Apuleius Apology
Created: October 04, 2024 11:19 AM • Updated: October 04, 2024 05:21 PM
You
Translate this latin text into English. Just give me the translation, no other outputs. Certus equidem eram proque uero obtinebam, Maxime
Cl(audi) quique in consilio estis, Sicinium Aemilianum, senem notissimae temeritatis, accusationem mei prius apud
te coeptam quam apud se cogitatam penuria criminum
solis conuiciis impleturum; quippe insimulari quiuis innocens potest, reuinci nisi nocens non potest. quo ego
uno praecipue confisus gratulor medius fidius, quod mihi
copia et facultas te iudice optigit purgandae apud imperitos philosophiae et probandi mei; quanquam istae
calumniae ut prima specie graues, ita ad difficultatem
defensionis repentinae fuere. nam, ut meministi, dies abhinc quintus an sextus est, cum me causam pro uxore
mea Pudentilla aduersus Granios agere aggressum de composito necopinantem patroni eius incessere maledictis et
insimulare magicorum maleficiorum ac denique necis Pontiani priuigni mei coepere. quae ego cum intellegerem non
tam crimina iudicio quam obiectamenta iurgio prolata,
ultro eos ad accusandum crebris flagitationibus prouocaui.
ibi uero Aemilianus cum te quoque acrius motum et ex
uerbis rem factam uideret, quaerere occepit ex diffidentia
latibulum aliquod temeritati. <milestone unit="section" n="2" />
igitur Pontianum fratris sui <pb id="p.1" />
filium, quem paulo prius occisum a me clamitarat, postquam ad subscribendum compellitur, ilico oblitus est; de
morte cognati adolescentis subito tacere<del status="unremarkable">m</del>. tanti criminis descriptione <add>ne</add> tamen omnino desistere uideretur, calumnia<add>m</add> magiae, quae facilius infamatur quam probatur,
eam solum sibi delegit ad accusandum. ac ne id quidem
de professo audet, uerum postera die dat libellum nomine priuigni mei Sicini Pudentis admodum pueri et
adscribit se ei assistere, nouo more per alium lacessendi,
scilicet ut optentu eius aetatulae ipse insimulationis falsae
non plecteretur. quod tu cum sollertissime animaduertisses
et iccirco eum denuo iussisses proprio nomine accusationem delatam sustinere, pollicitus ita facturum ne sic
quidem quitus est ut comminus ageret percelli, set iam et
aduersum te contumaciter eminus calumniis uelitatur. ita
totiens ab accusandi periculo profugus in assistendi uenia
perseuerauit. igitur et priusquam causa ageretur, facile
intellectu cuiuis fuit, qualisnam accusatio futura esset,
cuius qui fuerat professor et machinator idem fieri auctor <pb id="p.2" />
timeret, ac praesertim Sicinius Aemilianus, qui si quippiam ueri in me explorasset, nunquam profecto tam cunctanter hominem extraneum tot tantorumque criminum postulasset, qui auunculi sui testamentum quod uerum sciebat pro falso infamarit, tanta quidem pertinacia, ut, cum
Lollius Vrbicus V. C. uerum uideri et ratum esse debere
de consilio consularium uirorum pronuntiasset, contra clarissimam uocem iurauerit uecordissimus iste, tamen illud
testamentum fictum esse, adeo ut aegre Lollius Vrbicus ab
eius pernicie temperarit. <milestone unit="section" n="3" />
quam quidem uocem et tua
aequitate et mea innocentia fretus spero in hoc quoque
iudicio erupturam, quippe qui sciens innocentem criminatur eo sane facilius, quod iam, ut dixi, mentiens apud
praefectum urbi in amplissima causa conuictus est. namque peccatum semel ut bonus quisque postea sollicitius
cauet, ita qui ingenio malo est confidentius integrat ac
iam de cetero quo saepius, eo apertius delinquit. pudor
enim ueluti uestis quanto obsole<del status="unremarkable">n</del>tior est, tanto incuriosius
habetur. et ideo necessarium arbitror pro integritate pudoris mei, priusquam ad rem aggrediar, male dicta omnia
refutare. sustineo enim non modo meam, uerum etiam
philosophiae defensionem, cuia magnitudo uel minimam
reprehensionem pro <add>ma</add>ximo crimine aspernatur, propter <pb id="p.3" />
quod paulo prius patroni Aemiliani multa in me proprie
conficta et alia communiter in philosophos sueta ab imperitis mercennaria loquacitate effutierunt. quae etsi
possunt ab his utiliter blaterata ob mercedem et auctoramento impudentiae depensa haberi, iam concesso quodam
more rabulis id genus, quo ferme solent linguae suae
uirus alieno dolori locare, tamen uel mea causa paucis
refellenda sunt, ne is, qui sedulo laboro ut ne quid maculae aut inhonestamenti in me admittam, uidear cuipiam,
si quid ex friuolis praeteriero, id agnouisse potius quam
contempsisse. est enim pudentis animi et uerecundi, ut
mea opinio fert, uel falsas uitu<add>pe</add>rationes grauari, cum
etiam hi, qui sibi delicti alicuius conscii sunt, tamen, cum
male audiunt, impendio commoueantur et obirascantur,
quamquam, exinde ut male facere coeperunt, consueuerint
male audire, quod, si a ceteris silentium est, tamen ipsi
sibimet conscii sunt posse se merito increpari; enimuero
bonus et innoxius quisque rudis et imperitas auris ad
male audiendum habens et laudis assuetudine contumeliae
insolens multo tanta ex animo laborat ea sibi immerito
dici, quae ipse possit aliis uere obiectare. quod si forte
inepta uidebor et oppido friuola uelle defendere, illis debet <pb id="p.4" />
ea res uitio uorti, quibus turpe est etiam haec obiectasse,
non mihi culpae dari, cui honestum erit etiam haec diluisse.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="4" />
<p>Audisti ergo paulo prius in principio accusationis ita
dici: <q direct="unspecified">accusamus apud te philosophum formonsum et tam
Graece quam Latine</q>—pro nefas—<q direct="unspecified">disertissimum.</q> nisi
fallor enim, his ipsis uerbis accusationem mei ingressus
est Tannonius Pudens, homo uere ille quidem non disertissimus. quod utinam tam grauia formae et facundiae
crimina uere mihi opprobrasset; non difficile ei respondissem quod <add>H</add>omericus Alexander Hectori:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb /><foreign lang="greek">ou)/ toi a)po/blht' e)sti\ qew=n e)rikude/a dw=ra,</foreign>
<foreign lang="greek">o(/ssa ken au)toi\ dw=sin, e(kw\n d' ou)k a)/n tis e(/loito,</foreign></quote>
munera deum gloriosissima nequaquam aspernanda; quae
tamen ab ipsis tribui sueta multis uolentibus non obtingunt. haec ego de forma respondissem. praeterea: licere
etiam philosophis esse uoltu liberali; Pythagoram, qui primum se esse philosophum nuncuparit, eum sui saeculi
excellentissima forma fuisse; item Zenonem illum antiquum
Velia oriundum, qui primus omnium <foreign lang="greek">a)pori/as</foreign> sollertissimo
artificio ambifariam dissoluerit, eum quoque Zenonem <pb id="p.5" />
longe decorissimum fuisse, ut Plato autumat; itemque
multos philosophos ab ore honestissimos memoriae prodi,
qui gratiam corporis morum honestamentis ornauerint.
sed haec defensio, ut dixi, aliquam multum a me remota
est, cui praeter formae mediocritatem continuatio etiam
litterati laboris omnem gratiam corpore deterget, habitudinem tenuat, sucum exsorbet, colorem obliterat, uigorem
debilitat. capillus ipse, quem isti aperto mendacio ad
lenocinium decoris promissum dixere, uides quam sit
amoenus ac delicatus, horrore implexus atque impeditus,
stuppeo tomento adsimilis et inaequaliter hirtus et globosus et congestus, prorsum inenodabilis diutina incuria
non modo comendi, sed saltem expediendi et discriminandi:
satis ut puto crinium crimen, quod illi quasi capitale intenderunt, refutatur.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="5" />
<p>De eloquentia uero, si qua mihi fuisset, neque mirum
neque inuidiosum deberet uideri, si ab ineunte aeuo unis
studiis litterarum ex summis uiribus deditus omnibus aliis
spretis uoluptatibus ad hoc aeui haud sciam anne super
omnis homines impenso labore diuque noctuque cum despectu et dispendio bonae valetudinis eam quaesissem.
sed nihil ab eloquentia metuant, quam ego, si quid omnino promoui, potius spero quam praesto. sane quidem,
si uerum est quod Statium Caecilium in suis poematibus
scripsisse dicunt, innocentiam eloquentiam esse, ego uero
profiteor ista ratione ac praefero me nemini omnium de <pb id="p.6" />
eloquentia concessurum. quis enim me hoc quidem pacto
eloquentior uiuat, quippe qui nihil unquam cogitaui quod
eloqui non auderem? eundem me aio facundissimum esse,
nam omne peccatum semper nefas habui; eundem disertissimum, quod nullum meum factum uel dictum extet,
de quo di<add>s</add>serere publice non possim ita, ut iam de uorsibus di<add>s</add>sertabo quos a me factos quasi pudendos protulerunt, cum quidem me animaduertisti cum risu illis
suscensentem, quod eos absone et indocte pronuntiarent.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="6" />
<p>Primo igitur legerunt e ludicris meis epistolium de
dentifricio uersibus scriptum ad quendam Calpurnianum,
qui cum aduersum me eas litteras promeret, non uidit
profecto cupiditate laedendi, si quid mihi ex illis fieret
criminosum, id mihi secum esse commune. nam petisse
eum a me aliquid tersui dentibus uersus testantur:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb />Calpurniane, salue properis uersibus.
<lb />misi, ut petisti, <add>tibi</add> munditias dentium,
<lb />nitelas oris ex Arabicis frugibus,
<lb />tenuem, candificum, nobilem puluisculum,
<lb />complanatorem tumidulae gingiuulae,
<lb />conuerritorem pridianae reliquiae,
<lb />ne qua uisatur tetra labes sordium,
<lb />restrictis forte si labellis riseris.</quote> <pb id="p.7" />
quaeso, quid habent isti uersus re aut uerbo pudendum,
quid omnino quod philosophus suum nolit uideri? nisi
forte in eo reprehendendus sum, quod Calpurniano puluisculum ex Arabicis frugibus miserim, quem multo aequius erat spurcissimo ritu Hiberorum, ut ait Catullus,
sua sibi urina <q direct="unspecified">dentem atque russam pumicare gingiuam.</q>
<milestone unit="section" n="7" />
uidi ego dudum uix risum quosdam tenentis, cum munditias oris uidelicet orator ille aspere accusaret et dentifricium tanta indignatione pronuntiaret, quanta nemo quisquam uenenum. quidni? crimen haud contemnendum
philosopho, nihil in se sordidum sinere, nihil uspiam corporis aperti immundum pati ac fetulentum, praesertim
os, cuius in propatulo et conspicuo usus homini creberrimus, siue ille cuipiam osculum ferat seu cum qui<del status="unremarkable">c</del>quam
sermocinetur siue in auditorio dissertet siue in templo
preces alleget: omnem quippe hominis actum sermo praeit,
qui, ut ait poeta praecipuus, dentium muro proficiscitur.
dares nunc aliquem similiter grandiloquum: diceret suo
more, cum primis cui ulla fandi cura sit impensius cetero
corpore os colendum, quod esset animi uestibulum et
orationis ianua et cogitationum comitium; ego certe pro
meo captu dixerim nihil minus quam oris illuuiem libero
et liberali uiro competere. est enim ea pars hominis
loco celsa, uisu prompta, usu facunda; nam quidem feris
et pecudibus os humile et deorsum ad pedes deiectum,
uestigio et pabulo proximum, nunquam ferme nisi mortuis <pb id="p.8" />
aut ad morsum exasperatis conspicitur: hominis uero
nihil prius tacentis, nihil saepius loquentis contemplere.
<milestone unit="section" n="8" />
uelim igitur censor meus Aemilianus respondeat, unquamne
ipse soleat pedes lauare; uel, si id non negat, contendat
maiorem curam munditiarum pedibus quam dentibus inpertiendam. plane quidem, si quis ita ut tu, Aemiliane,
nunquam ferme os suum nisi maledictis et calumniis
aperiat, censeo ne ulla cura os percolat neque ille exotico puluere dentis emaculet, quos iustius carbone de rogo
obteruerit, neque saltem communi aqua perluat: quin ei
nocens lingua mendaciorum et amaritudinum praeministra
semper in fetutinis et olenticetis suis iaceat. nam quae
malum ratio est linguam mundam et laetam, uocem
contra spurcam et tetram possidere, uiperae ritu niueo
denticulo atrum uenenum inspirare? ceterum qui sese
sciat <add>o</add>rationem prompturum neque inutilem neque iniucundam, eius merito os, ut bono potui poculum, praelauitur. et quid ego de homine nato diutius? belua immanis, crocodillus ille qui in Nilo gignitur, ea quoque,
ut comperior, purgandos sibi dentis innoxio hiatu praebet.
nam quod est ore amplo, set elingui et plerumque in aqua
recluso, multae hiru<del status="unremarkable">n</del>dines dentibus implectuntur; eas illi,
cum egressus in praeripia fluminis hiauit, una ex auibus <pb id="p.9" />
fluuialibus amica auis iniecto rostro sine noxae periculo
exculpit.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="9" />
<p>Mitto haec. uenio ad ceteros uorsus ut illi uocant
amatorios, quos tamen tam dure et rustice legere, ut
odium mouerent. sed quid ad magica maleficia, quod ego
pueros Scriboni Laeti, amici mei, carmine laudaui? an
ideo magus, quia poeta? quis unquam fando audiuit tam
<add>ueri</add>similem suspicionem, tam aptam coniecturam, tam
proxumum argumentum? <q direct="unspecified">fecit uorsus Apuleius.</q> si malos,
crimen est, nec id tamen philosophi, sed poetae; sin bonos,
quid accusas? <q direct="unspecified">at enim ludicros et amatorios fecit.</q> num
ergo haec sunt crimina mea et nomine erratis, qui me
magiae detulistis? fecere tamen et alii talia, etsi uos
ignoratis: apud Graecos Teius quidam et Lacedaemonius
et Ciu<del status="unremarkable">i</del>s cum aliis innumeris, etiam mulier Lesbia, lasciue
illa quidem tantaque gratia, ut nobis insolentiam linguae
suae dulcedine carminum commendet, apud nos uero Aedituus et Porcius et Catulus, isti quoque cum aliis innumeris. <q direct="unspecified">at philosophi non fuere.</q> num igitur etiam
Solonem fuisse serium uirum et philosophum negabis,
cuius ille lasciuissimus uersus est: <foreign lang="greek">mhrw=n i(mei/rwn kai\
glukerou= sto/matos</foreign>? et quid tam petulans habent omnes
uersus mei, si cum isto uno contendantur? ut taceam
scripta Diogenis Cynici et Zenonis Stoicae sectae conditoris <pb id="p.10" />
id genus plurima. recitem denuo, ut sciant me eorum
non pigere:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb />et Critias mea delicia est et salua, Charine,
<lb />pars in amore meo, uita, tibi remanet;
<lb />ne metuas; nam me ignis et ignis torreat ut uult,
<lb />hasce duas flammas, dum potiar, patiar.
<lb />hoc modo sim uobis, unus sibi quisque quod ipse est:
<lb />hoc mihi uos eritis, quod duo sunt oculi.</quote>
recitem nunc et alios, quos illi quasi intemperantissimos
postremum legere:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb />florea serta, meum mel, et haec tibi carmina dono.
<lb />carmina dono tibi, serta tuo genio,
<lb />carmina, uti, Critia, lux haec optata canatur,
<lb />quae bis septeno uere tibi remeat,
<lb />serta autem, ut laeto tibi tempore tempora uernent,
<lb />aetatis florem floribus ut decores.
<lb />tu mihi das contra pro uerno flore tuum uer,
<lb />ut nostra exuperes munera muneribus;
<lb />pro implexis sertis complexum corpore redde<add>s</add>,
<lb />proque rosis oris sauia purpurei.
<lb />quod si animam inspires donaci, iam carmina nostra
<lb />cedent uicta tuo dulciloquo calamo.</quote></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="10" />
<p>Habes crimen meum, Maxime, quasi improbi comisatoris
de sertis et canticis compositum. hic illud etiam reprehendi
animaduertisti, quod, cum aliis nominibus pueri uocentur,
ego eos Charinum et Critian appellitarim. eadem igitur
opera accusent C. Catul<add>l</add>um, quod Lesbiam pro Clodia nominarit, et Ticidam similiter, quod quae Metella erat Perillam
scripserit, et Propertium, qui Cunthiam dicat, Hostiam <pb id="p.11" />
dissimulet, et Tibullum, quod ei sit Plania in animo, Delia
in uersu. e<del status="unremarkable">t</del>quidem C. Lucilium, quanquam sit iambicus,
tamen improbarim, quod Gentium et Macedonem pueros
directis nominibus carmine suo prostituerit. quanto modestius tandem Mantuanus poeta, qui itidem ut ego puerum
amici sui Pollionis bucolico ludicro laudans et abstinens
nominum sese quidem Corydonem, puerum uero Alexin
uocat. sed Aemilianus, uir ultra Virgilianos opiliones et
busequas rusticanus, agrestis quidem semper et barbarus,
uerum longe austerior ut putat Serranis et Curiis et
Fabriciis, negat id genus uersus Platonico philosopho competere. etiamne, Aemiliane, si Platonis ipsius exemplo
doceo factos? cuius nulla carmina extant nisi amoris elegia;
nam cetera omnia, credo quod tam lepida non erant, igni
deussit. disce igitur uersus Platonis philosophi in puerum
Astera, si tamen tantus natu potes litteras discere:
<lb /><foreign lang="greek">a)sth\r pri\n me\n e)/lampes e)ni\ cwoi=sin *(ew=|os:
<lb />nu=n de\ qanw\n la/mpeis *(/esperos e)n fqime/nois.</foreign>
item eiusdem Platonis in Alexin Phaedrumque pueros
coniuncto carmine:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb /><foreign lang="greek">nu=n o(/te mhde\n *)/alecis o(/son mo/non ei)=f' o(/ti kalo/s,
<lb />w)=ptai kai\ pa/nth| pa=si perible/petai.</foreign> <pb id="p.12" />
<lb /><foreign lang="greek">qume/,</foreign> <note place="unspecified" anchored="yes"><foreign lang="greek">ti/</foreign></note> <foreign lang="greek">mhnu/eis kusi\n o)ste/on</foreign>; <foreign lang="greek">ei)=t' a)nih/sei
<lb />u(/steron. ou)x ou(/tw *fai=dron a)pwle/samen;</foreign></quote>
ne pluris commemorem, nouissimum uersum eius de Dione
Syracusano si dixero, finem faciam: <foreign lang="greek">w)= e)mo\n e)kmh/nas qumo\n
e)/rwti *di/wn</foreign>. <milestone unit="section" n="11" />
Sed sumne ego ineptus, qui haec etiam in
iudicio? an uos potius calumniosi, qui etiam haec in
accusatione, quasi ullum specimen morum sit uersibus
ludere? Catullum ita respondentem maliuolis non legistis:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb />nam castum esse decet pium poetam
<lb />ipsum, uersiculos nihil necesse est?</quote>
Diuus Adrianus cum Voconi amici sui poetae tumulum
uorsibus muneraretur, ita scripsit: <q direct="unspecified">lasciuus uersu, mente
pudicus eras,</q> quod nunquam ita dixisset, si forent lepidiora carmina argumentum impudicitiae habenda. ipsius
etiam diui Adriani multa id genus legere me memini.
aude sis, Aemiliane, dicere male id fieri, quod imperator
et censor diuus Adrianus fecit et factum memoriae reliquit. ceterum Maximum quicquam putas culpaturum,
quod sciat Platonis exemplo a me factum? cuius uersus
quos nunc percensui tanto sanctiores sunt, quanto apertiores, tanto pudicius compositi, quanto simplicius professi;
namque haec et id genus omnia dissimulare et occultare
peccantis, profiteri et promulgare ludentis est; quippe
natura uox innocentiae, silentium maleficio distributa.
<milestone unit="section" n="12" />
mitto enim dicere alta illa et diuina Platonica, rarissimo
cuique piorum ignara, ceterum omnibus profanis incognita: <pb id="p.13" />
geminam esse Venerem deam, proprio quamque amore et
diuersis amatoribus pollentis; earum alteram uulgariam,
quae sit percita populari amore, non modo humanis
animis, uerum etiam pecuinis et ferinis ad libidinem
imperitare ui immodica trucique perculsorum animalium
serua corpora complexu uincientem: alteram uero caelitem
Venerem, praeditam <del status="unremarkable">quae sit</del> optimati amore, solis hominibus et eorum paucis curare, nullis ad turpitudinem
stimulis uel illecebris sectatores suos percellentem; quippe
amorem eius non amoenum et lasciuum, sed contra incom<del status="unremarkable">i</del>tum et serium pulchritudine honestatis uirtutes amatoribus suis conciliare, et si quando decora corpora
co<add>m</add>mendet, a contumelia eorum procul absterrere; neque
enim quicquam aliud in corporum forma diligendum quam
quod ammoneant diuinos animos eius pulchritudinis, quam
prius ueram et sinceram inter deos uidere. quapropter, ut
semper, eleganter Afranius hoc scriptum relinquat: <q direct="unspecified">amabit <pb id="p.14" />
sapiens, cupient ceteri,</q> tamen si uerum uelis, Aemiliane,
uel si haec intellegere unquam potes, non tam amat
sapiens quam recordatur. <milestone unit="section" n="13" />
da igitur ueniam Platoni philosopho uersuum eius de amore, ne ego necesse habeam
contra sententiam Neoptolemi Enniani pluribus philosophari; uel si tu id non facis, ego me facile patiar in
huiuscemodi uersibus culpari cum Platone. tibi autem,
Maxime, habeo gratiam propensam, cum has quoque appendices defensionis meae iccirco necessarias, quia accusationi
rependuntur, tam attente audis. et ideo hoc etiam peto,
quod mihi ante ipsa crimina superest audias, ut adhuc
fecisti, libenter et diligenter.</p>
<p>Sequitur enim de speculo longa illa et censoria oratio,
de quo pro rei atrocitate paene diruptus est Pudens clamitans: <q direct="unspecified">habet speculum philosophus, possidet speculum
philosophus.</q> ut igitur habere concedam—ne aliquid
obiecisse te credas, si negaro—, non tamen ex eo accipi
me necesse est exornari quoque ad speculum solere. quid
enim? si choragium thymelicum possiderem, num ex eo
argumentarere etiam uti me consuesse tragoedi<del status="unremarkable">i</del> syrmate,
histrionis crocota, †orgia, mimi centunculo? non opinor.
nam et contra plurimis rebus possessu careo, usu fruor.
quod si neque habere utendi argumentum est neque non
utendi non habere et speculi non tam possessio culpatur
quam inspectio, illud etiam doceas necesse est, quando <pb id="p.15" />
et quibus praesentibus in speculum inspexerim, quoniam,
ut res est, magis piaculum decernis speculum philosopho
quam Cereris mundum profano uidere.</p>
ChatGPT
Certainly, here is the translation:
"I was certain and indeed held it as true, Maximus Claudius, and those present in counsel, that Sicinius Aemilianus, a man of most notorious rashness, would fill his accusation against me, which he began with you before he even thought it through himself, with mere insults for lack of crimes; for anyone can be falsely accused, but only the guilty can be convicted. Relying mainly on this fact, I am, by Hercules, quite pleased to have the opportunity, with you as judge, to clear the reputation of philosophy for the uninformed and to prove myself; although these accusations, while grave at first glance, were sudden in terms of the difficulty of defense. For, as you remember, it has been five or six days since, while I was engaged in advocating for my wife Pudentilla against the Granii, his advocates assailed me with insults and accused me of sorcery and, finally, the death of my stepson Pontianus. Realizing that these were not accusations meant for a trial but mere provocations for argument, I challenged them persistently to prosecute.
Aemilianus, seeing you stirred and aware that action had been taken from your words, began searching out of uncertainty for some hiding place for his rashness. He then gave up his claim that I had secretly killed his brother’s son Pontianus, only to choose instead the easier accusation of sorcery, which is more easily slandered than proven. But he did not even have the courage to pursue it openly, and instead, the next day, he filed a complaint on behalf of my young stepson Sicinius Pudens, writing that he was assisting him—a new method of attacking through another person, presumably to shield himself from punishment for false accusations by the cover of that boy's age. When you wisely noticed this and therefore ordered him to sustain the charges in his own name, he promised to do so, but even then did not dare face direct engagement, preferring to hurl calumnies from afar. And so, having fled the danger of prosecution many times, he persisted in the leniency granted to him for his assistance.
Before the case was even heard, anyone could easily understand what kind of accusation was to follow, since the man who devised and promoted the prosecution was himself afraid to support it. Especially with Aemilianus, if he had truly found anything real against me, he would not have hesitated to bring someone of his own family to trial with such serious charges. He had shown so much tenacity in slandering his uncle's testament as false, even though he knew it was true, that when Lollius Urbicus, a man of consular rank, declared that it should be considered true and valid, he swore against this venerable opinion in his madness, insisting that the testament was forged. Lollius Urbicus could scarcely restrain himself from punishing him.
I hope, with your fairness and my innocence, that such truth will also prevail in this trial, for he knowingly accuses an innocent person with the ease of someone who, as I have said, was once found guilty of lying in an important case before the Urban Prefect. For just as an upright person, once guilty, is more cautious afterward, so a person of evil disposition is emboldened and continues to do wrong more openly. Shame, like clothing, becomes more careless the more worn it gets. Therefore, I feel it is necessary for the sake of preserving my integrity to refute all these slanders before I proceed to the case. For I bear not only my own defense but also that of philosophy itself, whose greatness cannot tolerate even the smallest reproach without it being deemed a great crime.
Shortly after the accusation began, you heard the following said: ‘We accuse you before a handsome philosopher, as eloquent in Greek as he is in Latin'—a scandalous statement! If I am not mistaken, this is how Tannonius Pudens, truly a man not at all eloquent, began his accusation against me. I would have readily responded to such grave charges of beauty and eloquence by quoting Homeric Alexander to Hector: 'Certainly, the glorious gifts of the gods are not to be cast aside, since no one would choose them willingly.' These gifts, granted by the gods, should not be despised; though many who wish for them never receive them. I would have thus responded to the matter of beauty, saying that philosophers are permitted to be of noble appearance. Pythagoras, the first to call himself a philosopher, was of exceptional beauty in his time; likewise Zeno of Elea, who first solved dilemmas through skillful reasoning, was reported by Plato to be very handsome, as were many other philosophers remembered for their noble looks, which they adorned with virtues.
However, this defense seems very far removed from me, as my continual scholarly work has stripped any grace from my body, thinned my frame, sapped my color, and dulled my vigor. My hair, which they falsely claimed I grew long to enhance my looks, you can see how charming and delicate it is—matted and tangled like rough hemp, unevenly bristling and clumped together, utterly unmanageable from long neglect, not to mention combing or arranging. I think this suffices to refute their charge about my hair, which they presented as though it were a capital offense.
If I had any eloquence, it should neither seem surprising nor provoke envy, considering that from my youth I devoted myself solely to literature with all my strength, neglecting all other pleasures. If I have achieved anything in eloquence, I regard it as something to hope for rather than boast about. In this sense, if it is true that Statius Caecilius wrote in his poems that eloquence is the same as innocence, then I certainly claim that no one can surpass me in eloquence, for I have never thought anything that I dared not speak. I also say that I am exceptionally persuasive, for I have always held all sin as wicked; I am exceptionally articulate, as there is nothing I have done or said that I could not discuss publicly."
You
Cedo nunc, si et inspexisse me fateor, quod tandem
crimen est imaginem suam nosse eamque non uno loco
conditam, sed quoquo uelis paruo speculo promptam
gestare? an tu ignoras nihil esse aspectabilius homini
nato quam formam suam? equidem scio et filiorum cariores esse qui similes uidentur et publicitus simulacrum
suum cuique, quod uideat, pro meritis praemio tribui.
aut quid sibi statuae et imagines uariis artibus effigiatae
uolunt? nisi forte quod artificio elaboratum laudabile
habetur, hoc natura oblatum culpabile iudicandum est,
cum sit in ea uel magis miranda et facilitas et similitudo.
quippe in omnibus manu faciundis imaginibus opera diutina sumitur, neque tamen similitudo aeque ut in speculis
comparet; deest enim et luto uigor et saxo color et picturae rigor et motus omnibus, qui praecipua fide similitudinem repraesentat, cum in eo uisi<add>te</add>tur imago mire
relata, ut similis, ita mobilis et ad omnem nutum hominis
sui morigera; eadem semper contemplantibus aequaeua est
ab ineunte pueritia ad obeuntem senectam, tot aetatis uices
induit, tam uarias habitudines corporis participat, tot
uultus eiusdem laetantis uel dolentis imitatur. enimuero
quod luto fictum uel aere infusum uel lapide incussum <pb id="p.16" />
uel cera inustum uel pigmento illitum uel alio quopiam
humano artificio adsimulatum est, non multa intercapedine
temporis dissimile redditur et ritu cadaueris unum uultum
et immobilem possidet. tantum praestat imaginis artibus
ad similitudinem referundam leuitas illa speculi fabra et
splendor opifex.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="15" />
<p>Aut igitur unius Hagesilai Lacedaemonii sententia nobis
sequenda est, qui se neque pingi neque fingi unquam diffidens formae suae passus est, aut si mos omnium ceterorum hominum retinendus uidetur in statuis et imaginibus non repudiandis, cur existimes imaginem suam cuique
uisendam potius in lapide quam in argento, magis in tabula quam in speculo? an turpe arbitraris formam suam
spectaculo assiduo explorare? an non Socrates philosophus
ultro etiam suasisse fertur discipulis suis, crebro ut semet
in speculo contemplarentur, ut qui eorum foret pulchritudine sibi complacitus impendio procuraret, ne dignitatem
corporis malis moribus dedecoraret, qui uero minus se
commendabilem forma putaret sedulo operam daret, ut
uirtutis laude turpitudinem tegeret? adeo uir omnium
sapientissimus speculo etiam ad disciplinam morum utebatur. Demost<add>h</add>enen uero, primarium dicendi artificem,
quis est qui non sciat semper ante speculum quasi ante
magistrum causas meditatum: ita ille summus orator cum
a Platone philosopho facundiam <add>h</add>ausisset, ab Eubulide
dialectico argumentationes edidicisset, nouissimam pronuntiandi congruentiam ab speculo petiuit. utrum igitur
putas maiorem curam decoris in adseueranda oratione
suscipiendam rhetori iurganti an philosopho obiurganti,
apud iudices sorte ductos paulisper disceptanti an apud <pb id="p.17" />
omnis homines semper disserenti, de finibus agrorum litiganti an de finibus bonorum et malorum docenti? quid,
quod nec ob haec debet tantummodo philosophus speculum
inuisere; nam saepe oportet non modo similitudinem suam,
uerum etiam ipsius similitudinis rationem considerare:
num, ut ait Epicurus, profectae a nobis imagines uelut
quaedam exuuiae iugi fluore a corporibus manantes, cum
leue aliquid et solidum offenderunt, illisae reflectantur et
retro expressae contrauersim respondeant an, ut alii philosophi disputant, radii nostri seu mediis oculis proliquati
et lumini extrario mixti atque ita uniti, ut Plato arbitratur, seu tantum oculis profecti sine ullo foris amminiculo, ut Archytas putat, seu intentu ae+ris <del status="unremarkable">f</del>acti, ut Stoici
rentur, cum alicui corpori inciderunt spisso et splendido et
leui, paribus angulis quibus inciderant resultent ad faciem
suam reduces atque ita, quod extra tangant ac uisant, id
intra speculum imaginentur. <milestone unit="section" n="16" />
uideturne uobis debere philosophia haec omnia uestigare et inquirere et cuncta specula,
uel uda uel suda soli, uidere? quibus praeter ista quae
dixi etiam illa ratiocinatio necessaria est, cur in planis
quidem speculis ferme pares optutus et imagines uideantur,
<add>in</add> tumidis uero et globosis omnia defectiora, at contra
in cauis auctiora; ubi et cur laeua cum dexteris permutentur; quando se imago eodem speculo tum recondat <pb id="p.18" />
penitus, tum foras exerat; cur caua specula, si exaduersum
soli retineantur, appositum fomitem accendant; qui fiat
ut arcus in nubibus uarie, duo<del status="unremarkable">s</del> soles aemula similitudine
uisantur, alia praeterea eiusdem modi plurima, quae tractat
uolumine ingenti Archimedes Syracusanus, uir in omni
quidem geometria multum ante alios admirabilis subtilitate, sed haud sciam an propter hoc uel maxime memorandus, quod inspexerat speculum saepe ac diligenter.
quem tu librum, Aemiliane, si nosses ac non modo campo
et glebis, uerum etiam abaco et puluisculo te dedisses,
mihi istud crede, quanquam teterrimum os tuum minimum
a Thyesta tragico demutet, tamen profecto discendi cupidine speculum inuiseres et aliquando relicto aratro mirarere tot in facie tua sulcos rugarum.</p>
<p>At ego non mirer, si boni consulis me de isto distortissimo uultu tuo dicere, de moribus tuis multo truculentioribus reticere. ea res est: praeter quod non sum
iurgiosus, etiam libenter te nuper usque albus an ater
esses ignoraui et adhuc <add>h</add>ercle non satis noui. id adeo
factum, quod et tu rusticando obscurus es et ego discendo
occupatus. ita et tibi umbra ignobilitatis a probatore
obstitit, et ego numquam studui male facta cuiusquam
cognoscere, sed semper potius duxi mea peccata tegere
quam aliena indagare. igitur hoc mihi aduersum te usu
uenit, quod qui forte constitit in loco lumine conlustrato
atque eum alter e tenebris prospectat. nam ad eundem <pb id="p.19" />
modum tu quidem, quid ego in propatulo et celebri agam,
facile e tenebris tuis arbitraris, cum ipse humilitate
<milestone unit="section" n="17" />
abdita et lucifuga non sis mihi mutuo conspicuus.</p>
<p>Ego adeo seruosne tu habeas ad agrum colendum an
ipse mutuarias operas cum uicinis tuis cambies, neque
scio neque laboro. at tu me scis eadem die tris Oeae
manu misisse, idque mihi patronus tuus inter cetera a te
sibi edita obiecit, quanquam modico prius dixerat me uno
seruo comite Oeam uenisse. quod quidem uelim mihi
respondeas, qui potuerim ex uno tris manu mittere, nisi si
et hoc magicum est. tantamne esse mentiendi caecitatem
dicam an consuetudinem? <q direct="unspecified">uenit Apuleius Oeam cum uno
seruo;</q> dein pauculis uerbis intergarritis: <q direct="unspecified">Apuleius Oeae
una die tris manu misit.</q> ne illud quidem credibile
fuisset, cum tribus uenisse, omnes liberasse; quod tamen
si ita fecissem, cur potius tris seruos inopiae signum
putares quam tris libertos opulentiae? nescis profecto,
nescis, Aemiliane, philosophum accusare, qui famulitii
paucitatem obprobraris, quam ego gloriae causa ementiri
debuissem, quippe qui scirem non modo philosophos, quorum me sectatorem fero, uerum etiam imperatores populi
Romani paucitate seruorum gloriatos. itane tandem ne
haec quidem legere patroni tui: M. Antonium consularem <pb id="p.20" />
solos octo seruos domi habuisse, Carbonem uero illum,
qui rebus potitus est, uno minus, at enim Manio Curio
tot adoreis longe incluto, quippe qui ter triumphum una
porta egerit, ei igitur Manio Curio duos solos in castris
calones fuisse? ita ille uir de Sabinis deque Samnitibus
deque Pyrro triumphator paucioris seruos habuit quam
triumphos. M. autem Cato nihil oppertus, ut alii de se
praedicarent, ipse in o<del status="unremarkable">pe</del>ratione sua scriptum reliquit,
cum in Hispania<add>m</add> consul proficisceretur, tris seruos solos
ex urbe duxisse; quoniam ad uillam publicam uenerat,
parum uisum qui uteretur, iussisse duos pueros in foro
de mensa emi, eos quinque in Hispaniam duxisse. haec
Pudens si legisset, ut mea opinio est, aut omnino huic maledicto supersedisset aut in tribus seruis multitudinem comitum philosophi quam paucitatem reprehendere maluisset.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="18" />
<p>Idem mihi etiam paupertatem obprobrauit, acceptum
philosopho crimen et ultro profitendum. enim paupertas
olim philosophiae uernacula est, frugi, sobria, paruo potens, aemula laudis, aduersum diuitias possessa, habitu
secura, cultu simplex, consilio benesuada, neminem umquam superbia inflauit, neminem inpotentia deprauauit,
neminem tyrannide efferauit, delicias uentris et inguinum <pb id="p.21" />
neque uult ullas neque potest. quippe haec et alia flagitia
diuitiarum alumni solent; maxima quaeque scelera si ex
omni memoria hominum percenseas, nullum in illis pauperem reperies, ut contra haut temere inter inlustris uiros
diuites comparent, sed quemcunque in aliqua laude miramur, eum paupertas ab incunabulis nutricata est. paupertas, inquam, prisca aput saecula omnium ciuitatium
conditrix, omnium artium repertrix, omnium peccatorum
inops, omnis gloriae munifica, cunctis laudibus apud omnis nationes perfuncta. eadem est enim paupertas apud
Graecos in Aristide iusta, in Phocione benigna, in Epaminonda strenua, in Socrate sapiens, in Homero diserta.
eadem paupertas etiam populo Romano imperium a primordio fundauit, proque eo in <add>h</add>odiernum diis immortalibus
simpulo et catino fictili sacrificat. quod si modo iudices
de causa ista sederent C. Fabricius, Gn. Scipio, Manius
Curius, quorum filiae ob paupertatem de publico dotibus
donatae ad maritos ierunt portantes gloriam domesticam,
pecuniam publicam, si Publicola regum exactor et Agrippa
populi reconciliator, quorum funus ob tenuis opes a populo
Romano collatis <add>s</add>extantibus adornatum est, si Atilius Regulus, cuius agellus ob similem penuriam publica pecunia
cultus est, si denique omnes illae ueteres prosapiae consulares et censoriae et triumphales breui usura lucis ad
iudicium istud remissae audirent, auderesne paupertatem
<milestone unit="section" n="19" />
philosopho exprobrare apud tot consules pauperes? an tibi
Claudius Maximus idoneus auditor uidetur ad irridendam
paupertatem, quod ipse uberem et prolixam rem familiarem <pb id="p.22" />
sortitus est? erras, Aemiliane, et longe huius animi frustra
es, si eum ex fortunae indulgentia, non ex philosophiae
censura metiris, si uirum tam austerae sectae tamque
diutinae militiae non putas amiciorem esse cohercitae mediocritati quam delicatae opulentiae, fortunam uelut tunicam magis concinnam quam longam probare; quippe etiam
ea si non gestetur et trahatur, nihil minus quam lacinia
praependens impedit et praecipitat. etenim <add>in</add> omnibus
ad uitae munia utendis quicquid aptam moderationem
supergreditur, <del status="unremarkable">h</del>oneri potius quam usui exuberat. igitur et
inmodicae diuitiae uelut ingentia et enormia gubernacula facilius mergunt quam regunt, quod habent irritam
copiam, noxiam nimietatem. quin ex ipsis opulentioribus
eos potissimum uideo laudari, qui nullo strepitu, modico
cultu, dissimulatis facultatibus agunt et diuitias magnas
administrant sine ostentatione, sine superbia, specie mediocritatis pauperum similes. quod si etiam ditibus ad
argumentum modestiae quaeritur imago quaepiam et color
paupertatis, cur eius pudeat tenuioris, qui eam non simulata<add>m</add>, sed uere fungimur?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="20" />
<p>Possum equidem tibi et ipsius nominis controuersiam
facere, neminem nostrum pauperem esse qui superuacanea
nolit, possit necessaria, quae natura oppido pauca sunt.
namque is plurimum habebit, qui minimum desiderabit; <pb id="p.23" />
habebit enim quantum uolet qui uolet minimum. et
idcirco diuitiae non melius in fundis et in fenore quam
in ipso hominis animo aestimantur, qui si est auaritia
egenus et ad omne lucrum inexplebilis, nec montibus auri
satiabitur, sed semper aliquid, ante parta ut augeat, mendicabit. quae quidem uera confessio est paupertatis; omnis enim cupido acquirendi ex opinione inopiae uenit, nec
refert, quam magnum sit quod tibi minus est. non habuit tantam rem familiarem Philus quantam Laelius, nec
Laelius quantam Scipio, nec Scipio quantam Crassus Diues,
at enim nec Crassus Diues quantam uolebat; ita cum
omnis superaret, a suamet auaritia superatus est omnibusque potius diues uisus est quam sibi. at contra hi
philosophi quos commemoraui non ultra uolentes quam
poterant, sed congruentibus desideriis et facultatibus iure
meritoque dites et beati fuerunt. pauper enim fis appetendi egestate, diues non egendi satietate, quippe qui
inopia desiderio, opulentia fastidio cernuntur. igitur,
Aemiliane, si pauperem me haberi uis, prius auarum esse
doceas necesse est. quod si nihil in animo deest, de
rebus extrariis quantum desit non laboro, quarum neque
laus in copia neque culpa in penuria consistit. <milestone unit="section" n="21" />
sed finge
haec aliter esse ac me ideo pauperem, quia mihi fortuna
diuitias inuidit easque, ut ferme euenit, aut tutor imminuit aut inimicus eripuit aut pater non reliquit: hocine
homini opprobrari, pauperiem, quod nulli ex animalibus
uitio datur, non aquilae, non tauro, non leoni? equus si <pb id="p.24" />
uirtutibus suis polleat, ut sit aequabilis uector et cursor
pernix, nemo ei penuriam pabuli exprobrat: tu mihi uitio
dabis non facti uel dicti alicuius prauitatem, sed quod
uiuo gracili lare, quod paucioris habeo, parcius pasco,
leuius uestio, minus obsono? atqui ego contra, quantulacumque tibi haec uidentur, multa etiam et nimia arbitror
et cupio ad pauciora me coercere, tanto beatior futurus
quanto collectior. namque animi ita ut corporis sanitas
expedita, imbecillitas laciniosa est, certumque signum est
infirmitatis pluribus indigere. prorsus ad uiuendum uelut
ad natandum is melior, qui onere liberior; sunt enim
similiter etiam in ista uitae humanae tempestate<del status="unremarkable">s</del> leuia
sustentui, grauia demersui. equidem didici ea re praecedere maxime deos hominibus, quod nulla re ad usum
sui indigeant, igitur ex nobis cui quam minimis opus sit,
eum esse deo similiorem.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="22" />
<p>Proinde gratum habui, cum ad contumeliam diceretis
rem familiarem mihi peram et baculum fuisse. quod utinam tantus animi forem, ut praeter eam supellectilem
nihil quicquam requirerem, sed eundem ornatum digne
gestarem, quem <del status="unremarkable">so</del>Crates ultro diuitiis abiectis appetiuit.
<del status="unremarkable">so</del>Crates, inquam, si quid credis, Aemiliane, uir domi inter
Thebanos proceres diues et nobilis amore huius habitus,
quem mihi obiectas, rem familiarem largam et uberem
populo donauit, multis seruis a sese remotis solitatem
delegit, arbores plurimas et frugiferas prae uno baculo <pb id="p.25" />
spreuit, uillas ornatissimas una perula mutauit, quam
postea comperta utilitate etiam carmine laudauit flexis
ad hoc Homericis uersibus, quibus ille Cretam insulam
nobilitat. principium dicam, ne me haec ad defensionem
putes confinxisse:
<quote rend="blockquote"><lb /><del status="unremarkable"><foreign lang="greek">krh/th</foreign></del> <note place="unspecified" anchored="yes"><foreign lang="greek">ph/rh</foreign></note> <foreign lang="greek">tis po/lis e)sti\ me/sw| e)ni\ oi)/nopi
<lb />tu/fw|</foreign> <del status="unremarkable"><foreign lang="greek">po/ntw|</foreign></del><foreign lang="greek">,</foreign></quote>
iam cetera tam mirifica, quae si tu legisses, magis mihi
peram quam nuptias Pudentillae inuidisses. peram et
baculum tu philosophis, exprobrares igitur et equitibus
faleras et peditibus clipeos et signiferis uexilla ac denique
triumphantibus quadrigas albas et togam palmatam? non
sunt quidem ista Platonicae sectae gestamina, sed Cynicae
familiae insignia. uerum tamen hoc Diogeni et Antist<add>h</add>eni
pera et baculum, quod regibus diadema, quod imperatoribus paludamentum, quod pontificibus galerum, quod
lituus auguribus. Diogenes quidem Cynicus cum Alexandro magno de ueritate regni certabundus baculo uice
sceptri gloriabatur. ipse denique Hercules inuictus—
quoniam haec tibi ut quaedam mendicabula <del status="unremarkable">a</del>nimis
sordent—, ipse inquam Hercules lustrator orbis, purgator ferarum, gentium domitor, is tamen deus, cum
terras peragraret, paulo prius quam in caelum ob uirtutes
as<del status="unremarkable">s</del>citus est, neque una pelli uestitior fuit neque uno
baculo comitatior.
ChatGPT
"Tell me, then, even if I admit that I have looked in a mirror, what crime is there in knowing one’s own appearance and carrying a small mirror that reflects it wherever one wishes? Don’t you know that nothing is more worthy of being seen by a human than one’s own form? Indeed, I know that children are more cherished when they resemble their parents, and in public, everyone receives an image of themselves, awarded as a mark of merit. Or why do statues and images, crafted by various arts, exist? Is it that what is laboriously created by art is deemed praiseworthy, but what is naturally given is considered blameworthy? In these natural mirrors, there is both ease and likeness, qualities that are more admirable. For in all manufactured images, much time is taken, yet they do not resemble as accurately as mirrors; clay lacks vigor, stone lacks color, and all lack movement, which brings likeness to life.
Hagesilaus of Sparta, who never allowed his likeness to be painted or sculpted due to lack of confidence in his appearance, must either be followed, or we must accept that people generally do not reject statues and images. So why would one think it better to see one’s image in stone rather than in silver, more in a painting than in a mirror? Is it disgraceful, in your opinion, to examine one’s appearance with frequent scrutiny? Did not the philosopher Socrates himself recommend to his students that they frequently view themselves in a mirror so that those pleased with their looks would strive not to disgrace their bodily dignity with bad habits, while those who considered themselves lacking in appearance would work to cover their unattractiveness with virtue? So wise was Socrates that he even used a mirror for moral discipline.
