Alchemical Illustrations Course Design

{"result":["[Summary from page 1 to page 35 out of a total of 312:\nPages 1:\n\nPages 2:\nThe Salt of the Earth\n\nPages 3:\nHistory of Science and\nMedicine Library\nVOLUME 3\n\nPages 4:\nThe Salt of the Earth\nNatural Philosophy, Medicine,\nand Chymistry in England, 1650\u20131750\nBy\nAnna Marie Roos\nLEIDEN \u2022 BOSTON\n2007\n\nPages 5:\nCover illustration: crystalline shapes of salts from Martin Lister, De Fontibus medicates Anglicae.\nLondon: Walter Kettilby, 1684, between pages 32 and 33. Osler Library of the History\nof Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.\nBrill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all right holders to any copyrighted\nmaterial used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the\npublisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate\nacknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission\nmatters.\nThis book is printed on acid-free paper.\nISSN: 1872-0684\nISBN: 978 90 04 16176 4\nCopyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.\nKoninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,\nIDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.\nAll rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,\nstored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,\nmechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission\nfrom the publisher.\nAuthorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by\nKoninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to\nThe Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,\nDanvers, MA 01923, USA.\nFees are subject to change.\nprinted in the netherlands\n\nPages 6:\nTo my father Gordon and my brother David for being my champions\nTo my colleague Mark Harrison for his friendship and scholarly excellence\nTo my husband Ian for showing me in his stubbornly Lincolnshire way that there\nis love in this world\n\nPages 7:\n\nPages 8:\nThe cure for anything is salt water: sweat, tears or the sea.\nIsak Dinesen\n\nPages 9:\n\nPages 10:\nCONTENTS\nList of Illustrations ......................................................................\nxi\nAcknowledgements .....................................................................\nxv\nChapter One\nThe Context of Salts ........................................\n1\nChapter Two\nParacelsian Concepts of Salts ...........................\n10\nChapter Three Van Helmont, Salts, and Natural History\nin Early Modern England ......................................................\n47\nChapter Four From Salts to Saline Spirits\u2014the Rise of\nAcids ........................................................................................\n108\nChapter Five Salts and Saline Spirits in the Medical\nMarketplace and Literature: Patent Medicines and\nChymical Satire ......................................................................\n155\nConclusion\nFrom Saline Acids to Acidifying Oxygen ............\n194\nAppendix Translation from Latin of Martin Lister\u2019s Exercises\non the Healing Springs of England (1684) ....................................\n207\nBibliography ................................................................................\n269\nIndex ...........................................................................................\n287\n\nPages 11:\n\nPages 12:\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n1. A poem on salts in John Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate or Military and\nDomestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655, pp. 218\u2013219. By permission of the Harden Library for the Health Sciences, University\nof Iowa.\n2. Prince Rupert\u2019s Drops or the \u201cGlass Drops\u201d in Robert Hooke,\nMicrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665, p. 10.\nImage courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University\nof Oklahoma.\n3. Crystalline shapes of salts from Martin Lister, De Fontibus medicates\nAnglicae. London: Walter Kettilby, 1684, between pages 32 and 33.\nOsler Library of the History of Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.\n4. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LXXXIII,\u201d in The Anatomy of Plants. With an\nIdea of a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several other Lectures Read before\nthe Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins, 1682, p. 270. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n5. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LIII,\u201d in The Anatomy of Plants. With an Idea\nof a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several other Lectures Read before\nthe Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins, 1682, p. 240. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n6. The title page to William Simpson\u2019s work on fermentation. William\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica. London: T.R. and N.T., 1675. Courtesy\nof the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto.\n7. Newton\u2019s explanation of Grimaldi\u2019s theory of refraction using the\naether model. Newton to Robert Boyle, Cambridge, 28 February\n1678/9 in Isaac Newton: Philosophical Writings, ed. Andrew Janiak.\nCambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, p. 2. With permission from Cambridge University Press.\n8. Bryan Robinson (1680\u201394), etching by Benjamin Wilson (1721\u20131788).\nWellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 13:\nxii\nlist of illustrations\n9. Table of Colors of Newton\u2019s Rings, Sir Isaac Newton, Opticks: or,\nA Treatise of the Re\u0002ections, Refractions, In\u0002ections and Colors of Light.\nLondon: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford, 1704, p. 37. Image\ncourtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma\nLibraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University of\nOklahoma.\n10. Bryan Robinson\u2019s device for measuring the effects of medicaments\non the \u201canimal \u0002bres\u201d of hair. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the\nAnimal Oeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell,\n1734, p. 291. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of\nthe University of Oklahoma.\n11. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table One of the elasticity of the animal\n\u0002bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy. The Second\nEdition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell, 1734, p. 296. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n12. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table Two of the elasticity of the animal\n\u0002bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy. The Second\nEdition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell, 1734, p. 296. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n13. Broadsheet advertising Lionel Lockyer\u2019s patent medicine. London.\nWellcome Library, London.\n14. Portrait of Johann Henrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750). Wellcome\nLibrary, London.\n15. Frontispiece from Johann Cohausen, Dissertatio satyrica physico-medicomoralis de pica nasi, sive tabaci sternutatorii. Amsterdam: J. Oosterwyk,\n1760. Wellcome Library, London.\n16. The inscription and its subsequent disclaimer of its authenticity in\nThomas Reinsius and James Gruter, Syntagma inscriptionum antiquarum\ncumprimis Rom\u00e6 veteris . . . Leipzig and Frankfurt: Johann Fritschens\nErben, 1682, p. 156. With permission from the Harris Manchester\nCollege Library, Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford.\n17. Frontispiece from J.H. Cohausen, Der wieder lebende Hermippus . . .\nSorau, 1753. \u00a9 The British Library Board. All Rights Reserved\n(shelfmark 1167.a.60).\n18. Frontispiece from Cohausen\u2019s Helmontius Ecstaticus. Amsterdam:\nSalomon Schouten, 1731. \u00a9 The British Library Board. All Rights\nReserved (shelfmark 1035.f.1).\n\nPages 14:\nlist of illustrations\nxiii\n19. Hales\u2019 initial apparatus for estimating the quantity of Air that arose\nfrom a material \u201cby distillation or fusion.\u201d Stephen Hales, Vegetable\nStaticks. London: J. and W. Innys, 1727, opposite p. 260. Image\ncourtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma\nLibraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University of\nOklahoma.\n20. Hale\u2019s Breathing Device Stephen Hales, Vegetable Staticks. London:\nW. and J. Innys, 1727, opposite p. 262. Wellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 15:\n\nPages 16:\nACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\nI would like to thank a number of colleagues and institutions that\nhelped make this book possible. First, I would like to thank Marjorie\nMcIntosh, Distinguished Professor of History and Edward Ruestow,\nProfessor Emeritus of History at the University of Colorado at Boulder for being my research mentors during my graduate work. I am\nalso grateful to Tony Whall, Professor Emeritus of English and retired\nDirector of the Bellavance Honors Program at Salisbury University.\nI would like to thank Tony for his friendship and for encouraging my\nresearch amidst my teaching and administrative responsibilities during\nmy previous employment at Salisbury. The University of Minnesota\nGraduate School provided a Grant-in-Aid that enabled a part of the\nresearch to be carried out for this book. The College of Liberal Arts\nat the University of Minnesota Duluth (UMD) also awarded small\ngrants to present my work and learn from my colleagues at a variety\nof national and international History of Science conferences. Neil T.\nStorch, Professor Emeritus at UMD, is an excellent mentor and a treasured friend, and my former colleagues in the UMD history department\nprovided good advice and counsel.\nI would also like to thank my colleagues at the Wellcome Unit at\nOxford University for providing workspace, collegiality, and access to\nthe assorted delights of Oxford where a portion of the writing of this\nbook was accomplished. I greatly appreciate my continued research\nassociation with the Unit, and I have been lucky to enjoy the friendship of Carol Brady, Pratik Chakrabarti, Mark Harrison, and Belinda\nMichaelides. I also am grateful to Robert Fox for inviting me to present\nmy work in saline chymistry at the Modern History Faculty seminar\nseries at Oxford and for his gentlemanly graciousness and kindness.\nLarry Principe and Anita Guerrini have made many helpful comments as this book progressed, and Peter Morris, editor of Ambix, has\nalso been unfailingly generous with his critiques and support of my\nresearch. Tom Holland, translator of Latin extraordinaire, assisted me with\nmy work on Martin Lister, his help for which I am grateful. Jim Buickerood, editor of Eighteenth-Century Thought, offered a number of astute\ncomments concerning my analysis of the treatises of Bryan Robinson,\nand Catherine Tonson-Rye of Medical History offered excellent advice\n\nPages 17:\nxvi\nacknowledgements\nabout my analysis of Johann Cohausen. Sections of chapters 3, 4, 5,\nand 6 include materials from essays that originally appeared in Ambix,\nEighteenth-Century Thought, and Medical History.\nI would also like to thank the many librarians and support staff for\ntheir assistance and patience at the Bodleian Library, the British Library,\nCambridge University Library, the library at Harris-Manchester College,\nOxford, the Library for the Museum at the History of Science at Oxford\nUniversity, and the Wellcome Library, London. Thanks also to the\nHarden Library for the Health Sciences at the University of Iowa, the\nHistory of Science Library Collections at the University of Oklahoma,\nthe Osler Library of the History of Medicine at McGill University,\nand the University of Minnesota Duluth Library. Special thanks go\nto librarians Dr. Kathryn Fuller, Dr. Kerry Magruder, and William\nHodge. Stacy Johnson also patiently scanned many reels of micro\u0002lm\nwith good grace and humor.\nLastly, I would like to thank my family\u2014David, Debbie, Gordon,\nand June for their love and support. Most of all, I want to acknowledge\nand thank my husband Ian, who supported me in my writing of my\nsecond monograph, while at the same time showing me there is more\nto life than academe.\n\nPages 18:\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE CONTEXT OF SALTS\nFifteen years ago, I was a student in Florence, studying quattrocento\nand cinquecento Renaissance paintings and sculpture. In the mornings, I went to lectures, visited the Uf\u0002zi, or the Bargello to marvel at\nDuccio\u2019s zigzagged cruci\u0002xions, the Christ\u2019s almond-shaped eyes closed\nin furrowed pain. I sketched and made notes. In the hot afternoons,\nI wandered around the city when everyone took their reposo or siesta.\nStrolling past the cheese shops that smelled of the \u201cfeet of the gods,\u201d\ninto the artisans\u2019 quarter where the paper of tempting marbleized\njournals sparkled with painted copper tips adorning scrolls, \u0003owers\nand foliage, I ambled past the Orsanmichele. Here Donatello\u2019s statues,\nsuspended in time, instructed passers-by about civil duty, Florentine\npride, and moral rectitude. But walking up to the San Miniato del\nMonte, a solid church with thick brick walls decorated with frescoes on\nthe inside and geometric marble mosaics on the outside, was a special\nexcursion. It was on as much of a mountain as one would \u0002nd outside\nof Florence, affording a view of Brunelleschi\u2019s dome and the red-tiled\nroofs of the city below.\nOne July day, after an ample lunch of pasta, olives, and salty tomato\nsauce to maintain my perpetually hungry adolescent metabolism, I\nwalked to San Minato, looking forward to the cool sanctuary and\nsalubrious perfume of the rose garden. Perspiring heavily in the hot\nTuscan sun as I ascended the hill, I began to feel odd. White dots\nappeared before my eyes, my stomach felt heavy, and the bright colors\nof the landscape turned faint and grey. I stumbled to a wall to rest,\nand I subsequently awoke to an elderly and ample Italian lady clad in\nblack wafting a bottle that smelled piercing and sharp under my nose.\n\u201cSal volatile, sal volatile,\u201d she kept repeating, and then \u201cbene, bene\u201d\nas my eyes \u0003uttered open. I was befuddled, yet gradually aware I had\nfainted, my shirt ripped and a long scrape down my side indicating\nmy fall against the wall. The awareness of pain from the scrape and\nthe contents of the bottle rapidly propelled me to consciousness. \u201cSal\nvolatile? Sal volatile? what is that?\u201d I thought. Then I realized, \u201cVolatile\nsalts . . . oh, smelling salts! Grazie, grazie, signora.\u201d\n\nPages 19:\n2\nchapter one\nAfter returning to my pensione, I thought about the restorative I had\nbeen offered. Smelling salts were something I had previously thought\nonly existed in Victorian novels, but then I also thought only tightly\ncorseted heroines were capable of fainting, not an American student\nwho was suffering from dehydration and heat stroke. From that day,\nI wondered what the source of the idea was that salts contained a\nvital principle that would restore consciousness. That thought led to\nthe writing of this book, which delineates the important cultural and\nscienti\u0002c origins and effects of salt chymistry in early modern England,\nand among other purposes, demonstrates the source of the idea of salt\nas a source of life and restoration.\nIn this work, I will\n1. Demonstrate the centrality of salt and salt chymistry to early\nchymistry and matter theory generally, and ask to what extent natural\nphilosophers and physicians in the seventeenth and eighteenth century\nconsidered salt fundamental to science and medicine.1 The term \u201csalt\u201d\nin the early modern period was a vague one, but usually encompassed a\ngroup of \u201csolid soluble, in\u0003ammable substances with characteristic tastes\u201d2\nand a crystalline structure. In the early modern period, as the historian\nNorma Emerton has commented \u201cas the instrument of the form, as\nembodiment of the generative seed and spirit, and as the transmitter\nof mineral qualities including crystallinity, salt became the formative\nprinciple par excellence.\u201d3 Some chymists, such as Joseph Duchesne\n(1544\u20131609), Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise La Febvre (1610 \u2013\n1669) claimed there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed\nto be responsible for minerallogenesis and the formation of matter, or\nperhaps a source of the alkahest or universal dissolvent.4 I will delineate\n1\nMy use of the term chymical and chymistry throughout this book is quite deliberate,\nas it is anachronistic practice to make clear distinctions between alchemy and chemistry\nin the seventeenth century. Early modern \u201cchymists\u201d attempted to transmute metals\ninto gold, considered an alchemical practice, yet also performed other experiments\ninvolving mass balance or crystallographic analysis that would be considered \u201cchemical.\u201d For further analysis of this historiographic problem, see L.M. Principe and W.R.