is a lost cause if one wants precise conceptual language. So far as that is concerned, his colours are nailed so firmly to the mast\nthat I entertain no hope of shaking his views. I would only comment that abandonment]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=251\nPages: 251\navailable doctrines of natural magic: occult properties deriving from astrological influence,\nand the power of imagination. This, for example, justifies the popular belief that meeting\nan unfortunate man in the morning is nasty.\nThe second category of images, rings and phylacteries is \u201cmagical\u201d: they are occult insofar as they are \u201crather remote from\u201d our \u201csensory faculties\u201d. The process includes rituals\nsuch as incantations, exorcisms and suffumigations. As it seems, Antonio suggests two different ways: either compelling the Intelligences \u2013 probably through the divine power \u2013 or\npraying to the Intelligence and showing reverence to them. Old women are particularly\neffective in these magical operations, because their will is especially strong.\nThe third kind of magical objects is based on a combination of the first two categories,\nthe astrological and magical. Antonio writes that this procedure is regarded as the most]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\n\u201clearned magic\u201d (now using my own terminology) actually fall under d\u2019Avray\u2019s category of\n\u201creligious magic\u201d, and some sources might even be subsumed under his rather indigestive\ncategory \u201cnon-magical religion\u201d (consider the pivotal ritual goal of visio beatifica in the Liber\niuratus which seems to correspond to his formulation \u201cThe human agent may be a vehicle\nfor the exercise of supernatural forces by a divine agent, but those forces must not be regarded as his own tool or weapon\u201d). However, as d\u2019Avray himself concedes that his \u201cideal\ntypes\u201d are artificial and only serve analytical purposes in specialized scholarship, he might\naccept these lacunae in the light of other insights gained by the suggested \u201cetic\u201d apparatus.\nBut even if d\u2019Avray\u2019s \u201cideal-types\u201d had sufficient conceptual validity, it remains to be\nasked whether they actually have analytical value. If it is not for comparative purposes (as\nin the case of his swift comparison with Evans-Pritchard\u2019s Azande, which rather reveals]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52,53\nsecond-order, theoretical academic discourse, among other reasons because\nwe have better and more precise scholarly taxa for each of the phenomena commonly denotated by \u201cmagic\u201d which, among other benefits, create more useful categories for comparison. For any culture I am familiar with, we can trade places\nbetween the corpus of materials conventionally labeled \u201cmagical\u201d and corpora designated by other generic terms (e.g. healing, divining, execrative) with no cognitive\nloss.18\nBut while I concede the benefits of using these taxa for comparative purposes, it seems plain\nto me that the excision of \u201cmagic\u201d from our scholarly/theoretical discourse does entail a\ncognitive loss; for the problem itself is lost in any attempt to reduce magic to any specific set of\ninstantiations, theories, practices or technologies. I find this to be a difficulty with all lines\n33\nC l a i r e Fa n g e r\nof thought, which, following Smith, suggests that \u201cmagic\u201d can be eschewed as a scholarly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=509\nPages: 509\nthe potential ends to which that power could be used, whereas modern scholars tend to\ncategorize practices in terms of healing spells, harmful sorcery, love magic and the like.24\nModern scholars also tend to emphasize the basic distinction between common practices\nwidespread throughout medieval society and more rarified elite practices that required\nsome degree of Latin learning and typically involved more complex procedures, often recorded in instructive books or manuals. Such distinctions were not formally part of any\nmedieval typology of magical or superstitious practices. For example, William\u2019s category\nof rites focusing on astral bodies included both learned astrology and simple spells uttered\nto the rising sun or the new moon. Medieval writers did recognize this basic distinction,\nhowever, at least in their rhetoric if not in their abstract theorizing. They were keen to assert\nthat many superstitions were mainly, if not exclusively, the domain of common folk, foolish]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136,135\n\u00adoriented anthology of geomantic divination (methods of answering everyday questions with\nthe help of a partially random, partially algorithmic procedure). The number of multicoloured full page charts, point diagrams, squares and combinatorial wheel systems helping\nthe user follow the divinatory practices is also exceptional. Besides divination, talismanic\nmagic is the other main focus of the handbook, including the famous talismans of the seven\nmagic squares (also appearing in Agrippa, Cardano