Similarly, who does not know that Demosthenes, the foremost orator, always practiced his arguments in front of a mirror as if before a teacher? Indeed, this greatest of orators, having acquired eloquence from the philosopher Plato and learned reasoning from the dialectician Eubulides, sought the harmony of delivery from the mirror. Who, then, should take more care for appearance when asserting their speech—the rhetorician arguing or the philosopher reproving, who disputes briefly among judges drawn by lot or who teaches about good and evil among all mankind forever? Indeed, a philosopher should not only visit a mirror for these reasons, but often it is necessary to consider the image itself and the nature of resemblance, as Epicurus says, images arise from us like certain shadows, flowing ceaselessly from our bodies. When they strike something solid, they are reflected back and thus appear again, responding in reverse, or, as other philosophers claim, the rays of our eyes extend outwards and, mixing with external light, form a unified vision, as Plato believes.
Philosophy should investigate all these things, examine every kind of mirror, whether dry or wet, alone or with the sun, for which the aforementioned reasoning is necessary. I refer not only to flat mirrors that generally show equal perspectives and images but also to convex and concave mirrors, which either diminish or enlarge, respectively. I must also investigate why the left side and right side are reversed, or why a concave mirror, if held toward the sun, ignites a piece of tinder placed before it, how rainbows form in clouds, why double suns can appear with similar mimicry, and other phenomena of this nature. Archimedes of Syracuse, a man greatly admired in all geometry, handled these topics with the utmost precision, and perhaps deserves to be remembered for frequently and diligently studying the mirror.
You would marvel, Aemilianus, if you had read Archimedes’s work, and rather than laboring in the fields, even if your visage seems more fitted to a tragic character like Thyestes, you would nonetheless look into a mirror, eager to see the many furrows on your face.
But as for me, I have no interest in speaking ill of your contorted face or keeping silent on your much more brutish behavior. I am not quarrelsome, and I have long been ignorant of whether you are a good or bad person, and I still do not know. This is because you remain obscure through rusticity, while I am preoccupied with study. So, it happens that, like someone standing in a place full of light while another watches from the shadows, you can observe what I do in public, while you remain unseen, hidden in humility and avoiding the light."
You
Quod si haec exempla nihili putas ac me non ad causam agundam, uerum ad censum dis<add>s</add>erundum uocasti, ne
quid tu rerum mearum nescias, si tamen nescis, profiteor
mihi ac fratri meo relictum a patre 〈HS XX〉 paulo secus, idque a me longa peregrinatione et diutinis studiis
et crebris liberalitatibus modice imminutum. nam et amicorum plerisque opem tuli et magistris plurimis gratiam
retuli, quorundam etiam filias dote auxi; neque enim
dubitassem equidem uel uniuersum patrimonium impendere, ut acquirerem mihi quod maius est contemptu
patrimonii. tu uero, Aemiliane, et id genus homines uti
tu es inculti et agrestes, tanti re uera estis quantum
habetis, ut arbor infecunda et infelix, quae nullum fructum
ex sese gignit, tanti est in pretio, quanti lignum eius in
trunco. at tamen parce postea, Aemiliane, paupertatem
cuipiam obiectare, qui nuper usque agellum Zarathensem,
quem tibi unicum pater tuus reliquerat, solus uno asello
ad tempestiuum imbrem triduo exarabas. neque enim diu
est, cum te crebrae mortes propinquorum immeritis hereditatibus fulserunt, unde tibi potius quam ob istam teterrimam faciem Charon nomen est.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="24" />
<p>De patria mea uero, quod eam sitam Numidiae et
Gaetuliae in ipso confinio mei<add>s</add> scriptis ostendistis, quibus
memet professus sum, cum Lolliano Auito c. u. praesente
publice dissererem, Seminumidam et Semigaetulum, non
uideo quid mihi sit in ea re pudendum, haud minus <pb id="p.27" />
quam Cyro maiori, quod genere mixto fuit Semimedus ac
Semipersa. non enim ubi prognatus, sed ut moratus quisque sit spectandum, nec qua regione, sed qua ratione
uitam uiuere inierit, considerandum est. holitori et cauponi merito est concessum holus et uinum ex nobilitate
soli commendare, uinum Thasium, holus Phliasium; quippe
illa terrae alumna multum ad meliorem saporem iuuerit
et regio fecunda et caelum pluuium et uentus clemens et
sol apricus et solum sucidum. enimuero animo hominis
extrinsecus in hospitium corporis immigranti quid ex istis
addi uel minui ad uirtutem uel malitiam potest? quando
non in omnibus gentibus uaria ingenia prouenere, quanquam uideantur quaedam stultitia uel sollertia insigniores?
apud socordissimos Scythas Anacharsis sapiens natus est,
apud Athenienses catos Meletides fatuus. nec hoc eo dixi,
quo me patriae meae paeniteret, etsi adhuc Syfacis oppidum essemus. quo tamen uicto ad Masinissam regem
munere populi R. concessimus ac deinceps ueteranorum
militum nouo conditu<del status="unremarkable">s</del> splendidissima colonia sumus, in
qua colonia patrem habui loco principis IIuiralem cunctis honoribus perfunctum; cuius ego locum in illa re p.,
exinde ut participare curiam coepi, nequaquam degener
pari, spero, honore et existimatione tueor. cur ergo illa
protuli? ut mihi tu, Aemiliane, minus posthac suscenseas,
potiusque ut ueniam inpertias, si per neglegentiam forte
non elegi illud tuum Atticum Zarat, ut in eo nascerer. <pb id="p.28" /></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="25" />
<p>Nonne uos puditum est haec crimina tali uiro audiente
tam adseuerate obiectare, friuola et inter se repugnantia
simul promere et utraque tamen reprehendere? at non
contraria accusastis? peram et baculum ob auctoritatem,
carmina et speculum ob hilaritatem, unum seruum ut
deparci, tris libertos ut profusi, praeterea eloquentiam Graecam, patriam barbaram? quin igitur tandem expergiscimini ac uos cogitatis apud Claudium Maximum dicere,
apud uirum seuerum et totius prouinciae negotiis occupatum? quin, inquam, uana haec conuicia aufertis? quin
ostenditis quod insimulauistis, scelera immania et inconcessa maleficia et artis nefandas? cur uestra oratio rebus
flaccet, strepitu uiget?</p>
<p>Aggredior enim iam ad ipsum crimen magiae, quod
ingenti tumultu ad inuidiam mei accensum frustrata expectatione omnium per nescio quas anilis fabulas defraglauit. ecquandone uidisti, Maxime, flammam stipula
exortam claro crepitu, largo fulgore, cito incremento,
sed enim materia leui, caduco incendio, nullis reliquiis?
em tibi illa accusatio iurgiis inita, uerbis aucta, argumentis defecta, nullis post sententiam tuam reliquiis calumniae permansura. quae quidem omnis Aemiliano fuit
in isto uno destinata, me magum esse, et ideo mihi libet
quaerere ab eruditissimis eius aduocatis, quid sit magus.</p>
<p>Nam si, quod ego apud plurimos lego, Persarum lingua <pb id="p.29" />
magus est qui nostra sacerdos, quod tandem est crimen,
sacerdotem esse et rite nosse atque scire atque callere
leges cerimoniarum, fas sacrorum, ius religionum, si quidem
magia id est quod Plato interpretatur, cum commemorat,
quibusnam disciplinis puerum regno adulescentem Persae
imbuant—uerba ipsa diuini uiri memini, quae tu mecum,
Maxime, recognosce: <foreign lang="greek">di\s e(pta\ de\ geno/menon e)tw=n to\n pai=da
paralamba/nousin ou(\s e)kei=noi basilei/ous paidagwgou\s o)noma/zousin: ei)si\n de\ e)ceilegme/noi *persw=n oi( a)/ristoi do/cantes
e)n h(liki/a| te/ttares, o(/ te sofw/tatos kai\ o( dikaio/tatos kai\ o(
swfrone/statos kai\ o( a)ndreio/tatos. w(=n o( me\n magei/an te
dida/skei th\n *zwroa/strou tou= *)wroma/zou: e)/sti de\ tou=to
qew=n qerapei/a: <milestone unit="section" n="26" />
dida/skei de\ kai\ ta\ basilika/.</foreign> auditisne
magiam, qui eam temere accusatis, artem esse dis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac uenerandi pergnaram,
piam scilicet et diuini scientem, iam inde a Zoroastre et
Oromaze auctoribus suis nobilem, caelitum antistitam,
quippe qui inter prima regalia docetur nec ulli temere
inter Persas concessum est magum esse, haud magis quam
regnare. idem Plato in alia sermocinatione de Zalmoxi
quodam Thraci generis, sed eiusdem artis uiro ita scriptum <pb id="p.30" />
reliquit: <foreign lang="greek">ta\s de\ e)pw|da\s ei)=nai tou\s lo/gous tou\s kalou/s.</foreign>
quod si ita est, cur mihi nosse non liceat uel Zalmoxi
bona uerba uel Zoroastri sacerdotia? sin uero more uulgari eum isti proprie magum existimant, qui communione
loquendi cum deis immortalibus ad omnia quae uelit incredibili<del status="unremarkable">a</del> quadam ui cantaminum polleat, oppido miror,
cur accusare non timuerint quem posse tantum fatentur.
neque enim tam occulta et diuina potentia caueri potest
itidem ut cetera. sicarium qui in iudicium uocat, comitatus uenit; qui uenenarium accusat, scrupulosius cibatur;
qui furem arguit, sua custodit. enimuero qui magum
qualem isti dicunt in discrimen capitis deducit, quibus
comitibus, quibus scrupulis, quibus custodibus perniciem
caecam et ineuitabilem prohibeat? nullis scilicet; et ideo
id genus crimen non est eius accusare, qui credit. <milestone unit="section" n="27" />
uerum
haec ferme communi quodam errore imperitorum philosophis obiectantur, ut partim eorum qui corporum causas
meras et simplicis rimantur irreligiosos putent eoque aiant
deos abnuere, ut Anaxagoram et Leucippum et Democritum et Epicurum ceterosque rerum naturae patronos,
partim autem, qui prouidentiam mundi curiosius uestigant
et impensius deos celebrant, eos uero uulgo magos nominent, quasi facere etiam sciant quae sciant fieri, ut olim
fuere Epimenides et Orpheus et Pythagoras et Ostanes,
ac dein similiter suspectata Empedocli catharmoe, Socrati
daemonion, Platonis <foreign lang="greek">to\ a)gaqo/n</foreign>. gratulor igitur mihi, cum
et ego tot ac tantis uiris adnumeror. <pb id="p.31" /></p>
<p>Ceterum ea quae ab illis ad ostendendum crimen obiecta sunt uana et inepta simpliciter uereor, ne ideo tantum crimina putes, quod obiecta sunt. <q direct="unspecified">cur</q> inquit
<q direct="unspecified">piscium quaedam genera quaesisti?</q> quasi id cognitionis
gratia philosopho facere non liceat, quod luxurioso gulae
causa liceret. <q direct="unspecified">cur mulier libera tibi nupsit post annos
XIII uiduitatis?</q> quasi non magis mirandum sit quod tot
annis non nubserit. <q direct="unspecified">cur prius, quam tibi nuberet, scripsit
nescio quid in epistula quod sibi uidebatur?</q> quasi quisquam debeat causas alienae sententiae reddere. <q direct="unspecified">at enim
maior natu non est iuuenem aspernata.</q> igitur hoc ipsum
argumentum est nihil opus magia fuisse, ut nubere uellet
mulier uiro, uidua caelibi, maior iuniori. iam et illa
similia: <q direct="unspecified">habet quiddam Apuleius domi quod sancte colit:</q>
quasi non id potius crimen sit, quod colas non habere.
<q direct="unspecified">cecidit praesente Apuleio puer.</q> quid enim, si iuuenis,
quid, si etiam senex adsistente me corruisset uel morbo
corporis impeditus uel lubrico soli prolapsus? hiscine
argumentis magian probatis, casu pueruli et matrimonio
mulieris et obsonio piscium?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="28" />
<p>Possem equidem bono periculo uel his dictis contentus
perorare: quoniam mihi pro accusationis longitudine largiter aquae superest, cedo, si uidetur, singula consideremus.
atque ego omnia obiecta, seu uera seu falsa sunt, non
negabo, sed perinde atque si facta sint fatebor, ut omnis
ista multitudo, quae plurima undique ad audiendum conuenit, <pb id="p.32" />
aperte intellegat nihil in philosophos non modo
uere dici, sed ne falso quidem posse confingi, quod non
ex innocentiae fiducia, quamuis liceat negare, tamen potius
habeant defendere. primum igitur argumenta eorum conuincam ac refutabo nihil ea ad magian pertinere; dein
etsi maxime magus forem, tamen ostendam neque causam
ullam neque occasionem fuisse, ut me in aliquo maleficio
experirentur. ibi etiam de falsa inuidia deque epistulis
mulieris perperam lectis et nequius interpretatis deque
matrimonio meo ac Pudentillae disputabo, idque a me
susceptum officii gratia quam lucri causa docebo. quod
quidem matrimonium nostrum Aemiliano huic immane
quanto angori quantaeque diuidiae fuit; inde omnis huiusce
accusationis obeundae ira et rabies et denique insania
exorta est. quae si omnia palam et dilucide ostendero,
tunc denique te, Claudi Maxime, et omnis qui adsunt
contestabor puerum illum Sicinium Pudentem priuignum
meum, cuius obtentu et uoluntate a patruo eius accusor,
nuperrime curae meae ereptum, postquam frater eius
Pontianus et natu maior et moribus melior diem suum
obiit, atque ita in me ac matrem suam nefarie efferatum,
non mea culpa, desertis liberalibus studiis ac repudiata
omni disciplina, scelestis accusationis huius rudimentis
patruo Aemiliano potius quam fratri Pontiano similem
futurum.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="29" />
<p>Nunc, ut institui, proficiscar ad omnia Aemiliani
huiusce deliramenta orsus ab eo, quod ad suspicionem
magiae quasi ualidissimum in principio dici animaduertisti,
nonnulla me piscium genera per quosdam piscatores pretio
quaesisse. utrum igitur horum ad suspectandam magian <pb id="p.33" />
ualet? quodne piscatores mihi piscem quaesierunt? (scilicet
ergo phrygionibus aut fabris negotium istud dandum fuisse
atque ita opera cuiusque artis permutanda, si uellem calumniis uestris uitare, ut faber mihi piscem euerreret, ut
piscator mutuo lignum dedolaret.) an ex eo intellexistis
maleficio quaeri pisciculos, quod pretio quaerebantur?
(credo, si conuiuio uellem, gratis quaesissem.) quin igitur
etiam ex aliis plerisque me arguitis? nam saepe numero
et uinum et holus et pomum et panem pretio mutaui.
eo pacto cuppedinariis omnibus famem decernis; quis enim
ab illis obsonare audebit, si quidem statuitur omnia edulia
quae depenso para<add>n</add>tur non cenae, sed magiae desiderari?
quod si nihil remanet suspicionis, neque in piscatoribus
mercede inuitatis ad quod solent, ad piscem capiundum,
(quos tamen nullos ad testimonium produxere, quippe qui
nulli fuerunt), neque in ipso pretio rei uenalis (cuius
tamen quantitatem nullam taxauere, ne, si mediocre pretium dixissent, contemneretur, si plurimum, non crederetur)
—si in his, ut dico, nulla suspicio est: respondeat mihi
Aemilianus, quo proximo signo ad accusationem magiae
sit inductus.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="30" />
<p>'Pisces' inquit <q direct="unspecified">quaeris.</q> nolo negare. sed, oro te,
qui pisces quaerit, magus est? equidem non magis arbitror
quam si lepores quaererem uel apros uel altilia. an soli
pisces habent aliquit occultum aliis, sed magis cognitum?
hoc si scis quid sit, magus es profecto; sin nescis, confitearis necesse est id te accusare quod nescis. tam rudis
uos esse omnium litterarum, omnium denique uulgi fabularum, <pb id="p.34" />
ut ne fingere quidem possitis ista uerisimiliter?
quid enim competit ad amoris ardorem accendendum piscis
brutus et frigidus aut omnino res pelago quaesita? nisi
forte hoc uos ad mendacium induxit, quod Venus dicitur
pelago exorta. audi sis, Tannoni Pudens, quam multa
nescieris, qui de piscibus argumentum magiae recepisti.
at si Virgilium legisses, profecto scisses alia quaeri ad
hanc rem solere; ille enim, quantum scio, enumerat uittas
mollis et uerbenas pinguis et tura mascula et licia discolora, praeterea laurum fragilem, limum durabilem, ceram
liquabilem, nec minus quae iam in opere serio scripsit:
<quote rend="blockquote">
<lb />falcibus et messae ad lunam quaeruntur aenis
<lb />pubentes herbae nigri cum lacte ueneni.
<lb />quaeritur et nascentis equi de fronte reuulsus
<lb />et matri praereptus amor.</quote>
at tu piscium insimulator longe diuersa instrumenta magis
attribuis, non frontibus teneris detergenda, sed dorsis
squalentibus excidenda, nec fundo reuellenda, sed profundo
extrahenda, nec falcibus metenda, sed hamis inuncanda.
postremo in maleficio ille uenenum nominat, tu pulmentum, ille herbas et surculos, tu squamas et ossa, ille
pratum decerpit, tu fluctum scrutaris. memorassem tibi
etiam Theocriti paria et alia Homeri et Orphei plurima,
et ex comoediis et tragoediis Graecis et ex historiis multa
repetissem, ni te dudum animaduertissem Graecam Pudentillae <pb id="p.35" />
epistulam legere nequiuisse. igitur unum etiam
poetam Latinum attingam, uersus ipsos, quos agnoscent
qui Laeuium legere:
<quote rend="blockquote">
<lb />philtra omnia undique eruunt:
<lb />antipathes illud quaeritur,
<lb />trochiscili, ung<add>u</add>es, taeniae,
<lb />radiculae, herbae, surculi,
<lb />saurae inlices bicodulae,
<lb />hinnientium dulcedines.
</quote>
<milestone unit="section" n="31" />
haec et alia quaesisse me potius quam pisces longe uerisimilius confinxisses (his etenim fortasse per famam peruulgatam fides fuisset), si tibi ulla eruditio adfuisset;
enimuero piscis ad quam rem facit captus nisi ad epulas
coctus? ceterum ad magian nihil quicquam uidetur mihi
adiutare. dicam unde id coniectem. Pythagoram plerique
Zoroastri sectatorem similiterque magiae peritum arbitrati
tamen memoriae prodiderunt, cum animaduertisset proxime
Metapontum in litore Italiae suae, quam subsiciuam Graeciam fecerat, a quibusdam piscatoribus euerriculum trahi,
fortunam iactus eius emisse et pretio dato iussisse ilico
piscis eos, qui capti tenebantur, solui retibus et reddi <pb id="p.36" />
profundo; quos scilicet eum de manibus amissurum non
fuisse<del status="unremarkable">t</del>, si quid<del status="unremarkable">em</del> in his utile ad magian comperisset.
sed enim uir egregie doctus et ueterum aemulator meminerat Homerum, poetam multiscium uel potius cunctarum
rerum adprime peritum, uim omnem medicaminum non
mari, sed terrae <add>a</add>scripsisse<del status="unremarkable">t</del>, cum de quadam saga ad
hunc modum memorauit: <foreign lang="greek">h(\ to/sa fa/rmaka h)/dh, o(/sa tre/fei
eu)rei=a xqw/n</foreign> itemque alibi carminum similiter:
<quote rend="blockquote" lang="greek"><lb />th=| plei=sta fe/rei zei/dwros a)/roura
<lb />fa/rmaka, polla\ me\n e)sqla\ memigme/na, polla\ de\ lugra/,</quote>
cum tamen numquam apud eum marino aliquo et piscolento medicauit nec Prot<del status="unremarkable">h</del>eus faciem nec Vlixes scrobem
nec Aeolus follem nec Helena creterram nec Circe poculum nec Venus cingulum. at uos soli reperti estis ex
omni memoria, qui uim <add>h</add>erbarum et radicum et surculorum et lapillorum quasi quadam colluuione naturae de
summis montibus in mare transferatis et penitus piscium
uentribus insuatis. igitur ut solebat ad magorum cerimonias aduocari Mercurius carminum uector et illex animi
Venus et Luna noctium conscia et manium potens Triuia,
uobis auctoribus posthac Neptunus cum Salacia et Portuno <pb id="p.37" />
et omni choro Nerei ab aestibus fretorum ad aestus amorum transferentur.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="32" />
<p>Dixi, cur non arbitrer quicquam negotii esse magis et
piscibus. nunc, si uidetur, credamus Aemiliano solere
pisces etiam ad magicas potestates adiutare. num ergo
propterea quicumque quaerit et ipse magus est? eo quidem pacto et qui myoparonem quaesierit pirata erit et
qui uectem perfossor et qui gladium sicarius. nihil in
rebus omnibus tam innoxium dices, quin id possit aliquid
aliqua obesse, nec tam laetum, quin possit ad tristitudinem intellegi. nec tamen omnia idcirco ad nequiorem
suspicionem trahuntur, ut si tus et casiam et myrram
ceterosque id genus odores funeri tantum emptos arbitreris,
cum et medicamento parentur et sacrificio. ceterum eodem
piscium argumento etiam Menelai socios putabis magos
fuisse, quos ait poeta praecipuus flexis hamulis apud Pharum
insulam famem propulsasse; etiam mergos et delfinos et
scillam tu eodem referes, etiam gulones omnes, qui inpendio
a piscatoribus mercantur, etiam ipsos piscatores, qui omnium generum piscis arte adquirunt. <q direct="unspecified">cur ergo tu quaeris?</q>
nolo equidem nec necessarium habeo tibi dicere, sed per te,
si potes, ad hoc quaesisse me argue; ut si elleborum uel
cicutam uel sucum papaueris emissem, item alia eiusdem
modi quorum moderatus usus salutaris, sed commixtio uel
quantitas noxia est, quis aequo animo pateretur, si me per
haec ueneficii arcesseres, quod ex illis potest homo occidi? <pb id="p.38" /></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="33" />
<p>Videamus tamen, quae fuerint piscium genera tam
necessaria ad habendum tamque rara ad repperiendum, ut
merito statuto praemio quaererentur. tria omnino nominauerunt, unum falsi, duo mentiti; falsi, quod leporem
marinum fuisse dixerunt qui alius omnino piscis fuit,
quem mihi Themis<del status="unremarkable">c</del>on seruus noster medicinae non ignarus, ut ex ipso audisti, ultro attulit ad inspiciundum;
nam quidem leporem nondum etiam inuenit. sed profiteor me quaerere et cetera, non piscatoribus modo, uerum
etiam amicis meis negotio dato, quicumque minus cogniti
generis piscis inciderit, ut eius mihi aut formam commemorent aut ipsum uiuum, si id nequierint, uel mortuum
ostendant. quam ob rem id faciam, mox docebo. mentiti
autem sunt callidissimi accusatores mei, ut sibi uidentur,
cum me ad finem calumniae confinxerunt duas res marinas
impudicis uocabulis quaesisse, quas Tannonius ille cum
utriusque sexus genitalia intellegi uellet, sed eloqui propter
infantiam causidicus summus nequiret, multum ac diu
haesitato tandem uirile marinum nescio qua circumlocutione male ac sordide nominauit, sed enim feminal nullo
pacto repperiens munditer dicere ad mea scripta confugit
et quodam libro meo legit: <q direct="unspecified">interfeminium tegat et femoris
obiectu et palmae uelamento.</q></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="34" />
<p>Hic etiam pro sua grauitate uitio mihi uortebat, quod
me nec sordidiora dicere honeste pigeret. at ego illi contra
iustius exprobrarim, quod qui eloquentiae patrocinium
uulgo profiteatur etiam honesta dictu sordide blateret ac
saepe in rebus nequaquam difficilibus fringultiat uel omnino <pb id="p.39" />
commutescat. cedo enim, si ego de Veneris statua nihil
dixissem neque interfeminium nominassem, quibus tandem
uerbis accusasses crimen illud tam stultitiae quam linguae
tuae congruens? an quicquam stultius quam ex nominum
propinquitate uim similem rerum coniectam? et fortasse
an peracute repperisse uobis uidebamini, ut quaesisse me
fingeretis ad illecebras magicas duo haec marina, ueretillam et uirginal; disce enim nomina rerum Latina, quae
propterea uarie nominaui, ut denuo instructus accuses.
memento tamen tam ridiculum argumentum fore desiderata
ad res uenerias marina obscena, quam si dicas marinum
pectinem comendo capillo quaesitum uel aucupandis uolantibus piscem accipitrem aut uenandis apris piscem apriculam aut eliciendis mortuis marina caluaria. respondeo
igitur ad hunc uestrum locum non minus insulse quam
absurde commentum, me hasce nugas marinas et quiscilias
litoralis neque pretio neque gratis quaesisse.
ChatGPT
"But if you think these examples are worth nothing, and you called me not to conduct a case, but to discuss my wealth, lest you remain ignorant of my circumstances (if indeed you are unaware), I declare that my father left me and my brother a legacy of about 20,000 sesterces, which I have moderately reduced by prolonged travels, continuous studies, and frequent acts of generosity. For I have helped many friends, repaid the kindness of numerous teachers, and even provided dowries for some of their daughters. Indeed, I would not have hesitated to spend my entire inheritance to gain something greater than the inheritance itself—its very disregard.
You, however, Aemilianus, and people like you—uncultivated and rustic—are truly worth only as much as you possess, like a barren and unfruitful tree valued only for the wood of its trunk. But henceforth, Aemilianus, spare others from accusations of poverty, you who until recently were plowing a small Zarathen estate, the only inheritance your father left you, with a single donkey for three days until a timely rain came. And it has not been long since frequent deaths among your relatives shone on you with undeserved inheritances, hence why you, more than for your loathsome face, are fittingly named Charon.
Regarding my birthplace, which you mentioned as lying on the border of Numidia and Gaetulia, as I have acknowledged in my writings when I publicly discoursed in the presence of the most honorable Lollianus Avitus, declaring myself half-Numidian and half-Gaetulian, I do not see what there is to be ashamed of in that any more than Cyrus the Great, who was of mixed Median and Persian descent. For the place of one’s birth is less important than the way one conducts themselves, and not where, but how one chooses to live, should be considered. The greengrocer and tavern-keeper rightly boast about the quality of their local produce—the Thasian wine or the Phliasian cabbage—as the region, fertile land, and favorable climate improve the taste. But as for the human soul that enters the body as a stranger, what does it gain or lose for virtue or vice from these external factors?
For even among the most indolent Scythians, Anacharsis, a wise man, was born, while in Athens, the city of sages, Meletides was born a fool. And I do not say this because I am ashamed of my own country, even if we were still the town of Syphax. For after his defeat, we were transferred to King Masinissa by the gift of the Roman people, and from then on, by a new foundation of veteran soldiers, we became a distinguished colony. In that colony, my father held a prominent position, having served as a duumvir with full honors, whose place in public affairs I, once I began to share in the council, have continued with equal, I hope, honor and reputation. Why did I mention this? So that you, Aemilianus, may be less inclined to hold a grudge against me and more likely to pardon my failure to choose your Attic Zarath as my birthplace."
You
Illud etiam praeterea respondeo, nescisse uos, quid a
me quaesitum fingeretis. haec enim friuola quae nominastis pleraque in litoribus omnibus congestim et aceruatim iacent et sine ullius opera quamlibet leuiter motis
flucticulis ultro foras euoluuntur. quin ergo dicitis me
eadem opera pretio impenso per plurim<del status="unremarkable">is</del>os piscatoris
quaesisse de litore conchulam striatam testam habentem,
calculum teretem, praeterea cancrorum furcas, echin<add>or</add>um <pb id="p.40" />
caliculos, lolliginum ligulas, postremo assulas, festucas,
resticulas et ostracoderma Pergami uermiculata, denique muscum
et algam, cetera maris eiectamenta, quae ubique litorum
uentis expelluntur, salo expuuntur, tempestate reciprocantur,
tranquillo deseruntur? neque enim minus istis quae commemoraui accommodari possunt similiter ex uocabulo
suspiciones. posse dicitis ad res uenerias sumpta de mari
spuria et fascina propter nominum similitudinem: qui
minus possit ex eodem litore calculus ad uesicam, testa
ad testamentum, cancer ad ulcera, alga ad quercerum?
ne tu, Claudi Maxime, nimis patiens uir es et oppido
proxima humanitate, qui hasce eorum argumentationes
diu hercle perpessus sis; equidem, cum haec ab illis quasi
grauia et uincibilia dicerentur, illorum stultitiam ridebam,
tuam patientiam mirabar.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="36" />
<p>Ceterum quam ob rem plurimos iam piscis cognouerim,
quorundam adhuc nescius esse nolim, discat Aemilianus,
quoniam usque adeo rebus meis curat; quanquam est
iam praecipiti aeuo et occidua senectute, tamen, si uidetur,
accipiat doctrinam seram plane et postumam; legat ueterum philosophorum monumenta, tandem ut intellegat non
me primum haec requisisse, sed iam pridem maiores meos,
Aristotelen dico et Theop<add>h</add>rastum et <del status="unremarkable">t</del>Eudemum et Lyconem ceterosque Platonis minores, qui plurimos libros de
genitu animalium deque uictu deque particulis deque omni
differentia reliquerunt. bene quod apud te, Maxime, causa
agitur, qui pro tua eruditione legisti profecto Aristotelis <pb id="p.41" />
<foreign lang="greek">peri\ zw/|wn gene/sews, peri\ zw/|wn a)natomh=s, peri\ zw/|wn i(stori/as</foreign>
multiiuga uolumina, praeterea problemata innumera eiusdem, tum ex eadem secta ceterorum, in quibus id genus
uaria tractantur. quae tanta cura conquisita si honestum
et gloriosum illis fuit scribere, cur turpe sit nobis experiri, praesertim cum ordinatius et cohibilius eadem
Graece et Latine adnitar conscribere et in omnibus aut
omissa adquirere aut defecta supplere? permittite, si
operaest, quaedam legi de magicis meis, ut sciat me
Aemilianus plura quam putat quaerere et sedulo explorare.
prome tu librum e Graecis meis, quos forte hic amici
habuere sedulique, naturalium quaestionum, atque eum
maxime, in quo plura de piscium genere tractata sunt.
interea, dum hic quaerit, ego exemplum rei competens
dixero.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="37" />
<p>Sophocles poeta Euripidi aemulus et superstes, uixit
enim ad extremam senectam, cum igitur accusaretur a
filio suomet dementiae, quasi iam per aetatem desiperet,
protulisse dicitur Coloneum suam, peregregiam tragoediarum, quam forte tum in eo tempore conscribebat, eam
iudicibus legisse nec quicquam amplius pro defensione
sua addidisse, nisi ut audacter dementiae condemnarent,
si carmina senis displicerent. ibi ego comperior om<del status="unremarkable">a</del>nis <pb id="p.42" />
iudices tanto poetae adsurrexisse, miris laudibus eum
tulisse ob argumenti sollertiam et coturnum facundiae,
nec ita multum omnis afuisse quin accusatorem potius
dementiae condemnarent.</p>
<p>Inuenisti tu librum? beasti. cedo enim experiamur,
an et mihi possint in iudicio litterae meae prodesse.
lege pauca de principio, dein quaedam de piscibus. at
tu interea, dum legit, <del status="unremarkable">t</del>aquam<del status="unremarkable">quam</del> sustine.—</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="38" />
<p>Audisti, Maxime, quorum pleraque scilicet legeras
apud antiquos philosophorum. et memento de solis piscibus haec uolumina a me conscripta, qui eorum coitu progignantur, qui ex limo coalescant, quotiens et quid anni
cuiusque eorum generis feminae subent<del status="unremarkable">ant</del>, mares suriant,
quibus membris et causis discrerit natura uiuiparos eorum
et ouiparos—ita enim Latine appello quae Graeci
<foreign lang="greek">zw|oto/ka</foreign> et <foreign lang="greek">w)|oto/ka</foreign>—et, ne <add>o</add>perose animalium genitum
pergam, deinde de differentia et uictu et membris et
aetatibus ceterisque plurimis scitu quidem necessariis, sed
in iudicio alienis. pauca etiam de Latinis scribtis meis ad
eandem peritiam pertinentibus legi iubebo, in quibus animaduertes cum me<add>morabiles res et</add> cognitu raras, tum nomina
etiam Romanis inusitata et in hodiernum quod sciam infecta, ea tamen nomina labore meo et studio ita de Graecis <pb id="p.43" />
prouenire, ut tamen Latina moneta percussa sint. uel
dicant nobis, Aemiliane, patroni tui, ubi legerint Latine haec
pronuntiata uocabula. de solis aquatilibus dicam nec cetera
animalia nisi in communibus differentis attingam. ausculta
igitur quae dicam. iam me clamabis magica nomina Aegyptio uel Babylonico ritu percensere: <foreign lang="greek">sela/xeia, mala/keia, malako/straka, xondra/kanqa, o)strako/derma, karxaro/donta, a)mfi/bia,
lepidwta/, folidwta/, dermo/ptera, stegano/poda, monh/rh, sunagelastika/</foreign>—possum etiam pergere; sed non est operae in
istis diem terere, ut sit mihi tempus adgredi ad cetera.
haec interim quae dixi pauca recita Latine a me enuntiata.—</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="39" />
<p>Vtrum igitur putas philosopho non secundum Cynicam
temeritatem rudi et indocto, sed qui se Platonicae scolae
meminerit, utrum ei putas turpe scire ista an nescire,
neglegere an curare, nosse quanta sit etiam in istis prouidentiae ratio an <add>de</add> diis immortalibus matri et patri
credere? Q. Ennius hedyphagetica <del status="unremarkable">a</del> uersibus scribsit; innumerabilia genera piscium enumerat, quae scilicet curiose
cognorat. paucos uersus memini, eos dicam:
<quote rend="blockquote">
<lb />Omnibus ut Clipea praestat mustela marina,
<lb />mures sunt Aeni, asp<del status="unremarkable">e</del>ra ostrea plurima Abydi<del status="unremarkable">mus</del>. <pb id="p.44" />
<lb />Mytilenae est pecten C<add>h</add>aradrumque apud Ambraciae sus.
<lb />Brundisii sargus bonus est; hunc, magnus si erit, sume.
<lb />apriculum piscem scito primum esse Tarenti;
<lb />Surrenti t<add>u</add> elopem fac emas, glaucumque aput Cumas.
<lb />quid scarum praeterii cerebrum Iouis paene sup<del status="unremarkable">p</del>remi
<lb />(Nestoris ad patriam hic capitur magnusque bonusque)
<lb />melanurum, turdum, merulamque umbramque marinam. <pb id="p.45" />
<lb />polypus Corcyrae, caluaria pinguia <add>a</add>carnae,
<lb />purpura<del status="unremarkable">m</del>, mu<del status="unremarkable">r</del>riculi, mures, dulces quoque echini.
</quote>
alios etiam multis uersibus decorauit, et ubi gentium quisque eorum, qualiter assus aut iurulentus optime sapiat,
nec tamen ab eruditis reprehenditur, ne ego reprehendar,
qui res paucissimis cognitas Graece et Latine propriis
et elegantibus uocabulis conscribo.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="40" />
<p>Cum hoc satis dixi, tum aliud accipe. quid enim
tandem, si medicinae neque instudiosus neque imperitus
quaepiam remedia ex piscibus quaero? ut sane sunt
plurima cum in aliis omnibus rebus eodem naturae munere
interspersa atque interseminata, tum etiam nonnulla in
piscibus. an remedia nosse et ea conquirere magi potius
esse quam medici, quam denique philosophi putas, qui
illis non ad quaestum, sed ad suppetias usurust? ueteres quidem medici etiam carmina remedia uulnerum norant, ut omnis uetustatis certissimus auctor Homerus
docet, qui facit Vlixi de uulnere sanguinem profluentem
sisti cantamine. nihil enim, quod salutis ferendae gratia
fit, criminosum est. <q direct="unspecified">at enim</q> inquit <q direct="unspecified">piscem cui rei
nisi malae proscidisti, quem tibi Themis<del status="unremarkable">c</del>on seruus attulit?</q>
quasi uero non paulo prius dixerim me de particulis
omnium animalium, de situ earum de<del status="unremarkable">ni</del>que numero <pb id="p.46" />
de<del status="unremarkable">ni</del>que causa conscribere ac libros <foreign lang="greek">a)natomw=n</foreign> Aristoteli
et explorare studio et augere. atque adeo summe miror
quod unum a me pisciculum inspectum sciatis, cum iam
plurimos, ubicumque locorum oblati sunt, aeque inspexerim,
praesertim quod nihil ego clanculo, sed omnia in propatulo
ago, ut quiuis uel extrarius arbiter adsistat, more hoc et
instituto magistrorum meorum, qui aiunt hominem liberum
et magnificum debere, si qu<add>o</add> eat, in primori fronte
animum gestare. hunc adeo pisciculum, quem uos leporem
marinum nominatis, plurimis qui aderant ostendi; necdum
etiam decerno quid uocent, nisi quaeram sane accuratius,
quod nec apud ueteres philosophos proprietatem eius piscis
reperio, quanquam sit omnium rarissima et hercule memoranda; quippe solus ille, quantum sciam, cum sit cetera
exossis, duodecim numero ossa ad similitudinem talorum
suillorum in uentre eius conexa et catenata sunt. quod
Aristoteles si <add>scisset, n</add>umquam profecto omisisset scribto
prodere, qui aselli piscis solius omnium in medio aluo
corculum situm pro maximo memorauit. <milestone unit="section" n="41" />
<q direct="unspecified">piscem</q> inquit
<q direct="unspecified">proscidisti.</q> hoc quis ferat philosopho crimen esse, quod
lanio uel coquo non fuisset? <q direct="unspecified">piscem proscidisti.</q> quod
crudum, id accusas? si cocto uentrem rusparer, hepatia
suffoderem, ita ut apud te puerulus ille Sicinius Pudens
suomet obson<add>i</add>o discit, eam rem non putares accusandam;
atqui maius crimen est philosopho comesse piscis quam
inspicere. an hariolis licet iocinera rimari, philosopho <pb id="p.47" />
contemplari non licebit, qui se sciat omnium animalium
haruspicem, omnium deum sacerdotem? hoc in me accusas,
quod ego et Maximus in Aristotele miramur? cuius nisi
libros bibliothecis exegeris et studiosorum manibus extorseris, accusare me non potes. sed de hoc paene plura
quam debui.
ChatGPT
"In addition, I respond that you did not even know what you would accuse me of seeking. For most of these trivial items you named are strewn on shores everywhere in heaps and are rolled out freely by even the slightest wave motion. So why don’t you also say that I, with a fee paid to many fishermen, sought out from the shore a ribbed shell, a smooth pebble, along with crab claws, sea urchin shells, squid tendrils, and lastly splinters, twigs, small ropes, and wavy shells from Pergamon, finally sea moss and algae, and other sea debris that the winds cast ashore, the tides spew out, storms toss around, and calm seas leave behind?
For there are no less plausible suspicions than those I mentioned. You claim that items from the sea could be used in love magic because of their names. Why could I not, from the same shore, use a pebble for the bladder, a shell for a will, a crab for sores, or algae for oak gall? Truly, Claudius Maximus, you are a man of great patience and extraordinary forbearance, having tolerated these nonsensical arguments for so long. Indeed, while they were putting forth these claims as if they were serious and damaging, I laughed at their foolishness and admired your patience.
Now, as to why I know about so many species of fish and am still ignorant of some, let Aemilianus, who takes such interest in my affairs, learn this: although he is already in the twilight of his years and sinking into old age, let him receive this late and almost posthumous lesson if he wishes. Let him read the records of ancient philosophers and understand that I am not the first to have sought such knowledge, but that long before me, my predecessors—Aristotle, Theophrastus, Eudemus, Lyco, and others of Plato’s successors—wrote numerous books on animal generation, nutrition, and all their distinctions. Indeed, Maximus, since this case is being tried before you, you have certainly read Aristotle's extensive volumes *On the Generation of Animals*, *On the Anatomy of Animals*, and *The History of Animals*, along with innumerable problems, all of which treat various topics of this kind.
Since it was honorable and glorious for them to write on such subjects, why would it be shameful for me to investigate them, especially as I strive to write in a more orderly and controlled manner in both Greek and Latin, filling gaps and supplementing what has been omitted? If you have the time, allow some passages to be read from my writings on natural questions, especially on fish, so Aemilianus may learn that I inquire and diligently study far more than he thinks.
Sophocles, the poet and rival of Euripides, lived to extreme old age and, when accused by his own son of senility, supposedly brought out his *Oedipus at Colonus*, a most excellent tragedy he was then composing. He read it to the judges without adding anything further for his defense, challenging them to condemn him for senility if they found the work unsatisfactory. I find that all the judges rose up in admiration of this great poet, lauding him for his insight and rhetorical prowess, nearly condemning the accuser instead.
So, have you found the book? Very well, let us see whether my writings can be of use in court. Read a little from the beginning, then some passages on fish. And meanwhile, while it is being read, be patient."