\nNewman, \u201cAlchemy vs. Chymistry: The Etymological Origins of a Historiographic\nMistake,\u201d Early Science and Medicine, 3 (1998), pp. 32\u201365.\n2\nJon Eckland, \u201cSalt\u201d, in The Incomplete Chymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century\nChemist in His Laboratory with a Dictionary of Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period, Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology, Number 33 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian\nInstitute Press, 1975).\n3\nNorma Emerton, The Scienti\u0002c Interpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University\nPress, 1984), p. 214.\n4\nJoseph Duchesne, The practise of chymicall, and hermeticall physicke, for the preservation of\n\nPages 20:\nthe context of salts\n3\nthese debates about salts\u2019 role in matter theory amongst the Paracelsian\nSchool as well as chymists such as Glauber, who were in\u0003uenced by\nthe work of Johann Baptista Van Helmont (1577\u20131634).\n2. Assert that salt chymistry provides a nexus for studying the interrelationships between chymistry, natural history, physiology, and medical\nsciences in the early modern period. My exploration of natural history\u2019s\nintersection with chemical investigation in early modern England, particularly amongst early Royal Society members, proved a ripe area to\nexplore the growing importance of the senses and experience as causes\nof intellectual change in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While\nthe concept of the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury is\nimportant to consider in tracing the source of these ideas, I argue the\nwork of the physician Johann Van Helmont was at their base.\n3. Argue that analyzing to what extent the alchemical understanding of salts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries\nis crucial to our understanding of the transition between alchemy and\nchymistry. To accomplish this task, I will determine to what extent conceptions of volatile salts were modi\u0002ed by a diminishing of interest in\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as\nthe fundamental movers in chymistry, natural processes and medicine\nin the \u0002rst half of the eighteenth century. As Ecklund commented,\n\u201cin the eighteenth century salts gradually became to be thought of in\nterms of process, as, for example, the product of the reaction between\nacids and bases, acids and other salts, or between two salts, etc. Some\nchemists regarded acids . . . themselves as salts or at least some saline\nsubstances.\u201d5 Indeed, Chambers Cyclopaedia (1728) de\u0002ned salt as a\n\u201csimple acid substance.\u201d6 In the early eighteenth century, the formative\nqualities of volatile salts were also thought to be an aid to longevity.\nBefore oxygen was \u201cdiscovered,\u201d acidic saline spirits were perceived to\nbe the source of life\u2019s breath, revealing not only the origins of the idea\nof smelling salts, but early theories of respiratory physiology.\nhealth . . . Translated into English, by Thomas Tymme (London: T. Creede, 1605); Nicaise La\nFebvre, Traict\u00e9 de la chymie. (Paris: T. Jolly, 1660); A Compleat Body of Chemistry (London:\nT. Ratcliffe, 1664).\n5\nEcklund, \u201cSalt,\u201d in The Incompleat Chymist.\n6\nEphraim Chambers, \u201cSalt,\u201d in the Cyclop\u00e6dia, or, An universal dictionary of arts and\nsciences . . . in two Volumes (London: James and John Knapton, et al., 1728), volume 2,\np. 12.\n\nPages 21:\n4\nchapter one\nHistoriography and chapter outline\nPrevious histories of salt chymistry such as Robert Multhauf \u2019s Neptune\u2019s\nGift have focused on common salt as an industrial and commercial\nmaterial, concentrating on its production, consumption and trade, particularly in the Germanies; Multhauf admitted that his work began as a\nproject for a history of industrial chymistry.7 Other treatments of early\nmodern English salt chymistry, such as Robert Frank\u2019s analysis of the\nOxford physiologists from William Harvey (1578\u20131657) to John Mayow\n(1640\u201379), have been dominated by a concentrated study of nitre and\nrespiration in medical works; scholars Noel Coley and Matthew Eddy\nhave analyzed salt chymistry in the context of early modern spa waters.8\nIn a re\u0002nement of the magisterial analyses of Paracelsus by Walter\nPagel and Allen Debus, work by Larry Principe and William Newman\nhas indirectly indicated the importance of salt chymistry to conceptions\nof the alchemical Paracelsian \u201celemental\u201d tria prima of salt, sulphur,\nand mercury.9 Chapter two will more directly analyze the signi\u0002cance\nof salts to the English Paracelsian School, with a focus on the works\nof Joseph Duchesne (1544\u20131609), a French physician whose treatise\n7\nRobert P. Multhauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift: A History of Common Salt (Baltimore: John Hopkins\nUniversity Press, 1978).\n8\nRobert G. Frank Jr., Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas\n(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care:\n\u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214; Matthew D. Eddy, \u201cThe \u2018Doctrine of Salts\u2019 and\nRev. John Walker\u2019s Analysis of a Scottish Spa (1749\u20131761),\u201d Ambix 48, 3 (November\n2001), pp. 137\u2013160; Anne Borsay, Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History\nof the General In\u0002rmary, c. 1739\u20131830 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Christopher Hamlin,\n\u201cChymistry, medicine, and the legitimization of English spas, 1740\u20131840,\u201d in The\nmedical history of waters and spas, Medical History Supplement no. 10 (London: Wellcome\nInstitute for the History of Medicine, 1990), pp. 67\u201381; Phyllis Hembry, The English spa,\n1560\u20131815: a social history (London: Athlone Press, 1990); A. Sakula, \u201cDoctor Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Epsom Salts,\u201d Clio Medica [ Netherlands] 19, 1\u20132 (1984),\npp. 1\u201322. Noel G. Coley, \u201cThe preparation and uses of arti\u0002cial mineral waters (ca.\n1680\u20131825),\u201d Ambix 31 (1984), 32\u201348; Charles F. Mullet, Public baths and health in England, 16th\u201318th century (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1946). For nineteenth-century\ntherapeutic mineral cures, please see George Weisz, \u201cWater Cures and Science: The\nFrench Academy of Medicine and Mineral Waters in the nineteenth century,\u201d Bulletin\nof the History of Medicine 64, 3 (1990): 393\u2013416. For the economic impact of mineral\nwaters, please see Sylvia McIntyre, \u201cThe Mineral Water Trade in the Eighteenth\nCentury,\u201d Journal of Transport History 2,1 (1973), pp. 1\u201319.\n9\nWilliam R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey,\nBoyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002).\n\nPages 22:\nthe context of salts\n5\nmodi\u0002ed by Thomas Tymme was one of the \u0002rst Paracelsian chymical\ntreatises published in England. The chapter will also analyze Thomas\nSherley\u2019s (1638\u20131678) translation of Duchesne\u2019s contemporary Turquet\nde Mayerne, as well as the work of Johann Glauber which in\u0003uenced\nthe intellectual circle of Samuel Hartlib and Robert Boyle.\nFrederic Holmes\u2019 collection of essays investigates primarily eighteenth-century French salt chymistry in another light, as an experimental enterprise in its own terms, not as a mere \u201cpreparation\u201d for the\ntheories of Lavoisier.10 In contrast to Owen Hannaway\u2019s view of the\norigins of modern chymistry, Holmes claimed that eighteenth-century\nsalt chymistry was \u201cinvestigative rather than didactic, concerned more\nwith research and discovery than teaching and dissemination.\u201d11 Holmes\nalso claimed that because the experimental activity concerning salt chymistry displayed principles of specialization and the division of labor, it\nwas to be distinguished from the \u201cmore familiar categories of natural\nphilosophy,\u201d in which virtuosi dabble in several areas of investigation.12\nHolmes\u2019 work however primarily investigated French salt chymistry in\nthe Acad\u00e9mie Royale which was an organized activity sponsored by\nthe French state. In contrast, in England, chapter three of this book\nwill show that chymistry was rather more intimately connected to the\n\u201cvirtuosic dabblings,\u201d of the more loosely-organized Royal Society,\nlargely in natural history. Salt was seen by natural philosophers such as\nMartin Lister (1638\u20131711), Robert Moray (1609\u201373), Thomas Philipot\n(d. 1682), Nehemiah Grew (d. 1682), and Robert Boyle (1627\u201391) to be a\nprimeval principle or fundamental mover in processes usually described\nin natural history accounts, such as tides, volcanoes, meteorological\neffects, and plant respiration.\nThe effects of volatile salts (in early modern chymistry, those that\nhave an odor and were reactive to heat), particularly of vitriol (ferrous\nsulphate) and saltpeter (potassium nitrate also known as nitre) were at\nthe center of these studies in natural history.13 This may have been\nbecause the crystals of the salts of vitriol are large and prominent,\nand because sulphuric and nitric acids produced spectacular and often\n10\nFrederic L. Holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley\nPapers in the History of Science: University of California at Berkeley, 1989).\n11\nJ.G. McEvoy, \u201cReview of Frederic Lawrence Holmes Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise,\u201d Isis, 82, 2 (1991), p. 312.\n12\nMcEvoy, \u201cReview of Eighteenth-Century Chymistry,\u201d Isis, p. 312.\n13\nMulthauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift, p. 130.\n\nPages 23:\n6\nchapter one\nexothermic chemical reactions. To indicate the pervasiveness of these\nbeliefs, appendix one provides a translation of Martin Lister\u2019s work\nDe Fontibus medicatis Angliae Exercitatio (1684) [Exercises on the healing\nsprings of England], which contains an extensive discussion of vitriol\nand early beliefs about volatile salts.\nFurther, as Dear has noted, the early Royal Society\u2019s \u201cstyle of presentation\u201d of natural philosophy with its wealth of circumstantial evidence\nand empirical detail \u201callowed no clear distinction to be made between\na \u2018natural historical\u2019 . . . and an \u2018experimental report.\u2019 \u201d14 True to this\nfashion, English experimental works of salt chymistry in the seventeenth\ncentury, not only in form, but in their content, were \u201cnatural historical.\u201d\nDetailed reports of the phenomena of natural history were accompanied\nby theories of salt chymistry as underlying explanations for observed\nevents. Ursula Klein\u2019s work has analyzed to what extent the chemical\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae\nrelated not only to experimental philosophy, but to experimental history\nand natural history.15 In a similar manner, an exploration of natural\nhistory\u2019s intersection with chemical investigation in early modern England is a ripe area to explore the growing importance of the senses\nand experience as causes of intellectual change in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries.\nThe salt principle was also a fundamental alchemical tenet, and in\nchapter four I analyze to what extent the alchemical understanding of\nsalts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contribute to our comprehension of the early modern transition between\nalchemy and chymistry. As Principe has noted,\nin the Paracelsian triad [of salt, sulphur, and mercury] the largely analogical, relative, and \u0003uid categories of the Mercury and Sulphur of\nthe dyad are made more rigid so that the tria prima becomes universal,\nconstant, primary, elemental bodies. For example, Quercetanus, one of\nthe most important early expositors of the Paracelsian tria prima, insists\nin his liber de priscorum philosophorum varae medicinae materia that Mercury,\n14\nPeter Dear, \u201cTotius en Verba: Rhetoric and Authority in the Early Royal Society,\u201d\nIsis 76, 2 ( June 1985), pp. 144\u201361, on p. 154.\n15\nUrsula Klein, \u201cExperimental history and Herman Boerhaave\u2019s chemistry of\nplants,\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 34, (2003), pp.\n533\u2013567. For the intersections of other early modern scienti\u0002c disciplines with natural\nhistory see: Cultures of Natural History, eds. N. Jardine, J. Secord, E.A. Spery (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1996).\n\nPages 24:\nthe context of salts\n7\nSulphur, and Salt are present in all bodies, and that the scope of chymical philosophy includes not only minerals and metals, but also plants and\nanimals, weather, and even celestial bodies.16\nSeventeenth-century writers, particular those of chemical textbooks, as\nwell as the iatrochymists, chemical physicians, and apothecaries who\nfollowed Paracelsus (1493\u20131541) also recognized the expansion of the\ntria prima\u2019s principles to include all bodies.\nHowever, Principe also argues that Paracelsus was not the chief of\nthe alchemists, and did not inform \u201call of alchemy or even a major\npart of it,\u201d and that understanding diverse schools of thought among\nearly modern alchemists is important.17 His point is well taken in the\ncase of theories of salt chymistry and natural history, which I also show\nin chapter three were more dominated by the thought of physician\nJohannes Baptista Van Helmont (1579\u20131644) rather than the theories of\nParacelsus. Van Helmont believed that volatile salts composed the vital\nspirit or the breath of both animals and plants which was \u201cresolved in\nthe heart by fermentation into a salt air and enlightened by life.\u201d18 In\nother words, volatile salts were thought to compose a vital spirit made\nof arterial blood transformed in the heart by fermentation into a salt\nair that was expelled by breathing.19 Just as van Helmont thought that\nheated blood discharged its volatile salts into the air, Robert Boyle\nand his colleague Daniel Coxe (1640\u20131730) believed that volatile salts\n\u201cbeing received into the vast subtile \u0003uid [atmosphere] . . . becomes the\nInstrument of sundry remarkable effects and operations, not only in\nNatural, but also [in] Arti\u0002cial productions.\u201d20\nAt the end of the seventeenth century, interest in the salt principle\nbegan to decline. Belief in the salt principle diminished, \u201cas did interest\nin elements in general, in favor of a notion of a primeval or universal\nacid as a fundamental mover in natural processes, usually equated with\n16\nLawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest\n(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 39\u201340.\n17\nPrincipe, The Aspiring Adept, p. 41.\n18\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp.\n43\u201361, on p. 58.\n19\nRobert Boyle, Suspicions about some Hidden Qualities of the Air with an Appendix touching\nCelestial Magnets (London: W.G., 1674), pp. 59\u201360.\n20\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse . . . touching the\nIdentity of all Volatile Salts,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 108 (November\n23, 1674), pp. 169\u201382, on p. 172.\n\nPages 25:\n8\nchapter one\nsulphuric acid.\u201d21 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nthere was \u201crecognition that the most powerful chemical agents were acids\nor \u201csaline spirits,\u201d which were currently gaining increased importance\nin the laboratory as chemical reactions in solution gradually predominated over the old distillation processes.\u201d22 Natural philosophers such as\nDescartes, Boyle, and Newton identi\u0002ed the seminal power and vitalist generator of matter as a universal saline or acid spirit, a tradition\nbolstered by Boerhaave.\nTo examine this intellectual transition from a salt to an acidic \u201csaline\nspirit\u201d as a vitalist generator of matter in England, in chapter four, I\nwill examine the works of William Simpson, a Van Helmontian physician whose work on aerial acids has striking parallels with Newton\u2019s\nlater work on acids in the Opticks (1704\u201322) and De Natura Acidorum\n(1710). I also will analyze the writings of Newtonian physicians such as\nBryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Archibald Pitcairne (1652\u20131713), George\nCheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) who posited a\n\u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the premises in the Principia, as well\nas queries in Newton\u2019s Opticks and the De Natura Acidorum. Although\nAnita Guerrini pioneered the studies of \u201cNewton-struck\u201d physicians\nin the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, her emphasis\nwas primarily in the application of Newtonian physics to medicine;\nI will concentrate upon Newton\u2019s chymical works and their in\u0003uence\nin the medical community.23 Chapter \u0002ve will examine the spread of\nthese medical concepts of salt chymistry in larger society, looking at\ntheir role in patent medicines, in satire, and in medical treatments to\npromote longevity.