and even on D\u00fcrer\u2019s engraving, the\n116\nC e n t r a l a n d E a s t e r n E u ro p e\n\u201cMelancolia I\u201d), the practices of which involved suffumigations and other ritual magic elements. Besides that, the codex comprises such \u201cclassics\u201d as Thebit ibn Qurra\u2019s popular De\nimaginibus (On talismans), Pseudo-Ptolemy\u2019s Opus imaginum, similar in nature to the previous\ntext, Pseudo-Albertus Magnus\u2019s Secretum de sigillo Leonis, and several shorter texts belonging to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\nrectangle enchanting a wax figure in Alfonso X\u2019s Book of Astromagic, where he ordered\nthe reader to gather several Arabic texts of astral magic mainly devoted to giving detailed instructions for the construction of talismans through prayers and suffumigations, pouring the spirits of the celestial bodies into stones inscribed with images and\ncharacters. In these magically vivified sculptures and talismans, we find a mixture\nof the ancient \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d \u2013 attributed to the Egyptians in the ancient\nworld \u2013 and Arabic astral magic, whose origins were in the Ancient Near East. In both\nthe case of the vivification of statues and that of the creation of talismans, this art of\nimbuing spirits in images to imprint them with life was attributed in the Middle Ages\nto Hermes Trismegistus. Since in his City of God Augustine quoted the words in the\nhermetic Asclepius about the \u201cart of fabricating gods\u201d, Trismegistus was considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the\nclassification of the parts of astrology, under the elections is put the \u201cscience of images\u201d, that\nis the art of making magical figures and talismans, though not every kind of image, but only\nthe \u201castrological images\u201d. To catch the real meaning of this notion, we must briefly look\nback to the history of astrological talismans in the Latin Middle Ages.\nAstrological talismans had been introduced to the Christian West in translations of scientific texts from Greek and Arabic to Latin in the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. These\ntranslations brought not only astrology but also astral magic, a magic which partly originated\nin the oriental part of the Islamic lands. David Pingree and other scholars have proposed that\nthis magic was mostly derived from the Sabeans of Harr\u00e2n, a polytheistic sect whose religion]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173,174\n\u00adbetween the motion of the stars and sublunary events, the existence of a specific\ninfluence of each celestial body on given aspects of worldly life and hence the possibility of establishing causal links by calculable laws [\u2026]; the texts include operative\nrituals such as prayers, suffumigations, and pronunciations and writing of mysterious names.9\nTalismanic magic uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, according\nto the principles of the universe. In the Picatrix, for example, planetary forces are used to\nperform spells, and to prepare poisons or medicines, with the aim (for example) of helping\n154\nF ro m H e r m e t i c m a g i c t o t h e m a g i c o f m a rv e l s\nsomeone gain their beloved or have revenge on their enemy.10 The talisman acts as the connection between heavenly virtues and earthly virtues. One who wants to learn the system of\nmaking talismans has to know in depth the science of correspondences between the planets,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=458\nPages: 458,459\nfaith were strong, although others claim to be effective even they had not confessed.39 Why\nFigure 30.5 \u0007Seven circular magical figures, Paris, Biblioth\u00e8que nationale de France, MS lat. 3269, fol.\n85r.\n439\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninclude graphic and often recognizably magical elements on a textual amulet? First, because their mystery evoked the sacred. The user is encouraged to view some of these figures\nas \u201cthe ineffable word of God\u201d, \u201cthe name of God by which all things were made\u201d, \u201cthe seal\nof King Solomon\u201d or the special symbol (signum) of a particular saint.40 The graphic form\nof these figures had other advantages, especially since the primary goal of textual amulets\nwas to protect against the physical and spiritual blow of a sudden death. Figures could be\nactivated by the gaze, a quicker stimulant of protection than the recitation of a charm or\nprayer and one that might be easier to locate quickly when it was needed.