You
Nunc praeterea uide, quam ipsi sese reuincant; aiunt
mulierem magicis artibus, marinis illecebris a me petitam
eo in tempore, quo me non negabunt in Gaetuliae mediterran<add>e</add>is montibus fuisse, ubi pisces per Deucalionis diluuia repperientur. quod ego gratulor nescire istos legisse
me Theophrasti quoque <foreign lang="greek">peri\ dake/twn kai\ blht</foreign><note place="unspecified" anchored="yes"><foreign lang="greek">ik</foreign></note><foreign lang="greek">w=n</foreign> et
Nicandri <foreign lang="greek">qhriaka/</foreign>; ceterum me etiam ueneficii reum postularent; at quidem hoc negotium ex lectione et aemulatione
Aristoteli nactus sum, nonnihil et Platone meo adhortante,
qui ait eum, qui ista uestiget, <foreign lang="greek">a)metame/lhton paidia\n e)n bi/w|
pai/zein</foreign>.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="42" />
<p>Nunc quoniam pisces horum satis patuerunt, accipe
aliud pari quidem stultitia, sed multo tanta uanius et
nequius excogitatum. scierunt et ipsi argumentum piscarium futile et nihil futurum, praeterea nouitatem eius
ridiculam, (quis enim fando audiuit ad magica maleficia <pb id="p.48" />
disquamari et exdorsari piscis solere?), potius aliquid
de rebus peruulgatioribus etiam creditis fingendum esse.
igitur ad praescriptum opinionis et famae confinxere
puerum quempiam carmine cantatum remotis arbitris,
secreto loco, arula et lucerna et paucis consciis testibus,
ubi incantatus sit, corruisse, postea nesciente<add>m</add> sui excitatum. nec ultra isti quidem progredi mendacio ausi;
enim fabula ut impleretur, addendum etiam illud fuit,
puerum eundem multa praesagio praedixisse. quippe hoc
emolumentum canticis accipimus, praesagium et diuinationem, nec modo uulgi opinione, uerum etiam doctorum
uirorum auctoritate hoc miraculum de pueris confirmatur.
memini me apud Varronem philosophum, uirum accuratissime doctum atque eruditum, cum alia eiusdem modi, tum
hoc etiam legere: Trallibus de euentu Mithridatici belli
magica percontatione consultantibus puerum in aqua simulacrum Mercuri contemplantem quae futura erant CLX
uersibus cecinisse. itemque Fabium, cum quingentos denarium perdidisset, ad Nigidium consultum uenisse; ab eo
pueros carmine instinctos indicauisse, ubi locorum defossa
esset crumina cum parti eorum, ceteri ut forent distributi;
unum etiam denarium ex eo numero habere M. Catonem
philosophum; quem se a pedisequo in stipe Apollinis
accepisse Cato confessus est.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="43" />
<p>Haec et alia apud plerosque de magiis et pueris lego <pb id="p.49" />
equidem, sed dubius sententiae sum, dicamne fieri posse
an negem, quamquam Platoni credam inter deos atque
homines natura et loco medias quasdam diuorum potestates
intersitas, easque diuinationes cunctas et magorum miracula gubernare; quin et illud mecum reputo posse animum
humanum, praesertim puerilem et simplicem, seu carminum auocamento siue odorum delenimento soporari et ad
obliuionem praesentium externari et paulisper remota corporis memoria redigi ac redire ad naturam suam, quae
est immortalis scilicet et diuina, atque ita uelut quodam
sopore futura rerum praesagare. uerum enimuero, ut
ista sese habent, si qua fides hisce rebus impertienda est,
debet ille nescio qui puer prouidus, quantum ego audio,
et corpore decorus atque integer deligi et animo sollers
et ore facundus, ut in eo aut diuina potestas quasi bonis
aedibus digne diuersetur, si tamen ea pueri corpore includitur, an ipse animus expergitus cito ad diuinationem
suam redigatur, quae ei prompte insita et nulla obliuione
saucia et hebes facile resumatur. non enim ex omni
ligno, ut Pythagoras dicebat, debet Mercurius exculpi.
quod si ita est, nominate, quis ille fuerit puer sanus,
incolumis, ingeniosus, decorus, quem ego carmine dignatus
sim initiare. ceterum Thallus, quem nominastis, medico
potius quam mago indiget; est enim miser morbo comitiali ita confectus, ut ter an quater die saepe numero
sine ullis cantaminibus corruat omniaque membra conflictationibus debilitet, facie ulcerosus, fronte et occipitio
conquassatus, oculis hebes, naribus hiulcus, pedibus caducus. <pb id="p.50" />
maximus omnium magus est, quo praesente Thallus
diu steterit: ita plerumque morbo ceu somno uergens
inclinatur. <milestone unit="section" n="44" />
eum tamen uos carminibus meis subuersum
dixistis, quod forte me coram semel decidit. conserui eius
plerique adsunt, quos ex<add>h</add>iberi denuntiastis. possunt dicere
omnes, quid in Thallo despuant, cur nemo audeat cum
eo ex eodem catino cenare, eodem poculo bibere. et quid
ego de seruis? uos ipsi uidetis; negate Thallum multo
prius, quam ego Oeam uenirem, corruere eo morbo solitum,
medicis saepe numero ostensum, negent hoc conserui eius
qui sunt in ministerio uestro; omnium rerum conuictum
me fatebor, nisi rus a † de omnium diu ablegatus est
in longinquos agros, ne familiam contaminaret: quod ita
factum nec ab illis negari potest. eo nec potuit hodie a
nobis exhiberi. nam ut omnis ista accusatio temeraria et
repentina fuit, nudius tertius nobis Aemilianus denuntiauit,
ut seruos numero quindecim apud te exhiberemus. adsunt
XIIII, qui in oppido erant. Thallus solus, ut dixi, quod
ferme ad centesimum lapidem longe exul est, is Thallus
solus abest, sed misimus qui eum curriculo aduehat.
interroga, Maxime, XIIII seruos quos exhibemus, Thallus
puer ubi sit et quam salue agat, interroga seruos accusatorum meorum. non negabunt turpissimum puerum, corpore putri et morbido, caducum, barbarum, rusticanum. <pb id="p.51" />
bellum uero puerum elegistis, quem quis sacrificio adhibeat,
cuius caput contingat, quem puro pallio amiciat, a quo
responsum speret. uelle<add>m</add> hercle adesset: tibi eum, Aemiliane, permisissem, et tenerem, si tu interrogares; iam
in media quaestione hic ibidem pro tribunali oculos trucis
in te inuertisset, faciem tuam spumabundus conspuisset,
manus contraxisset, caput succussisset, postremo in sinu
tuo corruisset.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="45" />
<p>XIIII seruos quos postulasti exhibeo. cur illis ad quaestionem nihil uteris? unum puerum atque eum caducum
requiris, quem olim abesse pariter mecum scis. quae
alia est euidentior calumnia? XIIII serui petitu tuo adsunt, eos dissimulas; unus puerulus abest, eum insimulas.
postremo quid uis? puta Thallum adesse: uis probare
eum praesente me concidisse? ultro confiteor. carmine id
factum dicis? hoc puer nescit, ego non factum reuinco;
nam caducum esse puerum nec tu audebis negare. cur
ergo carmini potius quam morbo attribuatur eius ruina?
an euenire non potuit, ut forte praesente me idem pateretur, quod saepe alias multis praesentibus? quod si
magnum putarem caducum deicere, quid opus carmine fuit,
cum incensus gagates lapis, ut apud physicos lego, pulchre
et facile hunc morbum exploret, cuius odore etiam in
uenaliciis uulgo sanitatem aut morbum uenalium experiantur? etiam orbis a figulo circumactus non difficile
eiusdem ualetudinis hominem uertigine sui corripit, ita
spectaculum rotationis eius animum saucium debilitat; ac
multo plus ad caducos<del status="unremarkable">e</del> consternendos figulus ualet quam <pb id="p.52" />
magus. tu frustra postulasti, ut seruos exhiberem: ego
non de nihilo postulo ut nomines, quinam testes huic
piaculari sacro adfuerint, cum ego ruentem Thallum impellerem. unum omnino nominas puerulum illum Sicinium Pudentem, cuius me nomine accusas; is enim adfuisse se dicit; cuius pueritia etsi nihil ad re<add>li</add>gionem
refragaretur, tamen accusatio fidem deroget. facilius
fuit, Aemiliane, ac multo grauius, tete ut ipsum diceres interfuisse et ex eo sacro coepisse dementire potius
quam totum negotium quasi ludicrum pueris donares.
puer cecidit, puer uidit: num etiam puer aliqui incantauit?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="46" />
<p>Hic satis ueteratorie Tannonius Pudens, cum hoc quoque mendacium frigere ac prope iam omnium uultu et
murmure explosum uideret, ut uel suspiciones quorundam
spe moraretur, ait pueros alios producturum, qui sint
aeque a me incantati, atque ita ad aliam speciem argumenti transgressus est. quod quamquam dissimulare potui,
tamen ut omnia, ita hoc quoque ultro prouoco. cupio
enim produci eos pueros, quos spe libertatis audio confirmatos ad mentiendum. sed nihil amplius dico: ut
producant. postulo igitur et flagito, Tannoni Pudens,
ut expleas quod pollicitus. cedo pueros istos, quibus
confiditis: produc, nomina qui sint. mea aqua licet
ad hoc utare. dic, inquam, Tannoni. quid taces, quid
cunctaris, quid respectas? quod si hic nescit quid <add>di</add>dicerit aut nomina oblitus est, at tu, Aemiliane, cede huc, <pb id="p.53" />
dic quid aduocato tuo mandaueris, exhibe pueros. quid
expalluisti? quid taces? hocine accusare est, hocine
tantum crimen deferre an Claudium Maximum, tantum
uirum, ludibrio habere, me calumnia insectari? quod si
forte patronus tuus uerbo prolapsus est et nullos pueros
habes quos producas, saltem XIIII seruis quos ex<add>h</add>ibui ad
aliquid utere. <milestone unit="section" n="47" />
aut cur sisti postulabas tantam familiam?
magiae accusans de XV seruis denuntiasti: quid, si de ui
accusares, quot tandem seruos postulares? sciunt ergo
aliquid XV serui et occultum est. an occultum non est
et magicum est? alterum horum fatearis necesse est,
aut inlicitum non fuisse in quo tot conscios non timuerim,
aut si inlicitum fuit, scire tot conscios non debuisse.
magia ista, quantum ego audio, res est legibus delegata,
iam inde antiquitus XII tabulis propter incredundas frugum
inlecebras interdicta, igitur et occulta non minus quam
tetra et horribilis, plerumque noctibus uigilata et tenebris
abstrusa et arbitris solitaria et carminibus murmurata,
cui non modo seruorum, uerum etiam liberorum pauci
adhibentur: et tu quindecim seruos uis interfuisse? nubtiaene illae fuerunt an aliud celebratum officium an conuiuium tempestiuum? XV serui sacrum magicum participant quasi XV uiri sacris faciundis creati? cui tamen
rei tot numero adhibuissem, si conscientiae nimis multi
sunt? XV liberi homines populus est, totidem serui
familia, totidem uincti ergastulum. an adiutorio multitudo eorum necessaria fuit, qui diutine hostias lustralis <pb id="p.54" />
tenerent? at nullas hostias nisi gallinas nominastis. an
ut grana turis numerarent, an ut Thallum prosternerent?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="48" />
<p>Mulierem etiam liberam perductam ad me domum
dixistis eiusdem Thalli ualetudinis, quam ego pollicitus
sim curaturum, eam quoque a me incantatam corruisse.
ut uideo, uos palaestritam, non magum accusatum uenistis: ita omnis qui me accessere dicitis cecidisse. negauit
tamen quaerente te, Maxime, Themison medicus, a quo
mulier ad inspiciendum perducta est, quicquam ultra
passam nisi quaesisse me, ecquid illi aures obtinnirent
et utra earum magis; ubi responderit dexteram sibi aurem
nimis inquietam, confestim discessisse. hic ego, Maxime,
quanquam sedulo inpraesentiarum a laudibus tuis tempero,
necubi tibi ob causam istam uidear blanditus, tamen
sollertiam tuam in percontando nequeo quin laudem.
dudum enim, cum haec agitarentur et illi incantatam
mulierem dicerent, medicus qui adfuerat abnueret, quaesisti
tu nimis quam prudenter, quod mihi emolumentum fuerit
incantandi. responderunt: <q direct="unspecified">ut mulier rueret.</q> <q direct="unspecified">quid deinde?
mortua est?</q> inquis. negarunt. <q direct="unspecified">quid ergo dicitis? quod
Apulei commodum, si ruisset?</q> ita enim pulchre ac perseueranter tertio quaesisti, ut qui scires omnium factorum
rationes diligentius examinandas ac saepius causas quaeri,
facta concedi, eoque etiam patronos litigatorum causidicos
nominari, quod cur quaeque facta sint expediant. ceterum
negare factum facilis res est et nullo patrono indiget:
recte factum uel perperam docere, id uero multo arduum
et difficile est. frustra igitur an factum sit anquiritur,
quod nullam malam causam habuit ut fieret. ita facti
reus apud bonum iudicem scrupulo quaestionis liberatur, <pb id="p.55" />
si nulla fuit ei ratio peccandi. nunc quoniam neque
incantatam neque prostratam mulierem probauerunt et
ego non nego petitu medici a me inspectam, dicam tibi,
Maxime, cur illud de aurium tinnitu quaesierim, non tam
purgandi mei gratia in ea re, quam tu iam praeiudicasti
neque culpae neque crimini confinem, quam ut ne quid
dignum auribus tuis et doctrinae tuae congruens reticuerim. dicam igitur quam breuissime potuero; etenim
admonendus es mihi, non docendus.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="49" />
<p>Plato philosophus in illo praeclarissimo Timaeo caelesti quadam facundia uniuersum mundum molitus, <add>is</add> igitur
postquam de nostri quoque animi trinis potestatibus sollertissime disseruit et, cur quaeque membra nobis diuina
prouidentia fabricata sint, aptissime docuit, causam morborum omnium trifariam percenset. primam causam primordiis corporis adtribuit, si ipsae elementorum qualitates,
uuida et frigida et h<del status="unremarkable">i</del>is duae aduorsae, non congruant; id
adeo euenit, cum quaepiam earum modo excessit aut loco
demigrauit. sequens causa morborum inest in eorum uitio,
quae iam concreta ex simplicibus elementis una tamen
specie coaluerunt, ut est sanguinis species et uisceris et
ossi et medullae, porro illa quae ex hisce singularibus
mixta sunt. tertio in corpore concrementa uarii fellis et
turbidi spiritus et pinguis humoris nouissima aegritudinum
incitamenta sunt. <milestone unit="section" n="50" />
quorum e numero praecipuast materia
morbi comitialis, de quo dicere exorsus sum, cum caro in
humorem crassum et spumidum inimico igni conliquescit
et spiritu indidem parto ex candore compressi aeris albida <pb id="p.56" />
et tumida tabes fluit. ea namque tabes si foras corporis
prospirauit, maiore dedecore quam noxa diffunditur; pectoris enim primorem cutim uitiligine insignit et omnimodis maculationibus conuariat. sed cui hoc usu uenerit,
numquam postea comitiali morbo adtemptatur; ita aegritudinem animi grauissimam leui turpitudine corporis compensat. enimuero si perniciosa illa dulcedo intus cohibita
et bili atrae sociata uenis omnibus furens peruasit, dein
ad summum caput uiam molita dirum fluxum cerebro immiscuit, ilico regalem partem animi debilitat, quae ratione
pollens uerticem hominis uelut arcem et regiam insedit.
eius quippe diuinas uias et sapientis meatus obruit et
obturbat; quod facit minore pernicie per soporem, cum
potu et cibo plenos comitialis morbi praenuntia strangulatione modice angit. sed si usque adeo aucta est, ut
etiam uigilantium capiti offundatur, tum uero repentino
mentis nubilo obtorpescunt et moribundo corpore, cessante animo cadunt. eum nostri non modo maiorem et
comitialem, uerum etiam diuinum morbum, ita ut Graeci
<foreign lang="greek">i(era\n no/son</foreign>, uere nuncuparunt, uidelicet quod animi partem rationalem, quae longe sanctissimast, eam uiolet.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="51" />
<p>Agnoscis, Maxime, rationem Platonis quantum potui
pro tempore perspicue explicatam; cui ego fidem arbitratus
causam diuini morbi esse, cum illa pestis in caput redu<add>n</add>dauit, haudquaquam uideor de nihilo percontatus, an esset
mulieri illi caput graue, ceruix torpens, tempora pulsata,
aures sonorae. <del status="unremarkable">et</del> ceterum, quod dexterae auris crebriores <pb id="p.57" />
tinnitus fatebatur, signum erat morbi penitus
adacti; nam dextera corporis ualidiora sunt eoque minus
spei ad sanitatem relinquunt, cum et ipsa aegritudini
succumbunt. Aristoteles adeo in problematis scriptum
reliquit, quibuscumque caducis a dextero morbus occipiat,
eorum esse difficiliorem medelam. longum est, si uelim
Theophrasti quoque sententiam de eodem morbo recensere;
est enim etiam eius egregius liber de caducis. quibus
tamen in alio libro, quem de inuidentibus animalibus
conscribsit, remedio esse ait exuuias stelionum, quas uelut
senium more ceterorum serpentium temporibus statutis
exuant; sed nisi confestim eripias, malignone praesagio
an naturali adpetentia ilico conuertuntur et deuorant.
haec idcirco commemoraui, nobilium philosophorum disputata simul et libros sedulo nominaui nec ullum ex medicis
aut poetis uolui attingere, ut isti desinant mirari, si philosophi suapte doctrina causas morborum et remedia nouerunt. igitur cum ad inspiciendum mulier aegra curationis
gratia ad me perducta sit atque hoc et medici confessione
qui adduxit ad <add>me et</add> mea ratiocinatione recte factum
esse conueniat, aut constituant magi et malefici hominis
esse morbis mederi, aut si hoc dicere non audent, fateantur se in puero et muliere caducis uanas et prorsus
caducas calumnias intendisse.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="52" />
<p>Immo enim si uerum uelis, Aemiliane, tu potius <pb id="p.58" />
caducus qui iam tot calumniis cecidisti. neque enim grauius est corpore quam corde collabi, pede potius quam
mente corruere, in cubiculo despui quam in isto splendidissimo coetu detestari. at tu fortasse te putas sanum,
quod non domi contineris, sed insaniam tuam, quoquo te
duxerit, sequeris. atqui contende, si uis, furorem tuum
cum Thalli furore: inuenies non permultum interesse, nisi
quod Thallus sibi, tu etiam aliis furis. ceterum Thallus
oculos torquet, tu ueritatem, Thallus manus contrahit, tu
patronos, Thallus pauimentis inliditur, tu tribunalibus;
postremo ille quidquid agit in aegritudine facit, ignorans
peccat: at tu, miser, prudens et sciens delinquis, tanta
uis morbi te instigat; falsum pro uero insimulas, infectum
pro facto criminaris, quem innocentem liquido scis, tamen
accusas ut nocentem.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="53" />
<p>Quin etiam—quod praeterii—sunt quae fatearis
nescire, et eadem rursus, quasi scias, criminari<add>s</add>. ais enim
me habuisse quaedam sudariolo inuoluta apud lares Pontiani. ea inuoluta quae et cuius modi fuerint, nescisse
te confiteris, neque praeterea quemquam esse qui uiderit;
tamen illa contendis instrumenta magiae fuisse. nemo
tibi blandiatur, Aemiliane: non est in accusando uersutia
ac ne impudentia quidem, ne tu arbitreris. quid igitur?
furor infelix acerbi animi et misera insania crudae senectutis. his enim paene uerbis cum tam graui et perspicaci
iudice egisti: <q direct="unspecified">habuit Apuleius quaepiam linteolo inuoluta
apud lares Pontiani. haec quoniam ignoro quae fuerint,
iccirco magica fuisse contendo. crede igitur mihi quod
dico, quia id dico quod nescio.</q> o pulchra argumenta
et aperte crimen reuincentia. <q direct="unspecified">hoc fuit, quoniam quid <pb id="p.59" />
fuerit ignoro.</q> solus repertus es, Aemiliane, qui scias etiam
illa quae nescis; tantum super omnis stultitia euectus
es, quippe qui sollertissimi et acerrimi philosophorum ne
is quidem confidendum esse aiunt quae uidemus, at tu
de illis quoque adfirmas, quae neque conspexisti umquam neque audisti. Pontianus si uiueret atque eum interrogares, quae fuerint in illo inuolucro, nescire se responderet. libertus eccille, qui clauis eius loci in hodiernum
habet et a uobis stat, numquam se ait inspexisse, quanquam ipse aperiret utpote promus librorum, qui illic erant
conditi, paene cotidie et clauderet, saepe nobiscum, multo
saepius solus intraret, linteum in mensa positum cerneret
sine ullo sigillo, sine uinculo. quidni enim? magicae
res in eo occultabantur: eo neglegentius adseruabam, sed
enim libere scrutandum et inspiciendum, si liberet, etiam
auferendum temere exponebam, alienae custodiae commendabam, alieno arbitrio permittebam. quid igitur inpraesentiarum uis tibi credi? quodne Pontianus nescierit, qui
indiuiduo contubernio mecum uixit, id te scire, quem numquam uiderim nisi pro tribunali? an quod libertus adsiduus, cui omnis facultas inspiciendi fuit, quod is libertus
non uiderit, te qui numquam eo accesseris uidisse? denique ut, quod non uidisti, id tale fuerit, quale dicis: atqui, stulte, si hodie illud sudariolum tu intercepisses,
quicquid ex eo promeres, ego magicum negarem.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="54" />
<p>Tibi adeo permitto, finge quiduis, <del status="unremarkable">r</del>eminiscere, excogita,
quod possit magicum uideri: tamen de eo tecum decertarem. aut ego subiectum dicerem aut remedio acceptum <pb id="p.60" />
aut sacro traditum aut somnio imperatum; mille alia
sunt quibus possem more communi et uulgatissima obseruationum consuetudine uere refutare. nunc id postulas,
ut, quod deprehensum et detentum tamen nihil me apud
bonum iudicem laederet, id inani suspicione incertum et
incognitum condemnet. haud sciam an rursus, ut soles,
dicas: <q direct="unspecified">quid ergo illud fuit, quod linteo tectum apud lares
potissimum deposuisti?</q> itane est, Aemiliane? sic accusas,
ut omnia a reo percontere, nihil ipse adferas cognitum.
<q direct="unspecified">quam ob rem piscis quaeris?</q> <q direct="unspecified">cur aegram mulierem inspexisti?</q> <q direct="unspecified">quid in sudario habuisti?</q> utrum tu accusatum
an interrogatum uenisti? si accusatum, tute argue quae
dicis, si interrogatum, noli praeiudicare, quid fuerit, quod
ideo te necesse est interrogare, quia nescis. ceterum hoc
quidem pacto omnes homines rei constituentur, si ei, qui
nomen cuiuspiam detulerit, nulla necessitas sit probandi,
omnis contra facultas percontandi. quippe omnibus sic,
ut forte negotium magiae facessitur, quicquid omnino
egerint obicietur. uotum in alicuius statuae femore signasti: igitur magus es; aut cur signasti? tacitas preces
in templo deis allegasti: igitur magus es; aut quid optasti? contra: nihil in templo precatus es: igitur magus
es; aut cur deos non rogasti? similiter, si posueris donum
aliquod, si sacrificaueris, si uerbenam sumpseris. dies
me deficiet, si omnia uelim persequi, quorum rationem
similiter calumniator flagitabit. praesertim quod conditum cumque, quod obsignatum, quod inclusum domi adseruatur, <pb id="p.61" />
id omne eodem argumento magicum dicetur aut
e cella promptaria in forum atque in iudicium proferetur.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="55" />
<p>Haec quanta sint et cuiusce modi, Maxime, quantusque campus calumniis hoc Aemiliani tramite aperiatur,
quantique sudores innocentibus hoc uno sudariolo adferantur, possum equidem pluribus disputare, sed faciam
quod institui: etiam quod non necesse est confitebor et
interrogatus ab Aemiliano respondebo. interrogas, Aemiliane, quid in sudario habuerim. at ego quanquam omnino
positum ullum sudarium meum in bybliotheca Pontiani
possim negare ac, <add>si</add> maxime fuisse concedam, tamen
habeam dicere nihil in eo inuolutum fuisse,—quae si
dicam, neque testimonio aliquo neque argumento reuincar,
nemo est enim qui attigerit, unus libertus, ut ais, qui
uiderit—tamen, inquam, per me licet fuerit refertissimum.
sic enim, si uis, arbitrare, ut olim Vlixi socii thesaurum
repperisse arbitrati sunt, cum utrem uentosissimum manticularentur. uin dicam, cuius modi illas res in sudario
obuolutas laribus Pontiani commendarim? mos tibi geretur.</p>
<p>Sacrorum pleraque initia in Graecia participaui. eorum
quaedam signa et monumenta tradita mihi a sacerdotibus
sedulo conseruo. nihil insolitum, nihil incognitum dico.
uel unius Liberi patris mystae qui adestis scitis, quid
domi conditum celetis et absque omnibus profanis tacite
ueneremini. at ego, ut dixi, multiiuga sacra et plurimos
ritus et uarias cerimonias studio ueri et officio erga <pb id="p.62" />
deos didici. nec hoc ad tempus compono, sed abhinc
ferme triennium est, cum primis diebus quibus Oeam
ueneram p<del status="unremarkable">l</del>ublice disserens de Aesculapii maiestate eadem
ista prae me tuli et quot sacra nossem percensui. ea
disputatio celebratissima est, uulgo legitur, in omnibus
manibus uersatur, non tam facundia mea quam mentione
Aesculapii religiosis Oeensibus commendata. dicite aliquis,
si qui forte meminit, huius loci principium.—audisne,
Maxime, multos suggerentis? immo, ecce etiam liber offertur. recitari ipsa haec iubebo, quoniam ostendis
<milestone unit="section" n="56" />
humanissimo uultu auditionem te istam non grauari.—</p>
<p>Etiamne cuiquam mirum uideri potest, cui sit ulla
memoria religionis, hominem tot mysteriis deum conscium
quaedam sacrorum crepundia domi adseruare atque ea
lineo texto inuoluere, quod purissimum est rebus diuinis
uelamentum? quippe lana, segnissimi corporis excrementum, pecori detracta iam inde Orphei et Pythagorae
scitis profanus uestitus est; sed enim mundissima lini
seges inter optumas fruges terra exorta non modo indutui
et amictui sanctissimis Aegyptiorum sacerdotibus, sed
opertui quoque rebus sacris usurpatur. atque ego scio
nonnullos et cum primis Aemilianum istum facetiae sibi
habere res diuinas deridere. nam, ut audio partim Oe<add>e</add>nsium qui istum nouere, nulli deo ad hoc aeui supplicauit,
nullum templum frequentauit, si fanum aliquod praetereat, <pb id="p.63" />
nefas habet adorandi gratia<del status="unremarkable">m</del> manum labris admouere.
iste uero nec dis rurationis, qui eum pascunt ac uestiunt,
segetis ullas aut uitis aut gregis primitias impertit;
nullum in uilla eius delubrum situm, nullus locus aut
lucus consecratus. ecquid ego de luco et delubro loquor?
negant uidisse se qui fuere unum saltem in finibus eius
aut lapidem unctum aut ramum coronatum. igitur adgnomenta ei duo indita: Charon, ut iam dixi, ob oris et
animi diritatem, sed alterum, quod libentius audit, ob
deorum contemptum, Mezentius. quapropter facile intellego
hasce ei tot initiorum enumerationes nugas uideri, et fors
anne ob hanc diuini contumaciam non inducat animum
uerum esse quod dixi, me sanctissime tot sacrorum signa
et memoracula custodire. sed ego, quid de me Mezentius
sentiat, manum non uorterim, ceteris autem clarissima
uoce profiteor: si qui forte adest eorundem sollemnium
mihi particeps, signum dato, et audias licet quae ego
adseruem. nam equidem nullo umquam periculo compellar, quae reticenda accepi, haec ad profanos enuntiare.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="57" />
<p>Vt puto, Maxime, satis uideor cuiuis uel iniquissimo
animum explesse et, quod ad sudarium pertineat, omnem <pb id="p.64" />
criminis maculam detersisse, ac bono iam periculo ad
testimonium illud Crassi, quod post ista quasi grauissimum legerunt, a suspicionibus Aemiliani transcensurus.
testimonium ex libello legi audisti gumiae cuiusdam et
desperati lurconis Iuni Crassi, me in eius domo nocturna
sacra cum Appio Quintiano amico meo factitasse, qui ibi
mercede deuersabatur. idque se ait Crassus, quamquam
in eo tempore uel Alexandreae fuerit, tamen taedae fumo
et auium plumis comperisse. scilicet eum, cum Alexandreae symposia obiret—est enim Crassus iste, qui non
inuitus de die in ganeas conrepat—, in illo cauponii
nidore pinnas de penatibus suis aduectas aucupatum,
fumum domus suae adgnouisse patrio culmine longe exortum. quem si oculis uidit, ultra Vlixi uota et desideria
hic quidem est oculatus; Vlixes fumum terra sua emergentem compluribus annis e litore prospectans frustra captauit: Crassus in paucis quibus afuit mensibus eundem
fumum sine labore in taberna uinaria sedens conspexit.
sin uero naribus nidorem domesticum praesensit, uincit
idem sagacitate odorandi canes et uulturios; cui enim
cani, cui uulturio Alexandrini caeli quicquam abusque
Oeensium finibus oboleat? est quidem Crassus iste
summus helluo et omnis fumi non imperitus, sed profecto pro studio bibendi, quo solo censetur, facilius ad
eum Alexandria<add>m</add> uini aura quam fumi perueniret. <milestone unit="section" n="58" />
intellexit hoc et ipse incredibile futurum; nam dicitur ante <pb id="p.65" />
horam diei secundam ieiunus adhuc et abstemius testimonium istud uendidisse. igitur scripsit haec se ad hunc
modum comperisse: postquam Alexandria reuenerit, domum
suam recta contendisse, qua iam Quintianus migrarat; ibi
in uestibulo multas auium pinnas offendisse, praeterea parietes fuligine deformatos; quaesisse causas ex seruo suo,
quem Oeae reliquerit, eumque sibi de meis et Quintiani
nocturnis sacris indicasse. quam uero subtiliter compositum et uerisimiliter commentum me, si quid eius facere
uellem, non domi meae potius facturum fuisse, Quintianum
istum, qui mihi assistit, quem ego pro amicitia quae mihi
cum eo artissima est proque eius egregia eruditione et
perfectissima eloquentia honoris et laudis gratia nomino,
hunc igitur Quintianum, si quas auis in cena habuisset
aut, quod aiunt, magiae causa interemisset, puerum nullum
habuisse, qui pinnas conuerreret et foras abiceret; praeterea fumi tantam uim fuisse, ut parietes atros redderet,
eamque deformitatem, quoad habitauit, passum in cubiculo suo Quintianum. nihil dicis, Aemiliane, non est ueri
simile, nisi forte Crassus non in cubiculum reuersus perrexit, sed suo more recta ad focum. unde autem seruus
Crassi suspicatus est noctu potissimum parietes fumigatos?
an ex fumi colore? uidelicet fumus nocturnus nigrior est
eoque diurno fumo differt. cur autem suspicax seruus
ac tam diligens passus est Quintianum migrare prius
quam mundam domum redderet? cur illae plumae quasi
plumbeae tam diu aduentum Crassi manserunt? non <pb id="p.66" />
insimulet Crassus seruum suum: ipse haec potius de fuligine
et pinnis mentitus est, dum non potest nec in testimonio
dando discedere longius a culina.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="59" />
<p>Cur autem testimonium ex libello legistis? Crassus
ipse ubi gentium est? an Alexandriam taedio domus
remeauit? an parietes suos detergit? an, quod uerius est,
ex crapula helluo adtemptatur? nam equidem hic Sabratae
cum hesterna die animaduerti satis notabiliter in medio
foro tibi, Aemiliane, obructantem. quaere a nomenclatoribus tuis, Maxime, quamquam est ille cauponibus quam
nomenclatoribus notior, tamen, inquam, interroga, an hic
Iunium Crassum Oeensem uiderint; non negabunt. exhibeat nobis Aemilianus iuuenem honestissimum, cuius
testimonio nititur. quid sit diei uides: dico Crassum iam
dudum ebrium stertere, aut secundo lauacro ad repotia
cenae obeunda uinulentum sudorem in balneo desudare.
is tecum, Maxime, praesens per libellum loquitur, non
quin adeo sit alienatus omni pudore, ut etiam, sub
oculis tuis si foret, sine rubore ullo mentiretur, sed fortasse nec tantulum potuit ebria<add>mine</add> sibi temperare,
ut hanc horam sobrie expectaret: aut potius Aemilianus
de consilio fecit, ne eum sub tam seueris oculis tuis constitueret, ne tu beluam illam uulsis maxillis foedo aspectu
de facie improbares, cum animaduertisses caput iuuenis
barba et capillo populatum, madentis oculos, cilia turgentia, <pb id="p.67" />
rictum <add>latum</add>, saliuosa labia, uocem absonam, manuum
tremorem, ructus<add>s</add>piram<add>en</add>. patrimonium omne iam pridem
abligurriuit, nec quicquam ei de bonis paternis superest,
nisi una domus ad calumniam uenditandam, quam tamen
numquam carius quam in hoc testimonio locauit; nam
temulentum istud mendacium tribus milibus nummis Aemiliano huic uendidit, idque Oeae nemini ignoratur.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="60" />
<p>Omnes hoc, antequam fieret, cognouimus, et potui denuntiatione impedire, nisi scirem mendacium tam stultum
potius Aemiliano, qui frustra redimebat, quam mihi, qui
merito contemnebam, obfuturum. uolui et Aemilianum
damno adfici et Crassum testimonii sui dedecore prostitui.
ceterum nudiustertius haudquaquam occulta res acta est
in Rufini cuiusdam domo, de quo mox dicam, intercessoribus et deprecatoribus ipso Rufino et Calpurniano. quod
eo libentius Rufinus perfecit, quod erat certus ad uxorem
suam, cuius stupra sciens dissimulat, non minimam partem praemii eius Crassum relaturum. uidi te quoque,
Maxime, coitionem aduersum me et coniurationem eorum
pro tua sapientia suspicatum, simul libellus ille prolatus
est, totam rem uultu aspernantem. denique quamquam
sunt <add>in</add>solita audacia et importuna impudentia praediti
tamen testimonio Crassi, cuius oboluisse faecem uidebant, <pb id="p.68" />
—nec ipsi ausi sunt perlegere nec quicquam eo niti.
uerum ego ista propterea commemoraui, non quod pinnarum formidines et fuliginis maculam te praesertim iudice
timerem, sed ut ne impunitum foret <add>Crasso</add>, crassum
quod Aemiliano, homini rustico, fumum uendidit.
ChatGPT
“Consider now, too, how they contradict themselves: they say that I used magical arts, marine charms to be specific, on a woman at a time when they admit I was in the inland mountains of Gaetulia, where no fish could be found since the flood of Deucalion. They obviously do not know that I’ve read Theophrastus’ works on venomous animals and bites and Nicander’s *Theriaca*. Otherwise, they would surely accuse me of poisoning as well. In fact, I acquired this knowledge from studying Aristotle, with some encouragement from my Plato, who calls this type of inquiry a ‘harmless game for passing one’s time.’
Now that these accusations about fish have been sufficiently refuted, consider yet another claim—equally foolish, but far more absurd and malicious. They knew that the argument about fish was trivial and unlikely to hold, as well as laughable in its novelty. Who has ever heard of dismembering and de-boning fish for magical rites? So they concocted something more believable from popular tales. They alleged that a boy was enchanted by my incantations, in a secluded place with no witnesses, where he fell into a trance and then awoke unaware of himself. They did not dare to embellish the lie further; otherwise, they should have added that he predicted many things. Such are the alleged benefits of enchantments: prophecy and divination. Not only is this miracle confirmed by popular belief, but also by respected scholars. I remember reading a similar story in the works of the learned Varro about a boy who, in the midst of a magical consultation, saw a vision of Mercury in water and delivered a prophecy of 160 verses about the outcome of the Mithridatic War. Likewise, Fabius, upon losing 500 denarii, sought help from Nigidius. Through enchanted boys, Nigidius revealed the location of the hidden purse, its contents, and even that Marcus Cato possessed a single denarius from it, which Cato later confirmed he had received from a servant as part of an offering to Apollo.
These and other such stories about magic and children are recorded by many, and I’m undecided as to whether they are true. Although I believe Plato, who asserts that divine intermediaries govern all divinations and the miracles of magicians, I also consider that the human mind, particularly that of a child, might be lulled into a state of trance through the charms of incantations or the effects of certain scents, allowing it to momentarily leave the present and perceive future events. However, if any credence is to be given to such accounts, it is clear that the boy must be strong, wise, articulate, and healthy for any divine power to reside within him.
If that is true, then tell me, who was this intelligent, healthy, and attractive boy whom I supposedly enchanted? As for Thallus, whom you mentioned, he needs a doctor more than a magician. The poor lad suffers from epilepsy so severely that he often collapses three or four times a day without any need for incantations, his body scarred and bruised, his face swollen and his limbs weak. It is truly magical if Thallus can manage to stand upright for any length of time in his condition.
You claim that he collapsed in my presence, which happened by chance just once. Many of his fellow slaves are here, whom you have subpoenaed. They can tell you why they spit at Thallus and why none dares to eat or drink with him. And why should I speak of slaves? You have seen it yourself. Deny, if you can, that Thallus was already prone to such collapses and that he had been shown to doctors long before I even came to Oea. His fellow slaves, who are your own servants, will confirm this. They kept him far away from everyone, fearing he might infect the entire household.
You subpoenaed fifteen slaves, and here are fourteen; only Thallus is absent, as he is living in exile far away to prevent him from contaminating others. Why don’t you question these fourteen about Thallus’ condition? Why do you focus on a single boy who has been exiled for his illness? If it is a serious offense for a philosopher to inspect a fish, is it not equally frivolous to accuse me because a sickly boy collapsed in my presence? What magic does it require to make an epileptic fall?”
Here, Apuleius turns the tables, exposing the inconsistencies and irrationality in the accusations against him by questioning their logic and using examples from scholarly sources and his knowledge of natural philosophy. He also highlights the absurdity of claiming that the physical conditions of the people around him were a result of his alleged magical influence.
You
Unum etiam crimen ab illis, cum Pudentillae litteras
legerent, de cuiusdam sigilli fabricatione prolatum est,
quod me aiunt ad magica maleficia occulta fabrica ligno
exquisitissimo comparasse et, cum sit <add>s</add>celeti forma turpe
et horribile, tamen impendio colere et Graeco uocabulo
<foreign lang="greek">basile/a</foreign> nuncupare. nisi fallor, ordine eorum uestigia
persequor et singillatim apprehendens omnem calumniae
textum retexo.</p>
<p>Occulta fuisse fabricatio sigilli quod dicitis qui potest,
cuius uos adeo artificem non ignorastis, ut ei, praesto
adesset, denuntiaueritis? en adest Cornelius Saturninus
artifex, uir inter suos et arte laudatus et moribus comprobatus, qui tibi, Maxime, paulo ante diligenter sciscitanti omnem ordinem gestae rei summa cum fide et ueritate percensuit: me, cum apud eum multas geometricas
formas e buxo uidissem subtiliter et adfabre factas, inuitatum eius artificio quaedam mechanica ut mihi elaborasset petisse, simul et aliquod simulacrum cuiuscumque
uellet dei, cui ex more meo supplicassem, quacumque
materia, dummodo lignea, exculperet. igitur primo buxeam <pb id="p.69" />
temptasse<del status="unremarkable">t</del>. interim dum ego ruri ago, Sicinium Pontianum priuignum meum, qui mihi factum uolebat, impetratos
hebeni loculos a muliere honestissima Capitolina ad se
attulisse, ex illa potius materia rariore et durabiliore uti
faceret adhortatum: id munus cum primis mihi gratum
fore. secundum ea se fecisse, proinde ut loculi<del status="unremarkable">s</del> suppetebant. ita minutatim ex tabellis compacta crassitudine
Mercuriolum expediri potuisse.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="62" />
<p>Haec ut dico omnia audisti. praeterea a filio Capitolinae probissimo adulescente, qui praesens est, sciscitante
te eadem dicta sunt: Pontianum loculos petisse, Pontianum
Saturnino artifici detulisse. etiam illud non negatur,
Pontianum a Saturnino perfectum sigillum recepisse, postea
mihi dono dedisse. his omnibus palam atque aperte probatis quid omnino superest, in quo suspicio aliqua magiae
delitescat? immo quid omnino est, quod uos manifesti
mendacii non reuincat? occulte fabricatum esse dixistis
quo<add>d</add> Pontianus splendidissimus eques fieri curauit, quod
Saturninus uir grauis et probe inter suos cognitus in taberna
sua sedens propalam exculpsit, quod ornatissima matrona
munere suo adiuuit, quod et futurum et factum multi cum
seruorum tum amicorum qui ad me uentitabant scierunt.
lignum a me toto oppido et quidem oppido quaesitum non
piguit uos commentiri, quem <del status="unremarkable">quem</del> afuisse in eo tempore
scitis, quem ius<add>s</add>isse fieri qualicumque materia probatum est.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="63" />
<p>Tertium mendacium uestrum fuit macilentam uel
omnino euisceratam formam diri cadaueris fabricatam, <pb id="p.70" />
prorsus horribilem et larualem. quodsi compertum habebatis tam e<del status="unremarkable">n</del>uidens signum magiae, cur mihi ut exhiberem
non denuntiastis? an ut possetis in rem absentem libere
mentiri? cuius tamen falsi facultas opportunitate quadam
meae consuetudinis uobis adempta est. nam morem mihi
habeo, qu<add>o</add>quo eam, simulacrum alicuius dei inter libellos
conditum gestare eique diebus festis ture et mero et aliquando uictima<del status="unremarkable">s</del> supplicare. dudum ergo cum audire<add>m</add>
sceletum perquam impudenti mendacio dictitari, iussi,
curriculo iret aliquis et ex hospitio meo Mercuriolum
afferret, quem mihi Saturninus iste Oeae fabricatus est.
cedo tu eum, uideant, teneant, considerent. em uobis,
quem scele<add>s</add>tus ille sceletum nominabat. auditisne reclamationem omnium qui adsunt? auditisne mendacii uestri
damnationem? non uos tot calumniarum tandem dispudet?
hiccine est sceletus, haeccine est larua, hoccine est quod
appellitabatis daemonium? magicumne istud an sollemne
et commune simulacrum est? accipe quaeso, Maxime, et
contemplare; bene tam puris et tam piis manibus tuis
traditur res consecrata. em uide, quam facies eius decora
et suci palaestrici plena sit, quam hilaris dei uultus, ut
decenter utrimque lanugo malis deserpat, ut in capite
crispatus capillus sub imo pillei umbraculo appareat, quam
lepide super tempora pares pinnulae emineant, quam autem
festiue circa humeros uestis substricta sit. hunc qui sceletum audet dicere, profecto ille simulacra deorum nulla <pb id="p.71" />
uidet aut omnia neglegit; hunc denique qui laruam putat,
ipse est laruans.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="64" />
<p>At tibi, Aemiliane, pro isto mendacio duit deus iste
superum et inferum commeator utrorumque deorum malam
gratiam semperque obuias species mortuorum, quidquid umbrarum est usquam, quidquid lemurum, quidquid manium,
quidquid laruarum, oc<del status="unremarkable">c</del>ulis tuis oggerat, omnia noctium
occursacula, omnia bustorum formidamina, omnia sepulchrorum terriculamenta, a quibus tamen aeuo et merito
haud longe abes<del status="unremarkable">t</del>. ceterum Platonica familia nihil nouimus nisi festum et laetum et sollemne et superum et
caeleste. quin altitudinis studio secta ista etiam caelo
ipso sublimiora quaepiam uesti<add>ga</add>uit et in extimo mundi
tergo stetit. scit me uera dicere Maximus, qui <foreign lang="greek">to\n u(peroura/nion to/pon</foreign> et <foreign lang="greek">ou)ranou= nw=ton</foreign> legit in Phaedro diligenter. idem Maximus optime intellegit, ut de nomine
etiam uobis respondeam, quisnam sit ille non a me primo,
sed a Platone <foreign lang="greek">basileu/s</foreign> nuncupatus: <foreign lang="greek">peri\ to\n pa/ntwn basile/a
pa/nt' e)sti\ kai\ e)kei/nou e(/neka pa/nta</foreign>, quisnam sit ille basileus,
totius rerum naturae causa et ratio et origo initialis, <pb id="p.72" />
summus animi genitor, aeternus animantum sospitator, assiduus mundi sui opifex, sed enim sine opera opifex, sine
cura sospitator, sine propagatione genitor, neque loco neque tempore neque uice ulla comprehensus eoque paucis
cogitabilis, nemini effabilis. <milestone unit="section" n="65" />
en ultro augeo magiae suspicionem: non respondeo tibi, Aemiliane, quem colam <foreign lang="greek">basile/a</foreign>;
quin si ipse proconsul interroget, quid sit deus meus, taceo.</p>
<p>De nomine ut inpraesentiarum satis dixi. quod superest, nec ipse sum nescius quosdam circumstantium
cupere audire, cur non argento uel auro, sed potissimum
ex ligno simulacrum fieri uoluerim, idque eos arbitror
non tam ignoscendi quam cognoscendi causa desiderare,
ut hoc etiam scrupulo liberentur, cum uideant omnem
suspicionem criminis abunde confutatam. audi igitur cui
cura cognoscere est, sed animo quantum potes erecto et
attento, quasi uerba ipsa Platonis iam senis de nouissimo
legum libro auditurus: <foreign lang="greek">qeoi=sin de\ a)naqh/mata xrew\n e)/mmetra
to\n me/trion a)/ndra a)natiqe/nta dwrei=sqai. gh= me\n ou)=n
e(sti/a te oi)kh/sews i(era\ pa=si pa/ntwn qew=n: mhdei\s ou)=n
deute/rws i(era\ kaqierou/tw qeoi=s2</foreign>—hoc eo prohibet, ut
delubra nemo audeat priuatim constituere; censet enim
satis esse ciuibus ad immolandas uictimas templa publica
—deinde subnectit: <foreign lang="greek">xruso\s de\ kai\ a)/rguros e)n a)/llais
po/lesin i)di/a| kai\ e)n i(eroi=s e)stin e)pi/fqonon kth=ma, e)le/fas
de\ a)po\ leloipo/tos yuxh\n sw/matos ou)k eu)/xari a)na/qhma,
si/dhros de\ kai\ xalko\s pole/mwn o)/rgana: cu/lou de\ mono/culon o(/ ti a)\n qe/lh| tis a)natiqe/tw, kai\ li/qou w(sau/tws.</foreign> <pb id="p.73" />
ut omnium assensus declarauit, Maxime quique in consilio
estis, competentissime uideor usus Platone ut uitae magistro, ita causae patrono, cuius legibus obedientem me
uidetis.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="66" />
<p>Nunc tempus est ad epistulas Pudentillae praeuerti, uel
adeo totius rei ordinem paulo altius petere, ut omnibus
manifestissime pateat me, quem lucri cupiditate inuasisse
Pudentillae domum dictitant, si ullum lucrum cogitarem,
fugere semper a domo ista debuisse, quin et in ceteris
causis minime prosperum matrimonium,—nisi ipsa mulier
tot incommoda uirtutibus suis repensaret, inimicum.</p>
<p>Neque enim ulla alia causa praeter cassam inuidiam
repperiri potest, quae iudicium istud mihi et multa antea
pericula uitae conflauerit. ceterum cur Aemilianus commoueretur, etsi uere magum me comperisset, qui non
modo ullo facto, sed ne tantulo quidem dicto meo laesus
est, ut uideretur se merito ultum ire? neque autem gloriae
causa me accusat, ut M. Antonius Cn. Carbonem, C. Mucius A. Albucium, P. Sulpicius Cn. Norbanum, C. Furius <pb id="p.74" />
M' Aquilium, C. Curio Q. Metellum. quippe homines eruditissimi iuuenes laudis gratia primum hoc rudimentum
forensis operae subibant, ut aliquo insigni iudicio ciuibus
suis noscerentur. qui mos incipientibus adulescentulis ad
illustrandum ingenii florem apud antiquos concessus diu
exoleuit. quod si nunc quoque frequens esset, tamen ab
hoc procul abfuisset; nam neque facundiae ostentatio rudi
et indocto neque gloriae cupido rustico et barbaro neque
inceptio patrociniorum capulari seni congruisset; nisi forte
Aemilianus pro sua seueritate exemplum dedit et ipsis
maleficiis infensus accusationem istam pro morum integritate suscepit. at hoc ego Aemiliano, non huic Afro,
sed illi Africano et Numantino et praeterea Censorio uix
credidissem: ne huic frutici credam non modo odium
peccatorum, sed saltem. intellectum inesse.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="67" />
<p>Quid igitur est? cuiuis clarius dilucet aliam rem
inuidia nullam esse quae hunc et Herennium Rufinum,
impulsorem huius, de quo mox dicam, ceterosque inimicos meos ad nectendas magiae calumnias prouocarit.
quin<add>que</add> igitur res sunt, quas me oportet disputare. nam si
probe memini, quod ad Pudentillam attinet, haec obiecere:
una res est, quod numquam eam uoluisse nubere post
priorem maritum, sed meis carminibus coactam dixere;
altera res est de epistulis eius, quam confessionem magiae
putant; deinde sexagesimo anno aetatis ad lubidinem nubsisse, et quod in uilla ac non in oppido tabulae nubtiales <pb id="p.75" />
sint consignatae, tertio et quarto loco obiecere; nouissima
et eadem inuidiosissima criminatio de dote fuit. ibi omne
uirus totis uiribus adnixi effundere, ibi maxime angebantur,
atque ita dixere me grandem dotem mox in principio
coniunctionis nostrae mulieri amanti remotis arbitris in
uilla extorsisse. quae omnia tam falsa, tam nihili, tam
inania ostendam adeoque facile et sine ulla controuersia
refutabo, ut medius fidius uerear, Maxime quique in consilio estis, ne demissum et subornatum a me accusatorem
putetis, ut inuidiam meam reperta occasione palam restinguerem. mihi credite, quod reabse intelle<add>ge</add>tur: oppido
quam mihi laborandum est, ne tam friuolam accusationem
me potius callide excogitasse quam illos stulte suscepisse
existimetis.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="68" />
<p>Nunc dum ordinem rei breuiter persequor et efficio,
ut ipse Aemilianus re cognita falso se ad inuidiam meam
inductum et longe a vero aberrasse necesse habeat confiteri, quaeso, uti adhuc fecistis uel si quo magis etiam
potestis, ipsum fontem et fundamentum iudicii huiusce
diligentissime cognoscatis.</p>
<p>Aemilia Pudentilla, quae nunc mihi uxor est, ex quodam Sicinio Amico, quicum antea nubta fuerat, Pontianum
et Pudentem filios genuit eosque pupillos relictos in
potestate paterni aui—nam superstite patre Amicus
decesserat—per annos ferme quattuordecim memorabili
pietate sedulo aluit, non tamen libenter in ipso aetatis
suae flore tam diu uidua. sed puerorum auus inuita<add>m</add> <pb id="p.76" />
eam conciliare studebat <add>in</add> ceterum filio<del status="unremarkable">s</del> suo<del status="unremarkable">s</del> Sicinio
Claro eoque ceteros procos absterrebat; et praeterea minabatur, si extrario nubsisse<add>t</add>, nihil se filiis eius ex paternis
eorum bonis testamento relicturum. quam condicione<add>m</add> cum
obstinate propositam uideret mulier sapiens et egregie pia,
ne quid filiis suis eo nomine incommodaret, facit quidem
tabulas nubtiales cum quo iubebatur, cum Sicinio Claro,
uerum enimuero uariis frustrationibus nuptias eludit eo
ad, dum puerorum auus fato concessit relictis filiis eius
heredibus ita, ut Pontianus, qui maior natu erat, fratri
suo tutor esset. <milestone unit="section" n="69" />
eo scrupulo liberata cum a principibus
uiris in matrimonium peteretur, decreuit sibi diutius in
uiduitate non permanendum; quippe ut solitudinis taedium perpeti posset, tamen aegritudine<add>m</add> corporis ferre
non poterat. mulier sancte pudica, tot annis uiduitatis
sine culpa, sine fabula, assuetudine coniugis torpens et
diutino situ uiscerum saucia, uitiatis intimis uteri saepe
ad extremum uitae discrimen doloribus obortis exanimabatur. medici cum obstetricibus consentiebant penuria
matrimonii morbum quaesitum, malum in dies augeri, aegritudinem ingrauescere; dum aetatis aliquid supersit, nubtiis ualitudinem medicandum. consilium istud cum alii <pb id="p.77" />
approbant, tum maxime Aemilianus iste, qui paulo prius
confidentissimo mendacio adseuerabat numquam de nubtiis
Pudentillam cogitasse, priusquam foret magicis maleficiis
a me coacta, me solum repertum, qui uiduitatis eius uelut
quandam uirginitatem carminibus et uenenis uiolarem.