\nBy the eighteenth century, we will see that suggestions for the identity of this universal acid re\u0003ected the \u201cnovel preoccupations . . . of the\nphlogiston theory, the nature of combustion, pneumatic chymistry, and\nrespiration;\u201d Lavoisier, for example, \u201cfastened upon the elementary\ngas, which he named oxygen (literally acid generator) as his acidifying\nprinciple.\u201d24 In the concluding chapter, I will brie\u0003y demonstrate this\n21\nMulthauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift, p. 130.\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 184.\n23\nAnita Guerrini, \u201cThe Tory Newtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne, and their Circle,\u201d\nJournal of British Studies, 25 (1986), pp. 288\u2013311; Anita Guerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne\nand Newtonian Medicine,\u201d Medical History, 31 (1987), pp. 70\u201383; Anita Guerrini,\nObesity and Depression in the Enlightenment: The Life and Times of George Cheyne (Norman:\nUniversity of Oklahoma Press, 2000).\n24\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 227.\n22\n\nPages 26:\nthe context of salts\n9\ntheoretical progression, my analysis of this progression used to elucidate the staggered and incomplete development of chymistry from\nalchemical beliefs, one of the key historiographic issues in the study of\nearly modern chymistry.25 Finally I hope that I will have answered my\nquestion, formulated a long time ago in Tuscany, about why salt was\nthought to be a vital element.\n25\nNewman and Principe, \u201cAlchemy vs. chymistry: The etymological origins of a\nhistoriographic mistake,\u201d passim.\n\nPages 27:\nCHAPTER TWO\nPARACELSIAN CONCEPTS OF SALTS\nAristotelian analyses of the elements in his On the Heavens and Of\nMeteorology dominated conceptions of matter in late medieval natural\nphilosophy. The heavens above the moon were created of the ether, a\nperfect shining element whose natural motion was circular and perfect.\nBelow the moon, there were the corruptible earth, air, \u0002re and water\nelements composing the material world. Each element was classi\u0002ed as\neither being hot or cold, and wet or dry. The heavy earth element had a\nnatural motion downwards towards the center of the earth, as Aristotle\npostulated elements teleologically strove to be in their natural place with\ntheir identical components of matter. Water also went down towards\nthe oceans, just as rain fell down out of the sky. Fire strove upwards to\nbe towards the ring of \u0002re thought to be surrounding the earth above\nits atmosphere; the upward motion of a burning candle illustrated this\nprinciple. Elemental air also went up towards the atmosphere. Each of\nthese elements was paired with its opposite element which had a natural\nmotion in a direction contrary to its own. Water, which was heavy and\nwet, was paired with \u0002re, which was light and dry; the heavy and dry\nearth found its opposite in the light and wet air.\nThe sun was also responsible for the generative properties of the four\nelements, aiding them by its heat and light to mix and create minerals,\nplant and animal life. Aristotle postulated in his geocentric astronomical\nsystem that the sun was not in the center of the universe, but rather\nin the midst of all the other planets. The sun could radiate light in all\ndirections, essential because Aristotle believed that the generation and\ncorruption, or becoming and passing-away, of all sublunar creatures\nand elements was dependent on the Sun.1 Robert Grosseteste, the late\nmedieval scholar and Bishop of Lincoln, expressed a common opinion when he stated that if the Sun were elevated to the region of the\n1\nAristotle, \u201cOn Generation and Corruption,\u201d in The Complete Works of Aristotle. 2\nvols. ed Jonathan Barnes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 2.10.336b, lines\n16\u201324; quoted in Edward Grant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs: The Medieval Cosmos, 1200 \u20131687\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 453.\n\nPages 28:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n11\nprimum mobile, the elements and compounds around the earth would\nbe destroyed because the earth\u2019s heat would be reduced.2 If the Sun\ndescended to the region of the Moon, its proximity to the elements of\nearth, water, air, and \u0002re would also destroy them. As it was, when near\nthe earth, the sun caused the waters surrounding the earth to evaporate,\nbut when it receded those waters condensed and fell.\nAs has been well documented by Debus and Pagel, Auroleus Phillipus\nTheostratus Bombastus von Hohenheim or Paracelsus (1493\u20131541) challenged these Aristotelian conceptions of the elements in the sixteenth\ncentury. Hellenistic alchemical texts posited that mercury and sulphur\nwere the basic elemental principles, and Paracelsus added salt to this,\ncreating the tria prima or three principles.3 While Paracelsus had no\ndesire to dispose of the Aristotelian schema of earth, air, water, and\n\u0002re, he did feel that they were purely \u201cspiritual in nature and only crude\napproximations of the objects by which we call these names.\u201d4 And,\nwhen Paracelsus added the tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury, this\nsecond elementary system of matter, he failed to\nmake clear the relationship of the new triad to the traditional elements.\nVarying between spiritual and material interpretations, the elements and\nprinciples were often pictured as often inde\u0002nable aspects of a primal stuff\nthat had to exist as a basis for the more complex things of this world.5\nThis state of affairs meant that sixteenth- and seventeenth-century\nEnglish chymists integrated the Aristotelian and Paracelsian schemas\nas they saw necessary, coming up with different numbers of elements\nand principles to suit their needs. This chapter will explore how coexistence of elements and principles in\u0003uenced conceptions of the salt\nprinciple among Paracelsian chymists in England in the \u0002rst half of\nthe seventeenth century.\nIn this contextual chapter for our study of early modern saline chymistry, not only will we explore to what extent the material conception\n2\nRobert Grosseteste, Hexa\u00ebmeron, ed. Richard C. Dales and Servus Gieben (London:\nOxford University Press for British Academy, 1982), 5.21.2, lines 20\u201322; quoted in\nGrant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs, p. 452.\n3\nPagel however questions if there were medieval precedents to the Paracelsian\naddition of salts to the tria prima, postulating that terra or faex, a solid residue, was\nintroduced to provide the material basis for metals. See Walter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen:\nParacelsianism in Storm and Stress (Basel: Karger, 1985), pp. 40\u201341.\n4\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cFire Analysis and the Elements in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth\nCenturies,\u201d Annals of Science 23, 2 ( June 1967), pp. 127\u2013147, on p. 129.\n5\nDebus, \u201cFire Analysis,\u201d p. 129.\n\nPages 29:\n12\nchapter two\nof salt affected traditional Aristotelian conceptions of matter, but we will\nalso analyze the debates about the identity of a Paracelsian \u201cphilosophical\u201d or spiritual salt, and the role of salts in Paracelsian medicine. We\nwill \u0002rst examine Thomas Tymme\u2019s translation of Joseph Duchesne\u2019s\nPractice of Chymicall and Hermeticall Physick (1605), the \u0002rst work in England to explore such debates, as well as the signi\u0002cance of salt in the\nParacelsian system to an English audience. We will then also compare\nDuchesne\u2019s ideas about the medical use of salts to those of Turquet de\nMayerne, a French Paracelsian, who bound up in the antimony wars\nin France, emigrated to become a physician to Charles I of England.\nFinally, we will analyze the role of salt in the work of Johann Glauber\n(1604\u201370), the German chymist whose ideas were in\u0003uential in the\nintellectual circle in England centered about scienti\u0002c reformer Samuel\nHartlib (1600\u20131662) in the 1640s until the Restoration.6\nJoseph Duchesne and Thomas Tymme\u2019s\nPractice of Chymicall Physick\nJoseph Duchesne (1544\u20131609, known as Quercetanus) was a French\ncourt physician to Henry IV, and was considered \u201cas one of the leading\nauthorities on the new chemical medicines in Europe.\u201d7 Renowned and\nrebuffed for his chymical remedies, Duchesne was involved in public\ncontroversy within and without the French court, including successfully\ndefending Louise Robot, the Mademoiselle de Martinville, and her\nmother-in-law involving charges of incest.8 Duchesne\u2019s notoriety as well\nas his chymical theories caused English minister Thomas Tymme to\ntranslate his Libert de Priscorum Philosophorum verae medicinae material (1603)\nand the Ad Veritatem Hermeticae Medicinae ex Hippocratis vertumque decretis ac\nTherapeusi (1604) to create the Practice of Chymicall and Hermeticall Physick\n6\nJ.T. Young\u2019s work, Faith, Medical Alchemy, and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen,\nReformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot and Brook\u0002eld, USA: Ashgate, 1998),\ndiscusses Morian\u2019s interactions with Glauber and the reception of some of Glauber\u2019s\nchymical ideas among the Hartlib circle.\n7\nAllen Debus, \u201cThe Pharmaceutical Revolution of the Renaissance,\u201d Clio Medica\n11, 4 (1976), pp. 307\u2013317, on p. 312.\n8\nDidier Kahn, \u201cInceste, Assassinat, Persecutions et Alchemie en France et a Geneve\n(1576\u20131596): Joseph Du Chesne et Mlle de Martinville [ Incest, assassination, persecutions, and alchemy in France and Geneva, 1576\u201396: Joseph Du Chesne and\nMademoiselle de Martinville],\u201d Bibliotheque d\u2019Humanisme et Renaissance 63, 2 (2001), pp.\n227\u2013259.\n\nPages 30:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n13\n(1605). In doing so, Tymme produced the \u0002rst treatise in England that\nwas devoted to Paracelsian theory since Richard Bostocke\u2019s Paracelsian\napology, the Difference between the auncient Phisicke . . . and the latter Phisicke\n(1585).9 The Practice was not only one of the \u0002rst seventeenth-century\ntreatises in English to have a complete explanation of Aristotelian and\nParacelsian elements, but it was the \u0002rst to have an extended discussion\nof the Paracelsian salt principle. Duchesne\u2019s work also was popularized\nin the \u0002rst half of the seventeenth century, in\u0003uencing more practical\nworks of Paracelsian medicine and chymistry such as John Woodall\u2019s\nSurgeon\u2019s Mate (1617).\nConsidering the muddied state of affairs created by the overlay of the\ntria prima unto the Aristotelian elemental system, it is not surprising that\nDuchesne created his own theoretical system, using a matrix of \u0002ve\nprinciples with both Paracelsian and Aristotelian elements.10 In Le Grand\nmiroir de Monde (1584) and the Defensio (1605), Duchesne had eliminated\nair as an element as he believed it was rari\u0002ed water, and disregarded\n\u0002re as well because it was not mentioned in Genesis, leaving earth,\nwater, salt, sulphur and mercury as his \u0002ve principles.11 To confuse\nthe issue further, Tymme in his translation modi\u0002ed Duchesne\u2019s ideas,\ninstead emphasizing a Trinitarian correspondence between the \u201cpassive\u201d\nAristotelian elements of earth, \u0002re, and water (which included terrestrial water and the upper waters of air), with the chymically \u201cactive\u201d\nParacelsian elements of salt, sulphur, and mercury. Debus is correct to\nsurmise that Tymme\u2019s emphasis on the trinity of matter was because\nof his vocation as a minister\u2014he attributed mystical properties to the\ntrinities of chemistry and religion.\nHowever, despite Tymme\u2019s Trinitarian thrust, one which will extend to\nthe classi\u0002cation of saline substances themselves, it cannot be overlooked\nthat salt emerges as an overwhelmingly predominant principle in his\ntranslation. Part one of the Practice is devoted to \u201cchymicall\u201d physick, and\ncontains three chapters about the material nature of salts. The entire\nsecond part and most of the third concerns the \u201chermeticall\u201d or spiritual\nnature of the \u201chermaphroditical\u201d salt, an \u201cideal Platonic form of salt.\u201d\nChemists like Duchesne, as well as Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise\nLa Febvre (1610\u20131669) claimed that there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d\n9\nAllen G. Debus, The English Paracelsians (New York: F. Watts, 1966), p. 87.\nSee R. Hooykaas, \u201cDie Elementenlehre der Iatrochemiker,\u201d Janus 41 (1937), pp.\n1\u201328 for an analysis of Duchesne\u2019s theories of elements and principles.\n11\nDebus, English Paracelsians, p. 90.\n10\n\nPages 31:\n14\nchapter two\nor formative salt believed to be responsible for the minerallogenesis,\nreproduction, and the generation of matter. There were several contenders for the identity of this formative salt principle including nitre,\nantinomy, and vitriol, the debates about which we shall analyze.\nPart one of the Practice:\nSalts, material substance, and the secondary qualities of taste and color\nPart one of the Practice devoted to chymical analysis began by describing the material nature of salt. It was seen as a \u201cdry body, merely\nearthy . . . endowed with wonderfull virtues of dissolving, congealing,\ncleansing,\u201d and as the substantive body in the trinity of spirit (mercury)\nand soul (sulphur); this concept was taken from Duchesne\u2019s Ad veritatem.12\nAnd, Tymme\u2019s classi\u0002cation was in keeping with the Paracelsian tria\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and\nbodily shape.\u201d13 Continuing the tripartite theme, all salts were believed\nto contain within themselves salty, sulphureous, and mercurial qualities\n\u201cjointly together.\u201d Common earthy salt, \u201c\u0002xed and \u0002rme,\u201d nitrous salt,\n\u201cpartly \u0002xed and partly volatile,\u201d participating in the \u201csulphureous\nbeginnings of things,\u201d and sal ammoniac, which was \u201cof the Mercuriall\nbeginning spiritual and airie\u201d could all be extracted from any saline\nsubstance by a \u201cwittie\u201d saltmaker with the \u201cforce of \u0002re.\u201d14\nTymme also claimed that salts also were responsible for secondary\nqualities of matter, such as color or taste. It was also possible to discern\nwhich type of salt in a sample was predominant, whether sulphureous,\n\u0002xed, or mercurious, by taste. Earthy \u0002xed salt had a simple salt taste,\nnitrous or sulphureous salt a sweet and oily one, and mercurial salt was\nsour. In fact, a substance without any salt, such as water, was described\nby Tymme as \u201cutterly unsavory.\u201d15 This belief that water was tasteless\nwas ultimately derived from Aristotle\u2019s On Sense and the Sensible,16 in which\n12\nJoseph Duchesne, (1605) The practice of chymicall and hermeticall physicke, trans. Thomas\nTymme. (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum; Norwood, N.J.: W.J. Johnson. [ London:\nT. Creede: 1975 reprint]) fol. D1 verso.; Joseph Duchesne, Ad veritatem hermeticae medicinae\nex Hippocratis veterumque decretis ac therapeusi (Paris: Abraham Saugrain, 1604), book xiv,\np. 167. [Haec tria principia, ab Hermete olim antiquissimo Philosopho dicta sunt spiritus, anima,\ncorpus, ut Mercurious sit spiritus, sulphur anima, sal corpus.]\n13\nWalter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen, p. 37.\n14\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. D2 verso.\n15\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. D4 verso.\n16\nAristotle, On Sense and the Sensible (White\u0002sh, MT: Kessinger Publishing, 2004),\nI.4.c., line 1.\n\nPages 32:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n15\nwater was without savor unless it received \u201csome affection from an\nexternal agent,\u201d such as a salt. These predominant salt, sweet, or sour\ntastes which derived from salty, sulphureous, or mercurial salts in any\nsubstance, the Practice argued, are attenuated by mixture with the \u201cpassive\u201d Aristotelian qualities of earth, \u0002re, and water.17 Tymme wrote:\nfor the sharpe is mixed with a mercurial liquor; the sower is mixed with a\nphlegmatique, or watery humour, and the eger, with a terrestrial driness:\nthe which, the more they have of the Elementary qualities, and the same\npassive, so much the more weake they are and impaired.18\nHowever, by chymical art, the active salts could be separated from\nthe passive elements, and \u201cobtaine their full force,\u201d for medicinal\npurposes.19\nIn a simpler vein, \u201ccookery\u201d could also be used to change tastes of\nsubstances, as heat would volatilize the differing salts in the food. For\ninstance,\nSo if thou shalt drawe out of onions and garlicke a Volatile and aiery\nsharpe Mercurial Salt, which ariseth in the super\u0002cies & uppermost of\ntheir bodies: thou shalt make them more sweet and pleasing, and to put\noff their sharpenesse, by which they bite the tongue.20\nIn other words, the sweetness of the cooked onions and garlic was\nbecause the marine salt and sulphureous salt were left behind after\nheating, lending their qualities of taste to the cooked food.