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=195\nPages: 195,196\nwhich recalls the interpretation given by Petrus Alfonsi, (4) the science of images, that is\n176\nT h e n o t i o n o f p ro p e rt i e s\nto say talismans or astral magic in a more general sense, (5) agriculture, (6) navigation,\n(7) the \u00adscience of mirrors (catoptrics) and (8) alchemy.40 Charles Burnett has shown that\n\u00adGundisalvi\u2019s division was taken from the De ortu scientiarum, a work on the division of\nsciences that was adapted from an anonymous Arabic work.41 This text probably also influenced Daniel of Morley, an Englishman who said that he went to Toledo at the end of the\ntwelfth century to observe the dynamism of the new Arabic sciences. In his Liber de naturis\ninferiorum et superiorum (between 1175 and 1187), he mentioned \u201cthose who calumniate astrology\u201d (astronomia).42 He classifies nigromancia among the eight sciences that derived from\nastrology and benefited from it. For Daniel of Morley, in comparison with the writings of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\n\u201c\u00adHermetic\u201d idolatry and \u201cSolomonic\u201d figurae to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s harsh response to the\nfigures in the Ars notoria.10 These condemnations and the figures\u2019 associations with demonic\nsigns and idolatry hampered efforts by some authors to establish the orthodoxy of their\ntexts. Nevertheless, they became significant ritual instruments, in part because of already\nexisting traditions of amulets with visual motifs. Simpler kinds of instrumental figures such\nas the \u201cAbraham\u2019s Eye\u201d charm, laminas to heal wounds or aid with conception, and small\ncircular apotropaic figures copied onto folded parchments preceded and influenced the\ntraditions of learned magic, but were, in turn, transformed by them.\nMagical figures of all types were drawn by scribes rather than specialized illustrators.\nThey are rarely coloured or pictorially elaborate, although some were drawn neatly with a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=487\nPages: 487\nwas scarcely willing to entertain this very last possibility. Unlike some other scholastics,\nhe rejected the use of amulets for example as a way to harness energies emanating from\ncelestial bodies. What is to be condemned in such astral magic is not that it actually manipulates nature but that it creates a moment in which demons can work mischief with the\n\u00adcollaboration \u2013 sometimes explicit, other times implicit \u2013 of the sorcerer.13\nWhile Aquinas\u2019s view on magic is in so many respects emblematic of the scholastic approach, intriguing points of contrast are to be noted with Albert\u2019s more expansively accepting view. Although Albert was certainly more engaged in fundamental questions regarding\nthe workings and practice of magic and more nuanced in his condemnations than his more\nfamous student, Albert\u2019s later reputation as a sorcerer, already established in the later\n\u00adM iddle Ages, rested more on misinterpretations of his own work, misascribed works and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=435\nPages: 435\ndoing he brought together the terminology from the Latin and the Arabic traditions.\nImage magic texts detail rituals to be performed over an image to imbue in it the powers of spirits or heavenly bodies, or to say it with the words of William of Auvergne,\nthey purport to fabricate images \u201cin which a kind of splendour of divinity and power\nof spirit (numen) was poured in\u201d.75 This mixture of two different \u201chermetic\u201d traditions,\nthe ancient \u201cEgyptian\u201d one and the Arabic astral magic rooted in the Ancient Near\nEast \u2013 to which it contributed the translation of the Arabic word for talisman as \u201cimage\u201d (imago)76 \u2013 often derived in confusion between both traditions. In his De vita coelitus\ncomparanda, Marsilio Ficino discusses the use of talismans in medicine, and again he\nrelates Arabic astral magic to the hermetic tradition:77\nYet the Arabs and the Egyptians ascribe so much power to statues and images fashioned by astronomical and magical art that they believe the spirits of the stars are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\nin which the makers of magical figures ( figurae) placed magical characters together in one\nvisual device, to the way in which the people of Cathay (China) \u2013 using the same brush they\npainted with \u2013 brought into one shape ( figura) the letters that formed a single word.8\nThe graphic motifs of astral and Solomonic magic were not assimilated unproblematically, but attracted criticism on two grounds: that they were signs of communication\nto demons and that they were the objects of idolatrous worship. The former was an understandable response, since most diagrams are intended to communicate something. In\nthe mid thirteenth-century, the Bishop of Paris, William of Auvergne, condemned those\nwho used Solomonic seals and pentacles as idolaters.9 Both critical perspectives continued\nto be influential throughout the Middle Ages, from the Speculum astronomiae\u2019s critique of\n\u201c\u00adHermetic\u201d idolatry and \u201cSolomonic\u201d figurae to Thomas Aquinas\u2019s harsh response to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=176\nPages: 176,177\nanimalium to obtain their obedience follow recipes using animal and plant substances. The\nsecreta of the confections was revealed by Arod, namely the archangel Gabriel, to Ismenus,\nthat is Adam. This kind of magic is very different from Hermetic ceremonial magic, and\nis much more similar to the magical procedures in the Book of the Marvels of the World.37 The\nrecipes are limited to using the occult properties of physical things, by means of a simple\npractical \u00adapplication of the knowledge of the relationships between the stars and the events\nof the sublunary world; therefore, it is a type of talismanic magic that includes only three\nelements: astrological knowledge, the figure to be engraved and the material used.