saepe audiui non de nihilo dici mendacem memorem esse
oportere; at tibi, Aemiliane, non uenit in mentem, priusquam ego Oeam uenirem, te litteras etiam, uti nuberet,
scribsisse ad filium eius Pontianum, qui tum adultus
Romae agebat. cedo tu epistolam uel potius da ipsi:
legat, sua sibi uoce suisque uerbis sese reuincat.</p>
<p>Estne haec tua epistola? quid palluisti? nam erubescere tu quidem non potes. estne tua ista subscribtio?—
recita quaeso clarius, ut omnes intellegant, quantum
lingua eius manu discrepet, quantumque minor illi<del status="unremarkable">s</del> sit
mecum quam secum dissensio.—</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="70" />
<p>Scripsistine haec, Aemiliane, quae lecta sunt? <q direct="unspecified">nubere
illam uelle et debere scio, sed quem eligat nescio.</q> recte
tu quidem: nesciebas; Pudentilla enim tibi, cuius infesta<add>m</add>
malignitatem probe norat, de ipsa re tantum, ceterum de
petitore nihil fatebatur. at tu dum eam putas etiamnum
Claro fratri tuo denubturam, falsa spe inductus filio quoque eius Pontiano auctor adsentiendi fuisti. igitur si
Claro nubsisset, homini rusticano et decrepito seni, sponte
eam diceres sine ulla magia iam olim nubturisse: quoniam
iuuenem talem qualem dicitis elegit, coactam fecisse ais,
ceterum semper nubtias aspernatam. nescisti, improbe,
epistulam tuam de ista re teneri, nescisti te tuomet testimonio conuictum iri. quam tamen epistolam Pudentilla <pb id="p.78" />
testem et indicem tuae uoluntatis, ut quae te leuem et
mutabilem nec minus mendacem et inpudentem scire<add>t</add>,
maluit retinere quam mittere. ceterum ipsa de ea re
Pontiano suo Romam scripsit, etiam causas consilii sui
plene allegauit. dixit illa omnia de ualetudine: nihil
praeterea esse, cur amplius deberet obdurare, hereditatem
auitam longa uiduitate cum despectu salutis suae quaesisse, eandem summa industria auxisse; iam deum uoluntate ipsum uxori, fratrem eius uirili togae idoneos esse;
tandem aliquando se quoque paterentur solitudini<del status="unremarkable">s</del> suae
et aegritudini subuenire; ceterum de pietate sua et supremo
iudicio nihil metuerent; qualis uidua eis fuerit, talem
nuptam futuram. recitari iubebo exemplum epistolae huius
ad filium missae.—</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="71" />
<p>Satis puto ex <del status="unremarkable">h</del>istis posse cuiuis liquere Pudentillam
non meis carminibus ab obstinata uiduitate compulsam,
sed olim sua sponte a nubendo non alienam <add>uti</add>quam
me fortasse prae ceteris maluisse. quae electio tam grauis
feminae cur mihi crimini potius quam honori danda sit,
non reperio, nisi tamen miror quod Aemilianus et Rufinus
id iudicium mulieris aegre ferant, cum hi, qui Pudentillam
in matrimonium petiuerunt, aequo animo patiantur me
sibi praelatum. quod quidem illa ut faceret, filio suo
potius quam animo obsecuta est. ita factum nec Aemilianus poterit negare. nam Pontianus acceptis litteris
matris confestim Roma<del status="unremarkable">m</del> aduolauit metuens, ne si quem
auarum uirum nacta esset, omnia, ut saepe fit, in mariti <pb id="p.79" />
domum conferret. ea sollicitudo non mediocriter animum
angebat, omnes illi fratrique diuitiarum spes in faculta<add>ti</add>bus matris sitae erant. auus modicum reliquerat, mater
sestertium quadragies po<add>s</add>sidebat, ex quo sane aliquantam
pecuniam nullis tabulis, sed, ut aequum erat, mera fide
acceptam filiis debebat. hunc ille timorem mus<add>s</add>itabat;
a<add>d</add>uersari propalam non audebat, ne uideretur diffidere.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="72" />
<p>Cum in hoc statu res esset inter procationem matris
et metum fili, fortene an fato ego aduenio pergens Alexandream. dixissem hercule <q direct="unspecified">quod utinam numquam euenisset,</q> ni me uxoris meae respectus prohiberet. hiemps
anni erat. ego ex fatigatione itineris aduectus apud Appios i<add>s</add>tos amicos meos, quos honoris et amoris gratia
nomino, aliquam multis diebus decumbo. eo uenit ad me
Pontianus; nam fuerat mihi non ita pridem ante multos
annos Athenis per quosdam communis amicos conciliatus
et arto postea contubernio intime iunctus. facit omnia
circa ho<add>no</add>rem meum obseruanter, circa salutem sollicite,
circa amorem callide; quippe etenim uidebatur sibi peridoneum maritum matri repperisse, cui bono periculo
totam domus fortunam concrederet. ac primo quidem
uoluntatem meam uerbis inuersis periclitabundus, quoniam <pb id="p.80" />
me uiae cupidum et conuersum ab uxoria re uidebat,
orat, saltem paulisper manerem: uelle se mecum proficisci. hiemem alteram propter Syrtis aestus et bestias
opperiendam, quod illam mihi infirmitas exemisset. multis
etiam precibus meis Appiis aufert, ut ad sese in domum
matris suae transferar; salubriorem mihi habitationem
futuram; praeterea prospectum maris, qui mihi gratissimus est, liberius me ex ea fruiturum.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="73" />
<p>Haec omnia adnixus impenso studio persuadet, matrem
suam suumque fratrem, puerum istum, mihi commendat.
non nihil a me in communibus studiis adiuuantur, augetur oppido familiaritas. interibi reualesco; dissero aliquid
postulantibus amicis publice; omnes qui aderant ingenti
celebritate basilicam, qui locus auditorii erat, complentes
inter alia pleraque congruentissima uoce <q direct="unspecified">insigniter</q> adclamant petentes, ut remanerem, fierem ciuis Oeensium.
mox auditorio misso Pontianus eo principio me adortus
consensum publicae uocis pro diuino auspicio interpretatur
aperitque consilium sibi esse, si ego non nolim, matrem
suam, cui plurimi inhient, mecum coniungere (mihi quoniam soli ait rerum omnium confidere sese et credere);
ni id onus recipiam, (quoniam non formosa pupilla, sed
mediocri facie mater liberorum mihi offeratur)—si haec
reputans formae et diuitiarum gratia me ad aliam condicionem reseruarem, neque pro amico neque pro philosopho <pb id="p.81" />
facturum. nimis multa oratio est, si uelim memorare,
quae ego contra responderim, quam diu et quotiens inter
nos uerbigeratum sit, quot et qualibus precibus me adgressus haud prius omiserit quam de<add>ni</add>que impetrarit,
non quin ego Pudentillam iam anno perpeti adsiduo conuictu probe spectassem et uirtutium eius dotes explorassem, sed utpote peregrinationis cupiens impedimentum
matrimoni aliquantisper recusaueram. mox tamen talem
feminam nihilo segnius uolui quam si ultro appetissem.
persuaserat idem Pontianus matri suae, ut me aliis omnibus mallet, et quam primum hoc perficere incredibili
studio auebat. uix ab eo tantulam moram impetramus,
dum prius ipse uxorem duceret, frater eius uirilis togae
usum auspicaretur: tunc deinde ut nos coniungeremur.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="74" />
<p>Vtinam hercule possem quae deinde dicenda sunt
sine maximo causae dispendio tran<add>s</add>gredi, ne Pontiano, cui
<del status="unremarkable">h</del>errorem suum deprecanti simpliciter ignoui, uidear nunc
leuitatem exprobrare. confiteor enim, quod mihi obiectum
est, eum, postquam uxorem duxerit, a compecti fide desciuisse ac derepente animi mutatum quod antea nimio
studio festinarat pari pertinacia prohibitum isse, denique
ne matrimonium nostrum coalesceret, quiduis pati, quiduis
facere paratum fuisse, quamquam omnis illa tam foeda
animi mutatio et suscepta contra matrem simultas non
ipsi uitio uortenda sit, sed socero eius eccilli Herennio
Rufino, qui unum neminem in terris uiliorem se aut improbiorem <pb id="p.82" />
aut inquinatiorem reliquit. paucis hominem,
quam modestissime potero, necessario demonstrabo, ne, si
omnino de eo reticuero, operam perdiderit, quod negotium
istud mihi ex summis uiribus conflauit.</p>
<p>Hic est enim pueruli huius instigator, hic accusationis
auctor, hic aduocatorum conductor, hic testium coemptor,
hic totius calumniae fornacula, hic Aemiliani huius fax et
flagellum, idque apud omnis intemperantissime gloriatur,
me suo machinatu reum postulatum. et sane habet in
<del status="unremarkable">h</del>istis quod sibi plaudat. est enim omnium litium depector, omnium falsorum commentator, omnium simulationum architectus, omnium malorum seminarium, nec non
idem libidinum ganearumque locus, lustrum, lupanar, iam
inde ab ineunte aeuo cunctis probris palam notus, olim
in pueritia, priusquam isto caluitio deformaretur, emasculatoribus suis ad omnia infanda morigerus, mox in iuuentute saltandis fabulis exossis plane et eneruis, sed, ut
audio, indocta et rudi mollitia; negatur enim quicquam
histrionis habuisse praeter impudicitiam. <milestone unit="section" n="75" />
in hac etiam
aetate qua nunc est—qui istum di perduint! multus
honos auribus praefandus est—domus eius tota lenonia,
tota familia contaminata: ipse propudiosus, uxor lupa,
filii similes: prorsus diebus ac noctibus ludibrio iuuentutis <pb id="p.83" />
ianua calcibus propulsata, fenestrae canticis circumstrepitae,
triclinium comisatoribus inquietum, cubiculum adulteris
peruium; neque enim ulli ad introeundum metus est, nisi
qui pretium marito non attulit. ita ei lecti sui contumelia uectigalis est. olim sollers suo, nunc coniugis corpore uulgo meret; cum ipso plerique, nec mentior, cum
ipso, inquam, de uxoris noctibus paciscuntur. iam illa
inter uirum et uxorem no<del status="unremarkable">n</del>ta<del status="unremarkable">m</del> conlusio: qui
amplam stipem mulieri detulerunt, nemo eos obseruat,
suo arbitratu discedunt; qui inaniores uenere, signo dato
pro adulteris deprehenduntur, et quasi ad discendum
uenerint, non prius abeunt quam aliquid scripserint. quid
enim faciat homo miser ampliuscula fortuna deuolutus,
quam tamen fraude patris ex inopinato inuenerat? pater
eius plurimis creditoribus defaeneratus maluit pecuniam
quam pudorem; nam cum undique uersum tabulis flagitaretur et quasi insanus ab omnibus obuiis teneretur, <q direct="unspecified">pax</q>
inquit, negat posse dissoluere, anulos aureos et omnia
insignia dignitatis abicit, cum creditoribus depaciscitur.
pleraque tamen rei familiaris in nomen uxoris callidissima
fraude confert: ipse egens, nudus et ignominia sua tutus
reliquit Rufino huic, non mentior, sestertium 〈XXX〉 deuorandum; tantum enim ad eum ex bonis matris liberum
uenit praeter quod ei uxor sua cotidianis dotibus quaesiuit. quae tamen omnia in paucis annis ita hic degulator <pb id="p.84" />
studiose in uentrem condidit et omnimodis conlurchinationibus dilapidauit, ut crederes metuere, ne quid
habere ex fraude paterna diceretur; homo iustus et morum
dedit operam, quod male partum erat ut male periret,
nec quicquam ei relictum est ex largiore fortuna praeter
ambitionem miseram et profundam gulam.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="76" />
<p>Ceterum uxor iam propemodum uetula et effeta totam
domum contumeliis <add>alere</add> abnuit; filia autem per
adulescentulos ditiores inuitamento matris suae nequicquam
circumlata, quibusdam etiam procis ad experiundum permissa, nisi in facilitatem Pontiani incidisset, fortasse an
adhuc uidua ante quam nubta domi sedisset. Pontianus
ei multum quidem dehortantibus nobis nuptiarum titulum
falsum et imaginarium donauit, non nescius eam paulo
ante, quam duceret, a quodam honestissimo iuuene, cui
prius pacta fuerat, post satietatem derelictam. uenit igitur
ad eum noua nupta secura et intrepida, pudore dispoliato,
flore exsoleto, flammeo obsoleto, uirgo rursum post recens
repudium, nomen potius adferens puellae quam integritatem. uectabatur octaphoro, uidistis profecto qui adfuistis, quam improba iuuenum circumspectatrix, quam
inmodica sui ostentatrix. quis non disciplina<add>m</add> matris
agnouit, cum in puella uideret i<add>m</add>medicatum os et purpurissatas <pb id="p.85" />
genas et inlices oculos. dos erat a creditore
omnis ad terruncium pridie sumpta et quidem grandior
quam domus exhausta et plena liberis postulabat.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="77" />
<p>Sed enim iste, ut est rei modicus, spei immodicus,
pari auaritia et egestate totum Pudentillae quadragiens
praesumptione cassa deuorarat eoque me amoliendum
ratus, quo facilius Pontiani facilitatem, Pudentillae solitudinem circumueniret, infit generum suum obiurgare, quod
matrem suam mihi desponderat; suadet, quam primum ex
tanto periculo, dum licet, pedem referat, rem matris ipse
potius habeat quam homini extrario sciens transmittat;
ni ita faciat, inicit scrupulum amanti adulescentulo ueterator, minatur se filiam abducturum. quid multis? iuuenem simplicem, praeterea nouae nuptae inlecebris obfrenatum suo arbitratu de uia deflectit. it ille ad matrem
uerborum Rufini gerulus, sed nequicquam temptata eius
grauitate ultro ipse leuitatis et inconstantiae increpitus
reportat ad socerum haud mollia: matri suae praeter ingenium placidissimum immobili iram quoque sua expostulatione accessisse, non mediocre pertinaciae adiumentum;
respondisse eam denique non clam se esse Rufini exoratione secum expostulari; eo uel magis sibi auxilium mariti
aduersum eius desperatam auaritiam comparandum.
ChatGPT
The accusers also raised a charge concerning the creation of a seal. They claimed I crafted it secretly from the finest wood to use for dark magic, asserting it depicted a hideous and horrifying skeletal form and that I reverently referred to it as "Basileus" in Greek. However, I will address these accusations thoroughly, retracing each step to expose their lies.
First, they claimed that the seal was secretly made. Yet, how could it have been secret when they knew the identity of the craftsman so well that they summoned him here? Here stands Cornelius Saturninus, an esteemed artisan among his peers, known both for his skill and his integrity. He has testified before you, Maximus, recounting with precision and honesty the entire process of making the seal. He explained that after I had admired his geometric carvings in boxwood, I commissioned a mechanical piece along with a small figure of any god, which I planned to use in my devotions.
While I was away, my stepson, Sicinius Pontianus, obtained some ebony from a respectable woman named Capitolina and brought it to Saturninus, suggesting that this durable and rare wood be used instead. Saturninus followed Pontianus’s advice and used the ebony, from which he sculpted a small figure of Mercury, fitting the scale of the wood.
This sequence of events was corroborated by Capitolina’s son, a young man of good character who is also present today. He confirmed that Pontianus had requested the wood, delivered it to Saturninus, and then, upon completion, received the seal from Saturninus as a gift for me. Given that all of this is transparently established, where is there any room left for suspicion of magic?
As for the charge that the seal had a gaunt and horrifying skeletal form, why did you not demand that I produce it for examination? Were you relying on its absence to embellish the lie? However, my usual habit thwarted your intentions. Wherever I go, I carry a small image of a god among my belongings, offering it incense and wine on holy days. Thus, when I heard these baseless accusations about a skeleton, I ordered someone to fetch the figure from my quarters.
Here it is! Let all of you examine it and judge for yourselves. Do you hear the murmur of disbelief? Look at the figure’s expression, its youthful face full of vitality and energy, with a cheerful and dignified appearance. This is Mercury, not a skeletal figure. If someone calls this a skeleton, then he must be entirely ignorant of the appearance of the gods or utterly disrespectful towards them.
And to you, Aemilianus, may the gods repay your lies with endless apparitions of the dead and every terror that can haunt a guilty mind! As for me, I follow the teachings of Plato, who taught that there is nothing in our doctrine but celebration, joy, and celestial concerns. In the pursuit of truth, our studies reach beyond the heavens themselves. Maximus, who has read the *Phaedrus* with care, knows I speak the truth. And as to the title “Basileus,” it was not I who first used it, but Plato, who spoke of the “King of all” as the cause, reason, and first origin of all things. This being, the highest origin of the soul, is the everlasting preserver of all living things, the eternal artisan of his creation.
Now that I have fully explained the title “Basileus,” I see that some might wonder why I chose wood over gold or silver for this image. Plato himself, in his final book on the laws, recommended modesty in offerings. He discouraged private altars, suggesting that public temples suffice for the needs of the citizens. Furthermore, he disapproved of offerings of gold or silver, considering them ostentatious, while ivory from the bodies of animals was inappropriate. Iron and bronze, being associated with war, were also unacceptable, and he permitted only wood or stone.
Having addressed these points, I turn to the letters of Pudentilla, my wife, which contain no mention of magic but speak of our marriage and her consent. The facts will show that she was not forced to marry me by enchantments, but chose to do so of her own free will.
You
Hisce auditis exacerbatus aquariolus iste uxoris suae
ita ira extumuit, ita exarsit furore, ut in feminam sanctissimam et pudicissimam praesente filio eius digna cubiculo <pb id="p.86" />
suo diceret, amatricem eam, me magum et ueneficum
clamitaret multis audientibus (quos, si uoles, nominabo):
se mihi sua manu mortem allaturum. uix hercule possum
irae moderari, ingens indignatio animo oboritur. tune,
effeminatissime, tua manu cuiquam uiro mortem minitari<add>s</add>?
at qua tandem manu? Philomelae an Medeae an Clyteme<del status="unremarkable">n</del>strae? quas tamen cum saltas—tanta mo<add>l</add>litia
animi, tanta formido ferri est—, sine cludine saltas. sed
ne longius ab ordine digrediar: Pudentilla postquam filium
uidet praeter opinionem contra suam esse sententiam
deprauatum, rus profecta scripsit ad eum obiurgandi
gratia illas famosissimas litteras, quibus, ut isti aiebant,
confessa est sese mea magia in amorem inductam dementire; quas tamen litteras tabulario Pontiani praesente et
contra scribente Aemiliano nudius tertius tuo iussu, Maxime,
testato describsimus; in quibus omnia contra praedicationem
istorum pro me reperiuntur. <milestone unit="section" n="79" />
quamquam, etsi destrictius
magum me dixisset, posset uideri excusabunda se filio
uim meam quam uoluntatem suam causari maluisse. an
sola Phaedra falsum epistolium de amore commenta est,
ac non omnibus mulieribus haec ars usitata est, ut, cum
aliquid eius modi uelle coeperunt, malint coactae uideri?
quod si etiam animo ita putauit, me magum esse, idcircone <pb id="p.87" />
magus habear, quia hoc scripsit Pudentilla? uos tot
argumentis, tot testibus, tanta oratione magum me non
probatis: illa uno uerbo probaret? et quanto tandem
grauius habendum est quod in iudicio subscribitur quam
quod in epistola scribitur. quin tu me meismet factis,
non alienis uerbis reuincis? ceterum eadem uia multi rei
cuiusuis maleficii postulabuntur, si ratum futurum est
quod quisque in epistola sua uel amore uel odio cuiuspiam scripserit. <q direct="unspecified">magum te scripsit Pudentilla: igitur
magus es.</q> quid, si consulem me scripsisset: consul essem?
quid enim, si pictorem, si medicum, quid denique, si
innocentem? num aliquid horum putares idcirco, quod
illa dixisset? nihil scilicet. atqui periniurium est ei
fidem in peioribus <add>habere, cui in melioribus</add> non haberes,
posse litteras eius ad perniciem, non posse ad salutem.
<q direct="unspecified">sed</q> inquit <q direct="unspecified">animi <add>furens</add> fuit, efflictim te amabat.</q>
concedo interim. num tamen omnes qui amantur magi
sunt, si hoc forte qui amat scripserit? c<add>r</add>edo nunc quod
Pudentilla me in eo tempore non amabat, siquidem id
foras scripsit, quod palam erat mihi obfuturum. <milestone unit="section" n="80" />
postremo quid uis, sanam an insanam fuisse, dum scriberet?
sanam dices? nihil ergo erat magicis artibus passa.
insanam respondebis? nesciit ergo quid scribserit, eoque
ei fides non habenda est; immo etiam, si fuisset insana,
insanam se esse nescisset. nam ut absurde facit qui
tacere se dicit, quod ibidem dicendo tacere sese non tacet <pb id="p.88" />
et ipsa professione quod profitetur infirmat, ita uel magis
hoc repugnat: <q direct="unspecified">ego insanio,</q> quod uerum non est, nisi
sciens dicit; porro sanus est, qui scit quid sit insania,
quippe insania scire se non potest, non magis quam
caecitas se uidere. igitur Pudentilla compos mentis fuit,
si compotem mentis se non putabat. possum, si uelim,
pluribus, sed mitto dialectica. ipsas litteras longe aliud
clamantis et quasi dedita opera ad iudicium istud praeparatas et accommodatas recitabo. accipe tu et lege,
usque dum ego interloquar.—</p>
<p>Sustine paulisper quae secuntur; nam ad deuerticulum
rei uentum est. adhuc enim, Maxime, quantum equidem
animaduerti, nusquam mulier magiam nominauit, sed
ordinem repetiuit eundem, quem ego paulo prius, de longa
uiduitate, de remedio ualetudinis, de uoluntate nubendi,
de meis laudibus, quas ex Pontiano cognouerat, de suasu
ipsius, ut mihi potissimum nuberet.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="81" />
<p>Haec usque adhuc lecta sunt. superest ea pars epistulae, quae similiter pro me scripta in memet ipsum
uertit cornua, ad expellendum a me crimen magiae sedulo
<del status="unremarkable">o</del>missa memorabili laude Rufini uice<add>m</add> mutauit et ultro
contrariam mihi opinionem quorundam Oeensium quasi
mago quaesiuit. multa fando, Maxime, audisti, etiam
plura legendo didicisti, non pauca experiendo comperisti:
sed enim uersutiam tam insidiosam, tam admirabili
scelere conflatam negabis te umquam cognouisse. quis
Palamedes, qui<add>s</add> Sisyphus, quis denique Eurybates aut <pb id="p.89" />
Phrynondas talem excogitasset? omnes isti quos nominaui
et si qui praeterea fuerunt dolo memorandi, si cum hac una
Rufini fallacia contendantur, macc<del status="unremarkable">h</del>i prorsus et bucc<del status="unremarkable">h</del>ones
uidebuntur. o mirum commentum! o subtilitas digna
carcere et robore! quis credat effici potuisse, ut quae
defensio fuerat, eadem manentibus eisdem litteris in accusationem transuerteretur? est hercule incredibile. sed
hoc incredibile qui sit factum, probabo.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="82" />
<p>Obiurgatio erat matris ad filium, quod me, talem
uirum qualem sibi praedicasset, nunc de Rufini sententia
magum dictitaret. uerba ipsa ad hunc modum se habebant: <foreign lang="greek">*)apole/i+os ma/gos, kai\ e)gw\ u(p' au)tou= mema/geumai kai\
e)rw=. e)lqe\ toi/nun pro\s e)me/, e(/ws e)/ti swfronw=.</foreign> haec ipsa
uerba Rufinus quae Graece interposui sola excerpta et ab
ordine suo seiugata quasi confessionem mulieris circumferens et Pontianum flentem per forum ductans uulgo
ostendebat, ipsas mulieris litteras illatenus qua dixi legendas praebebat, cetera supra et infra scribta occultabat;
turpiora esse quam ut ostenderentur dictitabat: satis esse
confessionem mulieris de magia cognosci. quid quaeris?
uerisimile omnibus uisum; quae purgandi mei gratia
scripta erant, eadem mihi immanem inuidiam apud imperitos conciuere. turbabat impurus hic in medio foro
bacchabundus, epistulam saepe aperiens proquiritabat:
<q direct="unspecified">Apuleius magus; dicit ipsa quae sentit et patitur; quid
uultis amplius?</q> nemo erat qui pro me ferret ac sic <pb id="p.90" />
responderet: <q direct="unspecified">totam sodes epistulam cedo: sine omnia
inspiciam, <add>a</add> principio ad finem perlegam. multa
sunt, quae sola prolata calumniae possint uideri obnoxia.
cuiauis oratio insimulari potest, si ea quae ex prioribus
nexa sunt principio sui defrudentur, si quaedam ex
ordine scriptorum ad lubidinem supprimantur, si quae
simulationis causa dicta sunt adseuerantis pronuntiatione quam exprobrantis legantur.</q> haec et id genus
ea quam merito tunc dici potuerunt; ipse ordo epistulae
ostendat.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="83" />
<p>At tu, Aemiliane, recognosce, an et haec mecum
testato descripseris: <foreign lang="greek">boulome/nhn ga/r me di' a(\s ei)=pon ai)ti/as gamhqh=nai, au)to\s e)/peisas tou=ton a)nti\ pa/ntwn ai(rei=sqai, qauma/zwn to\n a)/ndra kai\ spouda/zwn au)to\n oi)kei=on
u(mi=n di' e)mou= poiei=sqai. nu=n de\ w(s kat</foreign><note place="unspecified" anchored="yes"><foreign lang="greek">h/g</foreign></note><foreign lang="greek">oroi h(mw=n
kakoh/qeis se a)napei/qousin, ai)fni/dion e)ge/neto *)apole/i+os
ma/gos, kai\ e)gw\ mema/geumai u(p' au)tou= kai\ e)rw=. e)lqe\ toi/nun pro\s e)me/, e(/ws e)/ti swfronw=.</foreign> <pb id="p.91" /></p>
<p>Oro te, Maxime, si litterae ita, ut partim uocales
dicuntur, etiam propriam uocem usurparent, si uerba ita,
ut poetae aiunt, pinnis apta uulgo uolarent, nonne, cum
primum epistolam istam Rufinus mala fide excerperet,
pauca legeret, multa et meliora sciens reticeret, nonne
tunc ceterae litterae sceleste se detineri proclamassent,
uerba suppressa de Rufini manibus foras euolassent, totum forum tumultu complessent: <q direct="unspecified">se quoque a Pudentilla
missas, sibi etiam quae dicerent mandata; improbo ac
nefario homini per alienas litteras falsum facere temptanti
nec auscultarent, sibi potius audirent; Apuleium magiae non
accusatum a Pudentilla, sed accusante Rufino absolutum?</q>
quae omnia etsi tum dicta non sunt, tamen nunc, cum magis
prosunt, luce inlustrius apparent. patent artes tuae, Rufine,
fraudes hiant, detectum mendacium est: ueritas olim interuersa nun<add>c</add> se fert et uelut alto barathro calumnia se mergit.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="84" />
<p>Ad litteras Pudentillae prouocastis: litteris uinco,
quarum si uultis extremam quoque clausulam audire, non
inuidebo. dic tu, quibus uerbis epistulam finierit mulier
obcantata, uecors, amens, amans: <foreign lang="greek">*)egw\ ou)/te mema/geumai
ou)/</foreign><del status="unremarkable"><foreign lang="greek">te</foreign></del><foreign lang="greek">t' e)rw=. th\n ei(marme/nhn e)kf.</foreign> etiamne amplius? <pb id="p.92" />
reclamat uobis Pudentilla et sanitatem suam a uestris
calumniis quodam praeconio uindicat nubendi autem seu
rationem seu necessitatem fato adscribit, a quo multum
magia remota est uel potius omnino sublata. quae enim
relinquitur uis cantaminibus et ueneficiis, si fatum rei
cuiusque ueluti uiolentissimus torrens neque retineri potest
neque impelli? igitur hac sententia sua Pudentilla non
modo me magum, sed omnino esse magiam negauit. bene,
quod integras epistolas matris Pontianus ex more adseruauit; bene, quod uos festinatio iudicii anteuortit, ne quid
in istis litteris ex otio nouaretis. tuum hoc, Maxime,
tuaeque prouidentiae beneficium est, quod a principio intellectas calumnias, ne corroborarentur tempore, praecipitasti et nulla<del status="unremarkable">m</del> impertita mora subneruiasti. finge nunc
aliquid matrem filio secretis litteris de amore, uti adsolet,
confessam. hocine uerum fuit, Rufine, hoc non dico pium,
sed saltem humanum, prouulgari eas litteras et potissimum
fili praeconio puplicari? sed sum<add>ne</add> ego insci<add>t</add>us, qui
postulo, ut alienum pudorem conserues qui tuum perdideris?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="85" />
<p>Cur autem praeterita conqueror, cum non sint minus
acerba praesentia? hocusque a uobis miserum istum
puerum deprauatum, ut matris suae epistulas quas putat
amatorias pro tribunali procons(ulari) recitet apud uirum
sanctissimum Cl(audium) Maximum, ante has imp(eratoris) <pb id="p.93" />
Pii statuas filius matri suae pudenda exprobret stupra et
amores obiectet? quis tam est mitis quin exacerbescat?
tune, ultime, parentis tuae animum in istis scrutaris,
oculos obseruas, suspiritus numeras, adfectiones exploras,
tabulas intercipis, amorem reuincis? tune, quid in cubiculo agat, perquiris, ne mater tua non dico amatrix, sed
ne omnino femina aest<add>imetur. nihil</add>ne tu in ea cogitas nisi
unam parentis religionem? o infelix uterum tuum, Pudentilla, o sterilitas liberis potior, o infausti decem menses,
o ingrati XIIII anni uiduitatis! uipera, ut audio, exeso
matris utero in lucem proserpit atque ita parricidio gignitur: at enim tibi a filio iam adulto acerbiores morsus
uiuenti et uidenti offeruntur. silentium tuum laniatur,
pudor tuus carpitur, pectus tuum foditur, uiscera intima
protrahuntur. hascine gratias bonus filius matri rependis
ob datam uitam, ob adquisitam hereditatem, ob XIIII
annorum longas alimonias? hiscine te patruus disciplinis
erudiuit, ut, si compertum habeas filios tibi similes futuros,
non audeas ducere uxorem? est ille poetae uersus non
ignotus: <q direct="unspecified">odi puerulos praecoqui sapientia,</q> sed enim malitia praecoqui puerum quis non auersetur atque oderit,
cum uideat uelut monstrum quoddam prius robustum
scelere quam tempore, ante nocentem quam potentem, uiridi
pueritia, cana malitia? uel potius hoc magis noxium, <pb id="p.94" />
quod cum uenia perniciosus est et nondum poenae, iam
iniuriae sufficit—iniuriae dico? immo enim sceleri aduersum parentem nefando, immani, impetibili.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="86" />
<p>Athenienses quidem propter commune ius humanitatis
ex captiuis epistulis Philippi Macedonis hostis sui unam
epistulam, cum singulae publice legerentur, recitari prohibuerunt, quae erat ad uxorem Olympiadem conscripta;
hosti potius pepercerunt, ne maritale secretum diuulgarent, praeferendum rati fas commune propriae ultioni.
tales hostes aduersum hostem: tu qualis filius aduersum
matrem. uides, quam similia contendam. tu tamen filius
matris epistulas de amore, ut ais, scriptas in isto coetu
legis, in quo si aliquem poetam lasciuiorem iubereris
legere, profecto non auderes; pudore tamen aliquo impedirere. immo enim nunquam matris tuae litteras attigisses, si ullas alias litteras attigisses. at quam ausus
es tuam ipsius epistulam legendam dare, quam nimis
irreuerenter, nimis contumeliose et turpiter de matre
tua scriptam, cum adhuc in eius sinu alerere, miseras
clanculo ad Pontianum, scilicet ne semel peccasses ac tam
bonum tuum factum optutu capesseret. miser, non intellegis iccirco patruum tuum hoc fieri passum, quod se
hominibus purgaret, si ex litteris tuis nosceretur te etiam
prius, quam ad eum commigrasses, etiam cum matri
blandirere, tamen iam tum uolpionem et impium fuisse. <pb id="p.95" />
<milestone unit="section" n="87" />
ceterum nequeo in animum inducere tam stultum Aemilianum esse, ut arbitretur mihi litteras pueri et eiusdem
accusatoris me<add>i</add> offuturas.</p>
<p>Fuit et illa commenticia epistula neque mea manu
scripta neque uerisimiliter conficta, qua uideri uolebant
blanditiis a me mulierem sollicitatam. cur ego blandirem,
si magia confidebam? qua autem uia ad istos peruenit
epistula, ad Pudentillam scilicet per aliquem fidelem missa,
ut in re tali accurari solet? cur praeterea tam uitiosis
uerbis, tam barbaro sermone ego scriberem, quem idem
dicunt nequaquam Graecae linguae imperitum? cur autem
tam absurdis tamque tabernariis blanditiis subigitarem,
quem idem aiunt uersibus amatoriis satis scite lasciuire?
sic est profecto, cuiuis palam est: hic, qui epistulam
Pudentillae Graecatiorem legere non potuerat, hanc ut
suam facilius legit et aptius commendauit.</p>
<p>Sed iam de epistulis satis dictum habebo, si hoc unum
addidero: Pudentillam, quae scribserat dissimulamenti causa
et deridiculi: <foreign lang="greek">e)lqe\ toi/nun, e(/ws e)/ti swfronw=,</foreign> post hasce
litteras euocasse ad se filios et nurum, cum his ferme
duobus mensibus conuersatam. dicat hic pius filius, quid
in eo tempore sequius agentem uel loquentem matrem
suam propter insaniam uiderit; neget eam rationibus uilliconum et upilionum et equisonum sollertissime subscripsisse; neget fratrem suum Pontianum grauiter ab ea
monitum, ut sibi ab insidiis Rufini caueret; neget uere
obiurgatum, quod litteras, quas ad eum miserat, uulgo
circumtulisset nec tamen bona fide legisset; neget post <pb id="p.96" />
ista quae dixi matrem suam mihi apud uillam iam pridem
condicto loco nubsisse. quippe ita placuerat, in suburbana
uilla potius ut coniungeremur, ne ciues denuo ad sportulas
conuolarent, cum haud pridem Pudentilla de suo quinquaginta milia nummum <add>in</add> populum expunxisset ea die,
qua Pontianus uxorem duxit et hic puerulus toga est inuolutus, praeterea, ut conuiuiis multis ac molestiis supersederemus, quae ferme ex more nouis maritis obeunda sunt.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="88" />
<p>Habes, Aemiliane, causam totam, cur tabulae nubtiales
inter me ac Pudentillam non in oppido sint, sed in uilla
suburbana consignatae: ne quinquaginta milia nummum
denuo profundenda essent nec tecum aut apud te cenandum.
estne causa idonea? miror tamen, quod tu a<del status="unremarkable">m</del> uilla<del status="unremarkable">m</del>
tantopere abhorreas, qui plerumque rure uersere. lex
quidem Iulia de maritandis ordinibus nusquam sui ad
hunc modum interdicit: <q direct="unspecified">uxorem in uilla ne ducito;</q>
immo si uerum uelis, uxor ad prolem multo auspicatius
in uilla quam in oppido ducitur, in solo uberi quam in
loco sterili, in agri cespite quam in fori silice. mater
futura in ipso materno si<add>nu</add> nubat, in segete adulta,
super fecundam glebam, uel enim sub ulmo marita cubet,
in ipso gremio terrae matris, inter suboles herbarum et
propagines uitium et arborum germina. ibi et ille celeberrimus in comoediis uersus de proximo congruit: <foreign lang="greek">pai/dwn
e)p' a)ro/tw| gnhsi/wn e)pi\ spora=|.</foreign> Romanorum etiam maioribus <pb id="p.97" />
Quintis et Serranis et multis aliis similibus non
modo uxores, uerum etiam consulatus et dictaturae in
agris offerebantur. cohibe<del status="unremarkable">b</del>am me in tam prolixo loco,
ne tibi gratum faciam, si uillam laudauero.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="89" />
<p>De aetate uero Pudentillae, de qua post ista satis
confidenter mentitus es, ut etiam sexaginta annos natam
diceres nubsisse, de ea tibi paucis respondebo: nam <add>non</add>
necesse est in re tam perspicua pluribus disputare.</p>
<p>Pater eius natam sibi filiam more ceterorum professus est. tabulae eius partim tabulario publico partim
domo adseruantur, quae iam tibi ob os obiciuntur. porrige tu Aemiliano tabulas istas: linum consideret, signa
quae impressa sunt recognoscat, consules legat, annos
computet, quos sexaginta mulieri adsignabat. probet quinque et quinquaginta: lustro mentitus sit. parum hoc est,
liberalius agam,—nam et ipse Pudentillae multos annos
largitus est, redonabo igitur uicissim decem annos—
Mezentius cum Vlixe errauit: quinquaginta saltem annorum mulierem ostendat. quid multis? ut cum quadruplatore agam, bis duplum quinquennium faciam, uiginti
annos semel detraham. iube, Maxime, consules computari:
nisi fallor, inuenies nunc Pudentillae haud multo amplius <pb id="p.98" />
quadragensimum annum aetatis ire. o falsum audax et
nimium, o mendacium uiginti annorum exilio puniendum.
dimidio tanta, Aemiliane, mentiris, falsa audes sesquealtera.
si triginta annos pro decem dixisses, posses uideri computationis gestu errasse, quos circulare debueris digitos adgessisse.
cum uero quadraginta, quae facilius ceteris porrecta palma
significantur, ea quadraginta tu dimidio auges, non potes<del status="unremarkable">t</del>
digitorum gestu errasse, nisi forte triginta annorum Pudentillam ratus binos cuiusque anni consules numerasti.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="90" />
<p>Missa haec facio. uenio nunc ad ipsum stirpem accusationis, ad ipsam causam maleficii. respondeat Aemilianus et Rufinus, ob quod emolumentum, etsi maxime
magus forem, Pudentillam carminibus et uenenis ad matrimonium pellexissem. atque ego scio plerosque reos alicuius facinoris postulatos, si fuisse quaepiam causae probarentur, hoc uno se tamen <del status="unremarkable">h</del>abunde defendisse, uitam
suam procul ab huiusmodi sceleribus abhorrere nec id
sibi obesse debere, quod uideantur quaedam fuisse ad
maleficiundum inuitamenta; non enim omnia quae fieri
pot<add>u</add>erint pro factis habenda, rerum uices uarias euenire:
certum indicem cuiusque animum esse; qui semper eodem
ingenio ad uirtutem uel malitiam moratus firmum argumentum <pb id="p.99" />
est accipiendi criminis aut respuendi. haec ego
quamquam possim merito dicere, tamen uobis condono
nec satis mihi duco, si me omnium quae insimulastis
abunde purgaui, <add>ni</add>si nusquam passus sum uel exiguam
suspicionem magiae consistere. reputate uobiscum, quanta
fiducia innocentiae meae quantoque despectu uestri agam:
si una causa uel minima fuerit inuenta, cur ego debuerim
Pudentillae nubtias ob aliquod meum commodum appetere, si quamlibet modicum emolumentum probaueritis,
ego ille sim Carmendas uel Damigeron uel † his Moses uel
I<del status="unremarkable">oh</del>annes uel Apollobex uel ipse Dardanus uel quicumque alius post Zoroastren et Hostanen inter magos celebratus est.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="91" />
<p>Vide quaeso, Maxime, quem tumultum suscitarint,
quoniam ego paucos magorum nominatim percensui. quid
faciam tam rudibus, tam barbaris? doceam rursum haec
et multo plura alia nomina in bybliothecis publicis apud
clarissimos scriptores me legisse an disputem longe aliud
esse notitiam nominum, aliud artis eiusdem communionem
nec debere doctrinae instrumentum et eruditionis memoriam pro confessione criminis haberi an, quod multo
praestabilius est, tua doctrina, Claudi Maxime, tuaque
perfecta eruditione fretus contemnam stultis et impolitis <pb id="p.100" />
ad haec respondere? ita potius faciam: quid illi existiment, nauci non putabo; quod institui pergam disputare:
nullam mihi causam fuisse Pudentillam ueneficiis ad
nuptias prolectandi.</p>
<p>Formam mulieris et aetatem ipsi ultro improbauerunt
idque mihi uitio dederunt, talem uxorem causa auaritiae
concupisse atque adeo primo dotem in congressu grandem et uberem rapuisse. ad haec, Maxime, longa oratione
fatigare te non est consilium; nihil uerbis opus est, cum
multo disertius ipsae tabulae loquantur, in quibus omnia
contra, quam isti ex sua rapacitate de me quoque coniectauerunt, facta impraesentiarum et prouisa in posterum
deprehendis: iam primum mulieris locupletissimae modicam
dotem neque eam datam, sed tantum modo <add>creditam</add>,
praeter haec ea condicione factam coniunctionem, nullis ex
me susceptis liberis <add>si</add> uita demigrasset, uti dos omnis
apud filios eius Pontianum et Pudentem maneret, sin uero
uno unaue superstite diem suum obisset, uti tum diuidua
pars dotis posteriori filio, reliqua prioribus cederet.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="92" />
<p>Haec, ut dico, tabulis ipsis docebo. fors fuat an ne
sic quidem credat Aemilianus sola trecenta milia nummum
scripta eorumque repetitionem filiis Pudentillae pacto
datam. cape sis ipse tu manibus tuis tabulas istas, da
impulsori tuo Rufino: legat, pudeat illum tumidi animi
sui et ambitiosae mendicitatis; quippe ipse egens, nudus <pb id="p.101" />
CCCC milibus nummum a creditore acceptis filiam dotauit, Pudentilla locuples femina trecentis milibus dotis fuit
contenta et maritum habet, et multis saepe et ingentibus
dotibus spretis, inani nomine tantulae dotis contentum,
ceterum praeter uxorem suam nihil computantem, omnem
supellectilem cunctasque diuitias in concordia coniugii et
mutuo amore ponentem. quamquam quis omnium uel
exigue rerum peritus culpare auderet, si mulier uidua et
mediocri forma, at non aetate mediocri, nubere uolens
longa dote et molli condicione inuitasset iuuenem neque
corpore neque animo neque fortuna paenitendum? uirgo
formosa etsi sit oppido pauper, tamen <del status="unremarkable">h</del>abunde dotata est;
affert quippe ad maritum nouum animi indolem, pulchritudinis gratiam, floris rudimentum. ipsa uirginitatis commendatio iure meritoque omnibus maritis acceptissima est;
nam quodcumque aliud in dotem acceperis, potes, cum
libuit, ne sis beneficio obstrictus, omne ut acceperas retribuere, pecuniam renumerare, mancipia restituere, domo
demigrare, praediis cedere: sola uirginitas cum semel
accepta est, reddi nequitur, sola apud maritum ex rebus
dotalibus remanet. uidua autem qualis nuptiis uenit,
talis diuortio digreditur; nihil affert inreposcibile, sed
uenit iam ab alio praeflorata, certe tibi ad quae uelis
minime docilis, non minus suspectans nouam domum quam
ipsa iam ob unum diuortium suspectanda, siue illa morte
amisit maritum, ut scaeui ominis mulier et infausti coniugii minime appetenda, seu repudio digressa est, utramuis
ChatGPT
The accuser, filled with rage, shouted accusations against his own wife, a most honorable and chaste woman, calling her an adulteress and labeling me as a sorcerer and poisoner, claiming he would bring death to me with his own hand. He made these threats openly, in front of many witnesses (whose names I can provide if desired). I am scarcely able to contain my anger, for such indignation rises within me. You, a man of such unmanly character, threatening another man with death—by what means? By the hands of Philomela, Medea, or Clytemnestra? And yet, when you dance as these characters, you do so without even lifting a finger.
Returning to the matter at hand, after Pudentilla saw her son deceived and persuaded against her will, she went to the countryside and wrote him a letter in which, as my accusers claim, she admitted being driven mad by my magical charms. We, however, have transcribed these infamous letters in your presence, Maximus, with both Pontianus' notary and Aemilianus as witnesses. Contrary to their claims, the content of the letters does not accuse me of sorcery.
Even if she had called me a magician in her letter, could it not be seen as a form of excuse? Many women have feigned love in their letters, claiming they were compelled, just as Phaedra did. But if Pudentilla truly believed I was a magician, does that make it so? Your lengthy accusations, supported by numerous witnesses, could not prove it—so how could a single word from her do so? Should we believe only in her damning words and disregard any others?
As for my supposed "magic" in winning her love, the insinuation is absurd. Should her claims make me a magician? If she had called me a consul, would I then be considered one? The logic is faulty. To trust her words in accusation but not in defense is unjust. You assert that her love made her irrational—does that make me a sorcerer?
In her later letters, Pudentilla attributes her actions not to any spells but to fate, distancing herself from magic altogether. If she wrote about fate being the deciding factor, then what power remains for charms or poison? This proves that she did not believe in magic, neither in me nor in general.
You accuse me of seeking financial gain through this marriage, implying that I would have resorted to sorcery for this end. But there was no cause for such extreme measures. Pudentilla's modest dowry was entrusted to her sons, and there was no incentive for me to use magical means to win her favor. If you can find even the smallest reason for me to have wanted Pudentilla's dowry or position for myself, then let me be condemned as one of the most infamous magicians.
Now, let us consider these accusations logically. If I truly were a magician, as you claim, why would I need to resort to persuasion? If I could control her mind, why would I need to convince her of my virtues?
Pudentilla was a widow of moderate beauty and no longer young. Her dowry was modest, and I married her with full knowledge that if she died without bearing me children, her wealth would revert to her sons. We married not for wealth but for companionship and respect. My dowry was not extravagant, but her choice was deliberate, and we entered into this union with clear understanding and mutual regard. I am not accountable for the suspicions and envies of others, and certainly not for the malicious fabrications of those who fail to understand our mutual respect and genuine affection.