\nThis premise that taste arises from a proportion of salts mixed with\npassive elements was a Paracelsian challenge to the Aristotelian-scholastic,\nand hence Galenic idea that taste was due to the hot, cold, moist, and\ndry qualities of the substance in question. Aristotle believed heat and\ncold were among the most fundamental features of matter in the secondary realm, including that of taste, digestive savor in the mouth, and\nnutritional value. In the On Sense and the Sensible, taste and savor increased\nin direct proportion with heat, whereas \u201ccoldness and freezing render\nSavors dull, and abolish odours altogether; for cooling and freezing\ntend to annul the kinetic heat which helps to fabricate sapidity.\u201d In the\nAristotelian scheme, moistness also increased strength of taste. But for\nTymme and Duchesne, the proportion of salts was behind the sensory\nappreciation of food.\n17\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 recto.\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 recto.\n19\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 verso.\n20\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 verso.\n18\n\nPages 33:\n16\nchapter two\nAnother challenge to scholastic assumptions was the Practice\u2019s argument that saline spirits were behind the diversity of color in mineral,\nvegetable and animal matter, a belief we shall see in chapter three that\n\u0002fty years later will in\u0003uence theories in the Royal Society about plant\npigments. Scholastics believed that color was related to the material\u2019s\nhot and cold qualities. This stemmed from Aristotle\u2019s belief that hotness and coldness were among the most fundamental characteristics of\nmatter in the sublunary area, something later mechanists would deny.21\nAristotle also promoted a causal thesis of perception, or that \u201cthe\ncapacity of a sensible quality to produce perception has as its basis the\nintrinsic nature of the quality;\u201d when applied to color, this meant that\nthe inherent quality of a red object makes us perceive it as red.22 And,\nthe object\u2019s inherent quality of redness also meant the object had an\ninherent quality of hotness as well. Whiteness usually meant the object\nalso had an inherent quality of coldness, like snow. Thus, as Tymme\nnoted, the scholastic\nPhysitians . . . have . . . noted certain frivolous and light observations: as\nwhen they say, that in a white onion, or in white wine, a man may judge\nby the color a great coldnesse, than in a red onion or in red wine.23\nIn contrast, Paracelsians argued that \u201csolidity and often color were due\nto salt.\u201d24 Tymme noted that arsenic, which is a white sublimate, and\nthus should be cold, instead was very biting to the taste (a hot quality).\nFurther, white sugar when heated, revealed \u201cits innermost spirits,\u201d and\nbecame sharp in taste, its \u201cwaters\u201d dissolving metal, also symptomatic\nof hot qualities. This refutation of Aristotelian principles meant that\ncolor proceeded from \u201cthe spirits . . . or aery vapours, which lye hid in\nthe Salt,\u201d and was not related to heat or cold at all.25 As an example\nof this, Tymme utilized Saltpeter or Nitre. Nitre was also white, but\nwhen heated, dyed the body of the alembic colors \u201cof no less variety,\nthen are \u0003owers of the earth in the time of the Spring.\u201d26\n21\nTodd Stuart Ganson, \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with the Aristotelian Theory of Sensible\nQualities,\u201d Phronesis XLII, 3, (1997), pp. 263\u2013282, on p. 264.\n22\nGanson, \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong,\u201d p. 276.\n23\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E1 verso.\n24\nDebus, \u201cFire Analysis,\u201d p. 131.\n25\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E1 verso.\n26\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E1 verso.\n\nPages 34:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n17\nJust as salts were behind colors and tastes of substances, Tymme\nargued in the Practice that the very substance of matter could be reduced\nto salts, and he utilized experiments with wine and its vinegar to do\nso. It was \u0002rst postulated that salts could be volatilized by exposing\nthe substances in which they were contained to \u201ccelestial in\u0003uences,\u201d\nsuch as sunlight. Via an elaborate system of astral parallels, Paracelsus\nhad taught that celestial in\u0003uences at the macrocosmic level in\u0003uenced\nthe microcosm of the body, as well as causing chemical change in the\ninanimate world. Taking Paracelsus\u2019 idea in consideration, Tymme\nwrote that the celestial in\u0003uence of the sun could reveal hidden salts\nthat made up matter, as in the case of wine exposed to sunlight turning\nto vinegar. He claimed that sun \u201cvaporeth\u201d away the wine\u2019s quintessence, and\nthis eternal and celestial essence being gone, which was the cause of the\nwines sweetnes (which sweetnes hath alwaeies joined with it neverthelesse,\na certain pricking very acceptable to the palate, by reason of a singular\ntemper of sharpnesse Vitriolated by sweete and Sulphurus spirits, put by\nthe instinct of nature into wine) at the length it waxeth sower.27\nThe sourness and sharpness of vinegar had nothing to do with its\nsupposed cold qualities, but to the \u201chidden . . . spirits of Salt,\u201d whose\nsourness was revealed when sulphureous salts were volatilized away\nby sunlight.\nTymme would further test the saline constitution of vinegar using\ndistillation. Distilling three pints of vinegar revealed \u0002rst watery phlegm\nwithout taste. After this phlegm was drawn away, sharp liquor remained,\nwhich Tymme identi\u0002ed as containing sal ammoniac, or ammonium\nchloride. Tymme may have obtained this observation from Duchesne\u2019s\nAd Veritatem Hermeticae Medicinae (1604) in which he had argued sal\nammoniac was closely linked to the mercurial element, and that distilling substances that contained sal ammoniac would result in a mercurial\nwater that was sharp and biting in taste.28 Whatever the source of this\n27\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E2 recto.\nDuchesne, Ad veritatem book IV, p. 169. as quoted in Hiroshi Harai, \u201cParacelsisme,\nNeoplatonism, et Medecine Hermetique Dans La Theorie De La Matiere De Joseph\nDu Chesne a Travers Son Ad Veritatem Hermeticae Medicinae (1604),\u201d Archives Internationales\nd\u2019Histoire des Sciences 51, 146 (2001), pp. 9\u201337, on p. 28. [artifex peritissimus novit, mercurium,\nseu salem armonicum volatilem, cum aere seu aerea parte ita conjunctum esse, ut simul cum aere etiam\nexpiret, et cum eo in aquam spiritualem reducatur, quae agnoscitur mercurialis esse aqua, ex sapore\nadmodum acuto, aeri et vehementi, qui ex mercurio aut sale armoniaco naturae spirituali, (ut vocant\nPhilosophi) promanat.]\n28\n\nPages 35:\n18\nchapter two\ninformation, most likely what was being identi\u0002ed as sal ammoniac was\nsome acetic acid resulting from the distillation of the vinegar, as acetic\nacid is a clear, colorless liquid with a sharp, irritating odor. However,\nbecause sal ammoniac also has a strong smell (it is the component in\nsmelling salts), and acetic acid had not yet been identi\u0002ed by chymists,\none can understand Tymme\u2019s logic. Then, Tymme remarked that it was\npossible to con\u0002rm the amount of sal ammoniac in vinegar by distilling\nthree pints vinegar with an ounce of salt of tartar, a \u0002xed salt (potassium\ncarbonate). He claimed that the volatile sal am\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 1 to page 35 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 36 to page 57 out of a total of 312:\nPages 36:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n19\nconsistent with both Aristotelian and Paracelsian schemes. As Tymme\ncommented, \u201cfrom this \u0002xed Marine salt, as from the Father and \u0002rst\noriginal, all other sates [saltes] are derived.\u201d31\nPart two of the Practice:\nSalts, \u0002re analysis and the existence of the philosophical salt\nThe idea that distillation would separate a salt into its own constituent\nproperties of \u0002xed, sulphureous, and mercuric qualities was not only was\na re\u0003ection of the Paracelsian idea that substances cannot be divided\ninto more than three substances, but that distillation itself would reveal\nthe base principles of matter. The ef\u0002cacy of \u0002re analysis or distillation\nwas an idea in some dispute in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.32\nParacelsians believed that vaporous fumes in distillation revealed mercury, \u0003ame sulphur, and ashes salt.33 However, as Debus and Shakelford\nhave shown, opponents of Paracelsus such as Erastus believed that \u0002re\nchanged bodies into material that was not part of original bodies, and\nthat heat created new compounds, rather than revealing the building\nblocks of a substance.34\nIn chapter 10 of the Practice, the Paracelsian Tymme railed against\nthinkers like Erastus, stating that in the case of the calcinations of\nsalts, \u201cthe naturall and original moysture in Saltes is not consumed.\u201d35\nHis proof lay in the results of palingenesis, in which one took a plant,\nbruised and burnt it, and then calcinated its ashes, extracting from it\na volatile salt. One then made a compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat; arising from the ashes were salt crystals which\nresembled a stem, leaves and \u0003owers, an apparition of the plant which\nhad been submitted to combustion.36 Although the salt had been reduced\n31\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. H2 verso.\nFrederic Holmes, \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis\nof a Tradition,\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n33\nParacelsus, Die 9 B\u00fccher de Natura rerum in the S\u00e4mitliche Werke, ed. Karl Sudhoof\nand Wilhelm Matthiessen, 15 vols. (Munich and Berline, 1922\u201333), vol. xi, p. 348, as\nquoted in Debus, Fire Analysis, p. 131.\n34\nDebus, Fire Analysis, p. 133.\n35\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fols. F3 recto and verso.\n36\nLewis Spence, Encyclopedia of Occultism (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books,\n1968), s.v. \u201cpalingenics.\u201d See William R. Newman, Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and\nthe Quest to Perfect Nature (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2004),\npp. 226\u2013232 for a discussion of palingenics. See also Francois Secret, \u201cPalingenesis,\n32\n\nPages 37:\n20\nchapter two\nto ashes by heat, it still contained the original bodily structure of the\nplant, proving to Tymme that \u0002re did not modify essential principles of\nmatter. Tymme\u2019s interest in plant ashes also symbolized a general trend\nin chymistry. As Ahonen has remarked, although early iatrochymists\nhad a bias towards distillates, the later Paracelsians [such as Duchesne,\nTymme] . . . and Glauber . . . were slowly overcoming the entrenched distaste for residues and extending their chymistry to the appreciation as well\nof the \u0002xed salts that remained behind in the ashes. This was to open up\na whole new \u0002eld of salts (e.g., the nitrates and sulphates).37\nTymme also utilized the example of experiments done by Sieur de Luynes\nor de Formentieres to extract salt from metals via calcination to show\nthat salts were not changed in their composition by the heat of the\n\u0002re. These metallic salts were\nmixed with lye made with ashes of burnt metals, by often powring warme\nwater upon the same, & drawing it through too and againe shewing a\nproofe of his essence, included in the lye after this manner.38\nThe lye was strained through a \u0002lter, cleansed with water, and then\nplaced in a vessel and exposed to the air, whereupon \u201cthere appeared\na thousand forms of mettalls, with all the parts thereto belonging, as\nleaves, stalks, and rootes . . . in such sort as no man could be acknowledge\nthem to be mettals.\u201d39 The precipitation of salts from the lye which\nresembled metallic shapes con\u0002rmed to Tymme that the essence of\nmetallic forms was inherent in the salty ashes, and \u0002re did not destroy\nthis essence. Inspired by biblical text, he then commented, \u201cRemember\nman, that thou art Ashes, and to Ashes againe shalt returne.\u201d40 This\nreasoning was not unique. As Newman has shown, the sixteenth-century\nartist and chymist Bernard Palissy, also in\u0003uenced by Paracelsian ideas,\nbelieved salt\u2019s crystallizing activity showed that it was behind the production of minerals and metals.41\nalchemy and metempsychosis in renaissance medicine,\u201d Ambix 26, 2 ( July 1979), pp.\n81\u201399; A.G. Debus, The French Paracelsians (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,\n1991), pp. 159\u201361.\n37\nKathlenn Winnifred Fowler Ahonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of\nAnimism in Seventeenth-Century Chemistry,\u201d (Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan,\n1971), p. 91.\n38\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n39\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n40\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 verso.\n41\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, pp. 154\u2013155.\n\nPages 38:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n21\nThese discussions about salts\u2019 ability to be inherently generative\nrevealed Tymme\u2019s perceptions about their dual nature. As Renaissance\nNeo-Platonism proposed there was an imperfect physical, and a perfect\nspiritual reality, Tymme also believed that while there were imperfect\nmaterial salts that contributed tastes and color to material objects, there\nwas also a philosophical or spiritual salt which was animate, hermaphroditical and thus inherently reproductive. In promoting this dualism,\nTymme was re\u0003ecting the entirely typical nature of alchemists to make\nvague distinctions between material principles and their more exalted\nspiritual realities. There had also been a long medieval alchemical tradition \u201cconcerning the exalted dignity of salt as the basic operational force\nin Nature,\u201d and Duchesne and his translator expressed that tradition\nstemming from Raymond Lull\u2019s corpus of sal in rebus omnibus.42\nTymme wrote that within the plant ash there was also a spiritual salt,\na spiritual \u201cIdea, indued with a spirituall essence: which served for no\nother purpose, but to be matched with his \u0002tting earth, that so it might\ntake unto it a more solid body.\u201d43 This existence of this spiritual salt was\nalso shown by the fact that salt was a \u201cbalsam of nature.\u201d Tymme wrote,\n\u201call creatures by a certain natural instinct, doe desire [salt] as a Balsam,\nby which they are preserved, conserved, & doe grow and increase.\u201d44\nBirds and doves sought it out \u201cwith their beaks,\u201d deer gravitated to\nsalt licks, and \u0002sh were \u201cbred and nourished\u201d in the sea.45 Spiritual\nsalts also were generative; salt was said to awake the power of semen,\nand Venus \u201cthe mother and \u0002rst beginner of generation, is begotten\nof the Salt spume or froath of the male;\u201d salt was also thought to be\nresponsible for the generation of pearls and corals in the sea as the\nbranching nature of the coral suggested salt crystals.46 Fertilizing salts\nin marl \u201canimateth, forti\u0002eth, and giveth power\u201d to the earth; as the\nsun caused the volatile salts in wine to vaporize and manifest chymical\nchange, the sun in the springtime elevated and sublimated \u201cthe spirits of\nthe said Salt, and of the balsam of Nature.\u201d47 Salts in the air released\nby sunbeams fell again in the form of dew which contained \u201cthe spirit\n42\nPagel, Smiling Spleen, p. 41.\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F3 verso.\n44\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 recto.\n45\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 recto.\n46\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 verso.\n47\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 recto.\n43\n\nPages 39:\n22\nchapter two\nof the foresaid Salt,\u201d and from which Tymme asserted chymists could\nextract a powerful substance which could dissolve gold and silver.\nNot only did Paracelsus believe salt was generative, but some of\nthese ideas connecting the sun, salts, and the generative principle of\nspiritual salts stemmed from the Aristotelian corpus. Aristotle\u2019s \u201cworks\ninvolved pairs of opposing qualities, especially hot and cold, moist and\ndry,\u201d and these qualities were analogically connected to solar and lunar\nin\u0003uences on the earth and the human body.48 In On Generation and\nCorruption, he wrote that the sun releases heat which effects generation\nof life on earth.49 However, because the sun was made of a perfect\nand immutable \u0002fth element or aether, the sun\u2019s heat was attributed\nto its motion only, because the heat and light which it emitted were\n\u201cengendered as the air was chafed by . . . its movement.