\n157\nAnt o n e l l a S a nn i n o\nPlatonic magic\nThe Liber Aneguemis (or Nemith or Neumich) also known as the Liber vaccae (from the first version)\nis the Latin translation, made in Spain in the thirteenth century, of an apocryphal Arabic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172\nHermetic magic has roots in the Egyptian art of vivifying statues, Proclus\u2019s telestic art and\nthe rituals of the Sabians. Magical texts in this tradition describe how to induce planetary\nspirits to enter talismans made of metal, stone or wood at astrologically appropriate times.\nThe second tradition of Hermetic magic is based on Plato, Aristotle and Galen and includes\nworks such as the pseudo-Platonic Liber vaccae (Book of the Cow). This tradition describes the\nartificial generation of animals using semen, wombs and magical substances.4 Conversely,\nthe Book of the Marvels of the World operates only with hidden forces in nature, which are its\n\u201cimages\u201d and \u201cforms\u201d. Its talismanic magic in this tradition uses planetary forces channelled through amulets and talismans, reflecting the principles of the Universe.\nMany scholars have stated that a large number of the recipes present in the Book of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nand (more rarely) Muslim.\nThe Magister Speculi distinguishes these two condemned kinds of images from the\ncategory of the \u201castrological image\u201d. An \u201castrological image\u201d is defined as a talisman\nwhose power comes only from the natural powers of the stars. In its making, there are no\nprayers, no invocations, no inscriptions of any characters and no other sign addressed\nto a superior Intelligence. We can call a magical practice that contains these signs \u201caddressative\u201d, because they are directed to an addressee, an Intelligence able to understand\nthem; thus, the \u201castrological image\u201d is a \u201cnon-addressative\u201d, or naturalistic, astrological\ntalisman. The Magister Speculi created the category of \u201castrological images\u201d in order to\nfulfil the requirements of both science and theology; he calls himself a man \u201czealous for\nfaith and philosophy, each one in its own order\u201d (zelator fidei et philosophiae utriusque scilicet]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=117\nPages: 117\n\u00adTosafist Period (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2000).\n35 Dov Schwartz, Amulets, Properties and Rationalism in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 2004) [Hebrew]; Idem, Astral Magic in Medieval Jewish Thought (Ramat-Gan: University\nof Bar-Ilan, 1999). The latter has been partly translated as Studies on Astral Magic.\n36 Shlomo Sela, ed. and trans., Abraham Ibn Ezra\u2019s Astrological Writings, 5 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 2007\u201317).\n37 The classic discussion is Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (Jerusalem: Keter, 1974), 182\u201389, where\nhe uses the term \u201cPractical Kabbalah\u201d in a very broad sense. See also 317\u201319. For a range of\n\u00adperspectives, see esp. Moshe Idel, \u201cOn Judaism, Jewish Mysticism and Magic,\u201d in Envisioning\nMagic: A Princeton Seminar and Symposium, ed. Peter Sch\u00e4fer and Hans G. Kippenberg (Leiden: Brill,\n1997), 195\u2013214; Jonathan Garb, \u201cMysticism and Magic: Opposition, Ambivalence, Integration,\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=464\nPages: 464,465\npopular consciousness as a powerful image of the boundary between the human and spirit\nworlds and (depending on your viewpoint) human hubris or daring. This emblematic motif of medieval ritual magic was influenced by four traditions: circles in astral magic texts,\nthe seals and pentacles of Solomonic magic, protective circular amulets and the thirteenth-\u00ad\ncentury scholastic understanding of the cosmos.\nThe magic circles of Arabic astral magic texts demarcated a special space in which the\nmagical practitioner performed his sacrifices to the planetary spirits and received the spirit\ndelegated to speak to him in the smoke of the burnt sacrifice. In the Picatrix, four rituals to\ndraw down the spirits of the Moon when it is in particular zodiac signs use magic circles\nas the locations for ritual animal sacrifices.74 The practitioner stands or sits in the circle to\n445\nS o p h i e Pa g e\ninvoke the spirits, and also places the sacrificial flesh, an image made from it, or the censer]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=457\nPages: 457,458\nMedieval belief in the power of the word was reflected in the widespread use of textual\namulets or breve, apotropaic texts