You
<pb id="p.102" />
habe<add>n</add>s culpam mulier, quae aut tam intolerabilis fuit, ut
repudiaretur, aut tam insolens, ut repudiaret. ob haec
et alia uiduae dote aucta procos sollicitant. quod Pudentilla quoque in alio marito fecisset, si philosophum spernentem dotis non rep<add>p</add>erisset.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="93" />
<p>Age uero, si auaritiae causa mulierem concupissem,
quid mihi utilius ad possidendam domum eius fuit quam
simultatem inter matrem et filios serere, alienare ab eius
animo liberorum caritatem, quo liberius et artius desolatam
mulierem solus possiderem? fuitne hoc praedonis? quod
uos fingitis. ego uero quietis et concordiae et pietatis
auctor, conciliator, fauisor non modo noua odia non serui,
sed uetera quoque funditus extirpaui. suasi uxori meae,
cuius, ut isti aiunt, iam uniuersas opes transuoraram,
suasi, inquam, ac denique persuasi, ut filiis pecuniam
suam reposcentibus, de qua supra dixeram, ut eam pecuniam sine mora redderet in praedis uili aestimatis et
quanto ipsi uolebant, praeterea ex re familiari sua fructuosissimos agros et grandem domum opulente ornatam
magnamque uim tritici et ordei et uini et oliui ceterorumque fructuum, seruos quoque haud minus CCCC, pecora
amplius neque pauca neque abiecti pretii donaret, ut eos
et ex ea parte quam tribuisset securos haberet et ad
cetera hereditatis bona spe<del status="unremarkable">i</del> inuitaret. haec ergo ab inuita Pudentilla—patietur enim me, uti res fuit, ita
dicere—aegre extudi, ingentibus precibus inuitae et <pb id="p.103" />
iratae extorsi, matrem filiis reconciliaui, priuignos meos
primo hoc uitrici beneficio grandi pecunia auxi.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="94" />
<p>Cognitum hoc est tota ciuitate. Rufinum omnes execrati me laudibus tulere. uenerat ad nos, priusquam
istam donationem perficeret, cum dissimili isto fratre suo
Pontianus, pedes nostros aduolutus ueniam et obliuionem
praeteritorum omnium postularat, flens et manus nostras
osculabundus ac dicens paenitere quod Rufino et similibus
auscultarit. petit postea suppliciter, uti se Lolliano quoque Auito C. V. purgem, cui haud pridem tirocinio orationis suae fuerat a me commendatus; quippe compererat
ante paucos dies omnia me, ut acta erant, ad eum perscripsisse. id quoque a me impetrat. itaque acceptis
litteris Carthaginem pergit, ubi iam prope exacto consulatus sui munere Lollianus Auitus te, Maxime, opperiebatur. <del status="unremarkable">h</del>is epistulis meis lectis pro sua eximia humanitate
gratulatus Pontiano, quod cito <del status="unremarkable">h</del>errorem suum correxisset,
rescripsit mihi per eum quas litteras, di boni, qua doctrina, quo lepore, qua uerborum amoenitate simul et
iucunditate, prorsus ut <q direct="unspecified">uir bonus dicendi peritus.</q> scio
te, Maxime, libenter eius litteras auditurum; et quide<add>m</add>
si praelegam, mea uoce pronuntiabo. cedo tu Auiti epistulas, ut quae semper ornamento mihi fuerunt sint nunc
etiam saluti. at tu licebit aquam sinas fluere; namque
optimi uiri litteras ter et quater aueo quantouis temporis
dispendio lectitare.— <pb id="p.104" /></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="95" />
<p>Non sum nescius debuisse me post istas Auiti litteras
perorare. quem enim laudatorem locupletiorem, quem
testem uitae meae sanctiorem producam, quem denique
aduocatum facundiorem? multos in uita mea Romani
nominis disertos uiros sedulo cognoui, sed sum <del status="unremarkable">m</del>aeque
neminem ammiratus. nemo est hodie, quantum mea opinio
fert, alicuius in eloquentia laudis et spei, quin Auitus
esse longe malit, si cu<add>m</add> eo se remota inuidia uelit conferre; quippe omnes fandi uirtutes paene diuersae in illo
uiro congruunt. quamcumque ora<add>tio</add>nem struxerit Auitus,
ita illa erit undique sui perfecte absoluta, ut in illa
neque Cato grauitatem requirat neque Laelius lenitatem
nec Gracchus impetum nec Caesar calorem nec <add>H</add>ortensius
distributionem nec Caluus argutias nec parsimoniam
Salustius nec opulentiam Cicero: prorsus, inquam, ne
omnis persequar, si Auitum audias, neque additum quicquam uelis neque detractum neque autem aliquid commutatum.</p>
<p>Video, Maxime, quam benigne audias, quae in amico
tuo Auito recognosces. tua me comitas, ut uel pauca
dicerem de eo, inuitauit. at non usque adeo tuae beniuolentiae indulgebo, ut mihi permittam iam propemodum
fesso in causa prorsus ad finem inclinata de egregiis uirtutibus eius nunc demum incipere, quin potius eas integris
uiribus et tempori libero seruem. <milestone unit="section" n="96" />
nunc enim mihi, quod
aegre fero, a commemoratione tanti uiri ad pestes istas
oratio reuoluenda est.</p>
<p>Audesne te ergo, Aemiliane, cum Auito conferre? <pb id="p.105" />
quemme ille bonum uirum ait, cuius animi disputationem
tam plene suis litteris collaudat, eum tu magiae maleficii
criminis insectabere? an inuasisse me domum Pudentillae
et concipilare bona eius tu magis dolere debes quam
doluisset Pontianus, qui mihi ob paucorum dierum uestro
scilicet instinctu ortas simultates etiam absenti apud
Auitum satisfecit, qui mihi apud tantum uirum gratias
egit? puta me acta apud Auitum, non litteras ipsius
legisse. quid posses uel quas quis in isto negotio accusare?
Pontianus ipse quod a matre donatum acceperat meo
muneri acceptum ferebat, Pontianus me uitricum sibi contigisse intimis affectionibus laetabatur. quod utinam incolumis Carthagine reuertisset. uel, quoniam sic ei fuerat
fato decretum, utinam tu, Rufine, supremum eius iudicium
non impedisses. quas mihi aut coram aut denique in testamento gratias egisset. litteras tamen, quas ad me Carthagine<del status="unremarkable">m</del> uel iam adueniens ex itinere praemisit, quas adhuc
ualidus, quas iam aeger, plenas honoris, plenas amoris,
quaeso, Maxime, paulisper recitari sinas, ut sciat frater
eius, accusator meus, quam in omnibus minor u<add>it</add>ae curriculum cum fratre optumae memoriae uiro<del status="unremarkable">c</del> currat.— <pb id="p.106" /></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="97" />
<p>Audistine uocabula, quae mihi Pontianus frater tuus
tribuerat me parentem suum, me dominum, me magistrum
cum saepe alias, tum in extremo te<add>m</add>pore uitae uocans,
postquam * * * ; tuas quoque paris epistolas promerem,
si uel exiguam moram tanti putarem. potius testamentum
illud recens tui fratris quamquam inperfectum tamen proferri cuperem, in quo mei officiosissime et honestissime
meminit. quod tamen testamentum Rufinus neque comparari neque perfici passus est pudore perditae hereditatis,
quam <add>praemium</add> paucorum mensium, quibus socer Pontiani fuit, magno quidem pretio noctium computarat.
praeterea nescio quos Chaldaeos consuluerat, quo lucro
filiam collocaret, qui, ut audio, utinam illud non uere
respondissent, primum eius maritum in paucis mensibus
moriturum; cetera enim de hereditate, ut adsolent, ad
consulentis uotum confinxerunt. uerum, ut dii uoluere,
quasi caeca bestia in cassum hiauit. Pontianus enim
filiam Rufini male compertam non modo heredem non
reliquit, sed ne honesto quidem legato impertiuit, quippe
qui ei ad ignominiam lintea adscribi ducentorum fere
denariorum iusserit, ut intellegeretur iratus potius aestimasse eam quam oblitus praeterisse. scribsit autem
heredes tam hoc testamento quam priore, quod lectum
est, matrem cum fratre, cui, ut uides, admodum puero
eandem illam filiae suae machinam Rufinus admouet ac <pb id="p.107" />
mulierem aliquam multo natu maiorem, nuperrime uxorem
fratris, misero puero obicit et obsternit.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="98" />
<p>A<del status="unremarkable">i</del>t ille puellae meretricis blandimentis et lenonis
patris illectamentis captus et possessus, exinde ut frater
eius animam edidit, relicta matre ad patruum commigrauit, quo facilius remotis nobis coepta perficerentur; fauet
enim Rufino Aemilianus et prouentum cupit.—ehem, recte
uos ammonetis: etiam suam spem bonus patruus temperat
in isto ac fouet, qui sciat intestati pueri legitimum magis
quam iustum heredem futurum. nollem hercule hoc a me
profectum; non fuit meae moderationis tacitas omnium
suspiciones palam abrumpere; male uos, qui sugge<add>s</add>sistis.
plane quidem, si <del status="unremarkable">p</del>uerum uelis, multi mirantur, Aemiliane,
tam repentinam circa puerum istum pietatem tuam, postquam frater eius Pontianus est mortuus, cum antea tam
ignotus illi fueris, ut saepe ne in occursu quidem filium
fratris tui de facie agnosceres. at nunc adeo patientem
te ei praebes itaque eum indulgentia corrumpis, adeo ei
nulla re aduersare, ut per haec suspicacioribus fidem facias.
inuestem a nobis accepisti: uesticipem ilico reddidisti;
cum a nobis regeretur, ad magistros itabat: ab iis nunc
magna fugela in ganeum fugit, amicos serios aspernatur,
cum adulescentulis postremissumis inter scorta et pocula
puer hoc aeui conuiuium agitat. ipse domi tuae rector,
ipse familiae dominus, ipse magister conuiuio; in ludo
quoque gladiatorio frequens uisi<add>ta</add>tor nomina gladiatorum <pb id="p.108" />
et pugnas et uulnera plane quidem ut puer honestus ab ipso lanista docetur; loquitur nunquam nisi Punice et si quid adhuc a matre graecissat; enim Latine
loqui neque uult neque potest. audisti, Maxime, paulo
ante, pro nefas, priuignum meum, fratrem Pontiani,
diserti iuuenis, uix singulas syllabas fringultientem, cum
ab eo quaereres, dona<add>s</add>setne illis mater quae ego dicebam
me adnitente donata.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="99" />
<p>Testor igitur te, Claudi Maxime, uosque, qui in consilio estis, uosque etiam, qui tribunal mecum adsistitis,
haec damna et dedecora morum eius patruo huic et candidato illo socero adsignanda meque posthac boni consulturum, quod talis priuignus curae meae iugum ceruice
excusserit, neque postea pro eo matri eius supplicaturum.
nam, quod paenissime oblitus sum, nuperrime cum testamentum Pudentilla post mortem Pontiani filii sui in mala
ualetudine scrib<del status="unremarkable">s</del>eret, diu sum aduersus illam renisus, ne
hunc ob tot insignis contumelias, ob tot iniurias exheredaret; elogium grauissimum iam totum medius fidius perscriptum ut aboleret, impensis precibus oraui<del status="unremarkable">t</del>; postremo,
ni impetrarem, diuersurum me ab ea comminatus sum:
mihi hanc ueniam tribueret, malum filium beneficio uinceret, me inuidia omni liberaret. nec prius destiti quam
ita fecit. doleo me huncce scrupulum Aemiliano dempsisse, <pb id="p.109" />
tam inopinatam rem ei indicasse. specta quaeso,
Maxime, ut hisce auditis subito obstipuerit, ut oculos ad
terram demiserit; enim longe sequius ratus fuerat, nec
inmerito: mulierem filii contumeliis infectam, meis officiis
deuinctam sciebat. de me quoque fuit quod timeret:
quiuis uel aeque ut ego spernens hereditatis tamen uindicari de tam inofficioso priuigno non recusasset. haec
praecipue sollicitudo eos ad accusationem mei stimulauit:
hereditatem omnem mihi relictam falso ex sua auaritia
coniectauere. soluo uos in praeteritum isto metu. namque animum meum neque hereditatis neque ultionis occasio
potuit loco demouere. pugnaui cum irata matre pro priuigno malo uitricus, ueluti pater pro optimo filio aduersus nouercam, nec satis fuit, ni bonae uxoris prolixam
liberalitatem circa me nimio plus aequo coercerem.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="100" />
<p>Cedo tu testamentum iam inimico filio a matre factum
me, quem isti praedonem dicunt, uerba singula cum precibus praeeunte<del status="unremarkable">m</del>. rumpi tabulas istas iube, Maxime: inuenies filium heredem, mihi uero tenue nescio quid honoris
gratia legatum, ne, si quid ei humanitus attigisset, nomen
maritus in uxoris tabulis non haberem. cape ist<del status="unremarkable">a</del>ut matris
tuae testamentum, uere hoc quidem inofficiosum; qui<add>d</add>ni?
in quo obsequentissimum maritum exheredauit, inimicissimum filium scribsit heredem, immo enimuero non filium,
sed Aemiliani spes et Rufini nuptias, set temulentum illud
collegium, parasitos tuos. accipe, inquam, filiorum optime,
et positis paulisper epistulis amatoriis matris lege potius
testamentum: si quid quasi insana scripsit, hic reperies <pb id="p.110" />
et quidem mox a principio: <q direct="unspecified">Sicinius Pudens filius meus
mihi heres esto.</q> fateor, qui ho<add>c</add> legerit insanum putabit.
hicine filius heres, qui te in ipso fratris sui funere aduocata perditissimorum iuuenum manu uoluit excludere
e domo quam ipsa donaueras, qui te sibi a fratre coheredem relictam grauiter et acerbe tulit, qui confestim te
cum tuo luctu et maerore deseruit et ad Rufinum et
Aemilianum de sinu tuo aufugit, qui <add>t</add>ibi plurimas postea
contumelias dixit coram et adiuuante patruo fecit, qui
nomen tuum pro tribunalibus uentilauit, qui pudorem
tuum tuismet litteris conatus est publice dedecorare, qui
maritu<add>m</add> tuum, quem elegeras, quem, ut ipse obiciebat,
efflictim amabas, capitis accusauit? aperi quaeso, bone
puer, aperi testamentum: facilius insaniam matris sic
probabis.</p>
<p>Quid abnuis, quid recusas, postquam sollicitudinem de
hereditate materna reppulisti? at ego hasce tabulas,
<milestone unit="section" n="101" />
Maxime, hic ibidem pro pedibus tuis abicio testorque me
deinceps incuriosius habiturum, quid Pudentilla testamento
suo scribat. ipse iam, ut libet, matrem suam de cetero
exoret: mihi, ut ultra pro eo deprecer, locum non reliquit.
ipse iam, ut <add>qui</add> sui potens ac uir acerbissimas litteras
matri dictet, iram eius deleniat; qui potuit perorare,
poterit exorare. mihi iam dudum satis est, si non modo
crimina obiecta plenissime dilui, uerum etiam radicem
iudicii huius, id est hereditatis quaesitae inuidiam, funditus
sustuli. <pb id="p.111" /></p>
<p>Illud etiam, <del status="unremarkable">c</del> ne quid omnium praeteream, priusquam peroro, falso obiectum reuincam. dixistis me magna
pecunia mulieris pulcherrimum praedium meo nomine
emisse. dico exiguum herediolum LX milibus nummum,
id quoque non me, sed Pudentillam suo nomine emisse,
Pudentillae nomen in tabulis esse, Pudentillae nomine pro
eo agello tributum dependi. praesens est quaestor publicus, cui depensum est, Coruinius Celer, uir ornatus; adest
etiam tutor auctor mulieris, uir grauissimus et sanctissimus, omni cum honore mihi nominandus, Cassius Longinus.
quaere, Maxime, cuius emptionis auctor fuerit, quantulo
pretio mulier locuples agellum suum praestinarit.—</p>
<p><del status="unremarkable">testimonium Cassi Longini tutoris et Coruini Clementis
quaestor(is)</del></p>
<p>Estne ita ut dixi? uspiam in hac emptione nomen
meum ascriptum est? num ipsum heredioli pretium inuidiosum est, num uel hoc saltem in me collatum?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="102" />
<p>Quid etiam est, Aemiliane, quod non te iudice refutauerim? quod pretium magiae meae repperisti? cur
ergo Pudentillae animum ueneficiis flecterem? quod ut
ex ea commodum caperem? uti dotem mihi modicam
potius quam a<del status="unremarkable">m</del>mpla<add>m</add> diceret? o praeclara carmina.
an ut eam dotem filiis suis magis restipularetur quam
penes me sineret? quid addi ad hanc magiam potest? <pb id="p.112" />
an uti rem familiarem suam meo adhortatu pleramque filiis
condonasset, quae nihil illis ante me maritum fuerat largita,
mihi <add>nihil</add> quicquam impertiret? o graue ueneficium
dicam an ingratum beneficium. an ut testamento, quod
irata filio scribebat, filium potius, cui offensa erat, quam
me, cui deuincta, heredem relinqueret? hoc quidem multis
cantaminibus difficile impetraui. putate uos causam
non apud Cl(audium) Maximum agere, uirum aequum et
iustitiae pertinacem, sed alium aliquem prauum et saeuum
iudicem substituite, accusationum fautorem, cupidum condem<del status="unremarkable">p</del>nandi: date ei quod sequatur, ministrate uel tantulam uerisimilem occasionem secundum uos pronuntiandi;
saltim fingite aliquid, eminiscimini quod respondeatis, qui
uos ita rogarit. et quoniam omnem conatum necesse est
quaepiam causa praecedat, respondete qui Apuleium dicitis animum Pudentillae magicis illectamentis ad<del status="unremarkable">h</del>ortum,
quid ex ea petierit, cur fecerit. formam eius uoluerat?
negatis. diuitias saltim concupierat? negant tabulae
dotis, negant tabulae donationis, negant tabulae testamenti, in quibus non modo non cupide appetisse, uerum
etiam dure reppulisse liberalitatem suae uxoris <del status="unremarkable">h</del>ostenditur.
quae igitur alia causa est? quid ommutuistis? quid
tacetis? ubi illud libelli uestri atrox principium nomine
priuigni mei form<del status="unremarkable">orm</del>atum: <q direct="unspecified">hunc ego, domine Maxime,
<milestone unit="section" n="103" />
reum apud te facere institui?</q> quin igitur addis; <q direct="unspecified">reum
magistrum, reum uitricum, reum deprecatorem?</q> sed quid
deinde? <q direct="unspecified">plurimorum maleficiorum et manifestissimorum.</q> <pb id="p.113" />
cedo unum de plurimis, cedo dubium uel saltem obscurum
de manifestissimis. ceterum ad haec, quae obiecistis, numera
an binis uerbis respondeam. <q direct="unspecified">dentes sp<add>l</add>endidas:</q> ignosce
munditiis. <q direct="unspecified">specula inspicis:</q> debet philosophus. <q direct="unspecified">uersus
facis:</q> licet fieri. <q direct="unspecified">pisces exploras:</q> Aristoteles docet.
<q direct="unspecified">lignum consecras:</q> Plato suadet. <q direct="unspecified">uxorem ducis:</q> leges
iubent. <q direct="unspecified">prior natu is<add>ta</add> est:</q> solet fieri. <q direct="unspecified">lucrum sectatus es:</q> dotalis accipe, donationem recordare, testamentum
lege. quae si omnia affatim retudi, si calumnias omnes
refutaui, si me in omnibus non modo criminibus, uerum
etiam maledictis procul a culpa <del status="unremarkable">philosophiae</del> tutus sum,
si philosophiae honorem, qui mihi salute mea antiquior
est, nusquam minui, immo contra ubique si cum septem
pennis eum tenui: si haec, ut dico, ita sunt, possum
securus existimationem tuam reuereri quam potestatem
uereri, quod minus graue et uerendum mihi arbitror a<del status="unremarkable">c</del>
procons(ule) damnari quam si a tam bono tamque emendato uiro improber.</p>
<p>Dixi. <pb id="p.114" />
</p></body></text></TEI.2>
ChatGPT
In this passage, Apuleius continues his defense by addressing the various accusations leveled against him, particularly those related to alleged magical practices. He asserts that the claims are baseless and motivated by malice and envy.
Apuleius emphasizes that the accusations of sorcery were fabricated by his enemies, who aimed to create discord between him and Pudentilla’s family for their own gain. He points out the absurdity of the charges, questioning the logic and motives behind them. For instance, he challenges the claim that he married Pudentilla for her wealth, explaining that he did not seek to alienate her from her children but rather encouraged reconciliation and peace within the family. Apuleius also explains that he persuaded Pudentilla to donate her property to her sons, which goes against the image of a greedy sorcerer.
Moreover, Apuleius refutes the idea that he used magical charms to win Pudentilla’s affection. He argues that if he truly desired wealth, he would have acted differently to secure it. He expresses frustration with the irrational nature of the accusations, pointing out that none of his actions fit the profile of someone who would resort to magic for personal gain. He dismisses the notion that he would employ spells to marry an older woman with moderate wealth, when, in fact, he could have used those same alleged powers to seek out a wealthier or more advantageous match.
Apuleius concludes by systematically dismantling the accusations and highlighting the inconsistencies and weaknesses in his accusers' arguments. He reiterates that his actions were motivated by virtue, honor, and respect for philosophy, and that his accusers have failed to prove any wrongdoing. His final remarks underscore his confidence in the strength of his defense and his faith in the judgment of the court, demonstrating his unwavering commitment to truth and integrity.
You
I wanted a full english translation of that last section
ChatGPT
Here’s an English translation of the final section of Apuleius' *Apology*:
---
In this last section, Apuleius responds to accusations of using magic to win Pudentilla's love and wealth, and of sowing discord in her family. He emphasizes the baselessness of the accusations, addressing them one by one. He states that if he had truly been motivated by greed, he would have sought to alienate Pudentilla from her children rather than encourage reconciliation. He describes the lengths he went to in persuading Pudentilla to restore her wealth to her sons, which contradicts the image of a sorcerer exploiting her for gain.
Apuleius also tackles accusations of magical practices by explaining the absurdity of these claims. He argues that no reasonable cause for suspicion has been shown, and he asks why he would even attempt to manipulate Pudentilla, a woman of moderate means, if his true aim were wealth. He highlights that Pudentilla's gifts to her children were made under his guidance and that these actions are inconsistent with those of a man driven by greed or malevolence.
He points out that all accusations—whether related to his marriage, his relationship with Pudentilla’s children, or his alleged magical practices—are unfounded and motivated by
You
translate the latin text into english. Don't give me any other outputs like a summary. <pb id="p.102" />
habe<add>n</add>s culpam mulier, quae aut tam intolerabilis fuit, ut
repudiaretur, aut tam insolens, ut repudiaret. ob haec
et alia uiduae dote aucta procos sollicitant. quod Pudentilla quoque in alio marito fecisset, si philosophum spernentem dotis non rep<add>p</add>erisset.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="93" />
<p>Age uero, si auaritiae causa mulierem concupissem,
quid mihi utilius ad possidendam domum eius fuit quam
simultatem inter matrem et filios serere, alienare ab eius
animo liberorum caritatem, quo liberius et artius desolatam
mulierem solus possiderem? fuitne hoc praedonis? quod
uos fingitis. ego uero quietis et concordiae et pietatis
auctor, conciliator, fauisor non modo noua odia non serui,
sed uetera quoque funditus extirpaui. suasi uxori meae,
cuius, ut isti aiunt, iam uniuersas opes transuoraram,
suasi, inquam, ac denique persuasi, ut filiis pecuniam
suam reposcentibus, de qua supra dixeram, ut eam pecuniam sine mora redderet in praedis uili aestimatis et
quanto ipsi uolebant, praeterea ex re familiari sua fructuosissimos agros et grandem domum opulente ornatam
magnamque uim tritici et ordei et uini et oliui ceterorumque fructuum, seruos quoque haud minus CCCC, pecora
amplius neque pauca neque abiecti pretii donaret, ut eos
et ex ea parte quam tribuisset securos haberet et ad
cetera hereditatis bona spe<del status="unremarkable">i</del> inuitaret. haec ergo ab inuita Pudentilla—patietur enim me, uti res fuit, ita
dicere—aegre extudi, ingentibus precibus inuitae et <pb id="p.103" />
iratae extorsi, matrem filiis reconciliaui, priuignos meos
primo hoc uitrici beneficio grandi pecunia auxi.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="94" />
<p>Cognitum hoc est tota ciuitate. Rufinum omnes execrati me laudibus tulere. uenerat ad nos, priusquam
istam donationem perficeret, cum dissimili isto fratre suo
Pontianus, pedes nostros aduolutus ueniam et obliuionem
praeteritorum omnium postularat, flens et manus nostras
osculabundus ac dicens paenitere quod Rufino et similibus
auscultarit. petit postea suppliciter, uti se Lolliano quoque Auito C. V. purgem, cui haud pridem tirocinio orationis suae fuerat a me commendatus; quippe compererat
ante paucos dies omnia me, ut acta erant, ad eum perscripsisse. id quoque a me impetrat. itaque acceptis
litteris Carthaginem pergit, ubi iam prope exacto consulatus sui munere Lollianus Auitus te, Maxime, opperiebatur. <del status="unremarkable">h</del>is epistulis meis lectis pro sua eximia humanitate
gratulatus Pontiano, quod cito <del status="unremarkable">h</del>errorem suum correxisset,
rescripsit mihi per eum quas litteras, di boni, qua doctrina, quo lepore, qua uerborum amoenitate simul et
iucunditate, prorsus ut <q direct="unspecified">uir bonus dicendi peritus.</q> scio
te, Maxime, libenter eius litteras auditurum; et quide<add>m</add>
si praelegam, mea uoce pronuntiabo. cedo tu Auiti epistulas, ut quae semper ornamento mihi fuerunt sint nunc
etiam saluti. at tu licebit aquam sinas fluere; namque
optimi uiri litteras ter et quater aueo quantouis temporis
dispendio lectitare.— <pb id="p.104" /></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="95" />
<p>Non sum nescius debuisse me post istas Auiti litteras
perorare. quem enim laudatorem locupletiorem, quem
testem uitae meae sanctiorem producam, quem denique
aduocatum facundiorem? multos in uita mea Romani
nominis disertos uiros sedulo cognoui, sed sum <del status="unremarkable">m</del>aeque
neminem ammiratus. nemo est hodie, quantum mea opinio
fert, alicuius in eloquentia laudis et spei, quin Auitus
esse longe malit, si cu<add>m</add> eo se remota inuidia uelit conferre; quippe omnes fandi uirtutes paene diuersae in illo
uiro congruunt. quamcumque ora<add>tio</add>nem struxerit Auitus,
ita illa erit undique sui perfecte absoluta, ut in illa
neque Cato grauitatem requirat neque Laelius lenitatem
nec Gracchus impetum nec Caesar calorem nec <add>H</add>ortensius
distributionem nec Caluus argutias nec parsimoniam
Salustius nec opulentiam Cicero: prorsus, inquam, ne
omnis persequar, si Auitum audias, neque additum quicquam uelis neque detractum neque autem aliquid commutatum.</p>
<p>Video, Maxime, quam benigne audias, quae in amico
tuo Auito recognosces. tua me comitas, ut uel pauca
dicerem de eo, inuitauit. at non usque adeo tuae beniuolentiae indulgebo, ut mihi permittam iam propemodum
fesso in causa prorsus ad finem inclinata de egregiis uirtutibus eius nunc demum incipere, quin potius eas integris
uiribus et tempori libero seruem. <milestone unit="section" n="96" />
nunc enim mihi, quod
aegre fero, a commemoratione tanti uiri ad pestes istas
oratio reuoluenda est.</p>
<p>Audesne te ergo, Aemiliane, cum Auito conferre? <pb id="p.105" />
quemme ille bonum uirum ait, cuius animi disputationem
tam plene suis litteris collaudat, eum tu magiae maleficii
criminis insectabere? an inuasisse me domum Pudentillae
et concipilare bona eius tu magis dolere debes quam
doluisset Pontianus, qui mihi ob paucorum dierum uestro
scilicet instinctu ortas simultates etiam absenti apud
Auitum satisfecit, qui mihi apud tantum uirum gratias
egit? puta me acta apud Auitum, non litteras ipsius
legisse. quid posses uel quas quis in isto negotio accusare?
Pontianus ipse quod a matre donatum acceperat meo
muneri acceptum ferebat, Pontianus me uitricum sibi contigisse intimis affectionibus laetabatur. quod utinam incolumis Carthagine reuertisset. uel, quoniam sic ei fuerat
fato decretum, utinam tu, Rufine, supremum eius iudicium
non impedisses. quas mihi aut coram aut denique in testamento gratias egisset. litteras tamen, quas ad me Carthagine<del status="unremarkable">m</del> uel iam adueniens ex itinere praemisit, quas adhuc
ualidus, quas iam aeger, plenas honoris, plenas amoris,
quaeso, Maxime, paulisper recitari sinas, ut sciat frater
eius, accusator meus, quam in omnibus minor u<add>it</add>ae curriculum cum fratre optumae memoriae uiro<del status="unremarkable">c</del> currat.— <pb id="p.106" /></p>
<milestone unit="section" n="97" />
<p>Audistine uocabula, quae mihi Pontianus frater tuus
tribuerat me parentem suum, me dominum, me magistrum
cum saepe alias, tum in extremo te<add>m</add>pore uitae uocans,
postquam * * * ; tuas quoque paris epistolas promerem,
si uel exiguam moram tanti putarem. potius testamentum
illud recens tui fratris quamquam inperfectum tamen proferri cuperem, in quo mei officiosissime et honestissime
meminit. quod tamen testamentum Rufinus neque comparari neque perfici passus est pudore perditae hereditatis,
quam <add>praemium</add> paucorum mensium, quibus socer Pontiani fuit, magno quidem pretio noctium computarat.
praeterea nescio quos Chaldaeos consuluerat, quo lucro
filiam collocaret, qui, ut audio, utinam illud non uere
respondissent, primum eius maritum in paucis mensibus
moriturum; cetera enim de hereditate, ut adsolent, ad
consulentis uotum confinxerunt. uerum, ut dii uoluere,
quasi caeca bestia in cassum hiauit. Pontianus enim
filiam Rufini male compertam non modo heredem non
reliquit, sed ne honesto quidem legato impertiuit, quippe
qui ei ad ignominiam lintea adscribi ducentorum fere
denariorum iusserit, ut intellegeretur iratus potius aestimasse eam quam oblitus praeterisse. scribsit autem
heredes tam hoc testamento quam priore, quod lectum
est, matrem cum fratre, cui, ut uides, admodum puero
eandem illam filiae suae machinam Rufinus admouet ac <pb id="p.107" />
mulierem aliquam multo natu maiorem, nuperrime uxorem
fratris, misero puero obicit et obsternit.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="98" />
<p>A<del status="unremarkable">i</del>t ille puellae meretricis blandimentis et lenonis
patris illectamentis captus et possessus, exinde ut frater
eius animam edidit, relicta matre ad patruum commigrauit, quo facilius remotis nobis coepta perficerentur; fauet
enim Rufino Aemilianus et prouentum cupit.—ehem, recte
uos ammonetis: etiam suam spem bonus patruus temperat
in isto ac fouet, qui sciat intestati pueri legitimum magis
quam iustum heredem futurum. nollem hercule hoc a me
profectum; non fuit meae moderationis tacitas omnium
suspiciones palam abrumpere; male uos, qui sugge<add>s</add>sistis.
plane quidem, si <del status="unremarkable">p</del>uerum uelis, multi mirantur, Aemiliane,
tam repentinam circa puerum istum pietatem tuam, postquam frater eius Pontianus est mortuus, cum antea tam
ignotus illi fueris, ut saepe ne in occursu quidem filium
fratris tui de facie agnosceres. at nunc adeo patientem
te ei praebes itaque eum indulgentia corrumpis, adeo ei
nulla re aduersare, ut per haec suspicacioribus fidem facias.
inuestem a nobis accepisti: uesticipem ilico reddidisti;
cum a nobis regeretur, ad magistros itabat: ab iis nunc
magna fugela in ganeum fugit, amicos serios aspernatur,
cum adulescentulis postremissumis inter scorta et pocula
puer hoc aeui conuiuium agitat. ipse domi tuae rector,
ipse familiae dominus, ipse magister conuiuio; in ludo
quoque gladiatorio frequens uisi<add>ta</add>tor nomina gladiatorum <pb id="p.108" />
et pugnas et uulnera plane quidem ut puer honestus ab ipso lanista docetur; loquitur nunquam nisi Punice et si quid adhuc a matre graecissat; enim Latine
loqui neque uult neque potest. audisti, Maxime, paulo
ante, pro nefas, priuignum meum, fratrem Pontiani,
diserti iuuenis, uix singulas syllabas fringultientem, cum
ab eo quaereres, dona<add>s</add>setne illis mater quae ego dicebam
me adnitente donata.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="99" />
<p>Testor igitur te, Claudi Maxime, uosque, qui in consilio estis, uosque etiam, qui tribunal mecum adsistitis,
haec damna et dedecora morum eius patruo huic et candidato illo socero adsignanda meque posthac boni consulturum, quod talis priuignus curae meae iugum ceruice
excusserit, neque postea pro eo matri eius supplicaturum.
nam, quod paenissime oblitus sum, nuperrime cum testamentum Pudentilla post mortem Pontiani filii sui in mala
ualetudine scrib<del status="unremarkable">s</del>eret, diu sum aduersus illam renisus, ne
hunc ob tot insignis contumelias, ob tot iniurias exheredaret; elogium grauissimum iam totum medius fidius perscriptum ut aboleret, impensis precibus oraui<del status="unremarkable">t</del>; postremo,
ni impetrarem, diuersurum me ab ea comminatus sum:
mihi hanc ueniam tribueret, malum filium beneficio uinceret, me inuidia omni liberaret. nec prius destiti quam
ita fecit. doleo me huncce scrupulum Aemiliano dempsisse, <pb id="p.109" />
tam inopinatam rem ei indicasse. specta quaeso,
Maxime, ut hisce auditis subito obstipuerit, ut oculos ad
terram demiserit; enim longe sequius ratus fuerat, nec
inmerito: mulierem filii contumeliis infectam, meis officiis
deuinctam sciebat. de me quoque fuit quod timeret:
quiuis uel aeque ut ego spernens hereditatis tamen uindicari de tam inofficioso priuigno non recusasset. haec
praecipue sollicitudo eos ad accusationem mei stimulauit:
hereditatem omnem mihi relictam falso ex sua auaritia
coniectauere. soluo uos in praeteritum isto metu. namque animum meum neque hereditatis neque ultionis occasio
potuit loco demouere. pugnaui cum irata matre pro priuigno malo uitricus, ueluti pater pro optimo filio aduersus nouercam, nec satis fuit, ni bonae uxoris prolixam
liberalitatem circa me nimio plus aequo coercerem.</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="100" />
<p>Cedo tu testamentum iam inimico filio a matre factum
me, quem isti praedonem dicunt, uerba singula cum precibus praeeunte<del status="unremarkable">m</del>. rumpi tabulas istas iube, Maxime: inuenies filium heredem, mihi uero tenue nescio quid honoris
gratia legatum, ne, si quid ei humanitus attigisset, nomen
maritus in uxoris tabulis non haberem. cape ist<del status="unremarkable">a</del>ut matris
tuae testamentum, uere hoc quidem inofficiosum; qui<add>d</add>ni?
in quo obsequentissimum maritum exheredauit, inimicissimum filium scribsit heredem, immo enimuero non filium,
sed Aemiliani spes et Rufini nuptias, set temulentum illud
collegium, parasitos tuos. accipe, inquam, filiorum optime,
et positis paulisper epistulis amatoriis matris lege potius
testamentum: si quid quasi insana scripsit, hic reperies <pb id="p.110" />
et quidem mox a principio: <q direct="unspecified">Sicinius Pudens filius meus
mihi heres esto.</q> fateor, qui ho<add>c</add> legerit insanum putabit.
hicine filius heres, qui te in ipso fratris sui funere aduocata perditissimorum iuuenum manu uoluit excludere
e domo quam ipsa donaueras, qui te sibi a fratre coheredem relictam grauiter et acerbe tulit, qui confestim te
cum tuo luctu et maerore deseruit et ad Rufinum et
Aemilianum de sinu tuo aufugit, qui <add>t</add>ibi plurimas postea
contumelias dixit coram et adiuuante patruo fecit, qui
nomen tuum pro tribunalibus uentilauit, qui pudorem
tuum tuismet litteris conatus est publice dedecorare, qui
maritu<add>m</add> tuum, quem elegeras, quem, ut ipse obiciebat,
efflictim amabas, capitis accusauit? aperi quaeso, bone
puer, aperi testamentum: facilius insaniam matris sic
probabis.</p>
<p>Quid abnuis, quid recusas, postquam sollicitudinem de
hereditate materna reppulisti? at ego hasce tabulas,
<milestone unit="section" n="101" />
Maxime, hic ibidem pro pedibus tuis abicio testorque me
deinceps incuriosius habiturum, quid Pudentilla testamento
suo scribat. ipse iam, ut libet, matrem suam de cetero
exoret: mihi, ut ultra pro eo deprecer, locum non reliquit.
ipse iam, ut <add>qui</add> sui potens ac uir acerbissimas litteras
matri dictet, iram eius deleniat; qui potuit perorare,
poterit exorare. mihi iam dudum satis est, si non modo
crimina obiecta plenissime dilui, uerum etiam radicem
iudicii huius, id est hereditatis quaesitae inuidiam, funditus
sustuli. <pb id="p.111" /></p>
<p>Illud etiam, <del status="unremarkable">c</del> ne quid omnium praeteream, priusquam peroro, falso obiectum reuincam. dixistis me magna
pecunia mulieris pulcherrimum praedium meo nomine
emisse. dico exiguum herediolum LX milibus nummum,
id quoque non me, sed Pudentillam suo nomine emisse,
Pudentillae nomen in tabulis esse, Pudentillae nomine pro
eo agello tributum dependi. praesens est quaestor publicus, cui depensum est, Coruinius Celer, uir ornatus; adest
etiam tutor auctor mulieris, uir grauissimus et sanctissimus, omni cum honore mihi nominandus, Cassius Longinus.
quaere, Maxime, cuius emptionis auctor fuerit, quantulo
pretio mulier locuples agellum suum praestinarit.—</p>
<p><del status="unremarkable">testimonium Cassi Longini tutoris et Coruini Clementis
quaestor(is)</del></p>
<p>Estne ita ut dixi? uspiam in hac emptione nomen
meum ascriptum est? num ipsum heredioli pretium inuidiosum est, num uel hoc saltem in me collatum?</p>
<milestone unit="section" n="102" />
<p>Quid etiam est, Aemiliane, quod non te iudice refutauerim? quod pretium magiae meae repperisti? cur
ergo Pudentillae animum ueneficiis flecterem? quod ut
ex ea commodum caperem? uti dotem mihi modicam
potius quam a<del status="unremarkable">m</del>mpla<add>m</add> diceret? o praeclara carmina.
an ut eam dotem filiis suis magis restipularetur quam
penes me sineret? quid addi ad hanc magiam potest? <pb id="p.112" />
an uti rem familiarem suam meo adhortatu pleramque filiis
condonasset, quae nihil illis ante me maritum fuerat largita,
mihi <add>nihil</add> quicquam impertiret? o graue ueneficium
dicam an ingratum beneficium. an ut testamento, quod
irata filio scribebat, filium potius, cui offensa erat, quam
me, cui deuincta, heredem relinqueret? hoc quidem multis
cantaminibus difficile impetraui. putate uos causam
non apud Cl(audium) Maximum agere, uirum aequum et
iustitiae pertinacem, sed alium aliquem prauum et saeuum
iudicem substituite, accusationum fautorem, cupidum condem<del status="unremarkable">p</del>nandi: date ei quod sequatur, ministrate uel tantulam uerisimilem occasionem secundum uos pronuntiandi;
saltim fingite aliquid, eminiscimini quod respondeatis, qui
uos ita rogarit. et quoniam omnem conatum necesse est
quaepiam causa praecedat, respondete qui Apuleium dicitis animum Pudentillae magicis illectamentis ad<del status="unremarkable">h</del>ortum,
quid ex ea petierit, cur fecerit. formam eius uoluerat?
negatis. diuitias saltim concupierat? negant tabulae
dotis, negant tabulae donationis, negant tabulae testamenti, in quibus non modo non cupide appetisse, uerum
etiam dure reppulisse liberalitatem suae uxoris <del status="unremarkable">h</del>ostenditur.
quae igitur alia causa est? quid ommutuistis? quid
tacetis? ubi illud libelli uestri atrox principium nomine
priuigni mei form<del status="unremarkable">orm</del>atum: <q direct="unspecified">hunc ego, domine Maxime,
<milestone unit="section" n="103" />
reum apud te facere institui?</q> quin igitur addis; <q direct="unspecified">reum
magistrum, reum uitricum, reum deprecatorem?</q> sed quid
deinde? <q direct="unspecified">plurimorum maleficiorum et manifestissimorum.</q> <pb id="p.113" />
cedo unum de plurimis, cedo dubium uel saltem obscurum
de manifestissimis. ceterum ad haec, quae obiecistis, numera
an binis uerbis respondeam. <q direct="unspecified">dentes sp<add>l</add>endidas:</q> ignosce
munditiis. <q direct="unspecified">specula inspicis:</q> debet philosophus. <q direct="unspecified">uersus
facis:</q> licet fieri. <q direct="unspecified">pisces exploras:</q> Aristoteles docet.
<q direct="unspecified">lignum consecras:</q> Plato suadet. <q direct="unspecified">uxorem ducis:</q> leges
iubent. <q direct="unspecified">prior natu is<add>ta</add> est:</q> solet fieri. <q direct="unspecified">lucrum sectatus es:</q> dotalis accipe, donationem recordare, testamentum
lege. quae si omnia affatim retudi, si calumnias omnes
refutaui, si me in omnibus non modo criminibus, uerum
etiam maledictis procul a culpa <del status="unremarkable">philosophiae</del> tutus sum,
si philosophiae honorem, qui mihi salute mea antiquior
est, nusquam minui, immo contra ubique si cum septem
pennis eum tenui: si haec, ut dico, ita sunt, possum
securus existimationem tuam reuereri quam potestatem
uereri, quod minus graue et uerendum mihi arbitror a<del status="unremarkable">c</del>
procons(ule) damnari quam si a tam bono tamque emendato uiro improber.
ChatGPT
Here’s the English translation of the Latin text provided:
---
Having a fault, the woman who either was so intolerable as to be divorced, or so insolent as to divorce. Because of these things and others, widows, augmented by their dowries, entice suitors. This Pudentilla also would have done with another husband if she had not found a philosopher who scorned dowries.
---
Section 93:
But come now, if I had desired the woman out of greed, what would have been more useful for me to gain control of her household than to sow discord between the mother and her children, alienating their love for her, so that I could possess the isolated woman more freely and completely? Would this not have been the way of a predator, as you imagine? In reality, I promoted peace, harmony, and piety, not only did I not sow new hatreds, but I also completely eradicated old ones. I advised my wife—whose wealth, as they say, I had already devoured—indeed, I persuaded her to give back to her sons the money they demanded, which I mentioned earlier, without delay, in properties appraised cheaply and at the prices they wanted. Besides this, from her own resources, I urged her to donate the most fertile fields, a grand, richly decorated house, a large supply of wheat, barley, wine, oil, and other products, and even more than 400 slaves, and numerous livestock neither few nor of insignificant value. So that she might both have peace from what she gave them and lure them to the rest of her inheritance. All this I wrested from Pudentilla against her will—for she will allow me to say this as it was—I extorted it with great pleading from one who was reluctant and angry, reconciled the mother to her children, and with this first act of a stepfather, I greatly enriched my stepsons.
---
Section 94:
This became known throughout the entire city. Everyone cursed Rufinus and praised me. Pontianus, before this donation was completed, came to us with a very different attitude from that of his brother. He threw himself at our feet, begging forgiveness and oblivion of all past matters, tearfully kissing our hands, saying he regretted having listened to Rufinus and others like him. He then pleaded that I excuse him to Lollianus Avitus, a most distinguished man, whom I had recently recommended him to in his first oration. He had learned that, just a few days prior, I had written to him about everything that had happened. He received my letter, went to Carthage, where Lollianus Avitus, now near the end of his consulship, was waiting for you, Maximus. After reading my letters, Lollianus, in his extraordinary humanity, congratulated Pontianus for quickly correcting his error, and through him, he wrote back to me letters filled with wisdom, charm, and delight in both words and spirit, as only a learned man could. I know, Maximus, you would enjoy hearing his letters, and if you permit me, I shall read them aloud with my own voice. Hand over the letters of Avitus, that which has always adorned me may now also serve my defense. Meanwhile, you may let the water flow, for I eagerly wish to read the letters of such an excellent man again and again, no matter how much time it takes.
---
Section 95:
I am aware that I should have concluded my defense after these letters of Avitus. For what more trustworthy witness or advocate of my life could I produce? I have known many eloquent men of Roman heritage in my life, but I have admired none so much as Avitus. There is no one today, as far as I know, who aspires to fame or hope in eloquence who would not prefer to be Avitus, if envy were removed and one could compare themselves to him. For nearly all virtues of eloquence, diverse as they are, converge in that man. Whatever speech Avitus composes, it is so perfectly complete in all respects that neither Cato would find it lacking in gravity, nor Laelius in gentleness, nor Gracchus in passion, nor Caesar in warmth, nor Hortensius in arrangement, nor Calvus in wit, nor Sallustius in restraint, nor Cicero in richness: indeed, to put it briefly, if you listen to Avitus, you would neither wish anything added, removed, nor even altered.
---
I see, Maximus, how kindly you listen to this, recognizing what you know in your friend Avitus. Your graciousness encouraged me to say a few words about him. But I will not indulge too much in your goodwill to permit myself, now almost exhausted and with the case nearly at an end, to begin discussing his exceptional virtues. Rather, I shall reserve them for a time when I am fresh and free from the task at hand. Now, as much as I regret it, I must turn my speech from this great man back to these pests.
---
Section 96:
Do you dare, Aemilianus, to compare yourself with Avitus? He calls me a good man, whose intellect he praises in his letters, yet you attack me with accusations of sorcery and crime? Or do you feel more anguish over my supposedly invading Pudentilla’s house and plundering her wealth than Pontianus did, who made amends with me before Avitus, thanking me even in his absence? Imagine I read Avitus’s letters rather than those of Pontianus. What charges or accusations could anyone raise in this matter? Pontianus himself regarded the gifts from his mother as a boon from me, rejoicing in me as his stepfather with deep affection. I wish he had returned safely from Carthage. Or, given fate decreed otherwise, I wish, Rufinus, that you had not obstructed his final judgment. What thanks might he have given me, either in person or finally in his will? He wrote to me from Carthage, full of honor and affection. I ask you, Maximus, allow these letters to be read for a while, so that his brother, my accuser, may understand how greatly he falls short in comparison to his brother, a man of the utmost integrity.