\u201d50 In the body,\nAristotle associated the \u201chot\u201d motive quality of the sun with the masculine vital heat or active \u201csoul-principle\u201d of the semen. The source of\nthe vital heat of the semen was the pneuma, which was \u201canalogous to\nthe element which belongs to the stars,\u201d or the divine \u0002fth element or\naether; the pneuma was analogous to aether is that it was generative,\nbecause the Sun, which was also made of aether, was a means of\ncreation.51 Aristotle thus concluded that\nthe heat of the sun does effect generation, and so does the heat of\nanimals . . . which operates through the semen. The physical part of the\nsemen, which . . . is accompanied by the portion of soul-principle and\nacts as its vehicle . . . [enters] the uterus . . . [and] it sets the residue produced by the female and imports to it the same movement with which\nit is itself endowed.52\nOther English Paracelsian physicians such as Thomas Moffet also connected salts to lusty behavior. Thomas Moffett (1553\u20131604) studied\nmedicine at Basel, wrote a manuscript on entomology which was pub48\nJoan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1996), p. 21.\n49\nAristotle, \u201cOn Generation and Corruption,\u201d in The Complete Works of Aristotle. 2\nvols. ed Jonathan Barnest (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 2.10.336b,\nlines 16\u201324.\n50\nAristotle, On the Heavens, trans. W.K.C. Guthrie, The Loeb Classical Library\n(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), II.7.289a, lines 20\u201321, 31\u201333.\n51\nAristotle, Generation of Animals, trans. A.L. Peck, The Loeb Classical Library\n(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), II.3.736b, lines 35\u201340.\n52\nAristotle, Generation of Animals, II.3.737a, lines 1\u20134, 14\u201318. See Cadden, Meanings\nof Sex Difference in the Middle Ages, pp. 21\u201326 for Aristotelian conceptions of gender difference and the four elements.\n\nPages 40:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n23\nlished by the court physician to James I, Turquet de Mayerne in 1634,\nand was a friend of Peter Severinus. Moffett had also written the preface of the of\u0002cial pharmacopoeia of the London College of Physicians\nthat was devoted to Paracelsian chymical remedies.53 If we examine\nMoffet\u2019s works on diet\u2014the Health\u2019s Improvements or Rules Comprising and\nDiscovering the Nature, Method, and Manner of Preparing all Sorts of Food Used\nin this Nation\u2014we see that he claimed:\nExperience teacheth, that Mice lying in Holes laden . . . with Salt, breed\nthrice faster there, then if they were laden with other Merchandize. Huntsmen likewise and shepherds seeing a slowness of lust in their Dogs and\nCattle, feed them with Salt means to hasten coupling; and what maketh\nDoves and Goats so lusty and lascivious that they desire to feed upon\nsalt things. Finally remember, that lechery (in Latin) is not idlely or at\nadventure termed Salaritus, Saltishness, or every man knows that the\nsalter our humours be, the more prone and inclinable we are to lechery.\nWherefore whosoever coveteth to be freed of that \u0002re . . . let them altogether abstaine from Salt.54\nAfter establishing that salt was inherently generative, Tymme then went\non to postulate which salt in particular exempli\u0002ed this formative and\nspiritual salt principle, and decided that nitre, particularly an aerial\nnitre (in modern terms, potassium nitrate), was the best candidate.\nParacelsus said that nitre arose \u201cfrom the union of urine and the\nuniversal natural balsam,\u201d that nitre was uniquely able to bring about\nmany of the Arcana of alchemy.55 While Paracelsus\u2019 followers such as\nPeter Severinus, English chymist Robert Bostocke, and Gerard Dorn\nassociated nitre with the vital sulphur, ens astrale or summa vitalis, any\nsixteenth-century references to an aerial nitre were con\u0002ned to plague\nmiasmas or to a theory of thunder and lightening involving the explosive force of gunpowder. As Parthington, Guerlac, and Debus have\nillustrated, it was not until the seventeenth century that the belief in a\n53\nAllen Debus, \u201cParacelsus: Five Hundred Years, Three American Exhibits at the\nNational Library of Medicine,\u201d http://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/paracelsus/paracelsus_2.html. Accessed 15 October 2006. See also Harry Weiss, \u201cThomas Moffett: Elizabethan Physican and Entomologist,\u201d The Scienti\u0002c Monthly 24, 6 (1927), pp. 559\u2013566.\n54\nThomas Muffet, Health\u2019s Improvements or Rules Comprising and Discovering the Nature,\nMethod, and Manner of Preparing all Sorts of Food Used (London: Thomas Newcomb,\n1655), p. 247.\n55\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (1964), pp. 43\u201361, on\np. 46.\n\nPages 41:\n24\nchapter two\ngenerative aerial nitre was widespread, and these ideas were diffused\nby the writings and translations of Duchesne.56\nAs a salt, nitre was inherently balsamic, but it particularly seemed to\nbe potentially generative because it encompassed three qualities at the\nsame time\u2014mineral, vegetable, and animal\u2014another nod to Tymme\u2019s\nTrinitarian mysticism.57 Before industrialization, a major source of nitre\nwas the deposits crystallizing from cave walls or privies, or other organic\nmatter that was decomposing. Ammonia from the decomposition of\nurea in dung heaps would produce nitrate, and nitre-beds were cultivated in the early modern period by mixing manure and ashes, along\nwith straw to create a compost pile; the compost pile was periodically\nkept moist with urine and leached with water. The liquid containing\nthe nitrates was then converted with ashes to potassium nitrates which\nwere re\u0002ned into gunpowder. Tymme postulated that since nitre was\npartially extracted from of earth, usually taken out of old stables, it had\na mineral quality. Because it also came from \u201chints of grounds which\nhave been replenished with salt liquor,\u201d nitre also had animal origins.\nFinally, since \u201curines are nothing else, but a super\u0003uous separation of\nthe Salt of vegetables, by which living creatures are nourished,\u201d nitre\nhad a vegetable nature.58 Because vegetables absorbed nitre from the\nsoil, especially in their roots, medicines distilled from vegetable matter\nwould also contain a gentler saline medicament and purge; the salts\n\u201cwere not altogether so violent, and of so homogenous a spirit, as they\nwere in their . . . original.\u201d59\nTymme also claimed that nitre was hermaphroditical, \u201cmale and\nfemale: \u0002xed and volatile, Agent and Patient, and which is more, hot\nand cold: \u0002er and Ice, but mutual friendship and sympathie joined in\none.\u201d60 Very \u0002ne gold and silver will dissolve in solutions of nitric acid\ncontaining chlorine, and virtually all soil contains signi\u0002cant quantities\nof chloride salts; since alchemists attributed male and female qualities\nto gold and silver, a substance that could dissolve both also seemed to\ncontain a unity of opposites. Like all other salts, nitre also had within\nitself \u0002xed, as well as volatile, sulphureous and mercurial qualities. It\n56\nDebus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre\u201d; Henry Guerlac, \u201cThe Poet\u2019s Nitre,\u201d Isis\n45, 3 (September 1954), pp. 243\u2013255.\n57\nDebus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre,\u201d p. 53.\n58\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. P2 recto. Debus also makes this point\nin \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre,\u201d pp. 52\u201353.\n59\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. M3 recto.\n60\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. Q1 recto.\n\nPages 42:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n25\ncould exhibit hot qualities when made into gunpowder and burned;\nnitre dissolved in water will also produce an endothermic reaction in\nwhich the solvent will cool down. Tymme thus claimed, \u201cPlato writeth,\nthat this Salt, is a friend and familiar to divine things.\u201d61\nIndeed, this philosophical salt not only was behind the structure of\nthe sublunary world, but postulated to be part of the fabric of heaven.\nIn Chapter XII of the Practice, which was devoted to Genesis, Tymme\nclaimed that out of the Chaos, the tria prima was formed. Tymme\nwrote,\nThis was the worke of God, that he might separate and pure from the\nimpure; that is to say, that he might reduce the more pure and ethereal\nMercury, the more pure and inextinguible Sulphur, the more pure, and\nmore \u0002xed salte, into shyning and inextinguible Starres and Lights, into\na Christalline and Dyamantine Substance.62\nIn other words, the \u201c\u0002xed Heavens, or Vitriall and Chrystallyne circles,\nis a salt body,\u201d which had was so shining and pure that a \u201cDiamond,\nwhich partaketh of the nature of \u0002xed salt, is not of more puritie,\ncontinuance, and perpetuitie than they are.\u201d63 This is another example\nof the integration of the Aristotelian system with the Paracelsian; the\nAristotelian \u0002fth element or ether, described by a \u0002fteenth-century\nEnglish encyclopedia as \u201cresplendour perpetual . . . so clear and shining\u201d which composed the crystalline orbital spheres of the planets, has\nbeen transformed into the philosophical salt principle.64 As salt was the\n\u201cfoundation of the whole frame\u201d of the microcosm of man, his very\n\u201cbones, sinews, and ligaments\u201d composed of saline substance, so was\nsalt the framework of the macrocosm of the heavens.65\nSalts and Disease in Paracelsian Medicine\nThese concepts of physical and spiritual salts were not con\u0002ned to\ntheoretical chymical tracts, but appeared in works devoted to practical Paracelsian medicine. Woodall\u2019s Surgeon\u2019s Mate which appeared in\n61\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. Q1 verso.\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. H1 recto.\n63\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. H2 recto.\n64\nQuoted in E.M.W. Tillyard, The Elizabethan World Picture (New York: Vintage\nBooks, n.d.), p. 39. Tillyard does not give the original reference.\n65\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fols. H3 verso, L3 verso.\n62\n\nPages 43:\n26\nchapter two\nthree editions in the seventeenth century, and which was one of the\n\u0002rst works to advocate the ef\u0002cacy of oranges and lemons for treating\nscurvy in the English navy, contained \u201cplain Verses for the use of Young\nChirurgions by the Author gathered, in praise of Salt\u201d [ Figure 1].\nNot only did Woodall give practical advice in the use of salt for the\npreparation of medicaments, but the philosophical salt was also a\nsubject considered necessary for naval surgeons to learn. In one verse,\nthe philosophical salt was \u201cboth hot and cold, yea moist and dry, is\nsalt in temperament: Yea volatile and \u0002x also observing each intent.\u201d\nWoodall also claimed, all \u201ccolors strange in salt are seen,\u201d the earth\n\u201cproduceth salt in all,\u201d and mentioned that \u201cspirit of Salt makes liquid\nSol [gold], and Luna [silver] at thy will.\u201d66\nIn Paracelsian medicine, salt, sulphur, and mercury in the body\nhad to be kept in uni\u0002ed balance. If a foreign agent, which could be\nfood or a planetary in\u0003uence, disturbed the union of the tria prima, as\nPagel stated:\nsulphur could be released from its union with the other principles . . . and\ndevour the mercury. If [mercury] becomes too strong it will coagulate salt\nand sulphur or else dissolve the salt. All such disorder and imbalance spells\ninterference by an outside force . . . By contrast, ancient humoralism had\nconcentrated on inside components such as this or that humour acquiring\ndestructive qualities and thus causing disease. Instead it is abnormal ignition of sulphur that consumes the radical moisture in man; it dissipates\nthe mercury which was to be separated in the stomach for nutrition of\nthe whole of the body with the result of emaciation . . . and hectic fever.\nThe agent disturbing the union of the principles introduced with the\nfood; it is of \u2018excremental\u2019 nature and thus indigestible. Moreover\u2014unlike\nnormal excrement\u2014it does not leave the body again, but forms local\n[salt] deposits\u2014tartar\u2014that obstruct the preformed anatomical channels\ncausing diseases by obstruction.67\nThe most common disease which manifested these obstructions of salty\ntartar was gout. The coagulation of Salts into tartar caused, according\nto Tymme, \u201cswelling, stones, and knots of the sinews,\u201d manifested in\ngout. Tartar in the stomach caused \u201cinward gnawings\u201d of extreme\nhunger because stomach acid is attracted by the chalky tartar; as the\n66\nJohn Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate: or Military or Domestique Surgery (London: John\nLegate, 1655), p. 219.\n67\nPagel, Smiling Spleen, p. 30.\n\nPages 44:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n27\nFigure 1. A poem on salts in John Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate or Military and\nDomestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655, pp. 218\u2013219. By permission of\nthe Harden Library for the Health Sciences, University of Iowa.\n\nPages 45:\n28\nchapter two\ntartar dissolved and putre\u0002ed, pain resulted, as well as \u201cimpostums and\nulcers.\u201d68 Excess tartar in the urine caused burning.\nAs Paracelsian theory advocated treating like with like (in opposition\nto the Galenic system, which postulated that opposites would heal),\ntartarous diseases could be cured by a salt because saline medicines\nwould act as a purge, and rid the body of the tartarous obstruction.\nAs an early English Paracelsian text stated\nWithout Salt therefore, no excretion, or casting out of super\u0003uities can be\ndone. . . . For every voiding of Ordure is caused by the Salt, both in sound\nmen, and sick; One is the Salt of Nature, (viz. the sound mans). The other\nis a corrupted and resolved Salt [Tartar]: From hence tis to be gathered,\nthat even by Salts the Cure of it is to be perfected, in such wise, that the\nSalt may again recti\u0002ed and separate the resolved Salt from the Sound.69\nIn his discussion of purges for tartarous disease, Tymme concentrated\nparticularly upon antimony, and in Chapter XVI of the Practice, described a triad of medicines\u2014mercurial, antimonial, and arsenicals\nthat would respectively cure mercurious, saline, and sulphureous diseases.70 Thought to be \u201csweet as Cassia,\u201d antimony was considered \u201ca\nseparated Salt.\u201d Paracelsus commented\nOf all minerals antimony contains the highest and strongest Arcanum\n[remedy]. It puri\u0002es itself and at the same time everything else that is\nimpure. Furthermore, if there is nothing healthy at all inside the body, it\ntransforms the impure body into a pure one which was proved in cases\nof leprosy.71\nIn doing so, Tymme was using inorganic materials like \u201cmercurials,\nantimonials, and the mineral acids in internal medicines\u201d in the nascent\nperiod of medical chemistry prior to 1600.72 As McCallum has demon-\n68\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. L3 recto.\nParacelsus His Archidoxes Comprised in Ten Books, Englished and Published by J.H. Oxon\n(London, W.S., 1661), book two, p. 81, p. 83. This is a likely a reprint of an late\nsixteenth-century translation of Paracelsus by John Hester, a distiller who published\ntranslations of Paracelsus from the 1570s until his death in 1593. See Debus, The\nEnglish Paracelsians, pp. 66\u201369 for a discussion of Hester.\n70\n\u201cWherein is shewed, that the whole force of purging in Medicines, in the Antimonial,\nMercurial, and Arsenical Spirits according to every of their severall natures,\u201d Duchesne,\nPractice of Chymical Physick, fols. L3 verso to M3 verso.\n71\nParacelsus, S\u00e4mtliche Werke. Nach der 10 B\u00e4ndigen huserschen Gesamtausgabe (1589 \u20131591)\nzum erstenmal in neuzeitliches deutsch \u00fcbersetz. trans. Bernhard Aschner, 14 vols. ( Jena:\nFischer, 1922\u201333), vol. 3, p. 151.\n72\nRobert P. Multhauf, \u201cJohn of Rupescissa and the Origin of Medical Chemistry,\u201d\nIsis 45, 4 (Dec., 1954), pp. 359\u2013367, on p. 359.\n69\n\nPages 46:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n29\nstrated, the use of antimony for medical purposes had a long tradition.73\nHippocrates utilized it as a sudori\u0002c and cordial to induce sweating in\nfevers and cases of syphilis, \u201cRoman doctors used it against \u201cwild \u0003esh\u201d\nand ulcers, and in the Middle Ages it was additionally recommended\nto treat haemorrhoids, wounds, \u0002stulas, skin cancer, leprosy and other\nsufferings.