copied onto flexible writing supports that were worn on\n438\nM e d i e va l m a g i c a l f i g u r e s\nthe body for protection. Complex textual amulets sometimes included magic figures, seals,\nsymbols and characters, copied alongside prayers, charms and devotional iconography. The\nmost common graphic motifs were small, circular apotropaic figures copied in groups of\nbetween four and thirty figures (Figure 30.5). Since abstract diagrams are hard to interpret\nand their uses hard to remember, each figure had an outer band describing its properties,\nwhich also allowed the sets to be broken up and shared independently in the later Middle\nAges. The large graphic element (signum) in the inner circle was usually inspired by the form\nof the Greek, Latin or Tau cross or had a resemblance to Solomonic seals, but could also]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273,274\n254\nJ e ro m e T o r r e l l a a n d \u201cA s t ro l o g i c a l I m a g e s \u201d\ntalisman (for example, a talisman for love shows two people embracing).3 Within the category\nof \u201castrological talismans\u201d, there is another subcategory of talismans, namely \u201castrological\nimages\u201d (although imago is no more than the most common translation of the Arabic word\ntilsam [talisman], which itself derives from the Greek \u03c4\u03ad\u03bb\u03b5\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1).\nThe concept of an \u201castrological image\u201d was coined in a theological and philosophical\ncontext, in the mid-thirteenth-century work Speculum astronomiae (\u201cMirror of the science of\nstars\u201d), an anonymous book sometimes wrongly ascribed to Albert the Great. The book\nproposed a normative bibliography for each part of astronomy and astrology. After addressing astrological \u201celections\u201d \u2013 the part of astrology devoted to finding the right astrological\nmoment for undertaking such or such action \u2013 the anonymous author writes that, in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=432\nPages: 432,433\nbetween his patronage of compilations about astral magic, such as the Lapidario or the\nLibro de astromagia, and his statements against magic and magicians in his legal texts, or his\ncondemnation of magic ceremonies in the Cantigas. The fundamentally divine origins of the\nforces of magic meant it was a legitimate branch of learning. Alfonso frequently referred\nto these origins, and it is therefore significant that for him the supernatural mediators are\nangels, God\u2019s messengers, and not demons.\n413\nA l e j a n d ro G a rc \u00ed a Av i l \u00e9 s\nKing Alfonso\u2019s attitude towards magic is revealed in works such as his Book of Stones (Lapidario).\nThe first treatise in the compilation describes the first stage in the process of making talismans.\nThe text lists stones endowed with particular supernatural properties, and gives the optimum\nmoment in the astrological calendar to gather these stones when their latent powers are at their]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=452\nPages: 452\ndown into objects that had been inscribed at astrologically appropriate times, and that these\nobjects could be used to change the matter of the world.6 The Arabic magic texts that introduced astrological talismans to the Latin West in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries disseminated many influential magical terms and ritual instruments, especially the names, seals\nand characters of the celestial spirits.7 However, it was the authors of Christian magic texts\nwho drove the creative expansion of geometric figures to enclose powerful names and graphic\nmotifs, under the influence of ancient lamellae, circular apotropaic amulets, Solomonic seals\nand cosmological diagrams. The dual role of Christian magical figures as pictures and linguistic devices was recognized by Roger Bacon. His Opus maius of 1266\u20137 compared the way\nin which the makers of magical figures ( figurae) placed magical characters together in one]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/U5HWszTGFYMxrc29APzwMj/Routledge-Hi.pdf?pdfPage=437\nPages: 437,438\nnecks in their daily lives to late medieval paintings \u2013 including portraits of the child Jesus.84\nAmulets ( philacteria, ligamenta85) and talismans (imagines, praestigia86) are usually used as\nworking terms for more or less sophisticated objects hung or worn to expel evil influences.\nAlthough of course many amulets acquire their powers during the process of their preparation, a working distinction between both terms is plausible, taking into account the words\nby Gervasius of Tilbury quoted above: amulets would be natural objects with a virtus intrinseca, while talismans acquire a virtus extrinseca as they are inscribed with figures or characters\nand often consecrated with some kind of ritual. These rituals led late medieval theologians\nto consider talismans the worst kind of idolatry (idololatria pessima).87 Also the use of ancient\ngems as apotropaic objects should be considered:88 as the meaning of their iconography\n418\nT h e v i s ua l c u l t u r e o f m a g i c]"]}