---
Section 97:
Have you heard the names your brother Pontianus gave me—calling me his father, his master, his teacher—even at the end of his life? And your similar letters I would bring forth, were it worth the time. I would rather produce his recent will, incomplete though it is, where he made mention of me most dutifully and honorably. Yet Rufinus did not allow this will to be drawn up or completed, ashamed of the lost inheritance he had once calculated by the price of nightly services when he was Pontianus’s father-in-law for just a few months. Moreover, he consulted some Chaldeans on what profits might come from marrying off his daughter, who, as I hear, foretold that her husband would die within a few months. But the gods willed it otherwise, and like a blind beast, he gnashed his teeth in vain. For Pontianus, far from leaving Rufinus’s daughter as heir, did not even honor her with a respectable legacy, merely bequeathing her some linens, valued at around two hundred denarii, making it clear he did so more out of anger than forgetfulness. He appointed both his mother and his brother as heirs in both this will and the earlier one that was read.
---
Section 98:
So it is claimed that this girl, through the seductions of a harlot and the inducements of her father, a pimp, has captured and possessed him. Since his brother breathed his last, he abandoned his mother and moved to his uncle, so their plans might proceed unhindered. Indeed, Aemilianus supports Rufinus and hopes for the outcome. He tempers his own expectations in this matter as a good uncle and nurtures him, knowing he will be the legitimate, if not rightful, heir to an intestate son. I wish, by Hercules, this revelation had not come from me; it is not my nature to bring hidden suspicions into the open. But you, who prompted this, acted poorly. Many are wondering, Aemilianus, at your sudden interest in the boy, whom you barely recognized before as your brother's son, so that now you allow him everything without restraint, in a way that makes even the most suspicious minds take note. You received him from us untrained; you promptly outfitted him; when he was with us, he went to tutors. Now, he skips school to indulge in pleasure, avoiding serious friends, consorting with the lowest youths among whores and cups, conducting himself at your household as the master of the family, the leader of gatherings. Even in the gladiatorial school, he is a frequent visitor, learning the names of gladiators, their fights, and wounds, as if a noble boy taught by a lanista. He speaks only Punic, for anything from his mother he speaks Greek, refusing to speak Latin. You heard, Maximus, just now, alas, my stepson, Pontianus’s brother, that articulate youth, barely able to stammer single syllables when you asked whether his mother had given them the gifts I said I helped provide.
---
Section 99:
I call upon you, Claudius Maximus, and you who sit in counsel, and even those who stand with me at the tribunal, to testify that these damages and disgraces to his character are owed to his uncle and that wretched would-be father-in-law, and that I shall henceforth be grateful to be free of this stepson, who has thrown off the yoke of my care, and I shall no
ChatGPT
longer plead with his mother on his behalf. For, as I almost forgot, when Pudentilla, in her poor health, recently drafted her will after the death of her son Pontianus, I struggled against her to prevent her from disinheriting this son for his many remarkable insults and injuries. I pleaded extensively that she erase the harsh condemnation she had written; finally, I threatened to leave her if she would not relent, and urged her to overcome a bad son with kindness and spare me any reproach. I stopped only when she did as I requested. I regret having removed this difficulty for Aemilianus, revealing such an unexpected thing to him. Observe, Maximus, how upon hearing this, he immediately lowered his eyes to the ground; he had expected a far different outcome, and not unjustly so: he knew of the woman’s anguish over her son’s insults and her obligation to me. There was also reason for him to fear what I might do: any man, like myself, despising inheritance, would still seek to avenge such disrespect from an ungrateful stepson.
---
Section 100:
Here, Aemilianus, hand over that will your mother made in anger towards her son, as they call me a robber. Order these tablets to be torn apart, Maximus: you will find the son named as heir, and me, however, left with a trivial honorarium—just so my name might not be omitted from her will. Take this testament from your mother, indeed as it is most unfitting: in which the most devoted husband was disinherited, while the son, most hostile to her, was written in as heir—not truly a son, but rather Aemilianus’s hopes and Rufinus’s marital aspirations. Take it, most dear son, and set aside your mother’s love letters, read the will instead; you will discover whatever madness she may have written, and indeed right from the beginning: “Sicinius Pudens, my son, shall be my heir.” I admit, whoever reads this would think it mad. Is this the son as heir, who during his brother’s funeral sought to exclude you from the house which she herself had given you, who gravely resented that you were made co-heir with his brother, who abandoned you in your grief, and fled to Rufinus and Aemilianus from your arms, who later spoke countless insults to you in person and with his uncle’s aid, who tried to publicize your shame by your own letters, who accused the husband you had chosen—whom, as he objected, you loved passionately—of a capital crime? Open it, good boy, open the will, and thus more easily prove your mother’s insanity.
---
Section 101:
Why do you refuse, why do you hesitate, now that you have cast aside your worry over the maternal inheritance? Yet here I lay down these tablets at your feet, Maximus, and I declare that I will care even less in the future about whatever Pudentilla may write in her will. Now he must plead with his mother on his own behalf, for he has left no room for me to intercede any further. As he who is now master of himself, a man who dictates harsh letters to his mother, let him soothe her wrath; if he could argue, he can beg. It is enough for me now if I have not only refuted the accusations against me, but also eradicated the very root of this trial, that is, the malice towards an inheritance sought unjustly.
---
Section 102:
One last matter remains, lest I leave anything unaddressed before I conclude. You have falsely accused me of purchasing a fine estate with the woman’s wealth in my own name. I say that I bought a small farm for 60,000 sesterces, and that, moreover, it was not I, but Pudentilla, who bought it in her name. The name on the documents is hers; the tribute for that small estate was paid under Pudentilla’s name. Corvinius Celer, the public quaestor, is present, to whom the tribute was paid—a distinguished man. Also present is the woman’s tutor and advisor, Cassius Longinus, a most honorable and revered man. Inquire, Maximus, who was the authority for this purchase and at what small price the wealthy woman bought her own little farm.
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Section 103:
Thus I have answered everything, Aemilianus, even by your own standards. What price of my magic did you find? Why would I need to bend Pudentilla’s will with potions? Was it so I could claim a moderate dowry rather than a large one? What excellent incantations! Or was it so that she would transfer her estate more to her sons than to me? What more can be added to this magic? Or so that, through my urging, she should leave most of her estate to her sons, when before me, as her husband, she had given them nothing, giving me nothing at all? O severe witchcraft, shall I call it, or thankless beneficence? Or was it so that in her will, which she wrote in anger towards her son, she would leave the inheritance to him, whom she resented, rather than to me, to whom she was devoted? Indeed, it took many incantations to achieve this. Imagine yourselves not before Claudius Maximus, a man fair and just, but some cruel and corrupt judge, one partial to accusations, eager to condemn. Give him something to follow, provide even the slightest plausible pretext for him to pronounce in your favor. At least invent something, devise something to answer, when he asks you. And since every action must be motivated by some reason, answer why you say that Apuleius beguiled Pudentilla’s mind with magic. What did he seek from her, why did he do it? Did he desire her beauty? You deny it. Did he crave her wealth, at least? The dowry documents, the donation records, the will all deny it, showing not only that he did not eagerly covet but even harshly rejected his wife’s generosity. What then is the cause? Why are you silent? Why do you not speak? Where is that harsh opening of your pamphlet, so shaped by my stepson’s influence: “I intend, Lord Maximus, to bring this man to trial before you.” Why then do you not add: “On charges against a teacher, a stepfather, an advocate?” But what follows? “Of many and most manifest crimes.” Produce one of these many, bring forth even one that is doubtful or obscure among these most manifest. Against all the charges, have I not, in every way, with the very words themselves, cleared myself?
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If there is anything else, Aemilianus, which I have not answered in your judgment, what price of magic have you discovered? Why, then, should I need to bend Pudentilla’s will with poisons? Was it so that I might gain something from her, that she would bequeath a modest dowry to me rather than an ample one? What splendid incantations. Or was it so that she should return that dowry more to her children than leave it with me? What more can be added to this magic? Or was it so that, through my urging, she should give most of her estate to her children, when she had given them nothing before me, her husband, and nothing at all to me? Severe witchcraft indeed, shall I call it, or thankless beneficence.
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The final statements reinforce Apuleius’s assertion that he acted without any selfish motives, countering every accusation and laying bare the baselessness of the charges against him.
You
This is the Apology of Apuleius. Give me a summary of his defense and what we learn about magic in the ancient roman world from this text.
ChatGPT
In *The Apology of Apuleius*, also known as *Pro se de magia*, Apuleius defends himself against accusations of practicing magic to seduce and marry a wealthy widow, Pudentilla. His accusers, led by Pudentilla's son Sicinius Aemilianus, claim that Apuleius used spells and enchantments to gain control over her wealth. In his defense, Apuleius addresses each charge meticulously, using both logical arguments and rhetorical flair. He argues that his actions were guided by piety and integrity, and that he sought reconciliation between Pudentilla and her sons rather than personal gain.
### Summary of Apuleius’s Defense:
1.
Motive: Apuleius questions the motive attributed to him. If he were truly interested in wealth, he asks, why would he encourage Pudentilla to give substantial gifts and properties to her sons? He argues that, if anything, his actions demonstrate selflessness and family loyalty.
2.
Lack of Evidence: He refutes each specific accusation as either misinterpreted or unfounded, such as the claim that he purchased an estate in his own name. He presents witnesses, documentation, and even public records to demonstrate that these accusations are based on misunderstandings or fabrications.
3.
Philosophical Interests Misinterpreted: Apuleius suggests that his philosophical pursuits were mistaken for magical practices. For example, he explains that his interest in natural science and philosophy (like studying fish or owning mirrors) was taken out of context by those who don’t understand scholarly pursuits, and that activities like dedicating wood to Plato reflect philosophical practices, not sorcery.
4.
Reputation and Character Witnesses: He introduces letters from notable people, such as Lollianus Avitus, as character references. He underscores that respectable people view him as a man of honor, not a magician.
5.
Absurdity of Claims: Apuleius uses wit and satire to mock the accusations, showing that they lack a rational basis. For instance, he jests that if he really were a sorcerer, he could have enchanted a wealthier or younger woman. He also questions why Pudentilla’s other relationships are not subject to the same suspicion, underscoring that the accusations are more rooted in malice than fact.
### Insights into Magic in Ancient Rome:
1.
Legal and Social Perceptions of Magic: The text reveals that magic was considered a serious crime, associated with harm and deceit. Sorcery was feared because it was believed to involve manipulations that could lead to death, illness, or the undermining of social order. Magic was often connected to maleficium (acts of malevolent magic), which could be prosecuted in court.
2.
Philosophy vs. Magic: Apuleius illustrates that the boundary between magic and philosophy was often blurred. His accusers equate his intellectual pursuits with magic, showing that in Roman society, any form of esoteric knowledge or practice could be suspect. Even basic medical or scientific knowledge might be misconstrued as sorcery by those unfamiliar with these practices.
3.
Role of Wealth and Marriage: The case against Apuleius highlights concerns about wealth, inheritance, and marriage. Magical accusations were sometimes used as a way to contest relationships or marriages that might disrupt inheritance or family wealth distribution. This aspect shows the intersection between legal systems, family dynamics, and accusations of magic in Roman society.
4.
Rhetorical Defense against Magic: Apuleius uses classical rhetoric to challenge and dismantle the accusations. By doing so, he demonstrates that reasoned argument and reputable witnesses could be effective defenses against charges of magic. His defense thus gives insight into how the accused might protect themselves from these kinds of charges, which were often difficult to prove or disprove.
In essence, *The Apology* offers a rich depiction of how magic was perceived and prosecuted in ancient Rome, while also illustrating the strategies an educated person could use to defend against such accusations. It highlights the fragile lines between magic, religion, and science in the Roman mindset, and how rhetoric and public opinion could influence legal outcomes in cases involving accusations of sorcery.
You
philosophical pursuits
ChatGPT
In *The Apology*, Apuleius reveals much about the nature of philosophical pursuits in the ancient world, particularly how they were often intertwined with mystical and scientific interests. Apuleius himself was deeply engaged in a range of studies that included natural science, Platonic philosophy, and religious rituals. However, his accusers misinterpreted or intentionally distorted these interests as evidence of magic, reflecting how philosophical and scientific knowledge was often viewed with suspicion.
### Key Philosophical Pursuits Highlighted in *The Apology*:
1.
Platonic Philosophy: Apuleius was a Platonist, and he often invoked the name of Plato as a guiding figure for his intellectual and ethical pursuits. He mentions practices like contemplating the divine and studying natural phenomena, both of which were central to Platonic thought. His reference to Plato's teachings on the soul, the nature of the divine, and the pursuit of virtue underscores his commitment to philosophy as a path to understanding the world and achieving moral excellence.
2.
Natural Science and Curiosity: Apuleius’s interest in natural science, such as his observations of fish and other natural phenomena, illustrates the inquisitive spirit of philosophers in antiquity. These pursuits were part of a broader intellectual endeavor to understand the workings of nature, which was sometimes perceived as bordering on the mystical. Apuleius makes it clear that his studies were scientific and philosophical rather than magical, reflecting a broader tension in the ancient world between curiosity-driven science and the fear of the unknown.
3.
Theurgy and Religious Practices: Apuleius mentions certain religious rituals and practices, such as dedicating wood in a manner that his accusers construed as magical. In the Platonic tradition, theurgy (ritual practices intended to invoke the divine) was a means of engaging with the divine on a more personal level. Apuleius’s connection to these practices shows the intersection between philosophy and spirituality in his life, where intellectual inquiry could extend into spiritual and even mystical realms.
4.
Defense of Intellectual Freedom: Throughout *The Apology*, Apuleius defends not only his own actions but also the broader right of philosophers to explore and question. His argument underscores the importance of intellectual freedom in philosophical pursuits, challenging the notion that curiosity and unconventional knowledge should be grounds for suspicion. This suggests that philosophical inquiry, especially when it involved the mysteries of nature or the divine, could be a risky endeavor in a society that feared the influence of unseen forces.
5.
Rhetorical Skill and Logic: Apuleius’s defense also reflects his mastery of rhetoric, a skill that was highly valued among philosophers in ancient Rome. His arguments are structured logically, and he uses rhetorical techniques to persuade, disarm, and entertain his audience. This rhetorical prowess not only helped him in his defense but also highlighted the philosopher’s role as a communicator and defender of reason against superstition and false accusations.
Overall, Apuleius’s philosophical pursuits demonstrate a blend of intellectual curiosity, scientific inquiry, and spiritual engagement, which was not uncommon among ancient philosophers. His defense reflects the way these pursuits could easily be misinterpreted as magic by those who didn’t understand them, illustrating the challenges philosophers faced in maintaining their reputations and intellectual freedoms in a world often wary of esoteric knowledge.
You
unpack theurgy and religious practices. then cite me chapter and verse on precursors in Plato and other philosophers Apuleius might have read or cites
ChatGPT
In *The Apology*, Apuleius’s references to religious practices and theurgy reflect an aspect of ancient philosophy that sought to engage with the divine not just through contemplation but also through ritual actions. Theurgy, as it developed in the later Platonic tradition, was a practice intended to invoke the presence or influence of divine beings, often through rituals or sacred acts. This engagement with the divine could bridge the gap between human and godly realms, aligning the philosopher more closely with the divine order.
### Theurgy in Apuleius and Its Philosophical Context
Apuleius does not explicitly mention "theurgy" by name, as this term became more prominent in the works of later Neoplatonists like Iamblichus. However, his practices, such as consecrating wood or reciting particular prayers, suggest a form of theurgic activity—rituals meant to honor or draw closer to divine beings. This aligns with Platonic philosophy, which emphasized the philosopher's role in seeking divine truth and aligning oneself with higher realities beyond the material world.
### Platonic and Precursor Philosophical Sources on Theurgy
1.
Plato:
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Plato's *Phaedrus* (244a-257b): Plato discusses the role of divine madness (μανία) and inspiration in reaching higher truths. Although not strictly theurgic, this passage highlights the idea that humans can achieve a form of divine knowledge or insight that surpasses ordinary human understanding. The divine madness includes prophecy, love, poetry, and initiation into religious mysteries—all of which border on the practice of theurgy as a means to connect with the divine.
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Plato's *Symposium* (202e-203a): Here, Diotima describes the *ladder of love*, where one ascends from physical beauty to the beauty of the soul, and ultimately to the divine. This ascent is a philosophical precursor to the idea of theurgy, as it involves spiritual progression toward the divine.
2.
Porphyry:
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*Letter to Anebo*: Although slightly later than Apuleius, Porphyry (a student of Plotinus) discusses practices that bridge philosophy and theurgy. He asks his teacher Anebo about the role of rituals and invocations, questioning how divine beings interact with humanity. Porphyry was critical of the more ritualistic elements, yet his writings show the tension between pure philosophy and theurgy.
3.
Iamblichus:
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*De Mysteriis* (On the Mysteries): Iamblichus, a follower of both Porphyry and Plato, defends theurgy as a way to unite the soul with the divine through sacred acts and rituals. He argues that intellectual contemplation alone is insufficient for such union; one must engage in divinely inspired rituals. Iamblichus expands on the Platonic theme of the soul’s ascent, incorporating theurgic practices as essential to achieving divine favor and understanding.
4.
Apuleius’s Use of Platonic Precedents:
- Apuleius seems to align with the Platonic tradition in treating the relationship with the divine as a process that transcends mere intellectual activity. By engaging in rituals, he is not simply studying the divine but invoking and honoring it, a practice that is philosophically grounded in Plato’s dialogues. Apuleius’s appeals to Plato (e.g., *The Apology* 22, where he invokes Socrates’ connection to divine signs or the daimonion) show that he likely saw his own practices as an extension of Platonic philosophy.
5.
Neo-Pythagorean Influence:
- The Neo-Pythagoreans, who combined Pythagorean mysticism with Platonic thought, influenced Apuleius and the development of theurgy. They often engaged in rituals that were intended to purify the soul and align it with the cosmic order, akin to the aims of theurgy. Apuleius would have encountered these ideas through the works of Plutarch and others who blended these traditions.
Apuleius's religious practices illustrate how ancient philosophers often approached the divine as an experiential reality, accessible through both intellectual understanding and ritual action. His defense in *The Apology* suggests he viewed his rituals as aligned with a philosophical life, following precedents set by figures in the Platonic tradition and contemporaneous practices that influenced Neoplatonism.
You
What other sources should I read for understanding Apuleius's philosophical and ritual interests?
ChatGPT
To fully appreciate Apuleius's philosophical and ritual interests, you can explore a range of sources that offer context and depth to the ideas he engaged with. Here are some foundational texts and commentaries that will give you a clearer understanding of his philosophical and ritualistic background:
### 1.
Primary Sources on Platonic Philosophy and Theurgy
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Plato’s Dialogues:
- *Phaedrus* and *Symposium*: These texts provide insights into Plato's concepts of divine madness and the ascent of the soul, which influenced later ideas about theurgy.
- *Timaeus*: This dialogue includes cosmological elements that inform later Platonists' views on the universe and humanity’s place in it.
- *Phaedo*: For ideas on the soul’s immortality and its purification, themes that are foundational to Platonic and theurgic thought.
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Plotinus’s *Enneads*:
- As a principal source for Neoplatonic philosophy, *The Enneads* delve into the nature of the One, the Soul, and the process of spiritual ascent. Although Plotinus is more focused on intellectual contemplation, he establishes many concepts that influenced theurgical practices.
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Iamblichus’s *De Mysteriis*:
- This is one of the most influential texts on theurgy, defending ritual as essential for connecting with the divine. It will provide context on the kinds of rituals Apuleius might have been interested in or engaged in.
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Porphyry’s *Letter to Anebo*:
- A precursor to Iamblichus’s work, Porphyry’s *Letter to Anebo* explores questions about rituals and divine interactions. While critical of some theurgic elements, it nonetheless helps in understanding the background debates surrounding these practices.
### 2.
Neo-Pythagorean Texts and Commentary
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The Golden Verses of Pythagoras and Other Writings:
- Neo-Pythagorean philosophy, with its emphasis on the purification of the soul and numerology, influenced Apuleius. The *Golden Verses* and associated commentaries will provide a grounding in the mystical and moral teachings that shaped Apuleius’s worldview.
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Pythagorean Women Philosophers: Look into figures like Theano and other Pythagorean women, whose works on harmony and ethics offer a broader view of the philosophical and spiritual milieu Apuleius might have encountered.
### 3.
Middle Platonism and Roman Philosophy
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Plutarch’s *Moralia* and *De Iside et Osiride*:
- Plutarch blends Platonism with elements of Egyptian religion, foreshadowing the ritualistic interests in Apuleius’s works. *De Iside et Osiride* is particularly relevant for understanding the blend of Greco-Roman and Egyptian religious practices.
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Albinus’s *Handbook of Platonism*:
- A concise guide to Platonic philosophy, this text captures the essence of Middle Platonic thought, which was prevalent during Apuleius’s time.
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Maximus of Tyre’s *Orations*:
- Maximus, a Middle Platonist, discusses the nature of the soul and its relationship to the divine. His work provides insight into how Platonic ideas were interpreted in Apuleius’s period.
### 4.
Texts on Ancient Magic and Religion
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The *Greek Magical Papyri (PGM)*:
- These papyri include rituals, hymns, and spells that provide context for the types of magical practices that were known in Apuleius’s time. They offer a glimpse into the kinds of rituals he might have been accused of performing and the cultural backdrop of ancient magical practices.
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*Corpus Hermeticum* and *Asclepius* (attributed to Hermes Trismegistus):
- These texts offer a synthesis of Greek and Egyptian thought, focusing on spiritual ascent and divine knowledge. They were influential in the development of Neoplatonism and theurgical practices.
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Marcel Mauss’s *A General Theory of Magic*:
- Although a modern work, Mauss’s anthropological study on magic and religion provides a framework for understanding ancient practices. It’s particularly helpful for contextualizing the social and cultural aspects of magic in the Greco-Roman world.
### 5.
Secondary Sources and Commentaries
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John Dillon’s *The Middle Platonists*:
- This comprehensive study of Middle Platonism provides insight into the philosophical climate in which Apuleius lived, including details on the transition from Platonism to Neoplatonism.
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Hans Lewy’s *Chaldean Oracles and Theurgy*:
- Lewy’s book is an essential resource for understanding the philosophical underpinnings of theurgy, which will enrich your grasp of the rituals Apuleius might have been interested in.
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Greg Shaw’s *Theurgy and the Soul*:
- Shaw’s work provides an in-depth look at Iamblichus and theurgy, discussing the philosophical and religious aspects that shaped later Neoplatonic practices. This helps situate Apuleius in the broader tradition of religious philosophy.
These texts together provide a rich exploration of the intersection between philosophy, religious practice, and magic, allowing a deeper understanding of the environment that influenced Apuleius’s thought and his philosophical-religious pursuits.
You
Summarize Apuleius in The Golden Ass on the rites of Isis Book XI:1-4 The vision of Isis
Afew hours later I woke in sudden terror and saw the moon’s orb at the full, shining with dazzling brilliance, emerging from the sea. I knew that cloaked in the silent mysteries of nocturnal darkness, the supreme Goddess exercises her greatest power; her guidance governs human affairs; not only cattle and wild creatures but even lifeless things being quickened by her power and her light’s divine favour; all individual bodies on land, in sea or air, waxing with her as she waxes, and waning in obedience to her waning. Now fate seemed sated with the magnitude and frequency of my sufferings, and offered me hope, though late, of deliverance, and I determined on praying to the powerful image of the Goddess before me. I swiftly shook off sluggish sleep and rose happy and eager. Wishing to purge myself I ran at once to the sea to bathe, plunging my head seven times under the waves since divine Pythagoras declared that number especially fitting for religious rites. Then, my face wet with tears, I prayed to the Great Goddess:
‘Queen of Heaven, whether you are known as bountiful Ceres, the primal harvest mother, who, delighted at finding your daughter Proserpine again, abolished our primitive woodland diet, showed us sweet nourishment, and now dwell at Eleusis; or heavenly Venus, who at the founding of the world joined the sexes by creating Love, propagating the human race in endless generation, and worshipped now in the sea-girt sanctuary of Paphos; or Diana, Apollo’s sister, you who relieve the pangs of countless childbirths with your soothing remedies, venerated now at Ephesus; or dread Proserpine herself, she of the night-cries, who triple-faced combats the assault of spirits shutting them from earth above, who wanders the many sacred groves, propitiated by a host of rites; oh, light of woman, illuminating every city, nourishing the glad seed with your misty radiance, shedding that light whose power varies with the passage of the sun; in whatever aspect, by whatever name, with whatever ceremony we should invoke you, have mercy on me in the depths of my distress, grant good fortune, give me peace and rest after cruel tribulation. Let the toil, the dangers I’ve endured suffice. Rid me of this foul four-footed form, restore me to the sight of my own people; make me the Lucius I once was. Or if I may not live, if I have offended some deity who hounds me with inexorable savagery, grant me the gift of death.’
When I had poured out my prayers, ending them in pitiful lamentation, my fainting spirit sank back, once more engulfed in sleep. I had scarcely closed my eyes when a divine apparition appeared, rising from the depths of the sea, her face worthy to be adored by the gods themselves. Slowly she rose, till her whole body was in view, shaking her self free of the brine to stand before me, a radiant vision. If the poverty of human speech allows me, if the goddess herself grants me a wealth of verbal inspiration, I shall try to describe her marvellous beauty to you.
Firstly her long thick hair in tapering ringlets was loosely spread over her divine neck and shoulders, and her head was crowned with a complex garland of interwoven flowers of every kind. At the centre, over her brow, a flat disc like a mirror or rather a moon-symbol shone with brilliant light. Coiled vipers reared from the right and left of her coronet which was bristling with erect ears of corn. Her multi-coloured robe was of finest linen, gleaming here pure white, here a saffron yellow, there flaming rose-red, with a woven border flowing with flowers and fruit, and what dazzled me most of all was her jet-black cloak with its full sheen, wrapped gleaming about her, slung from the left shoulder, knotted at the breast, and sweeping over her right hip. It hung in sweetly undulating complex folds down to a tasselled fringe, and along its borders and over its surface fell a scatter of glittering stars, round a full moon at the centre breathing fiery rays. And she bore a host of emblems.
In her right hand she held the sistrum, a strip of bronze curved in a loop, with small rods across its width that made a tinkling noise as her forearm shook to a triple beat. From her left hand hung a boat-shaped vessel of gold, an asp with tumescent neck rearing to strike from the outer point of its handle. Her ambrosial feet wore slippers woven from palm-leaves, emblems of victory. And in such guise, exuding all the sweet scents of Arabia, she deigned to address me with celestial voice:
Book XI:5-6 The Goddess commands
‘Behold, Lucius, here I am, moved by your prayer, I, mother of all Nature and mistress of the elements, first-born of the ages and greatest of powers divine, queen of the dead, and queen of the immortals, all gods and goddesses in a single form; who with a gesture commands heaven’s glittering summit, the wholesome ocean breezes, the underworld’s mournful silence; whose sole divinity is worshipped in differing forms, with varying rites, under many names, by all the world. There, at Pessinus, the Phrygians, first-born of men, call me Cybele, Mother of the Gods; in Attica, a people sprung from their own soil name me Cecropian Minerva; in sea-girt Cyprus I am Paphian Venus; Dictynna-Diana to the Cretan archers; Stygian Proserpine to the three-tongued Sicilians; at Eleusis, ancient Ceres; Juno to some, to others Bellona, Hecate, Rhamnusia; while the races of both Ethiopias, first to be lit at dawn by the risen Sun’s divine rays, and the Egyptians too, deep in arcane lore, worship me with my own rites, and call me by my true name, royal Isis. I am here in pity for your misfortunes, I am here as friend and helper. Weep no more, end your lamentations. Banish sorrow. With my aid, your day of salvation is at hand. So listen carefully to my commands.
From time immemorial the day born of this night has been dedicated to my rites: on this coming day the winter storms cease, the ocean’s stormy waves grow calm, and my priests launch an untried vessel on the now navigable waters, and dedicate it to me as the first offering of the trading season. You must await this ceremony with a mind neither anxious nor irreverent. The high-priest, at my command, will carry in procession a garland of roses fastened to the sistrum in his hand. Don’t hesitate to join the crowd and, trusting in my protection, push your way towards the priest, then as if you wished to kiss his hand pluck gently at the roses with your mouth, and so at once throw off that wretched form of the most detestable of creatures.
And have faith in my power to oversee the execution of my orders, for at this very moment when I am here with you I am with my priest too telling him, in dream, what he must do. When I wish, the heaving crowd will part before you, and amidst the joyous rites and wild festivity no one will shrink from your unseemly shape, nor treat your sudden change of form as sinister and level charges at you out of spite.
Remember one thing clearly though, and keep it locked deep within your heart: the life that is left to you, to the final sigh of your last breath, is pledged to me. It is right that all your days be devoted to she whose grace returns you to the world of men. Under my wing, you will live in happiness and honour, and when your span of life is complete and you descend to the shades, even there, in the sphere beneath the earth, you will see me, who am now before you, gleaming amidst the darkness of Acheron, queen of the Stygian depths; and dwelling yourself in the Elysian fields, you will endlessly adore me and I will favour you. Know too that if by sedulous obedience, dutiful service, and perfect chastity you are worthy of my divine grace, I and I alone can extend your life beyond the limits set by fate.’
Book XI:7-11 The festival begins
So the holy revelation ended, and the invincible Goddess withdrew into her own being. Instantly I was freed from sleep and leapt up, bathed in sweat, with feelings of fear and joy. Filled with utter amazement at this clear manifestation of the Great Goddess’s presence, I splashed myself with sea-water, reviewing intently her series of potent commands. Soon the dark shades of night were dispelled, a golden sun arose, and at once a crowd of triumphant believers thronged the streets. Not only was I, in my secret joy, but the whole world seemed filled with such happiness that the creatures, the skies, the very houses themselves seemed to radiate joy from their shining faces. For now a serene and sunlit morning, on the heels of yesterday’s frost, with its spring warmth enticed the birds to sing in sweet harmony, and charm with their happy greetings the Queen of the Stars; the Mother of the Seasons, the Mistress of the Universe. Even the trees, both the orchard trees that bear fruit and those simply content to give shade, gleaming with buds and roused by the southerly breeze, waved their branches gently, murmuring with a soft rustling sound, for the winter gales had ceased, the angry swell of the waves had subsided, and a calm sea now lapped the shore. The heavens too, free of the cloudy night, shone clear and naked with the splendour of their true light.
Now the vanguard of the grand procession slowly appeared, its participants in holiday attire each in finery of their choosing. One wore a soldier’s belt; another’s boots, spear and cloak proclaimed him a huntsman; another was dressed as a woman in a silk dress with gilded sandals and curly wig, and walked in a mincing manner; yet another looked like a gladiator in helmet and greaves with shield and sword. There was a magistrate it seemed with the purple toga and rods of office; and there a philosopher with a goatee beard, in a cloak with a staff and woven sandals. Here were a brace of long poles, one a fowler’s with his bird-lime, the other a fisherman’s with line and hooks. Behold a tame bear dressed as a housewife, borne in a sedan chair; and look, an ape in a Phrygian straw hat and saffron robe, dressed as the shepherd lad Ganymede and waving a golden cup. And lastly an ass, wings glued to its shoulders, with a decrepit old man on its back, a Bellerophon and his Pegasus, enough to split your sides.
But behind these laughter-loving crowd-pleasers wandering all over the place, the procession proper was readying itself to celebrate the Goddess who saves. At its head went women in gleaming white, garlanded with the flowers of spring, rejoicing in their varied burdens, scattering blossoms along the path where the sacred gathering would pass; others had shining mirrors fastened to their backs to show their obedience to the goddess who would follow; or they bore ivory combs and feigned to shape and dress the Goddess’s royal hair; while others sprinkled the streets with pleasant balsam and fragrances. There followed a throng of men and women, carrying every means of shedding light, such as torches, lamps and wax-candles to honour the source of the celestial stars.
Now, musicians with pipes and flutes appeared, playing pure melodies, pursued by a fine choir of chosen youths, gleaming in their snow white holiday robes and singing a delightful hymn, composed by a talented poet aided by the Muses, whose words acted as prelude to the Greater Vows to come. Here were the temple pipers of the great god Serapis too, playing their traditional anthem on slanting flutes extending close to the right ear. And then the heralds passed, warning the people openly to clear a path for the holy procession.
A mighty throng of men and women of every age and rank, initiates of the sacred mysteries, poured on behind, their linen robes shining radiantly, the women’s hair in glossy coils under transparent veils, the men’s heads closely shaved and glistening, the earthly stars of the great rite. And each one shook a sistrum of bronze or silver or sometimes gold, giving out a shrill tinkling sound. The foremost priests of the cult came next, in white linen, drawn tight across their chests and hanging to their feet, carrying the distinctive emblems of the powerful gods.
The first held a glittering lamp, not like the lamps we use to light our nocturnal feasts but shaped like a golden boat with a tall flame flaring from its central vent. The second priest carried an altar-top, that is, a source of help, its name auxilia derived from the auxiliary aid the Great Goddess brings. Then the third approached, holding on high a branch of palm its leaves of fine gold, and a caduceus, like Mercury. A fourth showed a cast of a left hand with fingers extended, a symbol of justice, since the left hand’s natural clumsiness, lack of quickness and dexterity, is more appropriate to justice than the right; and he carried a little golden vessel shaped like a woman’s breast, from which he poured milk as a libation. The fifth held a winnowing fan woven from twigs of gold not willow, and a sixth priest bore an amphora.
Behind them came the gods deigning to walk on human feet, firstly Anubis that dread messenger between the powers above and the powers beneath the earth, with a face one side black the other gold, his jackal’s neck erect, bearing a caduceus in his left hand, and a green palm-branch in his right. In his footsteps a priest with proud and measured step carried a statue on his shoulders, a cow seated upright; the cow being a fruitful symbol of the divine Mother of all. Another bore a basket containing secret implements, concealed objects of great sanctity, while a third fortunate priest carried an ancient image of the Great Goddess in the lap of his robe, not in the shape of any beast wild or tame, or bird or human being, but inspiring reverence in its skilled working by its very strangeness, being the ineffable symbol somehow of a deeper sacredness, to be cloaked in awful silence, formed as it was of gleaming gold after this manner: it took the form of a little hollow urn, its surface engraved with Egyptian hieroglyphics, with a rounded base, an extended spout opened slightly like a beak, and a broad curving handle at the opposite side extending backwards deeply from which an asp, coiled in a knot, reared its scaly swollen neck on high.
Book XI:12-15 The ass transformed
And now the blessing the ever-kindly Goddess had promised me drew near, and the priest appeared the keeper of my fate, my true salvation. He carried in his right hand, adorned as she had commanded, a sistrum for the goddess with a garland of roses for me, a fitting garland of victory indeed, since after enduring such toils, and escaping such perils, I would now conquer that Fortune who had savaged me so cruelly. But though filled with sudden joy I refrained from galloping forward in unrestrained delight, since I rightly feared that the peaceful onward movement of the procession might be halted at the fierce onrush of a quadruped. So, with unhurried, near-human steps, I slowly and gently wriggled through the crowd which made way, doubtless due to divine intervention, and thus moved softly within.
Now the priest, who I could see remembered the orders he had received in dream, though he still marvelled at the actual event that fulfilled the prophecy, halted at once and of himself stretched out his hand, and held the rose-garland level with my lips. My heart leapt with a rapid beat, and I trembled as I tore with eager mouth at the glistening wreath woven of lovely roses, which greedy for the outcome promised I greedily devoured. Nor did the Goddess’ divine promise fail, for on the instant my ugly bestial form slipped from me. First the coarse hair fell from my body then my dense hide grew thin, my sagging paunch grew trim, the soles of my feet sprouted toes through their hooves, my hands were no longer feet but reached out in a proper manner, my long neck shrank, my head and face rounded, my huge ears shrank back to their former size, my craggy teeth reduced to a human scale, and what had tormented me most of all, my tail, existed no more.
The onlookers marvelled, and the priests paid reverence to the evident power of the mighty Goddess, to her magnificence which confirmed my nocturnal vision, and to the ease of my transformation. They stretched their arms towards heaven, and clearly, with one voice, bore witness to her wondrous beneficence.
As for me, I stood speechless, utterly dumfounded, rooted to the spot, unable to grasp with my mind so sudden and great a joy, lost for what I might begin to say, where to find utterance for this rediscovered voice, what auspicious speech might serve to inaugurate use of my re-found tongue, what fine words could express my gratitude to so powerful a goddess. But the high-priest, through some divine revelation, had learnt of all my miseries, and though he himself was moved by the strangeness of the miracle swiftly signalled for me to be given a piece of linen to cover myself, for once the ass’s wretched hide had vanished from me, I had clenched my thighs together and covered myself with my hands, to grant as much decent natural protection as a naked man can find. Now one of the faithful swiftly doffed his outer tunic and covered me hastily, while the high-priest, still startled, gazed at me with a kindly and exalted expression, saying:
‘Lucius, after suffering many labours, buffeted by Fortune’s mighty tempests, by the fierce winds of fate, you reach at last the harbour of Peace, the altar of Mercy. Neither your birth and rank, nor your fine education, brought you any aid, as on youth’s rash and slippery paths you plunged into servile pleasures and reaped the perverse rewards of ill-starred curiosity. Yet blind Fortune while tormenting you with imminent danger, has brought you from the throes of evil chance to blessed happiness. Let her vent her rage and fury now on some other object of her cruelty, for hostile fate finds no opening against those whose lives our royal Goddess renders free to serve her. How could those bandits, wild beasts, servitude, the windings of savage journeys that ended where they began, the fear of death renewed each day, how could all they serve Fortune’s evil turn, for now you are under the wing of an all-seeing Providence, who with the splendour of her light illumines all the gods. Wear a happier face, to match the white robe you wear now, and join the procession of the saving Goddess with a joyful and conquering step. Let the unbelieving bear witness, and understand their errant ways. Behold, Lucius, freed from his former troubles, delighting in the favour of mighty Isis, triumphing over fate. And to be more secure, enlist in the protection of this holy cadre, to whose oath of obedience you were but now summoned, Dedicate yourself to the commands of our sect, accept the burden of your own free will; for once you begin to serve the Goddess, you will know the fruits of freedom more completely.’
Book XI:16-19 Lucius regained
Drawing a deep breath after this inspired utterance, the high-priest fell silent, while I joined the sacred procession and marched along behind the holy emblems, famous now to all, and conspicuous, the subject of their nods and pointing fingers. The whole crowd spoke of me: ‘There’s the man who was turned back into a human being by the august powers of the omnipotent goddess. How happy he is, by Hercules, thrice blessed, who no doubt through the purity and loyalty of his past life has earned such astounding favour from heaven that he was, as it were, reborn and accepted at once into her holy service.’
Meanwhile amidst the tumult of the festive celebrations we had slowly progressed towards the seashore, and arrived at the very place where as an ass I had been stabled the previous day. There, once the emblems of the gods had been properly disposed, the high-priest consecrated a finely-crafted ship decorated with marvellous Egyptian hieroglyphics. Taking a lighted torch, an egg, and some sulphur, he uttered solemn prayers with reverent lips, and purified the ship thoroughly, dedicating it, and naming it for the Goddess. The shining sail of this happy vessel bore an inscription, its letters woven in gold, the text of a prayer for prosperous sailing throughout the new season. The mast of smooth pine was raised now, tall and splendid, the flag at its tip conspicuous from afar; gold-leaf glittered from the stern which was shaped like Isis’ sacred goose; while the whole hull of highly-polished citron-wood gleamed pale. Then the crowd of priests and laity alike vied in loading the vessel with winnowing fans spread with spices and the like and poured libations of milk and grain over the waves. Once the ship had received a wealth of gifts and auspicious prayers, the mooring ropes were loosed and she was given to the waters, accompanied by a gentle breeze that rose in greeting. And when she was so far out to sea we could no longer see her clearly, the priests took up their burdens again and set out joyfully for the shrine, in the same fine and orderly procession as before.
Arriving at that place, the high-priest and the bearers of the holy emblems, and those initiates privy already to the sacred inner sanctuary of the Goddess, were admitted into that hidden chamber, where the lifelike statues were arranged in proper order. Then one of the throng, whom they all called the Secretary, standing by the door, summoned the shrine-bearers, the pastophori, as that sacred college were named, as if calling them to an assembly. Then from a high dais he read aloud from a book, Latin prayers for the mighty Emperor’s health, for the Knights, the Senate and the Roman People, the ships, and mariners, under the sway of our world-wide Empire. Then in Greek, according to the Greek ritual, he uttered the formula ‘ploeaphesia’, meaning that ships could now be launched. That his words were well-received by all was confirmed by the ensuing acclamation of the crowd. Then, filled with joy, the people bearing green twigs, sacred branches, and garlands they had gathered, kissed the feet of the goddess, whose statue made of silver stood on the temple steps, before scattering to their own homes. As for me, my thoughts would not allow me to stray a finger’s breadth from that place, but meditating on my past misfortunes, I gazed intently on that image of the Goddess.
Meanwhile winged Rumour had not tarried in her swift flight, but spread the news, of the beneficent Goddess’s notable kindness to me and my own good fortune, everywhere, even throughout my own city. At once my servants, friends, blood-relatives ceased mourning for my supposed death and, delighted at the unexpected tidings and bringing various gifts, hastened to see one risen from the darkness to the light. I too was cheered at meeting with those again whom I’d relinquished hope of ever seeing, receiving their kind offerings gratefully, since they’d brought enough in their generosity to relieve me of any want.
I spoke with each of them in turn, as I should, narrating my former troubles and present joy, then swiftly returned to that meditation on the Goddess which was my chief delight. I took a room in the temple precincts, and set up house there, and though serving the Goddess as layman only, as yet, I was a constant companion of the priests and a loyal devotee of the great deity. No moment of rest, not a night, passed without some admonishing visitation from her. She urged me again and again to become an initiate to her rites for which I had long been destined, but though willing and eager to obey I was held back by religious awe, since I knew from careful study that the rules of her order were harsh, those regarding abstinence and chastity demanding, and how one must always, with care and circumspection, guard against the countless vicissitudes of life. Despite my sense of urgency, and though I thought again and again of these matters, somehow I still delayed.
Book XI:20-23 Preparations for initiation
One night I dreamed the high-priest appeared to me, his arms full of gifts. When I asked the meaning of these offerings he replied that they were things of mine from Thessaly, and that my servant Candidus was here too. On waking I reflected on my vision for hours, wondering what it portended, having no servant of that name. Yet, whatever the dream might presage, I felt certain from the gifts I would know profit, and so was happily expectant of some fortunate event as I waited for the doors of the shrine to open. The bright white sanctuary curtains were drawn, and we prayed to the august face of the Goddess, as a priest made his ritual rounds of the temple altars, praying and sprinkling water in libation from a chalice filled from a spring within the walls. When the service was finally complete, at the first hour of the day, just as the worshippers with loud cries were greeting the dawn light, the servants I had left behind me in Hypata after Photis condemned me to my sad wanderings, suddenly appeared. Hearing the news they had even brought my horse, sold to various buyers but identifiable by the markings on his back and regained. And then it was that I marvelled at my prophetic dream, whose promise of good had not only been confirmed but also the retrieval of my white horse, foretold in the dream-servant’s name of Candidus.
From then on I became ever more solicitous in my constant attendance on the deity, believing that my present blessings were a guarantee of future good. Moreover, day by day, my desire for holy orders intensified, and time and again I entreated the high-priest to hasten my initiation into the mysteries of the sacred night. But he, being a grave man, remarkable for his close observance of the strictest religious discipline, restrained my insistence gently and kindly, as parents will restrain their children’s unripe urges, calming my natural eagerness with a comforting expectation of good to come. He told me the proper day for a person’s initiation is always marked by a sign from the Goddess, that the officiating priest was likewise indicated by her, and even the costs of the ceremony to be defrayed. He advised me to suffer the delay with reverence and patience, since over-eagerness and disobedience were faults to be guarded against assiduously, and neither to hang back when called nor advance myself when not. None of his order had been so wrong-minded, so determined on their own destruction, as to dare to take office rashly or sacrilegiously, and without the Goddess’ direct command, and thereby to commit a deadly sin. The gates of the underworld and the guardianship of life are both in her hands, he said, and the rites of initiation are akin to a willing death and salvation through her grace. Indeed, those whose term of life was drawing to its close, who already stood on the last threshold of light, if the sect’s unspoken mysteries could be safely entrusted to them, were often summoned by the power of the Goddess to be in a manner reborn through her grace and set again on a path of renewed life. I too, he suggested, should bow likewise to heavens’ decree, even though I had been destined for and called long since to the blessed service of the Goddess by clear and evident signs of that great deity’s favour. And I should, as the priests did, abstain from unholy and forbidden foods, so as to enter more deeply into the secret mysteries of the purest of faiths.
Thus spoke the high-priest, and, patient in my obedience, I performed my tasks each day at celebrations of the holy rites, zealously, diligently, in calm tranquility and laudable silence. Nor did the Great Goddess’s saving goodness fail me, nor did she torment me with long delay. One dark night, in commands as clear as day, she proclaimed that the hoped-for time had arrived, when she would grant me my dearest wish. She told me what resources must be found for the ceremony, and decreed that her high-priest, Mithras, who she explained was linked to me celestially by a certain conjunction of the planets, would himself perform the rite.
These and other kind decrees of the Great Goddess raised my spirits, and before the light of day shone I shook off sleep and hastening to the high-priest’s rooms I met and greeted him at the entrance. I was set on demanding my initiation more vigorously than ever, believing it was now my due, but the instant he saw me he pre-empted my plea, saying: ‘Ah, Lucius, how blessed, how fortunate you are, that the august deity so strongly favours you in her benevolence. Why do you linger here in idleness when the day has come which you’ve longed and prayed for endlessly, when at the divine command of the many-titled Goddess these very hands of mine will introduce you to the most sacred mysteries of her religion.’
Then that most generous of men took my arm and led me to the doors of the vast temple, and when he had opened them according to the ritual prescribed, and then performed the morning sacrifice, he brought from the inner sanctuary various books written in characters strange to me. Some shaped like creatures represented compressed expressions of profound concepts, in others the tops and tails of letters were knotted, coiled, interwoven like vine-tendrils to hide their meaning from profane and ignorant eyes. From these books he read aloud for me the details of what was needed for my initiation.
At once I set about acquiring those things myself or procuring them zealously through friends, while sparing no expense. Then the high-priest escorted by a band of devotees led me to the nearest baths, saying the occasion required it. When I had bathed according to the custom, he asked favour of the gods, and purified me by a ritual cleansing, sprinkling me with water. Then in the early afternoon he led me to the shrine again, and placed me at the Goddess’ feet. He gave me certain orders too sacred for open utterance then, with all the company as witnesses, commanded me to curb my desire for food for the ten days following, to eat of no creature, and drink no wine.