\u201d74 Debus has indicated that in France that antimony was used\nas a purge by the 1560s, much to the dismay of the medical faculty\nof Paris who charged\nthat antimony in any form was a dangerous poison that should not be\ntaken internally (1566). In a series of decrees and court cases this powerful body tried to forbid any use of chemistry in medicine. Nevertheless,\npublishers continued to print books favoring medical chemistry, and by\nthe early years of the new century courses in the preparation of pharmaceutical chemicals were available in Paris.75\nEven before such controversies, Paracelsus himself recognized that its\ntoxic nature meant that antimony had to be alchemically puri\u0002ed. As\nArndt has described, Paracelsus believed that antimony had to be \u201cfree\nof its toxicity\u201d before medical usage, and as Paracelsus wrote, \u201cIn the\nsame way and form that antimony \u0002nishes in gold (in the sense of\ncleansing), it will perfect the body as well. It namely contains the\nEssentia, which does not allow anything impure to come together with\nthe pure.\u201d Historian of chemistry David Schein has indicated in a course\nof modern experiments that when antimony is added to a combination of melted metals, it \u201cwill associate with those containing gold and\npart from the \u2018impure\u2019 metals. Because antimony seemingly \u2018eats\u2019 and\n\u2018extracts\u2019 the precious metals, it was also called \u2018wolf of metals\u2019 or \u2018the\nmagnet of the wise.\u2019 \u201d76\nThis ability of antimony was thus thought by Tymme to have a\nsimilar effect in man as well, purging toxins and obstructions such as\n73\nIan McCallum, Antimony in Medical History: An Account of the Medical Uses of Antimony\nand Its Compounds since Early Times to the Present (Bishop Auckland, England: Pentland\nPress, 1999).\n74\nKate Frost, \u201cPrescription and Devotion: The reverend Doctor Donne the Learned\nDoctor Mayerne\u2014Two Seventeenth-Century Records of Epidemic Typhoid Fever,\u201d\nMedical History, 22 (1978), pp. 408\u2013419, on p. 413; Ulrich Arndt, \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s\nMagnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d Paracelsus, (November 2005), pp.\n12\u201317.\n75\nAllen Debus, Paracelsus: Five Hundred Years, Three American Exhibits at the National\nLibrary of Medicine, http://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/paracelsus/paracelsus_\n2.html. Accessed 15 October 2006.\n76\nArndt, \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet,\u201d p. 15.\n\nPages 47:\n30\nchapter two\ntartar out of the body. And, Tymme in the Practice indeed associated\nantimony with a magnetic loadstone, not only because of its ability like\na magnet to attract other metals, but because like salt and like iron,\nantimony \u201cwas more corpulent like other things.\u201d In other words, just\nlike salt, antimony gave bodily substance to matter, and like nitrous salt,\nit had ability to dissolve metals, and was called by Paracelsus, \u201cthe true\nbath of gold.\u201d Like other saline substances, antimony could also be\nmelted into a glass-like substance, and was thought to contain all bodily\ncharacteristics of matter within itself. At the University of Munich,\nSchein performed a series of modern experiments according to a\nformula of the alchemist Basilius Valentinus in the Triumph-Waggon of\nAntimony (1604). Schein slowly and gently heated antimony-ore, which\nconsists of a mixture of different antimony-oxides and especially of\nsulphides, until there were no more toxic fumes, and everything was\nmelted to glass.77 Because the glass can adopt any color of the spectrum,\njust as nitre heated in an alembic displayed all colors, this was proof\nto Valentinus and Paracelsian chemists like Duchesne that antimony\nwas like a salt that contained all qualities within it.78\nDuchesne\u2019s contemporary, Turquet de Mayerne, also theorized about\nthe uses of saline medicaments. Educated at Heidelberg, Montpellier,\nand Paris, he became one of the physicians-in-ordinary to Henry IV,\nmuch like Duchesne. In 1603, Mayerne became involved in the antimony wars and with Duchesne was condemned in the Apologia Medicine\nper Hippocratis et Galeni, contra Mayernium et Quercetanum. In 1607, Mayerne\ncame to England and formed intellectual connections with the English\ncourt, and after the assassination of Henry IV, became a court physician to James I.79\nIn his treatise of gout translated from the French by English court\nphysician Thomas Sherley (1638\u20131678), Mayerne explicated his doc-\n77\nArndt, \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet,\u201d p. 14.\nFor a description of Paracelsus\u2019 preparation of antimonial medicine, see chapter\n14 in Paracelsus his Aurora, & Treasure of the Philosophers. As also The Water-Stone of The\nWise Men; Describing the matter of, and manner how to attain the universal Tincture. Faithfully\nEnglished. And Published by J.H. Oxon (London: Giles Calvert, 1659).\n79\nJohn Aiken, Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain (London: Joseph Johnson, 1780), pp. 249\u2013252. Also see the more recent Brian Nance, Turquet de Mayerne\nas Baroque Physician: The Art of Medical Portraiture (Amsterdam and New York, Rodopi,\n2001), which offers an excellent analysis of de Mayerne\u2019s case books. My thanks to\nMatthew Eddy at Durham University for alerting me to this reference. Because this\nchapter discusses the wider reach of Paracelsian concepts of the salt principle, I am\ncon\u0002ning my analysis to de Mayerne\u2019s printed works.\n78\n\nPages 48:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n31\ntrine of salts, which had both Paracelsian and Galenic in\u0003uences.80\nUnlike Duchesne however, Mayerne avoided antimonial treatments,\nand instead recommended saline purges. As a Paracelsian, Mayerne\ndisregards any primary causative role of the Galenic humors in gout,\nproclaiming that it arose when salt \u201cexceeds and abounds\u201d the ability\nof the body to absorb it. In normal digestion, the aliment is \u201cdissolv\u2019d\ninto the Chyle,\u201d which is separated into the salt, sulphur and mercury.\nSalts are communicated to the blood, forming a Balsam for the body,\nand excess salts were excreted \u0002rst in the urine, and then \u201csent off by\nSweat,\u201d where they degenerate into thick \u201cscurse and foulness, sticking to the skin.\u201d81 When the body was unable to process excess salts in\nbodily liquids, salt would \u201cin\u0003ame the parts, and vacillates and gnaws\nthem,\u201d causing the pain of arthritis.82 Hence the \u201cErratick Gout\u201d which\n\u201cshifteth placed, sparing no joint, but invading all of them successively,\u201d\nand which had as its root cause a salty \u0003ood of humors, was best cured\nby \u201chydragogol,\u201d or water-purging humors like syrup of the salt of\nhartshorn (ammonium carbonate).83 If there were such a quantity of salt\nthat could not be absorbed by bodily liquors, then of necessity \u201cit will\nbe stopt in its passages and Vessells . . . and be coagulated into different\nsort of Stones, according to the nature of predominant Salts.\u201d\nHere the crystalline shapes of gouty tartarous concretions could be\nanalyzed to see if what types of salts were responsible, and Mayerne\nnoted the similarity of the growth of nodules in the body to salts made\nby chymical processes, as well as to minerals in the earth,\nNay, he that shall remove his contemplations from the Coagulations of\nSalts, to those which happen to Stones and Marcasit[e]s, he shall \u0002nd\nseveral of them so elaborately form\u2019d according to Geometrical Rules,\nthat he will be forced to acknowledge that Art is out-done by Nature.84\n(We shall see in the next chapter that microscopic analyses of salt\ncrystals for the purposes of classi\u0002cation became a common practice\nin the late seventeenth century.)\n80\nTheodor Turquet De Mayerne, A Treatise of the Gout. Written Originally in the French\nTongue (London: D. Newman, 1676). Nance brie\u0003y discusses this treatise in Turquet de\nMayerne as Baroque Physician, pp. 158\u2013162. For an analysis of Sherley\u2019s chymical writings,\nplease see Allen G. Debus, \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical Essay (1672): Helmontian\nMechanism as the Basis of a New Philosophy,\u201d Ambix 27, 2 (1980), pp. 124\u2013135.\n81\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 10.\n82\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 11.\n83\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 18.\n84\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 13.\n\nPages 49:\n32\nchapter two\nIdentifying which salts were behind the disease, as well as the temperament of the patient would aid treatment; the patient\u2019s hereditary\nhistory might also give clues. If the salts responsible for gouty pains were\nvolatile, they would be diffused throughout the body, and best treated\nby internal medicines which would also diffuse readily, like salt of\ntartar dissolved in water; so although here Mayerne is following the\n\u201clike cures like\u201d Paracelsian principle, he is also taking into account\nthe chymical composition of the salt responsible.85 Purges like the salt\nof tartar, or spirit of salt (hydrochloric acid) would also rid the body\nof the tartarous deposits and \u201cslime stuck to the sides of the stomach,\u201d\nrelieving the disease\u2019s symptoms, and it \u201ccould lead salt matter away\nthrough the urine.\u201d86\nMayerne also thought that nitre in particular could also be a good\npurge, but only if taken in the wane of the moon, which showed a\ncurious mix of Galenic and Paracelsian principles in his treatments.\nParacelsian medicine, again in a \u201clike cures like\u201d manner, predicted the\nnitrous salt would dissolve kidney and bladder stones. The stricture to\ntake the medicine at the wane of the moon was an old Hippocratic and\nGalenic belief in astronodia, the belief attributed to Hippocrates that\nthe presence of the moon in different signs of the zodiac in\u0003uenced the\nhumoral content of various parts of the body.87 The moon was thought\nto be \u201ccold and moist, of the nature of Water,\u201d and hence \u201cprognosticateth such as proceed of watry humours, citrine water, and salt\n\u0003egm, for the most part with swellings and breakings out . . . retention\nof menstrua, and all other excrements, as . . . urine and Sweat, and the\ninordinate evacuation of them\u201d as well as lymphatic diseases such as\nscrofula.88 Because the moon had to do with the retention and evacuation of bodily \u0003uids, its position in the zodiac dictated the best time\nfor administering the humoral therapy of phlebotomy, which purged\n85\nNance also notes that Mayerne did not slavishly adhere to \u201clike cures like,\u201d but\nlimits his analysis to de Mayerne\u2019s use of chymical contraries, such as a sweet salt balancing a sour one. See Nance, Turquet de Mayerne as Baroque Physician, pp. 161\u2013162.\n86\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of Gout, pp. 36\u201337. Nance, Turquet de Mayerne, p. 161.\n87\nFrench suggests beginning in the twelfth century, astronodial medical texts were\nwritten around the remark by Hippocrates that the physician \u201cshould look at the moon\nwhen it is full because the blood and the medulla increase and all things grow on earth\nand the sea increases.\u201d Roger French, \u201cAstrology in medical practice,\u201d in Practical medicine\nfrom Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis Garc\u00eda-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga,\nand Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 39.\n88\nFrench, \u201cAstrology in medical practice,\u201d p. 68, p. 21.\n\nPages 50:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n33\nthe excess humors.89 The moon caused the sea to swell at high tide,\nit was believed there was a corresponding monthly periodicity in the\namount of humors. In the wane of the moon, the bodily \u0003uids were\nat lower levels, and a purge such as nitre would therefore be less dilute\nin the body, effecting more purgation.\nMayerne also rather typically implicated the stomach in most gouty\ndiseases, postulating that the stomach failed to separate excremental\nmatter which was intrinsic to food. Thus, he also prescribed the usual\ndietary cautions of avoiding salted meats and strong wines with their\nexcess tartar; wine could be watered down, or sugar of lead (lead acetate)\ncould be added to wines that abounded with a \u201cvitrioline tartar, sharp\nand pricking,\u201d resulting in its precipitating out (likely the precipitate\nwas acetic acid).90\nHe also told patients to avoid venery, which \u201cstirred up salt humors\u201d\nand made the patient weak, again emphasizing the connection between\nsalt and generative principles.91 A sweet salt such as sugar of lead, which\nhe believed mitigated and sweetened the humors, could also abate\nvenereal desires by tempering the humors\u2019 saltiness.92\nGlauber, the nitrous alkahest, and the vitrioline sal mirabile\nIn the \u0002rst half of the seventeenth century, Paracelsian physicians and\nchemists thus utilized different combinations of Aristotelian elements\nand Paracelsian principles to suit their practical and philosophical\nbeliefs about saline chemistry. We have thus seen so far that salt was\nthought to be a primary component of physical matter, its chymical\ncomposition affected secondary qualities of matter such as taste and\ncolor. Its balance in the body was important; if too prevalent, salt would\ncoalesce into tarterous obstructions that could cause gout, arthritis, and\nkidney and bladder stones. In a philosophical and spiritual sense, salt\nwas thought to be inherently generative, reproductive, and connected\n89\nSee Charles W. Clark, \u201cThe Zodiac Man in medieval medical astrology\u201d (Ph.D.\ndiss., University of Colorado, 1979) for a discussion of the \u0002gure that indicated where\nto let blood in the lunar cycle.\n90\nMayerne, Treatise of Gout, pp. 26\u201327.\n91\nMayerne, Treatise of Gout, p. 31.\n92\nMayerne, Treatise of Gout, p. 46.\n\nPages 51:\n34\nchapter two\nto the fertility of sunbeams; nitre played a particular role in the work\nof Duchesne as the philosophical salt.\nIn the writings of Johann Glauber, called the \u201cParacelsus of the seventeenth century\u201d all of these ideas coalesced, and his work was in\u0003uential\namong chymical circles in England, particularly the Hartlib circle.93\nCorrespondents of Samuel Hartlib (ca. 1600\u20131662), created a virtual\nSolomon\u2019s house as delineated in Francis Bacon\u2019s New Atlantis, concerning themselves with practical applications of natural philosophy,\nparticularly agriculture, medicine, and chymistry. \u201cSeveral extracts\nof Glauber\u2019s works are to be found among the papers of Samuel\nHartlib,\u201d and Hartlib had nearly all of the Glauberian corpus in his\npossession, promoting the \u201cinternational dissemination of his writings\nand equipment.\u201d94 As Young has shown, Glauber\u2019s ideas about utilizing nitre to improve agriculture as well as his ideas about it serving\nas an alkahest or universal dissolvent were also of great interest to\nthe Hartlib circle. Glauber\u2019s work on nitre in\u0003uenced \u0002gures such\nas Benjamin Worsley, a chief \u0002gure of the Invisible College, a geographically separated group of natural philosophers pledged to social\naction whose peak of activity was 1646\u201347 and which included Robert\nBoyle.95 Worsely, an inventor whose project in 1646 to manufacture\n93\n\u201cParacelsus des 17. Jahrhundert\u201d in Wolfgang Schneider, Geschichte der Pharmazeutischen Chemie (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1972), p. 130.\n94\nJ.T. Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy, p. 198. I am utilizing\nChristopher Packe\u2019s edition of Glauber\u2019s work translated in the seventeenth century:\nThe Works of the Highly Experienced and Famous Chymist Johann Glauber (London: Thomas\nMilburn, 1689).\n95\nFor Glauber\u2019s in\u0003uence on Worsley, see Copy Tract on Saltpetre in Hartlib\u2019s\nHand, Benjamin Worsley undated 39/1/16A\u201320B: 21A, 21B blank 39/1/16A in the\nHartlib Papers. Glauber\u2019s in\u0003uence even spread to minor \u0002gures of the Hartlib circle,\nsuch as Robert Child, who wrote to Hartlib on 2 February 1652, \u201cas for Glaubers\nworks in Latine I thanke you, I vnderstand them as well in High dutch, for perhaps\nthe translatour may more faile than I shall: as for your freinds thriving by Glaubers 2.\n3. book of minerals I haue read them lately I suppose, that it is easy to vnderstand his\nmeaning, & I suppose it is but one only way. viz by bringing metals to Slag or Cinders\nas Concerning those 4 things about Alkahest, I suppose that neither do Come nigh the\nAlkahest for the \u0002rst, I do not well vnderstand, what aqua pluuialis sub [putrefacta?]\nsali\u0002cata meaneth, I know that water will putrefy & [altered] leaue Eartly feces at the\nbotome, & grow sweet againe, as in Sea voyage, & that out of this Earth a salt may\nbe drawne, & that ther is a kind of volatile salt euen in fresh water, salt also may be\nmixed with water but what this question meaneth I know not. the 2nd & 3d are \u0002xt,\nthe Alkahest is volatile: the 4th is volatile <[metalline?]