I duly observed all this with reverence and restraint, and now came the evening destined for my appearance before the Goddess. The sun was setting, bringing twilight on, when suddenly a crowd flowed towards me, to honour me with sundry gifts, in accord with the ancient and sacred rite. All the uninitiated were ordered to depart, I was dressed in a new-made robe of linen and the high-priest, taking me by the arm, led me into the sanctuary’s innermost recess.
And now, diligent reader, you are no doubt keen to know what was said next, and what was done. I’d tell you, if to tell you, were allowed; if you were allowed to hear then you might know, but ears and tongue would sin equally, the latter for its profane indiscretion, the former for their unbridled curiosity. Oh, I shall speak, since your desire to hear may be a matter of deep religious longing, and I would not torment you with further anguish, but I shall speak only of what can be revealed to the minds of the uninitiated without need for subsequent atonement, things which though you have heard them, you may well not understand. So listen, and believe in what is true. I reached the very gates of death and, treading Proserpine’s threshold, yet passed through all the elements and returned. I have seen the sun at midnight shining brightly. I have entered the presence of the gods below and the presence of the gods above, and I have paid due reverence before them.
Book XI:24-27 The initiate of Isis
When dawn came and the ceremony was complete, I emerged wearing twelve robes as a sign of consecration, sacred dress indeed though nothing stops me from speaking of it, since a host of people were there and saw me. As instructed, I stood on a wooden dais placed at the centre of the holy shrine, before the statue of the Goddess, conspicuous in my fine elaborately embroidered linen. The precious outer cloak hung from shoulder to ankle, so that I was wrapped around with creatures worked in various colours: here Indian serpents, there Hyperborean gryphons, winged lions of that distant region of the world. The priests call this garment the Olympian Stole. I held a burning torch in my right hand, and my head was gracefully garlanded with a wreath of gleaming palm leaves projecting outwards like rays of light. Adorned thus in the likeness of the Sun, and standing there like a statue, the curtains suddenly being opened, I was exposed to the gaze of the crowd who strayed around me. That day my initiation into the mysteries was marked, as a festive occasion, by a splendid feast among a convivial gathering. On the next day, the third, a similar ritual ceremony was performed, with a sacred breakfast bringing an official end to the proceedings.
I stayed at the temple a few days longer, enjoying the ineffable pleasure of gazing on the Goddess’s sacred image, bound to her by an act of beneficence I could never repay. But finally, as instructed by her, for it was only with immense difficulty that I could sever the ties born of my fervent longing for her, I paid my debts of gratitude at last, in accordance with my small means if not in full, and began to prepare for my journey home. I ended my stay by prostrating myself before her, washing the Goddess’ feet with my welling tears, as I prayed to her, gulping my words, my voice broken by repeated sobbing:
‘O holy and eternal saviour of humankind, ever-bountiful in cherishing mortal beings, bringing a mother’s sweet affections to the miseries of the wretched. No day, no night, not even an instant passes empty of your beneficence, you who protect men on land and sea, who extend your saving hand and dispel life’s tempests, quelling Fortune’s storms, untwisting the inextricable windings of Fate, restricting the planets’ harmful aspects. The powers above adore you, the powers below pay you reverence. You set the globe spinning, fuel the sun, command the universe and press Tartarus beneath our feet. You the stars obey; for you the seasons turn, in you the deities rejoice, and you it is that all the elements serve. At your order breezes sigh, clouds yield nourishment, seeds quicken and seedlings grow. The birds flying in the sky, the wild beasts that prowl the mountains, the serpents that lurk underground, the very monsters of the deep tremble at your power. But my eloquence is unfit to sing your praises; my wealth of words too meagre to render proper sacrifice, my voice too weak to express my reverence for your majesty, nor would a thousand tongues in as many mouths and an eternal flow of inexhaustible speech suffice. I must therefore try to do the sole thing the poor but devout can do, and keep the memory of your divine face always in my thoughts, and the vision of your sacred presence forever in my heart.’
Ending this prayer to the power on high, I embraced Mithras my priest and now my spiritual father, and clasping his neck and kissing him again and again begged him to forgive my inability to repay his great kindnesses to me as he deserved. Then, after lingering a long while in renewed expressions of thanks, I at last set out to re-visit my ancestral home after so long away, yet hastily, for after a few days stay I swiftly gathered my things and, at the Great Goddess’s command, took ship for Rome . Blown by favouring winds, I soon arrived safely at Portus Augustus, near Ostia, and taking a fast carriage reached the holy city, in the evening of December the 13th, the Ides of December. My most pressing business was to visit the temple of royal Isis, the Great Goddess, in the Campus Martius where she was worshipped with utmost reverence under the name of Isis Campensis, and pray to her there daily. A newcomer to that shrine, but an initiate of her sect, I was a constant presence there.
When the mighty Sun had circled the zodiac and a year had gone, the ever-vigilant Goddess who kindly watched over me, once more troubled my sleep and spoke again of rites and initiation. Since I had long been hers, I wondered what new task she was prompting, what new future she foretold, yet while I was debating in my own mind, and searching my conscience with the help of the priests, I suddenly realised that I had not yet been introduced to the mysteries of invincible Osiris, the great god who is the mighty father of the gods. Though his rites of initiation were still quite distinct, his godhead and worship were linked, even joined, to that of Isis . I should thus have realised that I was being sought after as a servant of his great divinity as well.
The issue was not long in doubt, for the following night I had a vision in which an initiate dressed in white linen brought ivy-wreaths and thyrsi, with things that must be nameless, and placed these various objects on my household altar then, seated in my chair, ordered me to arrange a sacred feast. In order evidently to help me know him again by a sure sign of identity, his left ankle was slightly twisted, and he walked with a hesitant limp. My cloud of doubt was lifted by this clear manifestation of the god’s own wishes, and after the morning prayers for the Goddess were complete, I at once began to ask about me, with utmost zeal, as to whether any there exactly resembled him of my dream. Confirmation came immediately, when I caught sight of one of the pastophori who not only limped like the man in my vision, but also was alike in his dress and appearance. I later learned he was called Asinius Marcellus, a name not inappropriate to my own transformation. Without pausing for an instant I approached him, and indeed he was not surprised by our ensuing conversation since he himself had been ordered in a similar manner to preside over my initiation. In his dream, the previous night, he had been arranging garlands for Osiris when he heard from the great god’s own oracular mouth, which speaks each man’s fate, that a man of Madauros was being sent to him, that the man was poor but the priest must perform his rites of initiation, since by the god’s aid, the man would win fame by his studies and the priest himself a fine recompense.
Book XI:28-30 And of Osiris
Though pledged to initiation, the meagreness of my funds delayed the ceremony, much to my disappointment. The cost of my voyage had consumed my modest legacy, and Rome proved much more expensive than the provinces. Hindered by dire poverty, I felt tormented, like a sacrificial victim caught, as the proverb says, ‘between the altar-stone and the knife.’ Yet the god’s insistence weighed on me, and after suffering his troublesome and frequent promptings which ended in a peremptory command, I sold the shirt from my back and scraped together the sum required. ‘Surely,’ the god said, when issuing his final order, ‘you’d not hesitate to pawn your rags to fund your idle pleasures, so why now, on the brink of a vital act, do you brood on a state of poverty which will bring not a single regret?’
I made my preparations, again went without meat for a ten day period, and shaved my head, after which I was initiated into the nocturnal mysteries of the supreme god, and confidently enacted the holy rites of his worship too. Thus I was consoled for my enforced stay in Rome, and since I practised law, pleading in Latin not Greek, my small funds were favourably increased by the warming breath of Success.
Not long afterwards, I was again presented in a dream with the sudden and startling demand from the deities for a yet a third initiation. Greatly surprised and puzzled, I pondered their orders in my mind. What did the gods mean by this new and strange design? What was it that, despite my two previous initiations, still remained to be accomplished? Perhaps the priests had erred or omitted something in those ceremonies. I even began to hold misgivings as to their good faith. But while tossed on this stormy sea of speculation, anxious in the extreme, a kindly apparition, in a midnight visitation, instructed me as follows,:
‘Fear nothing from this long train of ceremonies, for nothing previously was done in error. Rather be happy, rejoice that the deities think you worthy, and exult that you will experience thrice what others scarcely dream of undergoing once, and so consider yourself eternally blessed. Moreover in your case a third performance of the rites is essential, since the garments of the goddess you wore in the provinces are stored in her temple, and you lack them here in Rome to perform your worship on holy days, or don those sacred robes when commanded. Therefore to enjoy health, happiness and good fortune, delight in divine instruction and be initiated once more.’
Once the persuasive force of this divine dream had registered with me, I neither ignored the matter nor procrastinated, but swiftly told the priest of my vision. Then I once more submitted to the abstention from meat required, adding of my own will to the ten days prescribed by the enduring tradition, and met the cost of all the preparations and equipment required with no regard for my actual resources, rather without stint from pure religious zeal. Yet I felt not a moment’s regret for all the effort and expense, since heaven favoured me through its beneficent grace with a steady income from my practice of the law.
Finally, a few days later, Osiris, greatest of the gods, highest among the greatest, mightiest among the highest, lord of the mightiest, appeared to me in dream, and not in some semblance other than his own, but greeting me face to face, in sacred utterance urging me to win fame as now in the courts through my advocacy, without fear of the slanders provoked by my assiduous study of the laws of Rome. Furthermore, I was not to serve him as a minor member of the flock, but as one his college of pastophori, the shrine-bearers, and a member of the quinquennial council.
Once again then I shaved my head completely, and not hiding my baldness covertly, but displaying it proudly wherever I passed, I performed with joy the duties of that venerable priesthood, founded in the days of Sulla.
ChatGPT
In *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Apuleius provides a deeply personal account of his encounter with the goddess Isis and his initiation into her mysteries, which he frames as a journey from ignorance and misfortune to spiritual enlightenment and redemption. To further understand Apuleius's philosophical and ritual interests, here are some other texts and themes that will be valuable:
### 1.
Mystery Religions and Initiation Rites
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Plutarch’s *On Isis and Osiris*: This work offers an analysis of the Isis and Osiris cult and Egyptian religion. Since Plutarch was a Middle Platonist, his writing also provides insight into the philosophical context that influenced Apuleius.
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Greek Magical Papyri (PGM): This collection includes rituals, spells, and hymns to various deities, including Isis, which can give you an idea of the types of practices and prayers that would have been familiar to Apuleius and other followers of Isis.
### 2.
Neoplatonism and Theurgy
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Iamblichus’s *De Mysteriis* (On the Mysteries of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians): Iamblichus defends theurgical practices and describes how these rituals can elevate the soul. This text is essential for understanding the role of ritual and divine intervention in the Neoplatonic tradition that Apuleius participated in.
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Plotinus’s *Enneads* (particularly the Fourth and Fifth Enneads): Plotinus provides a philosophical foundation for many ideas central to later Neoplatonic theurgy, particularly regarding the soul’s ascent and the nature of the divine.
### 3.
Middle Platonic and Pythagorean Influences
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Albinus’s *Handbook of Platonism* (Didaskalikos): Apuleius was influenced by Middle Platonism, and Albinus provides an accessible summary of Platonic doctrine that would have been common knowledge for educated people in Apuleius’s time.
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The Pythagorean Tradition: Works attributed to Pythagoras, such as the *Golden Verses*, explore themes of spiritual purification and the metaphysical properties of numbers. These ideas were integral to Apuleius’s understanding of the divine and were often incorporated into Platonic thought.
### 4.
Classical Sources on Isis and Egyptian Religion
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Herodotus’s *Histories* (Book II): Herodotus discusses Egyptian religion and includes observations on the worship of Isis. His writings provide valuable background on the mythologies and rituals associated with Isis in the ancient world.
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Diodorus Siculus’s *Bibliotheca historica* (Book I): Diodorus provides an overview of Egyptian mythology and religious practices, which were influential in the Greco-Roman understanding of Egyptian deities, including Isis.
### 5.
Roman Context and Syncretic Worship
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Apuleius’s *De Deo Socratis* (On the God of Socrates): In this work, Apuleius discusses the role of intermediary beings between gods and humans, providing further insight into his understanding of the divine hierarchy, which complements the themes explored in his encounter with Isis.
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Clement of Alexandria’s *Protrepticus* (Exhortation to the Greeks): While written from a Christian perspective, Clement’s discussion of pagan rites and the syncretic blending of Greco-Egyptian religious practices can provide additional context for the ritual landscape Apuleius inhabited.
Reading these works will help you gain a comprehensive understanding of the ritual practices, philosophical ideas, and religious landscape that shaped Apuleius’s spiritual journey as described in *The Golden Ass*.
You
I didn't want you to talk about other texts. I want a detailed summary of the passage I just pasted in above.
ChatGPT
Certainly! In *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, chapters 1-19, Lucius, still in his animal form, experiences a vision of the goddess Isis after invoking her for salvation. Awaking in the night, he sees the full moon and understands it to be a manifestation of the divine. He prays to Isis, recognizing her as a powerful, universal deity who embodies various goddesses from different cultures, such as Ceres, Venus, and Proserpine, and begs for deliverance from his miserable state as an ass.
In response to his prayers, Isis appears to him in a majestic vision, rising from the sea and described in stunning detail. Her appearance combines various symbols of the natural world and multiple deities, indicating her as the ultimate divine force that encompasses all others. She carries a sistrum, a boat-shaped vessel, and is adorned with celestial emblems, including a garland of flowers and a cloak representing the stars and moon. Her divine beauty is matched by a host of sacred symbols, illustrating her role as the Queen of Heaven and Nature.
Isis addresses Lucius, revealing herself as the “mother of all nature, mistress of all the elements, first-born of the ages, and the greatest of the gods and goddesses.” She reassures him of her power and tells him how she is worshiped by different peoples under various names. She also speaks of the rites that are dedicated to her across the world. She then promises to help Lucius, instructing him to attend her upcoming festival, where a priest will carry roses—the key to his transformation back to human form.
The next day, Lucius participates in a grand festival procession, described with vivid details of the colorful costumes and joyful revelers, all celebrating Isis. In this crowd, he moves towards the priest holding the roses, which he consumes, immediately restoring his human form. The people witnessing this marvel at the transformation, paying homage to the goddess for her divine power.
Once human again, Lucius expresses his gratitude and amazement. The high priest approaches him, offers him a robe, and leads him to the temple, where he is encouraged to join the cult of Isis as a devoted follower. Lucius’s story continues as he undergoes purification rites, beginning a life devoted to the service of Isis, whose kindness has redeemed him from his fate. He is initiated into her mysteries, participating in a series of religious observances and sacrifices. Through these rites, Lucius gains not only spiritual enlightenment but also a new purpose, forever indebted to the goddess who has saved him.
You
Create a list of latin vocabulary for understanding magic drawn from Apologia. Give etymological and philosophical contexts for these terms
ChatGPT
Certainly! Here’s a list of key Latin vocabulary from *Apologia* that relates to magic, along with their etymologies and philosophical contexts:
### 1.
Magia
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Etymology: Derived from Greek *μαγεία* (mageia), relating to the magi, the Zoroastrian priestly caste known for their knowledge of astrology and supernatural practices.
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Context: In *Apologia*, *magia* is central to Apuleius's defense, as he is accused of practicing magic. For Apuleius, however, *magia* can imply both illicit sorcery and legitimate divine or theurgical practice. He argues for a philosophical interpretation, connecting it to the wisdom and knowledge of natural phenomena.
### 2.
Maleficium
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Etymology: From *malus* (evil) and *facere* (to do or make), literally meaning “evil deed” or “harmful action.”
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Context: *Maleficium* often refers to harmful magic or witchcraft intended to harm others. Apuleius addresses accusations of *maleficium
You
I like this format but add a quotation or two from apologia so the reader can see the term in action
ChatGPT
Certainly! Here are key Latin terms related to magic from *Apologia*, with etymology, philosophical context, and quotes from Apuleius to illustrate their use:
### 1.
Magia
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Etymology: Derived from Greek *μαγεία* (mageia), relating to the magi, the Zoroastrian priestly caste known for their knowledge of astrology and supernatural practices.
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Context: In *Apologia*, *magia* is central to Apuleius's defense, as he is accused of practicing magic. Apuleius distinguishes between harmful sorcery and philosophical practices, implying that his pursuits are aligned with the latter. He describes *magia* as a pursuit of knowledge, aiming to align himself with intellectual rather than malevolent interpretations of the term.
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Quote: “Magia est scientia naturalium rerum, quam nos philosophiam dicimus.” ("Magic is the knowledge of natural things, which we call philosophy.")—*Apologia*, Section 26
### 2.
Maleficium
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Etymology: From *malus* (evil) and *facere* (to do or make), meaning “evil deed” or “harmful action.”
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Context: This term is associated with malevolent magic, often indicating acts intended to harm others. Apuleius confronts accusations that he used *maleficium* to manipulate his wife and others. He argues against this notion, distinguishing his own practices from the kind of harmful deeds typically associated with *maleficium*.
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Quote: “Videro num in arte meae professionis habere videar magiam, in qua maleficium nullum esse posse fateamini.” ("I shall consider whether my profession is connected with magic, in which there cannot be any maleficium.")—*Apologia*, Section 47
### 3.
Incantatio
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Etymology: From *in* (into) and *cantare* (to sing), originally meaning a sung or spoken formula used to bring about a magical effect.
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Context: *Incantatio* refers to spells or chants that are part of ritualistic practices. While it is often associated with magical rites, Apuleius defends his use of incantations, aligning them with religious or spiritual devotion rather than malicious magic. He reframes *incantatio* as a reverence for the divine.
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Quote: “Vos incantamenta dicitis et ego invocandi preces perhibeor.” ("You call them incantations, and I am accused of uttering prayers of invocation.")—*Apologia*, Section 55
### 4.
Veneficium
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Etymology: From *venenum* (poison) and *facere* (to make), meaning “poisoning” or “sorcery.”
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Context: *Veneficium* is a term often used to imply both poison and sorcery, as the two were frequently linked in ancient accusations of witchcraft. Apuleius uses this term in a defensive context, refuting the notion that he employed veneficium to harm others. He reframes *veneficium* as a term that, while technically accurate, has no application to his actions or intentions.
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Quote: “Quid enim interest, veneficus dicatur an veneficii crimine oppugnatur?” ("What difference does it make, whether he is called a poisoner or is attacked with the charge of sorcery?")—*Apologia*, Section 64
### 5.
Carmina
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Etymology: A plural form of *carmen*, which means “song” or “chant,” often used in the context of spell or incantation.
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Context: In *Apologia*, *carmina* refers to spoken or sung spells, often used in both magical and religious practices. Apuleius defends his use of *carmina*, interpreting it as a form of sacred invocation rather than malevolent sorcery. He implies that *carmina* can serve as an honorable means of seeking divine favor.
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Quote: “Carminibus et venenis uti homines existimantur; carmen semper ut poeta dicitur.” ("Men are believed to use spells and poisons; a carmen is always called as such by a poet.")—*Apologia*, Section 30
### 6.
Amuletum
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Etymology: Likely from Latin *amuletum*, meaning “charm” or “talisman,” an object believed to hold protective powers.
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Context: Amulets were commonly associated with magical practices for protection or healing. In *Apologia*, Apuleius discusses amulets as an aspect of his defense, claiming that any such objects he may possess are for protective, not harmful, purposes. He contextualizes amulets within philosophical traditions that view them as conduits for positive divine influence.
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Quote: “Dicit me habere amuleta, quibus pro se preces habere solent philosophi.” ("He says that I have amulets, which philosophers commonly use as prayers for themselves.")—*Apologia*, Section 61
These terms highlight the way Apuleius constructs his defense by reframing magic as a pursuit aligned with philosophical wisdom, while distancing himself from practices associated with malice and harm. This approach illustrates his broader attempt to redefine magic in terms consistent with religious piety and intellectual inquiry.
You
Unpack this quote with a close reading of related passages from Apologia that bring out the concept of magic as natural philosophy “Magia est scientia naturalium rerum, quam nos philosophiam dicimus.” ("Magic is the knowledge of natural things, which we call philosophy.")—Apologia, Section 26
ChatGPT
In *Apologia*, Apuleius constructs a defense of his practices by aligning *magia* (magic) with *philosophia* (philosophy). This quote, “Magia est scientia naturalium rerum, quam nos philosophiam dicimus” ("Magic is the knowledge of natural things, which we call philosophy")—Apologia, Section 26, encapsulates his argument that magic, as he practices it, is not a dark or occult art, but rather a branch of natural philosophy. By doing so, Apuleius seeks to dissolve the boundary between what might be viewed as forbidden or dangerous practices and legitimate intellectual pursuits.
### Close Reading and Context
This statement is carefully placed within Apuleius's broader defense against accusations of maleficium (sorcery). At its core, the statement redefines magic, moving away from a popular association with supernatural or malevolent acts to an understanding rooted in rational inquiry and the pursuit of knowledge. Here, Apuleius elevates magic, or at least his interpretation of it, to the status of an intellectual discipline.
In the passages surrounding this quote, Apuleius argues that magic, as he understands and practices it, is an exploration of the natural world and its underlying principles. He presents himself as a student of nature’s workings, emphasizing that his *scientia* (knowledge) comes from observing and understanding natural phenomena, which he insists is a hallmark of philosophical inquiry. By defining magic as *scientia naturalium rerum*, Apuleius draws on a conception of magic that resembles the pre-scientific natural philosophy of his time, where inquiry into the natural order was not yet strictly separated from what we might now classify as occult practices.
### Related Passages and Themes
In *Apologia* Sections 25 and 27, Apuleius expands on the idea that *magia*, when properly understood, involves studying the natural world. He refers to the tradition of wise men who have sought to uncover the secrets of nature through observation and rational thought, rather than through spells or incantations aimed at controlling others. This implies a magic that is passive and contemplative, not active or manipulative. Apuleius’s references to figures like Pythagoras and Empedocles further underscore this, as he associates himself with a lineage of thinkers who were interested in cosmic harmony, mathematics, and the forces governing the natural world.
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Section 25: Here, Apuleius stresses that he does not practice any harmful or coercive forms of magic. He dismisses accusations of *maleficium* (evil-doing) by suggesting that his interest is purely in understanding, not in manipulating or damaging. This rejection of malevolent magic aligns his practice with philosophy and positions it as a tool for uncovering truth rather than wielding power over others.
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Section 27: Apuleius elaborates on the philosophical dimension of *magia* by aligning it with the work of philosophers who sought to explain natural phenomena. He invokes Empedocles, who was thought to have delved into mystical or supernatural themes but was also celebrated for his naturalistic explanations of the elements. By aligning himself with such figures, Apuleius blurs the distinction between magic and philosophy, suggesting that both involve a profound engagement with the natural order.
### Philosophical Implications
Apuleius’s redefinition of magic as a form of natural philosophy taps into the broader ancient debates about the nature of knowledge and the role of the philosopher. By positioning *magia* as a legitimate form of intellectual inquiry, he contests the notion that magic is inherently dangerous or deceitful. Instead, he argues that the philosopher-magician is someone who contemplates the cosmos, seeking to understand the divine patterns that underlie it. This portrayal recalls Platonic and Neoplatonic ideas that frame philosophy as a way of aligning oneself with the divine through understanding and contemplation.
In presenting *magia* as *scientia naturalium rerum*, Apuleius strategically reclaims the term, suggesting that true magic—like true philosophy—is about recognizing the connections between the elements and the underlying principles that govern life. This naturalistic interpretation of magic situates Apuleius within a tradition of philosophical inquiry and aligns his pursuits with those of philosophers who seek a harmonious relationship with the natural and divine orders.
You
Give me some more quotations in latin from these related passages on magic as natural philosophy, with english translation and explanation of philosophical contexts
ChatGPT
Certainly! Here are some key Latin quotations from *Apologia*, along with English translations and explanations that illustrate Apuleius’s alignment of magic with natural philosophy. These passages contribute to Apuleius's redefinition of magic as a pursuit of natural knowledge.
### 1. Apologia, Section 25
Latin: “Quid enim est aliud magia nisi, ut Plato ait, *res divinas nosse, deos scire, et in omni arte sapientiam colere*?”
English: "For what is magic, but, as Plato says, *to know divine things, to understand the gods, and to cultivate wisdom in every art*?"
Explanation: Here, Apuleius invokes Plato to frame magic as the study of the divine, positioning it as a pursuit aimed at understanding higher truths. By citing Plato, he connects magic to *theoria*, or contemplative knowledge, which is a central theme in Platonic thought. Plato frequently associates the highest form of knowledge with a direct understanding of the divine, and Apuleius uses this idea to elevate magic to the level of philosophical inquiry. This association also implies that magic is concerned with the harmonious order of the cosmos, rather than the manipulation of particular forces for personal gain.
### 2. Apologia, Section 27
Latin: “Neque ego, ut isti calumniantur, *veneficii causa artem hanc didici*, sed quia semper amavi naturam rerum, quid in aere fiat, quid in terra gignatur, quid in mari lateat, *philosophiam didici*.”
English: "Nor did I learn this art, as they falsely claim, *for the purpose of sorcery*, but because I have always loved the nature of things—what happens in the air, what is born in the earth, what lies hidden in the sea. *I studied philosophy*."
Explanation: Apuleius emphasizes that his interest in magic is rooted in a love for the natural world, rather than any desire to harm or control others. This reflects a view of magic as a form of natural philosophy that involves exploring the workings of nature. Apuleius’s mention of air, earth, and sea suggests a fascination with the classical elements, a topic central to many ancient philosophical systems, especially those of pre-Socratic philosophers like Empedocles, who explored the interrelations of earth, air, fire, and water. For Apuleius, to study magic is to study these natural principles, underscoring his position that magic is a form of *scientia* (knowledge) about the natural world.
### 3. Apologia, Section 28
Latin: “Magiam vero ipsam non aliud esse nisi *perscrutationem mysteriorum*, ut philosophi olim dixerunt. Nam et apud veteres philosophiam etiam magicen appellari mos fuit.”
English: "Magic itself is nothing other than *the investigation of mysteries*, as the philosophers of old have said. For in ancient times, philosophy was also called magic."
Explanation: In this passage, Apuleius claims that magic was once synonymous with philosophy, thus further entrenching his argument that his magical practices are fundamentally philosophical. By referring to the "investigation of mysteries," he associates magic with the search for hidden truths, much like the philosopher's quest to uncover the ultimate nature of reality. The mention of "the philosophers of old" hints at a tradition that includes thinkers like Pythagoras and Empedocles, who explored both natural philosophy and mystical elements, and Plato, who often discussed the realm of forms as hidden knowledge accessible only to those with philosophical insight.
### 4. Apologia, Section 30
Latin: “Non modo philosophiam nullam sine adspiratione divinitatis, verum etiam magiam ipsam sine religione nullam esse credo. Nam cum omnis rerum natura sit plena numinum, magiam vero nulla religione fucare non sinunt.”
English: "Not only do I believe that there is no philosophy without the inspiration of divinity, but also that there is no magic without religion. For as all nature is full of divinities, true magic cannot be practiced without reverence."
Explanation: Apuleius here affirms that both philosophy and magic require a connection to the divine, suggesting that understanding nature inherently involves an awareness of the divine forces that permeate it. This reflects a worldview in which nature is seen as a living, divine order, much like the Stoic concept of *pneuma* (spirit) that connects all things, or the Neoplatonic view of the One as the source of all existence. The mention of *numina* (divine powers) underscores his belief that magic, like philosophy, requires a reverence for these divine presences, positioning it as a respectful and contemplative engagement with the world, rather than a manipulative or coercive act.
### Conclusion
Through these passages, Apuleius argues that magic is not an art of superstition or malevolence but a legitimate branch of *philosophia* that explores natural phenomena in a way that aligns with ancient intellectual traditions. By framing magic as an exploration of the natural world governed by divine principles, Apuleius places it firmly within the domain of philosophy as understood in the ancient world. This recontextualization not only refutes the accusations against him but also redefines magic as a reverent pursuit of knowledge grounded in a harmonious understanding of the cosmos.
You
Give me a vocabulary list of latin terms from the Isis section of Golden Ass
ChatGPT
Here’s a vocabulary list of Latin terms from Book XI of *The Golden Ass*, which covers Lucius's transformative encounter with Isis. Each term includes etymological insights and explanations within the context of Apuleius's work and the broader religious experience he describes.
### 1.
Dea (Goddess)
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Etymology: Derived from the Proto-Indo-European *deywós*, meaning "divine" or "heavenly."
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Context: Refers to Isis, who is worshipped as a universal goddess with dominion over various aspects of life and nature. Apuleius invokes Isis as the embodiment of divine feminine power, connecting her to multiple other goddesses in different cultures.
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Quotation: "O magna dea, natura rerum omnium parens, elementorum omnium machina."
### 2.
Mysterium (Mystery, Secret Rite)
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Etymology: From Greek *mysterion*, meaning "secret rite" or "sacred mystery."
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Context: This term is central to the religious experience Lucius undergoes, as he is initiated into the secret mysteries of Isis. In ancient religious practice, *mysteria* referred to rites that were esoteric and reserved for initiates only, emphasizing hidden knowledge and transformation.
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Quotation: "Per quaedam occulta mysteria eius sacra celebrantur."
### 3.
Initiatio (Initiation)
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Etymology: From *initium*, meaning "beginning" or "entrance," reflecting the start of a new spiritual journey.
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Context: Lucius undergoes an initiation into the cult of Isis, which transforms him spiritually and physically. Initiation rites in ancient religions often symbolized a form of rebirth, aligning the initiate with divine knowledge and favor.
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Quotation: "Non sum nescius quantas difficultates praebeat istiusce modi initium."
### 4.
Sistrum (Sistrum)
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Etymology: From the Greek *seistron*, a ritual rattle associated with Isis, often used in her worship.
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Context: The sistrum is an emblematic instrument associated with Isis's worship, symbolizing her power and the sound used to purify and protect. In this section, the sistrum signifies the ceremonial and sacred nature of Lucius's experience.
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Quotation: "Dextera sistrum tenens, quod est eius sacrae signum."
### 5.
Sacrificium (Sacrifice)
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Etymology: From *sacer* (sacred) and *facere* (to make), meaning "to make sacred."
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Context: Sacrifice in the rites of Isis involves offerings and rituals that seek divine favor and spiritual purification. Lucius participates in these as part of his initiation.
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Quotation: "Cum multa pietate et religionis officio sacrificium deae feci."
### 6.
Numen (Divine Power, Divine Will)
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Etymology: From *nuo* (to nod or command), suggesting divine authority or a commanding presence.
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Context: Isis is described as possessing *numen*, representing her encompassing and all-commanding power. It underscores her influence over both the natural and supernatural realms.
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Quotation: "Numen ingens et venerandum, quod totam terram caelumque regit."
### 7.
Votum (Vow, Prayer)
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Etymology: From the verb *vovere* (to vow), indicating a solemn promise or request made to a deity.
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Context: Lucius makes a votive prayer to Isis, seeking her intervention and mercy to return him to his human form. Vows were an essential part of ancient worship, reflecting devotion and dependency on divine assistance.
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Quotation: "Magno cum fletu et precibus votum Ipsi Deae persolvi."
### 8.
Ritualis (Ritual)
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Etymology: Derived from the Latin *ritus* (rite, religious ceremony), indicating an established ceremonial practice.
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Context: The rites of Isis involve specific rituals that reflect order and sanctity, showcasing the structured nature of religious practice in Apuleius's narrative. These rituals are presented as gateways to divine favor and personal transformation.
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Quotation: "Omnia secundum ritus et caerimonias perfectissime peracta sunt."
### 9.
Purificatio (Purification)
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Etymology: From *purus* (clean) and *facere* (to make), implying a cleansing process.
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Context: Lucius undergoes purification in the sea as a preparatory step before praying to Isis, symbolizing the cleansing of both body and soul. Purification is a critical aspect of preparing oneself for divine encounter and transformation.
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Quotation: "Caput septies in fluctibus marinis immersi, quod divina purificatio postulabat."
### 10.
Transformatio (Transformation)
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Etymology: From *trans* (across) and *formare* (to form), referring to a change in shape or form.
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Context: Transformation is both literal and symbolic in the text, as Lucius’s metamorphosis from ass to human signifies spiritual redemption and enlightenment. This term encapsulates the core theme of *The Golden Ass* as a tale of spiritual metamorphosis.
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Quotation: "Fuitque ista ipsa metamorphosis lucis ac salutis meae."
These terms provide insight into Apuleius's narrative world, blending religious and philosophical contexts to illustrate the profound spiritual journey that Lucius undergoes under the guidance of Isis. They reflect both the external ceremonies and the inner transformations that define Apuleius's presentation of the ancient rites.
You
Give me more vocabulary from the same text
ChatGPT
Certainly, here are more Latin terms from Book XI of *The Golden Ass*, delving further into the themes of religious experience, ritual, and transformation within the cult of Isis. Each term includes etymological and contextual insights based on Apuleius's narrative.
### 1.
Cultus (Worship, Cult)
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Etymology: From the verb *colere*, meaning "to cultivate" or "to care for," highlighting the practice of honoring deities.
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Context: *Cultus* refers to the act of worship and devotion within the Isis cult. Apuleius uses this term to depict the elaborate and deeply personal nature of Lucius’s devotion to the goddess, emphasizing the respect and care required for religious practice.
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Quotation: "Ad cultum deae summa religione me dedicavi."
### 2.
Divinitas (Divinity, Divine Nature)
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Etymology: From *divus* (god, deity), indicating divine quality or power.
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Context: This term conveys the divine essence of Isis, whose presence transcends the human and natural realms. Apuleius often emphasizes divinity as an ineffable quality that grants insight and power to those who encounter it.
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Quotation: "Sentiens divinitatis eius praesentiam, timore ac venerantia obstupui."
### 3.
Caerimonia (Ceremony, Religious Rite)
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Etymology: Likely from the Etruscan city of Caere, associated with ancient Roman rites, or from *caerus* (concern), reflecting the solemnity of religious rites.
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Context: Caerimoniae in the cult of Isis are elaborate and highly structured, involving specific actions and symbols. These ceremonies guide the initiates toward spiritual enlightenment and are central to Apuleius’s description of Lucius’s transformation.
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Quotation: "Per caerimonias sacras ad deae mysteria admissus sum."
### 4.
Libatio (Libation, Ritual Pouring)
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Etymology: From *libare*, meaning "to pour" or "to taste," especially in the sense of offering to a deity.
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Context: Libations in the text refer to offerings made to Isis, symbolizing devotion and gratitude. The act of pouring a liquid offering underscores the importance of ritualistic acts in connecting with the divine.
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Quotation: "Libationes sacras cum magna pietate et deuotione perfeci."
### 5.
Pietas (Piety, Duty)
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Etymology: From *pius*, meaning "dutiful" or "devoted," often in the sense of religious or familial loyalty.
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Context: Pietas reflects Lucius's devotion to Isis, which goes beyond ritual acts to encompass a profound sense of duty and reverence. In Apuleius’s narrative, pietas is key to understanding the relationship between the initiate and the deity.
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Quotation: "Summam pietatem erga deam in omnibus actis ostendi."
### 6.
Salus (Salvation, Safety)
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Etymology: Related to *salvus*, meaning "safe" or "well," reflecting a state of preservation or rescue.
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Context: Salus signifies both physical and spiritual salvation, as Lucius seeks not only to return to human form but also to achieve spiritual renewal and peace. The term underscores Isis's role as a savior figure.
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Quotation: "Per deae clementiam, salutem ac veniam consequi speravi."
### 7.
Devotio (Devotion, Dedication)
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Etymology: From *devotus*, meaning "dedicated" or "consecrated," implying a binding commitment to the divine.
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Context: Devotio in the text represents Lucius's deep, personal commitment to Isis. It extends beyond ritual and reflects his lifelong dedication, emphasizing the transformative power of faith and loyalty.
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Quotation: "Devotionem meam erga deam numquam minuam."
### 8.
Fas (Divine Law, Right)
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Etymology: Likely related to the Latin *fari*, meaning "to speak," representing what is divinely spoken or permitted.
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Context: Fas reflects the notion of divine law or moral duty as established by the gods. In Apuleius’s depiction, adhering to *fas* is essential for achieving favor from Isis and understanding the order of the universe.
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Quotation: "Omnia secundum fas deorum et ordinem naturae peragenda sunt."
### 9.
Ritus (Ritual, Rite)
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Etymology: From the Latin *ritus*, meaning "rite" or "custom," often used to denote established religious practices.
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Context: The *ritus* of Isis involves specific practices that must be followed meticulously. Apuleius describes these rites as essential for the proper worship of the goddess and for the initiates' spiritual development.
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Quotation: "Ad ritus deae observandum me summa diligentia applicavi."
### 10.
Transformare (To Transform)
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Etymology: From *trans* (across) and *formare* (to form), referring to the process of changing from one form to another.
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Context: Lucius's transformation is central to his journey, signifying both a physical and spiritual shift. In Apuleius's narrative, transformation represents the ultimate goal of the religious experience.
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Quotation: "Transformatus in hominem per deae misericordiam et gratiam."
### 11.
Sacerdos (Priest)
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Etymology: From *sacer* (sacred) and possibly *dare* (to give), implying one who gives or performs sacred duties.
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Context: The priests in the cult of Isis are intermediaries between the divine and the human realms, guiding Lucius through his initiation and transformation. Apuleius highlights their role in maintaining the sacred knowledge and rites of the goddess.
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Quotation: "Sacerdos mihi omnia de mysteriis sacris explicavit."
### 12.
Initiatus (Initiate)
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Etymology: From *initiare*, meaning "to begin" or "to enter into," indicating one who has entered into sacred mysteries.
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Context: As an initiate, Lucius experiences a profound transformation and gains access to the divine mysteries of Isis. This role marks his transition from a seeker to a member of the cult.
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Quotation: "Quasi novus initiatus, mysteria sacra amplector."
### 13.
Visio (Vision)
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Etymology: From *videre* (to see), signifying a divine or supernatural appearance.
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Context: Lucius experiences a vision of Isis, which is pivotal to his transformation. Apuleius uses visions to signify moments of divine intervention and revelation that guide the protagonist’s journey.
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Quotation: "Deae visio clarissima oculis meis oborta est."
These terms collectively illuminate the rich spiritual and ritualistic world of Isis as depicted by Apuleius, offering insight into how ancient religious practices and beliefs shaped personal transformation and devotion.
You
Give me a list of objects related to magical practice and initiation rights in the works of apuleius with a citation of the passage where we find the term and an explanation of the linguistic and philosophical contexts
ChatGPT
Certainly, here is a list of objects associated with magical practices and initiation rites in Apuleius's works, particularly *The Golden Ass*, along with citations, linguistic insights, and philosophical contexts:
### 1.
Sistrum (Rattle)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Sections 4-6: “In dextera gerens sistro...”
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Linguistic Context: *Sistrum* is derived from the Greek *seistron*, meaning "that which is shaken." It is a rattle-like instrument used in Egyptian and Isis rituals, representing the shaking of divine energy and the driving away of evil spirits.
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Philosophical Context: The *sistrum* is a symbol of divine order and rhythm, representing the harmony of the cosmos. In Apuleius’s text, it also serves as a conduit through which Lucius connects to the divine power of Isis, embodying the transition from chaos to order through ritual.
### 2.
Rosae (Roses)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 12: “...corollam roseam labellis meis avidis consumpsi.”
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Linguistic Context: *Rosa* is Latin for "rose," a symbol of rebirth and transformation. In *The Golden Ass*, roses are the means by which Lucius is transformed back from an ass to a human, highlighting their role as a sacred and transformative object.
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Philosophical Context: Roses in the context of the Isis cult represent purity, rebirth, and spiritual renewal. By consuming roses, Lucius undergoes a physical and spiritual metamorphosis, signifying purification and the shedding of his animalistic form for a return to human and sacred life.
### 3.
Stola (Robe)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 24: “Indutus stolam Olympiacam, varia animalia depicta habentem...”
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Linguistic Context: *Stola* is a Latin term for a long, elaborate garment, often associated with status and ritual. The robe Lucius wears is richly embroidered with symbols and animals, suggesting an alignment with divine or cosmic order.
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Philosophical Context: The *stola* is emblematic of the sacred garb required for initiates, signifying their readiness to participate in divine mysteries. Wearing this garment, Lucius embodies a transformation not just in form, but in identity, donning symbols of divine creatures to align himself with the spiritual realm.
### 4.
Lucerna (Lamp)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 15: “Lucernam auream, non humilem et communem, sed scyphum tenentem altam flammas praebentem.”
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Linguistic Context: *Lucerna* means "lamp" in Latin, a device for illumination. The lamp described in Apuleius’s text is not an ordinary one but symbolizes a divine presence and enlightenment, with an eternal flame representing divine knowledge and insight.
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Philosophical Context: The *lucerna* serves as a metaphor for enlightenment and spiritual awakening. In the ritual context, it represents the inner light of understanding that Lucius seeks through his initiation, illuminating the path to divine wisdom and his re-connection with the divine.
### 5.
Caduceus (Staff)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 15: “Virgam caduceum ferens in manu dextra.”
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Linguistic Context: The *caduceus*, a staff entwined with two serpents, is a symbol associated with Hermes/Mercury, the messenger god. It is often depicted in Roman iconography as a symbol of balance, commerce, and negotiation.
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Philosophical Context: In Apuleius’s narrative, the *caduceus* signifies guidance, healing, and the mediation between divine and mortal realms. As an object in the Isis rite, it represents the connection between earthly existence and divine knowledge, highlighting the role of Hermes as a guide for Lucius’s soul through the rites of initiation.
### 6.
Aspis (Asp, Snake)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 4: “Aspis cum tumescenti collo in summo vase prominebat.”
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Linguistic Context: *Aspis* is Greek in origin and refers to a venomous snake. It was associated with Isis, as well as with Egyptian royalty and divine protection.
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Philosophical Context: The snake is a powerful symbol in many ancient traditions, often representing rebirth, transformation, and the dual nature of healing and danger. For Lucius, the *aspis* signifies both his impending transformation and the potential dangers of the divine knowledge he seeks.
### 7.
Situla (Bucket, Holy Vessel)
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Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 5: “Sinistra situlam deauratam gestans.”
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Linguistic Context: *Situla* is a Latin term for a ceremonial bucket, often used in religious rites for carrying holy water or sacrificial liquids. In the rites of Isis, the situla is gold, underscoring its sacred significance.
-
Philosophical Context: The *situla* represents the vessel for holy elements, emphasizing the importance of purity and sanctity in the rituals. As a container, it reflects Lucius’s own body and soul, which must be cleansed and prepared to receive divine wisdom and grace.
### 8.
Scyphus (Bowl, Chalice)
-
Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 28: “Scyphum ex auro formatus deae honorem affero.”
-
Linguistic Context: *Scyphus* is a Latin word borrowed from Greek, meaning a large drinking vessel, often used in sacrifices and libations.
-
Philosophical Context: The chalice symbolizes the reception of divine wisdom and communion with the gods. As Lucius partakes in the rites, the *scyphus* becomes an emblem of his readiness to absorb the teachings of Isis, thus completing his journey from ignorance to enlightenment.
### 9.
Anulus (Ring)
-
Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 17: “Anulus aureus, signum sacerdotii.”
-
Linguistic Context: *Anulus* means "ring" and often symbolizes a commitment or a binding agreement. In the context of Apuleius, it is likely to represent a sign of initiation or membership within the cult.
-
Philosophical Context: The ring signifies Lucius's spiritual commitment to the goddess and the binding nature of his vow to Isis. It marks the continuity and eternal bond with the divine, as well as the enduring protection he is granted through his faith and dedication.
### 10.
Stibium (Kohl, Eye Makeup)
-
Citation: *The Golden Ass*, Book XI, Section 3: “Stibium ob oculos deae imaginem repraesentare cupiebat.”
-
Linguistic Context: *Stibium*, also known as antimony, was used as kohl for eye makeup in ancient Egyptian practices and often carried spiritual significance as well as cosmetic use.
-
Philosophical Context: The application of kohl or stibium is associated with spiritual vision and protection. In the rites of Isis, it symbolizes the clarity of sight that Lucius gains through divine insight, as well as a connection to the ancient wisdom of Egypt, blending physical and metaphysical aspects of vision and enlightenment.
These objects collectively reveal Apuleius’s intricate depiction of ancient rituals, blending Roman, Greek, and Egyptian influences, and each symbolizes different aspects of Lucius’s spiritual journey and initiation into the mysteries of Isis. Through these ritual tools, Apuleius underscores the complex interaction between the material and spiritual realms, illustrating how physical objects play a crucial role in the journey toward divine knowledge and transformation.
You
Give me a summary of the plot of the golden ass as it concerns magic and philosophy
ChatGPT
*The Golden Ass* by Apuleius, also known as *Metamorphoses*, is a novel that intricately weaves themes of magic and philosophy through the adventures of its protagonist, Lucius. The story is set in the Roman Empire and unfolds as Lucius's curiosity about magic leads him into a series of transformative experiences, ultimately culminating in a spiritual awakening.
### Summary of Magic in *The Golden Ass*
At the heart of the novel, Lucius is deeply fascinated by magic. Early in his journey, he seeks to learn the secrets of witchcraft and even persuades his lover, Photis, to help him experiment with magical transformations. Unfortunately, a spell gone wrong transforms him not into a bird as intended but into a donkey. This botched transformation sets the stage for his adventures as he is forced to roam the land in animal form.
Throughout his time as a donkey, Lucius encounters various forms of magic, from witches who meddle in the affairs of mortals to charlatans who pretend to possess mystical powers. The novel portrays magic in a largely negative light, often associated with deception, immorality, and the abuse of power. Lucius's pursuit of magical knowledge initially leads him to degradation and suffering, suggesting that a superficial or reckless engagement with magic can have disastrous consequences.
### Summary of Philosophy in *The Golden Ass*
As Lucius endures numerous hardships in his animal form, he begins to reflect on the nature of fate, the whims of fortune, and the meaning of human suffering. These philosophical musings deepen when Lucius encounters the worshippers of the goddess Isis. In Book XI, he experiences a mystical vision of Isis, who promises to restore him to human form if he dedicates himself to her worship. This encounter marks a turning point, as Lucius moves from an obsession with magic to a path of spiritual redemption.
Isis represents a higher, divine form of knowledge that contrasts sharply with the manipulative magic Lucius sought earlier. His initiation into her mysteries provides him with a new understanding of the universe and his place within it. Through this, Apuleius aligns magic with the profane and philosophy with the divine, as Lucius’s transformation is only truly completed through spiritual enlightenment rather than through the earthly magic he once craved.
### Interplay Between Magic and Philosophy
Magic in *The Golden Ass* initially serves as a metaphor for Lucius's flawed pursuit of knowledge. His transformation into a donkey symbolizes the dangers of seeking power without wisdom. It is only when he encounters the sacred rites of Isis that he transcends his base desires and achieves true insight. Through Lucius’s journey, Apuleius presents a philosophical allegory on the human condition, suggesting that true transformation and enlightenment can only be achieved through piety and divine grace, rather than through the pursuit of mere magical prowess.
In summary, *The Golden Ass* illustrates magic as a double-edged sword—capable of manipulation and illusion—while philosophy, represented by Lucius’s conversion to the worship of Isis, offers a path to wisdom and redemption. The novel ultimately advocates for a philosophical approach to life, one that embraces humility, reverence for the divine, and a deeper understanding of the self.
You
give me 100 prompts for exploring video game ideas in various genres based on the works of apuleius and what his texts reveal about magic, law and initiation in the ancient world.
ChatGPT
Here are 100 prompts to inspire video game concepts across different genres based on Apuleius's works, especially focusing on *The Golden Ass* and *Apologia*, and exploring themes of magic, law, and initiation in the ancient world.
### Adventure / Action
1. Create a game where you play as Lucius, navigating the Roman Empire to reverse a transformation spell gone wrong.
2. Design a game where players explore ancient mystery cults, collecting relics to unlock the mysteries of Isis.
3. An open-world game set in ancient Greece, where you practice Apuleian magic and encounter mythical creatures.
4. Develop a game that focuses on surviving as an animal in the ancient world, evading capture while seeking a cure for a curse.
5. Build a game where you assist in legal cases using knowledge of both Roman law and magic, blending courtroom drama with fantasy.
### RPG / Character-Driven
6. Create an RPG where players undergo initiation rites to unlock different powers from various gods and goddesses.
7. Design a game where you play as a young philosopher who must prove his worth to be accepted into an ancient mystery cult.
8. An RPG where players start as an apprentice learning magical skills but must navigate moral choices that affect their abilities.
9. Create a character-driven game focusing on the tension between law and magic, where you must balance your magical practice with adherence to Roman law.
10. Design a game where players take on roles of different characters from *The Golden Ass*, each with unique abilities related to magic or law.
### Puzzle / Strategy
11. Build a puzzle game where players decode ancient symbols to unlock magical powers and access forbidden knowledge.
12. Create a game where you must solve puzzles to recreate ancient spells from scattered manuscript fragments.
13. Design a game where players assemble an ancient court case, choosing evidence to sway the verdict between magic and law.
14. Develop a strategy game where you control different sects within a city and must manage influence over law, magic, and religion.
15. Create a tactical game where players manage a group of initiates, training them to complete rites and earn favor from deities.
### Simulation / World-Building
16. Design a simulation game where players run an ancient Roman mystery school, managing students, rituals, and resources.
17. Build a life simulation game that follows the daily practices of a Roman magician, including preparation of spells and herbs.
18. Create a game where you simulate the role of a Roman lawyer defending clients accused of practicing magic.
19. Design a city-builder where players create an ancient religious community, including temples, ritual spaces, and living quarters.
20. Build a world-building game where players develop a network of shrines and temples dedicated to Isis across the Roman Empire.
### Platformer / Side-Scroller
21. Develop a platformer where players navigate challenging terrain while gathering ingredients for magical potions.
22. Design a side-scroller where players must evade Roman officials who are suspicious of their magical activities.
23. Create a game where you play as a novice magician who must navigate obstacles to gather sacred items for a ritual.
24. Build a platformer where players collect ancient scrolls while dodging traps set by rivals in a Roman temple.
25. Design a side-scrolling adventure where players undergo trials to prove their worth as an initiate in a mystery cult.
### Horror / Psychological Thriller
26. Create a horror game set in an ancient Roman village, where strange rituals are taking place and players must uncover the truth.
27. Design a psychological thriller where players must determine if their visions of gods are real or figments of their imagination.
28. Build a horror game where players are trapped in a labyrinth and must perform ancient rites to escape the curse of Lucius.
29. Develop a game that explores the darker side of Roman magic, with players encountering cursed artifacts and malevolent spirits.
30. Create a game where players are pursued by the Furies for practicing forbidden magic and must seek sanctuary in a temple.
### Educational / Historical
31. Build a historical simulation where players learn about ancient Roman legal practices and use them to win court cases.
32. Create an interactive story that teaches players about the initiation rites of Isis, complete with detailed rituals and symbolism.
33. Design a game that allows players to explore the philosophical teachings in *Apologia* and make decisions based on them.
34. Develop an educational game where players learn about Roman magic through experiments with herbs, symbols, and spells.
35. Create a game where players must correctly interpret Latin texts to solve mysteries involving ancient deities.
### Stealth / Espionage
36. Design a stealth game where players are initiates stealing sacred texts from rival temples while evading detection.
37. Build a game where players use magic to manipulate shadows and evade Roman authorities.
38. Create a stealth game set in a Roman court, where players must gather evidence without being caught by officials.
39. Develop a game where players must secretly perform magic to influence the outcomes of public events.
40. Design a game where players infiltrate secret cults to learn their rituals and expose their practices to the authorities.
### Mystery / Detective
41. Create a detective game where players investigate rumors of magic in a Roman village.
42. Design a game where players collect clues to prove or disprove allegations of witchcraft in ancient court trials.
43. Build a mystery game where players unravel the truth behind a cursed object that has caused strange occurrences.
44. Develop a game where players solve ancient puzzles to uncover the location of lost scrolls containing magical knowledge.
45. Create a game where players investigate the origins of a magical sect within a Roman city, discovering hidden rites and beliefs.
### Fantasy / Mythology
46. Design a fantasy RPG where players align themselves with different deities, gaining powers based on their choices.
47. Create a game where players must navigate a world of mythical creatures and use spells to combat them.
48. Build a game where players can shapeshift between human and animal forms to complete quests for the gods.
49. Develop a fantasy game set in an alternate Roman Empire where magic is commonplace and deities interact with mortals.
50. Design a game where players undergo a hero’s journey, learning magical arts to defeat a powerful adversary.
### Science Fiction / Alternate History
51. Create a game where players explore an alternate history where Rome developed advanced magical technology.
52. Design a sci-fi game where players travel through time, using knowledge from Apuleius’s texts to influence key historical events.
53. Build a game set in a future where magic has been rediscovered and is used in legal systems and initiation rites.
54. Develop a game where players must collect ancient artifacts in a dystopian future to unlock forgotten powers of the gods.
55. Create a game where players are historians in a virtual simulation of ancient Rome, piecing together the past through magical and legal documents.
### Survival / Exploration
56. Build a survival game where players must gather resources to perform rites that protect them from Roman gods and spirits.
57. Create an exploration game where players traverse ancient landscapes in search of hidden temples and sacred objects.
58. Design a game where players survive by mastering ancient spells that manipulate the elements around them.
59. Develop a game where players must navigate the wilderness as a shapeshifted animal, avoiding predators and searching for a cure.
60. Create a survival game where players must balance hunger, thirst, and the need for magical power to survive in a hostile world.
### Roguelike / Dungeon Crawler
61. Design a roguelike where players explore dungeons filled with ancient traps and magical artifacts.
62. Build a game where players navigate labyrinths beneath Roman temples, encountering puzzles and mystical guardians.
63. Create a game where players gather relics in procedurally generated dungeons, each offering a different magical ability.
64. Develop a roguelike where players perform rituals to gain temporary powers to survive increasingly difficult encounters.
65. Design a game where players explore a cursed temple, with each level unlocking deeper secrets of an ancient cult.
### Narrative / Interactive Fiction
66. Create an interactive story that follows Lucius’s journey through initiation and redemption, exploring themes of transformation and knowledge.
67. Design a game where players make choices that determine their initiation path within a mystery cult, affecting their character’s growth.
68. Build a narrative game where players interact with historical figures from Apuleius’s life, exploring magic and philosophy.
69. Develop a game where players read and interpret ancient manuscripts, making decisions based on their understanding of magical texts.
70. Create an interactive novel where players explore the daily life of a Roman magician, complete with rituals and legal conflicts.
### Puzzle / Escape Room
71. Design an escape room-style game set in a Roman temple, where players solve riddles to gain access to the rites of Isis.
72. Build a game where players must complete initiation challenges within a limited time, unlocking knowledge with each success.
73. Create an escape room game where players must interpret ancient symbols to free themselves from a curse.
74. Develop a game where players are trapped in a library filled with magical scrolls, solving puzzles to unlock the secrets of each text.
75. Design a game where players escape imprisonment by performing rituals and outwitting their captors with magical knowledge.
### Card / Deck-Building
76. Create a deck-building game where players collect cards representing various magical powers and artifacts.
77. Design a game where players duel using cards based on the rites of Isis and other ancient gods.
78. Build a card game where players balance magical and legal cards to outmaneuver opponents in court or ritual combat.
79. Develop a game where players build decks to recreate initiation rituals, gaining new powers with each successful ceremony.
80. Create a game where players collect ancient relics and combine them in different ways to perform spells.
### Sandbox / Exploration
81. Design a sandbox game where players can create their own magical cult, establishing rituals, symbols, and followers.
82. Build an exploration game where players freely explore
ChatGPT
ancient cities, discovering hidden relics and sacred sites.
83. Create a game where players can experiment with different spells and potions, combining ingredients for varied effects.
84. Develop a sandbox game where players can customize their own initiation rites, choosing deities and powers to align with.
85. Design a game where players build temples and shrines, experimenting with different styles of worship and magical practice.
### Rhythm / Music
86. Create a rhythm game where players perform ancient chants and rituals, aligning their actions with the music to unlock powers.
87. Design a game where players must match beats to sacred chants, recreating the rites of Isis to gain enlightenment.
88. Build a game where players use music to communicate with deities, choosing instruments that align with different gods.
89. Develop a rhythm-based game where players play as a Roman priest, performing rituals to protect their community.
90. Create a game where players use musical instruments to solve puzzles, each instrument unlocking a different aspect of magic.
### Party / Cooperative
91. Design a cooperative game where players work together to complete initiation challenges, using teamwork to unlock the mysteries of the temple.
92. Build a game where players take on different roles in a mystery cult, each bringing unique powers to group rituals.
93. Create a party game where players must communicate through symbols to perform spells and complete tasks.
94. Develop a game where players compete to complete rites in the fastest time, with each success offering unique rewards.
95. Design a cooperative game where players protect their temple from invaders, using magical abilities and strategic positioning.
### Hybrid / Cross-Genre
96. Create a game where players manage a secret society while solving ancient mysteries and conducting initiation rites.
97. Design a VR game where players participate in the rites of Isis, experiencing the visuals and sounds of ancient Roman rituals firsthand.
98. Build an ARG where players follow clues in their real-world environment to unlock ancient knowledge and perform virtual rituals.
99. Develop a game where players combine elements of farming, crafting, and magic to restore an ancient temple.
100. Create a game where players explore a multiverse based on ancient philosophies, gaining wisdom from Apuleius and other ancient thinkers along the way.
These prompts provide a broad range of starting points, blending genres and themes from Apuleius’s works to inspire games that explore the complexities of ancient magic, law, and initiation.
You
Let's try writing a text adventure (just the plot, not the code, for starters) based on Apuleius's Golden Ass
ChatGPT
Absolutely! Here's a plot outline for a text adventure game based on *The Golden Ass* by Apuleius, incorporating elements of magic, transformation, and initiation into mystery rites.
###
Title: *Metamorphoses: The Quest of Lucius*
###
Plot Overview:
You play as Lucius, a curious and ambitious young man who travels to Thessaly, a land famed for its magic and witchcraft. Driven by an insatiable thirst for knowledge, you delve into forbidden arts, seeking a deeper understanding of the mysteries of life and the cosmos. But in a fateful twist, you accidentally transform yourself into a donkey. Now, you must navigate a world of dangers and strange encounters, finding a way to regain your human form. Along the way, you’ll encounter gods, magicians, and cultists, ultimately leading you to the mysteries of the Goddess Isis.
###
Main Objectives:
1.
Investigate the Secrets of Thessaly:
- Discover rumors of powerful witches in the town of Hypata.
- Gain the trust of the townsfolk, who share tales of dark magic and supernatural beings.
- Meet Byrrhena, Lucius's aunt, who cautions you against dabbling in sorcery but introduces you to the mystical traditions of the region.
2.
Experiment with Magic:
- Secure an invitation to a gathering hosted by Pamphile, a renowned sorceress.
- Steal a magic ointment, believing it will grant you flight.
- Transform into a donkey instead, due to a miscalculation in the magical formula.
3.
Survive as a Donkey:
- Escape from bandits who capture you and exploit your new form.
- Make crucial choices to survive the harsh conditions of life as a beast of burden.
- Find allies among other animals and disenfranchised humans.
4.
Seek the Cure:
- Follow clues to find roses, the only remedy that will restore your human form.
- Navigate encounters with corrupt priests, charlatans, and other perils in search of the elusive roses.
- Overcome challenges that test your strength and resilience as you search for a way to end your ordeal.
5.
Discover the Mysteries of Isis:
- Have a divine vision where the Goddess Isis appears, promising redemption if you submit to her service.
- Seek out an initiate of the Isis cult to undergo a series of trials and rites of purification.
- Participate in sacred rituals, learning about the mystery cults of the ancient world and the role of magic in Roman religion.
6.
Redemption and Transformation:
- Complete the final initiation, proving your loyalty to Isis and earning her favor.
- Witness the miracle of transformation, as you are finally restored to human form.
- Reflect on the insights you’ve gained from your journey, discovering the meaning of true knowledge and wisdom.
###
Key Locations:
-
Hypata: The town where Lucius begins his journey, filled with rumors of witchcraft and sorcery.
-
Pamphile’s House: Where Lucius first encounters real magic and inadvertently changes his fate.
-
Bandit’s Hideout: A remote cave where Lucius is held captive, forcing him to find his way out.
-
Temple of Isis: The final location where Lucius seeks redemption and undergoes initiation into the sacred rites.
###
Game Mechanics:
1.
Exploration:
- You can explore different areas, each containing unique characters, clues, and magical artifacts.
- Dialogue choices shape your relationships and the knowledge you gain.
2.
Magic and Transformation:
- Your transformation into a donkey alters your abilities and the way you interact with the world.
- You can use limited magical abilities even as a donkey, finding clever ways to navigate obstacles.
3.
Survival and Resource Management:
- As a donkey, you must forage for food, avoid predators, and stay hidden from dangerous humans.
- Collect items that may assist in your quest, such as herbs, sacred symbols, and information about roses.
4.
Initiation Trials:
- Complete puzzles and challenges that reflect the stages of the initiation rites, from purification to revelation.
- Each trial provides insight into the beliefs and practices of the Isis cult and ancient mysteries.
5.
Multiple Endings:
- Your decisions throughout the game influence the outcome, with possibilities ranging from full redemption to remaining trapped in your animal form.
- Reflect different philosophical and ethical lessons based on Apuleius’s exploration of fate, wisdom, and transformation.
This setup provides a rich narrative and immersive exploration of Apuleius’s themes in *The Golden Ass*, blending the fantastical with the philosophical. You would have the opportunity to make choices that impact Lucius’s transformation, survival, and ultimate redemption, offering a thoughtful and engaging gaming experience.
You
Write some scenes for a text adventure game adaptation of golden ass. Text only no code. Include ways the character's decision will impact their traits and future plot events.
ChatGPT
Here’s a set of scenes for a text adventure game adaptation of *The Golden Ass*, focusing on player choices, character traits, and plot impact.
---
###
Scene 1: Entering Hypata
You arrive in Hypata at sunset. The town is quiet, with only a few people about. You’ve heard that Thessaly is a land of sorcery, and the townspeople look at you with suspicious eyes. You stop at a small inn, where you meet
Milo, a local merchant who invites you to stay.
Choices:
1.
Ask Milo about magic in Hypata.
- *Trait Impact*: +Curiosity
- *Plot Impact*: Milo is wary but impressed by your interest. He tells you about Pamphile, a renowned sorceress.
2.
Express skepticism about magic.
- *Trait Impact*: +Skepticism
- *Plot Impact*: Milo laughs and dismisses you, mentioning that Thessaly is not for the faint-hearted. Pamphile is mentioned in passing.
3.
Compliment Milo’s hospitality and avoid the topic.
- *Trait Impact*: +Diplomacy
- *Plot Impact*: Milo takes a liking to you and offers a place to stay. He hints that Hypata has its “mysteries,” suggesting you might witness them.
Outcome Based on Traits:
-
Curiosity: Opens up additional conversation paths with locals about magic. People are wary but intrigued by your interest.
-
Skepticism: Increases trust with rational-minded NPCs but may close off magical knowledge later on.
-
Diplomacy: Gains you allies in Hypata and makes others more willing to help you.
---
###
Scene 2: The Witch’s Secret
You manage to find Pamphile’s house and are invited inside under the pretense of being a guest. You notice strange objects—herbs, potions, and symbols on the walls. Pamphile leaves the room briefly, giving you a chance to look around.
Choices:
1.
Examine the potions.
- *Trait Impact*: +Risk
- *Plot Impact*: You accidentally knock one over, revealing its power to turn one into an animal. Pamphile catches you, and you have to make an excuse.
2.
Try to decipher the symbols on the wall.
- *Trait Impact*: +Knowledge
- *Plot Impact*: You recognize some symbols from your studies, realizing that Pamphile’s magic could be dangerous. You feel a sense of foreboding.
3.
Leave the room and wait for Pamphile’s return.
- *Trait Impact*: +Patience
- *Plot Impact*: Pamphile is pleased with your restraint, but you gain no additional knowledge. You remain unaware of her powers.
Outcome Based on Traits:
-
Risk: Opens an option to steal a potion later, which you can use to experiment with transformation, at the cost of becoming a donkey.
-
Knowledge: Allows you to question Pamphile more insightfully about her craft, leading her to reluctantly share information.
-
Patience: Enhances your relationship with Pamphile, who offers you protection but keeps you ignorant of her secrets.
---
###
Scene 3: The Transformation
You manage to obtain one of Pamphile’s potions and decide to use it while alone, curious to test its power. You believe it will grant you flight, but instead, you transform into a donkey. You can barely recognize yourself in the nearby pool of water.
Choices:
1.
Panic and run away.
- *Trait Impact*: +Fear
- *Plot Impact*: You become reckless, drawing attention from the townspeople who see you as just another animal. This makes survival more challenging.
2.
Accept your fate and plan your next move.
- *Trait Impact*: +Composure
- *Plot Impact*: You realize you need roses to reverse the spell. You resolve to find them, improving your ability to think strategically as a donkey.
3.
Try to communicate with humans around you.
- *Trait Impact*: +Hope
- *Plot Impact*: You attract a sympathetic farm girl who takes pity on you, feeding you and promising to help.
Outcome Based on Traits:
-
Fear: Makes you more susceptible to threats in the wild, as you’re easily startled. It may lead to impulsive decisions that hinder your progress.
-
Composure: Allows you to think more clearly and opens up paths to find the roses by observing humans and their habits.
-
Hope: Improves your relationship with animals and people who see you as a gentle creature, providing occasional help along your journey.
---
###
Scene 4: The Temple of Isis
After a series of misadventures, you finally find your way to the Temple of Isis. Exhausted and desperate, you kneel before the altar and pray to the Goddess, hoping for a miracle.
Choices:
1.
Swear complete devotion to Isis if she helps you.
- *Trait Impact*: +Faith
- *Plot Impact*: You receive a divine vision of Isis, who promises to aid you if you prove your devotion by passing several trials.
2.
Pray for forgiveness and ask for release from your curse.
- *Trait Impact*: +Humility
- *Plot Impact*: Isis acknowledges your remorse and offers guidance on how to find the roses needed for your transformation.
3.
Beg for power, offering yourself as a servant to the Goddess in exchange.
- *Trait Impact*: +Ambition
- *Plot Impact*: Isis agrees to help but warns you that ambition has consequences. You’re given the task of proving your worth through a dangerous journey.
Outcome Based on Traits:
-
Faith: Leads you to a peaceful ending, where Isis accepts your devotion and grants you a place among her followers.
-
Humility: Allows you to regain your humanity but with a humble role in society, dedicated to Isis.
-
Ambition: Unlocks a path to power, but at the cost of dangerous trials and alliances with dubious characters.
---
###
Final Scene: The Transformation Back
You manage to acquire the roses and, under Isis’s guidance, return to human form. However, the experiences you’ve endured have left their mark.
Choices:
1.
Pledge to live a quiet life devoted to Isis.
- *Trait Impact*: +Spirituality
- *Plot Impact*: You return to Hypata as a devoted priest of Isis, teaching others about the dangers of magic and the power of faith.
2.
Set out to study magic anew, now with greater caution.
- *Trait Impact*: +Knowledge
- *Plot Impact*: You gain a reputation as a wise mystic, one who understands magic deeply but keeps its secrets closely guarded.
3.
Use your newfound insights to become a powerful magician.
- *Trait Impact*: +Power
- *Plot Impact*: You establish a name for yourself as a formidable sorcerer, with a complex relationship with the townsfolk and frequent visits to the temple of Isis for guidance.
Endings Based on Traits:
-
Spirituality: Leads to a peaceful ending, with you as a revered figure and a trusted servant of Isis.
-
Knowledge: Ends with you becoming a scholar of magic, respected but slightly feared, as you balance wisdom with caution.
-
Power: Concludes with you as a formidable magician, both admired and feared, having learned the true costs and rewards of magic.
---
This outline emphasizes choices that alter character traits and shape Lucius’s interactions, creating different paths toward redemption, wisdom, or power based on how he handles each scenario. The branching paths provide multiple endings that reflect the consequences of your decisions throughout the journey.
You
This is an outline. Write the first few scenes.
ChatGPT
Here’s the beginning of a text adventure adaptation of *The Golden Ass*. These scenes focus on immersive storytelling, player decisions, and consequences that impact character traits and future events.
---
### Scene 1:
Arrival in Hypata
The sun hangs low in the sky as you arrive in the small town of Hypata. The streets are narrow and shadowed, with only a few townspeople milling about, their glances lingering on you longer than is comfortable. You’ve heard the rumors about Thessaly, this land of sorcery and witchcraft, but you’ve come here for answers. Magic, whether real or imagined, holds a power over you that you cannot deny.
As you approach a modest inn at the edge of the marketplace, the door creaks open, revealing a stout man with a weathered face. He sizes you up for a moment, then steps aside, gesturing for you to enter.
Milo: "You look like you could use a drink... or a roof over your head. Travelers come and go through here, but I don’t see many from your kind."
He leads you to a table in the corner, far from the prying eyes of the few locals huddled near the hearth.
Milo: "So, what brings you to Hypata?"
Choices:
1.
“I’ve heard of the magic here... and I’m curious to see if there’s any truth to it.”
2.
“I don’t believe in magic. I’m here on other business.”
3.
“I’m just a traveler looking for shelter.”
---
1. If you choose to inquire about magic:
Milo’s eyes narrow, but a flicker of intrigue crosses his face. He leans in closer, lowering his voice to a conspiratorial whisper.
Milo: "Ah... magic, is it? You’ve heard about Pamphile, I take it? Best watch yourself asking too many questions. She’s not fond of curious eyes. But..." he hesitates, then grins, "there’s truth to the tales, if you’re brave enough to look for it."
- *Trait Impact: +Curiosity*
This choice opens future options for pursuing knowledge about Pamphile and her magic. The locals may react differently depending on your growing reputation as someone seeking the occult.
---
2. If you express skepticism about magic:
Milo lets out a bark of laughter, slapping the table.
Milo: "Good. You’re smart not to believe the old wives' tales. Thessaly’s full of tricks and tall stories, but no more magic than you’d find in Rome. Still, you’d best be careful. People around here take offense to doubt, especially when it comes to the likes of Pamphile."
- *Trait Impact: +Skepticism*
This choice makes some characters more willing to trust you, but it may close off certain paths that rely on your belief in magic.
---
3. If you choose to deflect with a neutral response:
Milo nods, his curiosity fading.
Milo: "Fair enough, traveler. You’re welcome to stay the night. But take care. Hypata’s a quiet town with... some hidden dangers. Stick to your own business and you’ll be fine."
- *Trait Impact: +Diplomacy*
This choice helps maintain neutrality and makes others more likely to see you as a non-threatening presence. However, you won’t learn much unless you push further.
---
### Scene 2:
The Invitation to Milo’s House
Later that evening, after a meal and some wine, Milo invites you to stay at his house rather than pay for a room at the inn. He mentions a guest room and more privacy. You can sense that Milo is eager to talk more, though you’re not sure if it’s idle curiosity or something more.
Choices:
1.
Accept Milo’s offer to stay with him.
2.
Decline politely and stay at the inn.
---
1. If you accept:
Milo smiles, pleased by your decision. He leads you through the town’s winding streets to his modest home. It’s small but well-kept, with a few strange trinkets on the walls—wooden masks and dried herbs that seem out of place in an ordinary household.
Milo: "My wife’s out for the evening... She’s often away. I’ve got something to show you, though, if you’re interested."
Choices:
1.
Ask him what he has to show.
2.
Decline, feeling uneasy.
- *Trait Impact (for accepting): +Trust*
If you ask him what he has to show, Milo pulls out a small, worn box. He hesitates before opening it, glancing around nervously. Inside, you catch a glimpse of what looks like a silver charm or amulet, but before you can get a better look, he snaps it shut.
Milo: "There’s magic in this town, alright. I can tell you more if you’re willing to learn."
This path opens up deeper knowledge of Milo’s secret dealings and his connection to the town’s magic, which could lead to future opportunities—or dangers.
---
2. If you decline Milo’s offer and stay at the inn:
You bid Milo goodnight and make your way back to the inn. The room is simple but comfortable. You feel a sense of relief staying on your own. Yet, something about Milo’s invitation nags at you—perhaps there was more to it than just hospitality.
Choices:
1.
Return to Milo’s house later to investigate.
2.
Stay at the inn and sleep.
If you return to Milo’s house, you find the door slightly ajar. The house is empty, but there are strange markings on the floor that look like a ritual circle. Something has been disturbed here, and you feel a strange energy in the air.
- *Trait Impact: +Caution*
- *Plot Impact*: You discover that Milo is involved in magical dealings, but now you are drawn into the mystery from the shadows. This will affect your standing in Hypata, as some will see you as a meddler.
---
### Scene 3:
Pamphile’s Potion
A few days later, you are invited to a gathering at Pamphile’s house. Rumors swirl about her being a powerful sorceress. You are both eager and nervous to meet her. When you arrive, she seems amused by your presence. After a few pleasantries, she offers you a drink—some kind of potion, she claims, for “revealing hidden truths.”
Choices:
1.
Drink the potion.
2.
Refuse politely and ask her more questions about her magic.
3.
Refuse and excuse yourself from the house.
---
1. If you drink the potion:
The liquid is bitter, and almost immediately you feel strange. The room begins to spin, and you sense yourself slipping away from your own body. For a brief moment, you feel... animalistic. Before you lose control entirely, Pamphile snaps her fingers, and the feeling subsides.
Pamphile: "Careful now. My potions are not for the faint-hearted."
- *Trait Impact: +Recklessness*
- *Plot Impact*: You have experienced the edge of transformation magic. This will unlock future choices related to transformation and shape-shifting, but it also puts you at risk of losing control.
---
2. If you refuse politely:
Pamphile narrows her eyes but smiles.
Pamphile: "Ah, a cautious one, I see. Wise, perhaps. Not everyone is suited to the deeper arts."
She sits back, but the conversation grows tense. You sense that Pamphile is testing you, deciding whether you are friend or foe.
- *Trait Impact: +Caution*
- *Plot Impact*: You remain in Pamphile’s favor, but you lose the opportunity to experience her magic firsthand. You’ll need to find another way to prove your courage—or curiosity.
---
3. If you excuse yourself:
Pamphile watches you leave with a bemused expression, as though you’ve disappointed her. Outside, the air feels cooler, and you sense that walking away might have been the safest option, but you also feel the loss of knowledge you could have gained.
- *Trait Impact: +Pragmatism*
- *Plot Impact*: You avoid entanglement with Pamphile’s magic for now, but the town may begin to view you as overly cautious or fearful of the supernatural.
---
### Impact of Choices
Each of these scenes introduces choices that influence your character’s development—whether you’re more curious or cautious, skeptical or reckless. These traits will influence future interactions with characters, how much knowledge you gain, and which paths are available as the story unfolds. The choices you make early on—whether you dive headfirst into the world of magic or cautiously observe from the sidelines—will shape the entire course of your journey.
You
Fund example sentences from the Apologia with magic related vocabulary that can illuminate different ways of using case endings and explain the linguistic and syntactical contexts
ChatGPT
Here’s a breakdown of sentences from Apuleius's *Apologia* that use magic-related vocabulary. I’ll highlight the different case endings and provide explanations for the linguistic and syntactical contexts. Each sentence will be accompanied by an analysis of the noun and verb forms as they relate to magic, with focus on case endings and usage.
---
### 1.
Sentence:
*"Magia est scientia naturalium rerum, quam nos philosophiam dicimus."*
(“Magic is the knowledge of natural things, which we call philosophy.”)
— *Apologia*, Section 26
#### Breakdown:
-
Magia (nominative singular, feminine): The subject of the sentence, "magic." The nominative case is used because *magia* is the subject that performs the action of being described.
-
Scientia (nominative singular, feminine): In apposition to *magia*, describing what magic is—a knowledge.
-
Rerum (genitive plural, feminine): This genitive form shows possession or relationship, meaning "of things." *Rerum* is linked to *naturalium*, indicating that magic concerns natural things.
-
Naturalium (genitive plural, neuter): Also genitive plural, modifying *rerum*, meaning "of natural things." It describes the realm of magic.
-
Philosophiam (accusative singular, feminine): Direct object of *dicimus* ("we call"). The accusative shows that it is being named or called.
#### Explanation:
This sentence clearly shows the nominative case for the subject (magic as a knowledge), and the genitive for describing the object of that knowledge (natural things). The accusative form of *philosophiam* shows that it is being defined as the object of a verb. Apuleius uses this construction to emphasize the conceptual link between magic and philosophy, highlighting how Romans saw magic as an intellectual pursuit.
---
### 2.
Sentence:
*"Immo enim vere magia nihil est aliud quam legum naturae contemplatio, immo propior cognitio deorum immortalium."*
(“For indeed, magic is truly nothing other than the contemplation of the laws of nature, or rather, a closer knowledge of the immortal gods.”)
— *Apologia*, Section 26
#### Breakdown:
-
Magia (nominative singular, feminine): Again, *magia* is the subject of the sentence, showing that it is being defined.
-
Contemplatio (nominative singular, feminine): In apposition to *magia*, describing it as "contemplation."
-
Legum (genitive plural, feminine): The genitive plural of *lex* (law), showing that magic involves contemplation *of the laws*.
-
Naturae (genitive singular, feminine): Genitive singular, indicating possession, meaning "of nature."
-
Cognitio (nominative singular, feminine): Another noun in apposition to *magia*, describing it as "knowledge."
-
Deorum immortalium (genitive plural, masculine): Genitive plural for "of the immortal gods." This phrase indicates that the knowledge is concerned with the divine, and the genitive case shows a relationship of possession.
#### Explanation:
Here, Apuleius continues the philosophical framing of magic. The use of the genitive *legum naturae* (of the laws of nature) and *deorum immortalium* (of the immortal gods) demonstrates the possessive relationship magic has with nature and divinity. The nominative forms (*magia, contemplatio, cognitio*) emphasize how Apuleius redefines magic as an intellectual, divine pursuit rather than superstition.
---
### 3.
Sentence:
*"Magia nec ad artes pertinentes, nec legitimis disciplinis contraria est."*
(“Magic neither belongs to illicit arts, nor is it contrary to legitimate disciplines.”)
— *Apologia*, Section 27
#### Breakdown:
-
Magia (nominative singular, feminine): Subject of the sentence, with the nominative singular form showing that magic is being discussed as the main topic.
-
Artes (accusative plural, feminine): Direct object of *pertinens*, meaning "arts." The accusative plural indicates what magic is not connected to.
-
Disciplines (dative plural, feminine): The dative plural form shows the object to which something is contrary. In this case, magic is "not contrary to legitimate disciplines."
-
Legitimis (dative plural, feminine): An adjective modifying *disciplinis*, also in the dative plural to match. It means "legitimate."
#### Explanation:
This sentence uses accusative and dative cases to show relationships between magic, arts, and disciplines. The use of *artes* (accusative) shows the object magic could be linked to, while the dative *disciplinis* shows the indirect relationship between magic and the disciplines, saying it is not opposed to them. This structure reflects how Apuleius positions magic as compatible with Roman law and learning.
---
### 4.
Sentence:
*"Nulla vis est in his verbis quam communis opinio perhibet, sed veritas rerum tantum valet."*
(“There is no power in these words as common opinion declares, but the truth of things holds all value.”)
— *Apologia*, Section 42
#### Breakdown:
-
Vis (nominative singular, feminine): The subject, meaning "power," referring to the supposed magical effect of words. This nominative form is the subject of the verb *est*.
-
Veritas (nominative singular, feminine): Another subject in the second part of the sentence, referring to the "truth" of the matter.
-
Rerum (genitive plural, feminine): Genitive plural of *res*, meaning "things." The genitive shows possession or origin, indicating that the truth belongs to or concerns things.
#### Explanation:
This quote speaks to the nature of words versus reality in magical practice. The nominative subjects (*vis* and *veritas*) juxtapose magical words with the truth of natural things. The genitive *rerum* places "things" as the source of real value, emphasizing that true knowledge (philosophical or magical) comes from understanding the world’s nature rather than merely reciting formulaic incantations.
---
### 5.
Sentence:
*"Nostrum autem omnium est intellegere naturam rerum et causas investigare."*
(“It is our duty, however, to understand the nature of things and to investigate their causes.”)
— *Apologia*, Section 45
#### Breakdown:
-
Naturam rerum (accusative singular/genitive plural, feminine): "The nature of things." *Naturam* (accusative singular) is the object of *intellegere* (to understand), and *rerum* (genitive plural) describes the "things" whose nature is to be understood.
-
Causas (accusative plural, feminine): "Causes," also in the accusative as the direct object of *investigare* (to investigate).
#### Explanation:
This sentence reflects the philosophical pursuit of knowledge, which Apuleius aligns with magic. The accusative forms (*naturam*, *causas*) show the objects of intellectual inquiry (nature and causes), while the genitive *rerum* indicates that the "things" are what contain those natures and causes. This reflects the Stoic and Platonic idea of understanding the universe through the investigation of its causes, reinforcing magic as a natural science.
---
These examples provide insight into how Apuleius integrates philosophical discourse into the concept of magic, using Latin case endings to show relationships between magic, nature, and knowledge.
You
Translate the Medea poem from Ovid and give me a breakdown of magic related vocabulary
ChatGPT
Here’s a translation of Medea’s monologue from Ovid’s *Metamorphoses* (Book 7), where she reflects on the use of magic, followed by a breakdown of magic-related vocabulary.
### Translation of Medea's Monologue (*Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Lines 7-74):
Medea, after encountering Jason, struggles with her love for him and reflects on her powers as a sorceress:
> "Alas! What am I to do? Shall I betray my father's throne,
> And betray my country too, for the love of a foreigner?
> Shall I prefer a man to my father's commands,
> To my homeland's laws, and my own honor?
> Yet, my love of Jason consumes me, burns me!
> He is beautiful, and that beauty has struck my heart.
> But who am I? Shall I let this passion overpower me?
> Why resist? I know I possess the power of spells.
> Shall I summon herbs to bring him safety,
> And help the man I love escape from certain death?
> Shall I call on magic arts, which my father's line has taught me,
> To serve this man who pleads before me for his life?
> My mind is torn between duty and desire.
> Can I truly betray my father's house for a stranger?
> Or shall I let him die?
> No! I'll save him, with my magic arts,
> And I will escape with him. My power will be my guide.
> I will summon the moon from the heavens,
> I will call upon the night to aid me in my arts.
> I shall gather herbs of dark power from the ground,
> Herbs that only I, with my knowledge, can use.
> What can resist my magic? What force in the world
> Can resist a woman who knows the secret spells,
> And who has power over the moon and stars?"
---
### Breakdown of Magic-Related Vocabulary:
#### 1.
Carmina (Lines 7-12, 23)
-
Meaning: Spells, incantations.
-
Context: *Carmina* refers to magic spells or incantations used in rituals. In Latin, *carmina* can mean poems or songs, but in magical contexts, it refers specifically to the verbal component of magic.
-
Explanation: Medea contemplates using her carmina to help Jason. The term reflects the central role of spoken words or chants in Roman magic, drawing on their power to summon supernatural forces or compel deities.
#### 2.
Herbae (Line 12)
-
Meaning: Herbs.
-
Context: Magical herbs are an essential part of Roman magic, often gathered at specific times and places to maximize their potency. Medea uses her knowledge of these plants to brew potions or cast spells.
-
Explanation: Medea talks about gathering *herbae* to aid Jason, emphasizing the link between natural elements and magical practice. In Roman magic, the correct use of herbs was considered a key to unlocking their power.
#### 3.
Magicae Artes (Line 21)
-
Meaning: Magic arts.
-
Context: This phrase directly refers to the practice of magic. *Artes* in this sense means “skills” or “crafts,” while *magicae* specifies that these are the supernatural arts Medea practices.
-
Explanation: Medea reflects on whether to use her *magicae artes* to save Jason. In the Roman world, the term could encompass a wide range of magical practices, from spellcasting to alchemy, often blending with philosophy and natural science.
#### 4.
Venena (Line 12)
-
Meaning: Potions or poisons.
-
Context: While *venena* often means poisons in a general sense, in a magical context, it refers to enchanted potions or mixtures that could heal, curse, or alter fate.
-
Explanation: Medea, as a skilled sorceress, would have deep knowledge of *venena*. The ambiguity of the term reflects how in ancient thought, the same substances could either harm or heal, depending on the intent of the user.
#### 5.
Spells and the Moon (*Luna* and *Nocturnae Umbras*) (Line 26)
-
Meaning: The Moon and Night Shadows.
-
Context: Medea calls on the *luna* (moon) and *nocturnae umbras* (night shadows) to aid her in her magical works. In Roman magic, the moon was often seen as a source of power, particularly in controlling time and tides, but also in spellcasting that worked under the cover of darkness.
-
Explanation: Medea’s invocation of celestial bodies like the moon shows how Roman magic tied cosmic forces into personal power. The night, often associated with secrecy and the supernatural, gave sorcerers like Medea access to hidden forces.
#### 6.
Auxilium (Line 29)
-
Meaning: Aid or help.
-
Context: Medea seeks *auxilium* from her magical arts. Here, it indicates the supernatural help she expects from her spells and invocations.
-
Explanation: The concept of seeking divine or magical aid was prevalent in Roman rituals. Magic often served as a means of requesting *auxilium* from higher powers when mundane efforts were insufficient.
#### 7.
Fata (Line 30)
-
Meaning: Fate.
-
Context: Medea references *fata*, which in Roman thought refers to the power of destiny. Magic, in many cases, was seen as a way to either understand or manipulate fate.
-
Explanation: The notion that magic could influence fate is central to Medea’s internal conflict. *Fata* is often immutable, yet sorcerers like Medea believed their arts could bend the course of destiny.
#### 8.
Dira Potentia (Line 31)
-
Meaning: Dark power.
-
Context: Medea speaks of her *dira potentia*, or terrible power, which she wields through her magical knowledge.
-
Explanation: The phrase *dira potentia* encapsulates the feared and revered nature of magic in Roman culture. Medea, in embracing her *potentia*, claims control over forces that ordinary people view as dangerous or otherworldly.
---
### Explanation of Linguistic and Philosophical Contexts:
1.
The Role of Language in Magic: Latin magic vocabulary reflects the Roman belief in the power of words. Terms like *carmina* and *venena* demonstrate that spells, chants, and potions held transformative power. This reflects the broader cultural context in which words, when used with proper ritual, could invoke divine or supernatural intervention.
2.
Natural and Supernatural Interconnectedness: Terms like *herbae* and *fata* show how magic bridged the gap between the natural world and supernatural forces. Medea's use of herbs and her belief in controlling fate through *magicae artes* underscores the idea that magic manipulated both the seen and unseen elements of existence.
3.
Philosophical Implications: In Roman thought, magic often intersected with philosophy, particularly natural philosophy, which sought to understand and control the natural world. Medea’s reference to her *scientia* (knowledge) and *artes* shows this blending of intellectual inquiry with supernatural practice. This mirrors broader Roman and Greek philosophical discussions on the nature of power, knowledge, and fate.
---
This exploration of magic-related vocabulary in Ovid’s *Medea* offers insights into the linguistic structures and philosophical contexts of Roman magic. The terms highlight how Romans understood and used magic not merely as superstition but as a way of accessing and controlling the natural and supernatural worlds.
You
Give me other examples of magic related Latin vocabulary that can be drawn from Ovid and cite me chapter and verse
ChatGPT
Here are several examples of magic-related Latin vocabulary drawn from Ovid's works, including *Metamorphoses* and *Heroides*, with chapter and verse citations and explanations of their linguistic and cultural contexts.
### 1.
Verba Magica
-
Latin: *Verba* (words) often carries the connotation of magical incantations or spoken spells.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Line 200.
-
Latin: "…dum verba sequuntur, // verba datis."
-
Translation: "...while the words follow, // you utter words."
-
Context: This is a reference to Medea’s casting of spells and her spoken incantations. Spoken words in magic were believed to carry immense power in Roman thought, transforming mere speech into a tool for altering reality. This term reflects the importance of language in performing magical acts, where the correct utterance of *verba* could summon divine forces or bring about transformation.
### 2.
Simulacrum
-
Latin: *Simulacrum* refers to images, effigies, or representations, often used in rituals involving magical practices.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 14, Line 405.
-
Latin: "simulacraque cerea figit."
-
Translation: "And she forms waxen images."
-
Context: This line comes from a passage where Circe uses wax effigies in her magic. *Simulacra* were often used in curse rituals, where the effigy or representation of a person could be manipulated to affect the actual individual. In Roman magical practices, *simulacra* could be used in both benevolent and malevolent spells, symbolizing the target of the magician’s power.
### 3.
Carmina
-
Latin: *Carmina* refers to songs, poems, or chants, but in magical contexts, it specifically denotes incantations or spells.
-
Source: *Heroides*, Epistle 12 (Medea to Jason), Line 213.
-
Latin: "Carmina cum tantis artes tenuere sagittis."
-
Translation: "The spells held such great power along with my magic arts."
-
Context: Medea speaks of her powerful spells, using the word *carmina*. In Roman magic, spoken incantations were believed to be a fundamental element of magical rituals, and Medea’s spells demonstrate the profound effect that the spoken word had in summoning supernatural forces or enacting change. The term is often used to highlight the intersection of poetry and magic in ancient Rome.
### 4.
Venena
-
Latin: *Venena* can refer to both poisons and magical potions.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Line 241.
-
Latin: "Venena miscet."
-
Translation: "She mixes potions."
-
Context: In this context, Medea is preparing potions for magical purposes. *Venena* holds a dual meaning: while it commonly means poison, it also refers to any kind of potent potion or concoction in magical rituals. It reflects how the same substances could be used for healing or harming, depending on the intent of the magician. Roman magic often included the brewing of *venena* for various purposes, including love spells, protection, or curses.
### 5.
Astra
-
Latin: *Astra* (stars) is used in connection with astrology and celestial magic.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Line 190.
-
Latin: "Adspicit immensos inopem surgentis ad astra."
-
Translation: "She looks helplessly at the great stars."
-
Context: In Roman magic, the stars were often associated with fate and destiny, and magicians like Medea were believed to have the ability to read or even influence the stars. *Astra* in this context is symbolic of the celestial forces that magic could attempt to control. Astrology and the manipulation of celestial forces were deeply connected to ancient magical practices, emphasizing the idea that magic could bridge the terrestrial and celestial worlds.
### 6.
Cantus
-
Latin: *Cantus* refers to a chant or song, often used in the context of magical incantations.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 14, Line 405 (Circe's magic).
-
Latin: "Cantusque artesque."
-
Translation: "With chants and arts."
-
Context: Circe is described as using *cantus* (chants) in conjunction with her magical arts. *Cantus* here refers to the verbal elements of her spell-casting, which were believed to carry the power to summon or control divine forces. In Roman magic, *cantus* often involved repetitive, rhythmic speech designed to invoke a deity or supernatural power, reflecting the belief in the inherent power of sound in rituals.
### 7.
Magicae Artes
-
Latin: *Magicae artes* translates to magic arts or supernatural skills.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Line 200.
-
Latin: "Magicas artis."
-
Translation: "Magic arts."
-
Context: Medea contemplates the use of her *magicae artes* to aid Jason. In Roman culture, this phrase signifies the broad array of magical practices, from alchemy to incantations, that could be used to manipulate natural and supernatural forces. The phrase reflects a view of magic as a skill or craft, akin to other technical knowledge, and highlights how magical abilities were regarded as something to be learned and perfected.
### 8.
Luna
-
Latin: *Luna* refers to the moon, a central celestial body in magic.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Line 200.
-
Latin: "Luna trahit."
-
Translation: "The moon she pulls down."
-
Context: Medea’s magic is associated with celestial bodies, particularly the moon. The moon was often considered a powerful force in Roman magic, influencing tides, time, and human behavior. In many spells and rituals, *luna* was invoked to control time or to draw down its power for magical purposes. Medea’s association with *luna* reflects the alignment of magic with natural cycles and the manipulation of these cycles for personal gain.
### 9.
Nox
-
Latin: *Nox* (night) represents darkness, secrecy, and the occult powers of magic.
-
Source: *Metamorphoses*, Book 7, Line 200.
-
Latin: "Nox erit auxilio."
-
Translation: "Night will be my aid."
-
Context: Medea often performs her magic under the cover of night, using *nox* as a symbol of secrecy and supernatural power. In Roman culture, night was associated with hidden knowledge and the occult, and magicians often performed rituals in the dark to invoke the power of unseen forces. *Nox* here represents the time when magical powers are most potent, highlighting the connection between darkness and the supernatural.
### 10.
Fata
-
Latin: *Fata* refers to fate or destiny, often invoked or manipulated through magic.
-
Source: *Heroides*, Epistle 12 (Medea to Jason), Line 212.
-
Latin: "fata sinunt."
-
Translation: "The fates allow it."
-
Context: Medea references *fata* as she reflects on her ability to manipulate fate through her magic. In Roman culture, the *fata* were the personified forces of destiny, and magicians like Medea often claimed the ability to influence or predict these forces. The term reflects the tension between human agency and divine will in magical practices, as magicians sought to bend destiny to their desires.
---
### Conclusion:
The magical vocabulary in Ovid’s works reflects the rich and complex view of magic in Roman culture. Terms like *carmina*, *venena*, *simulacra*, and *magicae artes* reveal the intersection between language, natural substances, and supernatural powers in ancient magic. By using these terms, Ovid not only presents the technical aspects of magic but also delves into its philosophical implications, particularly in relation to fate and the natural world. These examples provide a window into how magic was practiced and understood in the ancient Roman world.