> which I suppose the Alkahest\nis not, & I Cannot beleeve that Glauber will reveall it to any one, though perhaps\nthey may get some [left margin:] particulars from him, which may suf\u0002ciently Enrich\na moderate spirit:\u201d Page [15/5/18A] of the Hartlib Papers.\n\nPages 52:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n35\nsaltpetre met with Parliamentary approval, was the focus of the Invisible\nCollege. His project, De Nitro Theses quaedam, a brief tract containing\na synopsis of current chemical theory about saltpetre, and miscellaneous experimental evidence was based on Paracelsian chemistry.96\nThe Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray, an early Royal Society\n\u0002gure, also illustrated that he consulted Glauber\u2019s medical works extensively.97 Glauber\u2019s work was also translated and published in England\nthroughout the seventeenth century; it thus seems Glauber\u2019s ideas on\nsalts are important to consider in our analysis of the context of English\nsalt chymistry.\nGlauber, born in Karlstadt, Bavaria, was one of the \u0002rst industrial chymists and best known for the stomach remedy\u2014Glauber\u2019s\nsalt\u2014sodium sulphate. He was self-taught, and in the upheaval of the\nThirty Year\u2019s War, traveled to Vienna when he was 21 years old.98 As\nColin Russell related, Glauber became ill with a stomach bug known as\n\u2018the Hungarian disease.\u2019 As he was unable to keep down solid food, he\nwas \u201crecommended to try drinking water from a spring near Neustadt.\nImprovising a cup by hollowing out part of a loaf he imbibed some of\nthe \u0003uid and was cured with astonishing rapidity.\u201d99 Curious to know\nthe cause of his recovery, he evaporated the water and obtained long\nthin crystals that seemed similar to nitre. Glauber however subsequently\nshowed that the salt in question was not nitre. Glauber wrote, \u201cfor it\ncould not be the water of Saltpetre seeing that in no wise conduceth\nto the stomach, but rather occasioneth nauseousness and loathing.\u201d100\nRather, Glauber concluded it \u201cthe same compound as that obtained\nwhen vitriol (sulphuric acid) acted on common salt\u201d or sodium sulphate.101 Since sodium sulphate has laxative qualities, it well could\nhave effected his cure. The sodium sulphate was termed by Glauber\nas sal mirabile or miraculous salt. Though Ahonen makes the claim\n96\nCharles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine, and Reform, 1626\u20131660 (New\nYork: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1976).\n97\nDavid Stevenson, The Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray, forthcoming, 2007,\nAshgate-Variorum press.\n98\nFor biographical information on Glauber, see K. Ahonen, Dictionary of Scienti\u0002c\nBiography, article on \u2018Glauber.\u2019 J.R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, vol. ii, (New York:\nMacmillan, 1961).\n99\nColin Russell, \u201cFurnaces for Philosophers,\u201d in \u201cChemistry World,\u201d September\n2004, the Royal Society of Chemistry website. http://www.rsc.org/chemistryworld/\nrestricted/2004/September/philosophers.asp. Accessed 15 October 2006.\n100\nThe Works of Glauber, part one, p. 260.\n101\nRussell, \u201cFurnaces for Philosophers.\u201d\n\nPages 53:\n36\nchapter two\nthat Glauber held \u201ctwo different theories of the vital salt that are dif\u0002cult to reconcile: one emphasizing . . . nitrous salt and the other the\nrole . . . of sal mirabile,\u201d it seems the reason that the theories could not\nbe reconciled was because Glauber postulated two different roles for\nnitre and sal mirabile.102\nNitre, rather than serving as a philosophical salt as in Duchesne,\ninstead was Glauber\u2019s alkahest, or a universal dissolvent capable of\nproducing medicines of great power. As Porto has demonstrated, the\nalkahest began as an \u201cobscure invention of Paracelsus,\u201d and became\nwidely known in the early modern era as one of physician Johann van\nHelmont\u2019s most important secrets.103 Glauber thought the alkahest was\nnitre or potassium nitrate because its products could be both very acidic\nand very basic, both of which were corrosive.104 For instance, nitre could\nbe distilled with fuller\u2019s earth or vitriol to make nitric acid (spirit of\nnitre or volatile nitre), a strong acid or, it could be \u201c\u0002xed\u201d by burning\nit with charcoal, producing potassium carbonate, a very powerful base.\nBecause products from nitre could be very acidic, or very basic, Glauber\n\u0002rst published in 1633 that it was a universal solvent. Porto claims correctly that Glauber believed the alkahest stemmed from but a family\nof substances that included \u201cnitre itself, nitric acid (produced by the\ndistillation of saltpeter), and potassium carbonate (produced by adding\ncharcoal to fused nitre).\u201d105 In Glauber\u2019s Apology against Farner, published\nin 1652, which was largely a diatribe against his former research partner whom he accused of stealing his chymical secrets, he gives fairly\ndetailed instructions for preparing his nitrous alkahest. Glauber \u0002rst\nargues that\nwhat moved Helmont to call it Alkahest, we shall not here dispute: In\nindeed believe he did it, thereby to demonstrate its Nature and Essence;\nin the Brabantick Idiom, which was the Mother Tongue of the Authors\nit sounds Althohees, that is very hot; and so the name answers to the\n102\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry,\u201d p. 95.\n103\nPaolo A. Porto, \u201cSummus atque felicissimus salium: The Medical Relevance of the\nLiquor Alkahest,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76, 1 (2002), pp. 1\u201329, on p. 1.\n104\nAhonen, \u2018Johann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry\u2019, p. 107, n. 59, as cited in Newman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in\nthe Fire, p. 242.\n105\nPorto, \u201cSummus atque felicssimus salium,\u201d p. 22. Boerhaave was also of the opinion\nthat Glauber\u2019s alkahest consisted of potassium carbonate. See Herman Boerhaave,\nElementa chemiae (Leyden, 1732), vol. I, pp. 848\u2013868.\n\nPages 54:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n37\nEssence, for this Liquor is nothing but a meer \u0002ery Water, by whose\nimmense and secret heat Vegetables, Animals, and Minerals, if they are\nput in to \u0002re a certain time, are forthwith purged, preened and made\nbetter. This Menstruum then, is nothing but igneous Liquor, prepared\nof urinous Salts.106\nThis alkahest was from related nitrous salts for\nNature is copious, and sets before our eyes many various Ingredients,\nfrom which, by the help of Arts, divers things may be effected . . . for the\ngenuine Sal terra, or Salt-Petre, may be made of Salt of Tartar; and of\nSal terra, or Nitre, a \u0002xed Salt, like Salt of Tartar; of spirit of Wine, Salt\nof Tartar, and of Salt of Tartar spirit of Wine; of Wine-Vinegar, Nitre,\nand of Nitre, corrosive Vinegar. So those Salts partake of either nature\nand will be managed at pleasure.107\nJust as Tymme in the Practice utilized the heating of wine and its vinegar to show that a triad of \u0002xed, sulphureous, and mercurious salts\nall stemmed from one material salt which was responsible for bodily\nsubstance, colors and tastes, Glauber argued that calcining wine produced a variety of interchangeable saline products that were all alkahests\ncapable of re\u0002ning matter. For instance, salt of tartar, often found as a\ncrustlike deposit on wine casks, was a traditional raw material for the\npreparation of potassium carbonate after calcination.108\nIt was no accident that Glauber\u2019s alkahest came from products of\nwine. Some of this state of affairs may have been due to the in\u0003uence of\nVan Helmont. In Van Helmont\u2019s Arcana Paracelsi, he claimed \u201cEminentior\nest ejus liquor Alkahest immortalis, immutabilis aqua solvens, et sal circulatus ejus,\nqui reducit omne corpus tangibile, in liquorem sui concreti.\u201d109 In other words,\nthere was a liquor alkahest and its sal circulatus; the sal circulatus as\nDarnstaedter illustrated was an alcoholic solution.110\nThe spirit of wine (ethanol) was also the prime solvent for preparing\nGlauber\u2019s aurum potabile, a drinkable tincture of gold. Previous attempts\n106\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 152.\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 153.\n108\nLadislao Reti, \u201cVan Helmont, Boyle and the Alkahest,\u201d Some Aspects of SeventeenthCentury Medicine and Science: Papers Read at a Clark Library Seminar October 12, 1968 (Los\nAngeles: University of California, 1969), p. 10.\n109\nJ.B. van Helmont, \u201cArcana Paracelsi,\u201d Ortus medicinae (Lyons: Ant. Huguetan,\n1667), p. 481.\n110\nErnst Darmstaedter, \u201cLiber claritatis totis alkimicae Artis-Bologna, Cod. Lat.\n164 (153),\u201d Archeion, VI (1925), pp. 319\u2013330, as quoted in Reti, \u201cVan, Helmont, Boyle,\nand the Alkahest,\u201d p. 10.\n107\n\nPages 55:\n38\nchapter two\nat creating this tincture, such as those by Francis Anthony (1550\u20131623),\na scholar of chymistry from Cambridge University, had been largely\nunsuccessful. Anthony\u2019s aurum potabile was a potent emetic and cathartic\nthat was as likely to cure his patients as kill them.111 Anthony, like Glauber, wished to \u0002nd a means to dissolve an insoluble substance like gold\nand make its healing properties digestable.112 Hence Glauber used his\nalkahest to achieve that aim. Glauber believed that this \u201ctincture, which\nthey have radically joyned with the spirit of Wine,\u201d was a \u201cheating and\nliving spirit, communicating its strength and faculties to man\u2019s body.\u201d113\nThe aurum potabile contained the vivifying power of the sun; taking the\nspirit of wine chymically combined with gold would cure the body by\nengendering in a chymically concentrated increase of the \u201chumidum\nradicale\u201d or vital spirits that one would attain in lesser concentrations\nby basking in the sun.114 The potency of the aurum potabile also demonstrated the \u201cgreatest harmony of all things, betwixt the Sun, Gold,\nman and wine.\u201d115 Behind this harmony were the nitrous salts of the\nalkahest\u2014the aerial nitre Glauber postulated was in sunbeams made\nvines grow to produce wine, engendered the growth of minerals like\ngold in the bowels of the earth, and nitre was also in human urine,\nfurthering the macrocosm, microcosm analogy. As Glauber stated,\nthere is nothing can be brought forth in the nature of things, without the\nmedium of salt; yea man himself is not born without the Sun, Man, and\nSalt. . . . The sun and salt are the Parents of all things, which procreate\nall things and without nothing is procreated. . . . Salt being added to Wine\nin its fermentation, rendereth it stronger and sweeter.116\nBecause the alkahest of nitre broke down matter to its most basic level,\nand because salts were thought responsible for color, Glauber produced\na comprehensive list of how nitre could be used to create artist\u2019s paints\nand differently hued glazes. Copper or lead dissolved in nitric acid\n111\nHereward Tilton, The Quest for the Phoenix: Spiritual Alchemy and Rosicrucianism in\nthe Work of Count Michael Maier (1569 \u20131622) (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter,\n2003), p. 103.\n112\nTilton, The Quest for the Phoenix, p. 103.\n113\n\u201cOf the Tincture of Gold, or the Aurum Potabile,\u201d Works of Glauber, Part one, p. 97.\n114\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 191.\n115\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 96.\n116\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 256. It is also possible that wine, important in\nEucharistic ceremonies as it was believed by Catholics to be capable of transmutation,\ncarried mystical signi\u0002cance for Glauber. Ahonen has discussed the Christological\nsymbolism of Glauber\u2019s chymistry extensively in her dissertation. See her chapter \u201cThe\nRedemption of Nature,\u201d pp. 152\u2013186.\n\nPages 56:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n39\nproduced a green color.117 Salt peter could also whiten yellow wax, and\ncould color glass. Glauber also knew that nitric acid would stain nails,\nfeathers, or quills gold, and it could be utilized as a purple glaze in\npottery. The acid\u2019s af\u0002nity with precious metals also meant that when\nit was mixed and heated with gold, silver, or copper along with some\nantimony, a \u201cvitri\u0002ed\u201d pottery glaze could be made that would \u201cfar\nexceed in beauty or splendour those vessels which are gilt with those\nMetals.\u201d118\nSome contemporaries of Glauber, such as Sir Robert Moray, a\nfounder of the Royal Society, had great regard for Glauber\u2019s alkahest,\nas well as his other medicaments, such as Glauber\u2019s panacea antimonialis.\nThis was probably antimony pentasulphide as described in Glauber\u2019s\nMiraculum Mundi, though Moray stated that \u201cI guess by the color (red)\nit is rather some preparation of vitriol.\u201d119 In a letter to his friend and\nprot\u00e9g\u00e9 Alexander Bruce, Moray wrote, \u201cPut your doctor to a further\nenquiry about that powder of Glauberus, I beseech you, for if he hold\nall he heights there is not two remedies in the world preferable to it.\u201d120\nHe warned Bruce however to get the powder of Glauber\u2019s \u201cown making,\u201d as if it was not, the medicinal results would likely \u201cblast\u201d Glauber\u2019s\n\u201creputation when everybody that meddles in his trade thinks him one\nof the noblest chimists now living.\u201d121\nMoray put his \u0002nger on a problem that Glauber had among his fellow natural philosophers. Glauber\u2019s work was not always considered\nclearly expressed by his contemporaries. Not only was Glauber fairly\nvague about the exact nature of his alkahest in an attempt to shield its\nidentity from all but alchemical adepti, but his use of chymical terms\ncould be inconsistent. The Leiden physician Herman Boerhaave, who\nwas thorough enough in his devotion to chymistry to read the works\nof Van Helmont seven times over, was quite convinced that Glauber\u2019s\nalkahest consisted only of potassium carbonate; members of the Hartlib\n117\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 179.\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 181.\n119\n7/17 November 1657. Mastricht. From Moray to Alexander Bruce, (ff. 17\u201318)\nin Stevenson, The Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray.\n120\n4/14 December 1657. Mastricht. A Monsieur, Monsieur Alexander Bruce, Gelorgeert in de Witte Swan tot Bremen. Franche par M\u00fcnster (ff. 25\u20138) in Stevenson,\nKincardine Papers.\n121\n8/18 January 1658. Mastricht. A Monsieur, Monsieur Alexander Bruce, in de\nWitte Swan tot Bremen (ff. 48\u20139), in Stevenson, Kincardine Papers.\n118\n\nPages 57:\n40\nchapter two\ncircle were even more confused.122 Robert Child, a gentleman dabbling\nin natural philosophy and minor luminary, wrote Samuel Hartlib on\n2 February 1652,\nas for Glaubers works in Latine I thanke you, I vnderstand them as\nwell in High dutch, for perhaps the translatour may more faile than I\nshall: . . . Concerning those 4 things about Alkahest, I suppose that neither\ndo Come nigh the Alkahest for the \u0002rst, I do not well vnderstand, what\naqua pluuialis sub [putrefacta?] sali\u0002cata meaneth, I know that water will\nputrefy & [altered] leaue Earthly feces at the botome, & grow sweet againe,\nas in Sea voyage, & that out of this Earth a salt may be drawne, & that\nther is a kind of volatile salt euen in fresh water, salt also may be mixed\nwith water but what this question meaneth I know not the 2nd & 3d are\n\u0002xt, the Alkahest is volatile: the 4th is volatile <[metalline?]> which I\nsuppose the Alkahest is not, & I Cannot beleeve that Glauber will reveall\nit to any one, though perhaps they may get some [left margin:] particulars\nfrom him, which may suf\u0002ciently Enrich a moderate spirit.123\nHartlib himself, after taking notes from Glauber\u2019s work on the alkahest\nin 1650, concluded that Glauber\u2019s wide span of chymical activity may\nhave been behind some of the confusion or inconsistency in his works.\nHartlib wrote,\nit is most certain that others \u0002nde more in Mr Glaubers Book\u2019s, which are\nalready published then hee knoweth himself or is able to \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 36 to page 57 out of a total of 312. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 58 to page 77 out of a total of 312:\nPages 58:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n41\nan alkahest by 1660 led Hartlib to write in a letter to John Winthrop\n\u201cour german adepti with whom I shall be better acquainted ere long,\ncount no better of Glauber then a mountebank, one that continues to\ncheat all sorts of people by his specious arti\u0002ces and one that knows\nnothing in the true Philos. work Alkahest Elixir.126 J.T. Young has also\ncommented on how Glauber\u2019s reputation declined severely in England\nat the time of the Restoration.127\nGlauber\u2019s failure with nitre led him to turn his attention to his sal\nmirabile, which was of a fundamentally different nature than his alkahest. His philosophical salt was not a mere dissolvent, but was behind\nthe creation of matter, such as minerals and metals. As revealed in his\nTreatise of the Nature of Salts, Glauber\u2019s philosophical salt was sodium\nsulphate, (Na2SO4\u202210H2O; this decahydrate became known as Glauber\u2019s\nsalt), a combination of common salt and spirit of vitriol (sulphuric acid).\nIn this reaction, hydrochloric acid is also produced from sodium chloride\nand sulphuric acid in which case the Na2SO4 is known as salt cake:\n2 NaCl + H2SO4 o Na2SO4 + 2 HCl\nSodium sulphate may have been Glauber\u2019s choice for his sal mirabile\nbecause one of its reactants\u2014vitriol\u2014had the advantage of being\n\u201cconveniently assimilable\u201d to some of the principles of to the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, mercury.128 Vitriol was a salt in the form\nof iron II sulphate produced when pyrites were exposed to moist air,\nand the vitriolic liquid or sulphureous spirit of vitriol (sulphuric acid)\ncalled \u2018gur\u2019 or \u2018bur\u2019 was believed by Glauber and other early modern\nmining authors such as Agricola to be a sign of the presence of metals as well as the petrifaction of wood.129 Glauber in his Philosophical\nFurnaces wrote extensively of the production of sulphuric acid from the\nmixture of pyrites\u2014iron or copper sulphates, with water, and called\nvitriol a \u201cmetallical seed.\u201d130 He also commented that \u201cno sulphur is\ndestitute of vitriol, nor vitriol of sulphur . . . and every sulphur is by its\n126\nThe Hartlib Papers, Hartlib to John Winthrop the younger, 16 March 1660,\nRef: 7/7/3B.\n127\nJ.T. Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy, and Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer,\nand the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 1998).\n128\nNorma Emerton, The Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University\nPress, 1984), p. 217.\n129\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 217.\n130\nJohann Glauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces (London: Richard\nCoats, 1651), p. 73.\n\nPages 59:\n42\nchapter two\nown proper agent or vitriolated salt, which it hath in its possession by\nnature. . . . excocted or boiled up more and more into a metal . . .\u201d131\nIndeed, vitriol itself was \u201csometimes identi\u0002ed\u201d by seventeenth-century\nnatural philosophers analyzing spa waters with a \u201cuniversal salt which\ncould take on different forms according to the metals and minerals with\nwhich it came into contact.\u201d132 Glauber indeed wrote that his sal mirabile,\n\u201caddeth an encrease to . . . all things, especially of the metals, which it\nrenders manifest . . .\u201d133 He also indicated,\nbefore I enter upon the description of the Virtues lying hid in my Sal\nMirabile, I thing [sic] it necessary to indicate, That Salts of this sort do\nevery where occur in the Earth, and begin dissolved by Water, are carried to the super\u0002cies, and such Fountains are enumberated by Georgius\nAgricola, shewing in what places they may be found, and that all things\nput into them are in a short time converted into a stony matter; which\nmany other Writers also testi\u0002ed, and especially Celsus in his Book De\nRebus metallicis.134\nThe sal mirabile activated by the \u201csoul, spirit, and life from the Starrs,\nas from an universal seed, and the body from the Water as a universal\nmother\u201d generated metals, where \u201cthey become partakers of a certain\nsaltish Nature.\u201d135 The sal mirabile was found not only in the earth and in\nfountains, but had a sulphurous nature communicated it to it by burning\nstars which was crucial to metalline development. This \u201csulphureous\nsalt . . . holds stubbornly\u201d to the metal \u201cuntil full maturation has been\nachieved, at which time it separates from the metal as no longer\nneeded.\u201d136 Typical to most mining authors such as Agricola, Glauber\nbelieved that minerals and metals were found at various stages of maturity\u2014immature minerals were bismuth or arsenic, those of middling\nmaturity, the base metals like lead, and \u0002nally when a metal was fully\n131\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in Seventeenth-Century\nChemistry,\u201d p. 138.\n132\nN.G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in\nSeventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214, on p. 197.\n133\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 264.\n134\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 259.\n135\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 124.\n136\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry,\u201d p. 105. Van Helmont also noted that vitriol was merely a hungry\nhermaphroditical and sulphureous salt which had eaten into a metal like brass, until\nit matured. See Glauber, A Third Paradox, p. 695.\n\nPages 60:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n43\nmature, it would become gold.137 The sal mirabile was thus most prevalent\nin immature metals, and not present in the fully mature gold.138 But the\ngeneration of hard metals from the delicate sal mirabile was a ticklish\nbusiness. If not brought to maturity, and exposed to air too soon by\nimpatient miners, \u201ctheir life consisting in a Volatile Salt, is elevated and\ndrawn back by the stars.\u201d139 If exposed too soon to water, Glauber also\nclaimed the tender salts of the embryonic metals would dissolve. And,\nwhen metals were removed prematurely from the earth,\nfrom which they have no more nutriment, their sulphureous covering being\nlaid aside, the defense and safeguard of their Nature being banished, they\nrightly resemble a decrepit Old Man, whose Radical moisture is dried\nup and are dissolved and eaten up by the same Astral Salt, or Vehement\nCorruscation, from which they did spring.140\nWhen exposed to air, metallic sul\u0002des, like copper and iron pyrites (fools\u2019\ngold or iron sul\u0002des\u2014(FeS2), obtain a green sulphureous or vitriolic\ntarnish (iron II sulphate), which may have led to Glauber\u2019s idea that\nthe \u201csulphureous coat\u201d was protecting growing metals.\nGlauber then discussed the medicinal virtues of his sal mirabile.\nHe claimed that when sal mirabile was heated with gold producing a\ngreen salt and a phlegm, and the green salt was extracted with Spirit\nof Wine (ethanol), he obtained his \u201cgreen lyon,\u201d or his \u201cvitriol of Sol\n[gold].\u201d141 As a product of the philosophical \u201csalt, gold, and wine,\u201d the\nmedicine\u2019s green liquor renewed the body, as the \u201cgreenness of the\nTrees half dead . . . in the Spring time,\u201d caused the \u201cblood in the body\nto be renewed and revived.\u201d142 It is not entirely clear what the chymical\ncomposition was of this \u201cvitriol of Sol.\u201d Glauber also vehemently denied\n137\nSee Ahonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry,\u201d p. 135, as well as Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women,\nEcology and the Scienti\u0002c Revolution (San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1990), pp. 25\u201341\nfor a discussion of the maturation of metals. In other places Glauber claimed that an\nacid spirit within the sulphureous sal mirabile protected the \u201ctender salt\u201d of the embryonic\nmetal from destruction, allowing it to mature to its \u0002nal form. He wrote, \u201cThat mineral\nacid which is plentifully found in vitriol and sulphur is the only Agent whereby Nature\nMaturates the yet volatile and unripe Minerals in the earth,\u201d and in another tract that\nthe ripening agent in the earth was the sulphureous salt of vitriol.\n138\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in Seventeenth-Century\nChemistry,\u201d p. 105.\n139\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 124.\n140\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 124.\n141\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 265.\n142\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 266.\n\nPages 61:\n44\nchapter two\nits green color was the result of any copper compounds; he also claimed\nhe was not merely dissolving gold in aqua regia (nitric and hydrochloric\nacid) to get his green lyon, claiming such a mixture would be gold in\ncolor (it is actually yellowish-green and a method still utilized by jewelers\nto purify gold).143 It is possible that Glauber may have utilized a mixture\nof real and fool\u2019s gold, as the salt of green vitriol, produced by the\nexposure of pyrites to moist air, dissolved in ethanol would make a\ngreen solution. His description of the oil of vitriol produced from\npyrites in his Philosophical Furnaces is also remarkably similar to that of\nthe vitriol of sol; both solutions resulted from dissolving green salts\nin water or alcohol, were bright green in color, and produced similar\nmedical cures.144 Further he indicates in the Philosophical Furnaces that\nboth the \u201cgold Marcasites\u201d of pyrites as well as \u201cgold ore\u201d can produce\nthe oil of vitriol, which he calls as a medicine the \u201cgold of physicians,\u201d\nsuggesting he saw marcasites and gold as functionally equivalent in the\nproduction of medicines.145\nGlauber\u2019s vitriol of sol also defended humanity from putrefaction\nand corruption, as it was made from the \u201cmost noble part of Salt,\u201d\nand the purest metal of Gold; though Glauber does not speci\u0002cally\nclaim it was the philosopher\u2019s stone, he may have had in his mind this\nassociation. Some chymists postulated vitriol itself was the philosopher\u2019s\nstone; common until the eighteenth century was the \u201cvitriol acrostic\u201d:\nVisita Interiora Terrae Recti\u0002cando Invenies Occultum Lapidem (visit the interior\nof the earth; by rectifying you will \u0002nd the hidden stone.)146 Glauber\nhimself mentions this acrostic in his Philosophical Furnaces and stated\nthe ancients by this verse \u201cwould give us to understand that a true\nmedicine is to be found in it.\u201d147\nGlauber also emphasized water as an important medium of transport\nfor the sal mirabile. He asked,\n143\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 267.\nGlauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces, pp. 70\u201373. In the Furnaces, he\ndescribes this oil of vitriol as a \u201csweet oil\u201d of vitriol, usually known as ether, made\nfrom distilling ethanol and sulphuric acid. However, the process in which he describes\nmaking his oil of vitriol does not involve ethanol, but the exposure of pyrites to moist\nair, and the collection of the green crystals. The green salts were mixed with water,\nand evaporated several times until a \u201csweet oil or juyce\u201d resulted.\n145\nGlauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces, p. 70.\n146\nSee Emerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 210, footnote 2.\n147\nGlauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces, p. 73.\n144\n\nPages 62:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n45\nwherefore did the ancient Philosopher and Poets worship Venus, the Goddess of . . . Generation, and attribute to her a beautiful green, generated\nof the spume or foam of the sea. What is the foam or froth which the\nsea casteth out upon the shore, but salt, which being dried up by the heat\nof the sun, is reduced to salt. . . . The Ocean, the Mother of all fertility,\nsheweth also its Greeness, especially in those places where it is rich in\nsalt . . . without the sea noting would encrease in the Earth, but on the\ncontrary, all things live, and are encreased by it.148\nObserving the seeming generation of metals and minerals in subterranean mines fed by springs, Glauber claimed that this also showed that\nwater was the \u201cprincipium or beginning of all the elements; which thing\nis suf\u0002ciently manifest, and may be seen daily,\u201d and that water was \u201cas\nthe universal Mother\u201d of matter. Though Glauber does not mention\nVan Helmont as a factor in these conclusions, it is possible Glauber\u2019s\nspeculations may have been partially fueled by Helmont\u2019s belief that\nwater consisted of corpuscles made up of the tria prima and thus was\nthe source of transformations of matter.149 Van Helmont himself identi\u0002ed his universal salt, termed the \u201chungry hermaphroditical salt\u201d as a\nsulphureous acidic salt present in fountains, and described how when\nit was reacted with metals like brass, it created vitriol.150 As Pagel has\nnoted, Van Helmont believed that\nsalty sea water percolating into the earth, loses its salt . . . the water then\nassumes at appropriate places the semina of indigenous salt, mineral\nor metal. Thus, out of water grow saltpeter, alum, vitriol and sea-salt.\nThese form a primitive mineral juice, the bur, which is the germ-cell of\nindividual metals and minerals. The latter grow to maturity when there\nis not further in\u0003ux of water.151\nWhether it was due to his belief that metals grew in mines fed by water,\nor to Van Helmont\u2019s ideas, sal mirabile\u2019s watry medium of transport\nrather than air (as nitre was transmitted) may have made it an attractive\nchoice for Glauber when deciding upon the identity of his philosophical salt.\n148\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 266.\nWilliam R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey,\nBoyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002), p. 64. Works of Glauber, Part one, p. 282.\n150\nJohann Van Helmont, Van Helmont\u2019s Works, Made English by J.C. (London: Lodowick\nLloyd, 1664), p. 695.\n151\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista Van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 57\u201358.\n149\n\nPages 63:\n46\nchapter two\nGlauber thus seems a transitional \u0002gure in saline chymistry. While\nhe acknowledges the important of nitre as expressed in earlier authors\nlike Duchesne and Paracelsus, he postulates its power was expressed for\nnew purposes\u2014namely the Helmontian alkahest. Whereas Duchesne\nacknowledges the role of salts in color and taste, it is via its ability\nas an alkahest that nitre is able to manifest these physical changes in\nGlauber\u2019s works. Glauber\u2019s use of a sulphuric compound as his universal\nsalt brings together in\u0003uences from mining authors like Agricola and\nthe \u2018gur\u2019 or \u2018bur,\u2019 as well as the new emphasis on water in the work of\nVan Helmont, who as we will see in the next chapter, also had great\nin\u0003uence in forming conceptions of salts among English chymists in\nthe early Royal Society.\n\nPages 64:\nCHAPTER THREE\nVAN HELMONT, SALTS, AND NATURAL HISTORY IN\nEARLY MODERN ENGLAND\nWe have seen in the last chapter that the in\u0002uence of Paracelsian ideas\nin salt chymistry in English works was profound in the \u0003rst half of the\nseventeenth century, as the tria prima of Paracelsus gave salt a central\nrole in matter theory. However, we have also demonstrated that Johann\nGlauber, whose work was known to members of the Hartlib circle,\nwas in\u0002uenced by the work of Van Helmont, most speci\u0003cally in his\nconcept of the alkahest and in water as a method of transport for his\nsal mirabile. Certainly, the realization that Van Helmont was crucial to\nthe development of early modern chymistry in the latter half of the\nseventeenth century, particularly in the work of Robert Boyle, has been\ncogently demonstrated by Principe and Newman.1 In the case of saline\nchymistry in the early Royal Society however, it would be a mistake to\nlimit ourselves to a story of Van Helmont as interpreted by Boyle; nor\nwere all of Van Helmont\u2019s ideas utilized for purely chymical or iatrochymical studies. Royal Society \u0003gures such as Martin Lister, Robert\nMoray, and Nehemiah Grew interpreted Van Helmont\u2019s chymical work\nquite independently of Boyle for the purposes of their own work in\nnatural history, a topic to which this chapter will be devoted after a brief\ncontextual analysis of the role of salts in Helmontian chymistry.\nVan Helmont\u2019s theories of the elements and of salt differed greatly\nfrom those of Paracelsus. First, Van Helmont believed that water and\nair were the only true elements. In his Paradoxes, Van Helmont explained\nhis theory of the interrelationship of elements and principles. \u201cthere\nare Originally two onely Elements in the Universe, to wit, the Air, and\nthe Water; which are suf\u0003ciently insinuated from the sacred Text, by the\nSpirit swimming upon the Abysse or greet Deep or Waters, in the \u0003rst\n1\nWilliam R. Newman, Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an American Alchemist in the Scienti\u0002c Revolution. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994); Lawrence\nPrincipe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest. (Princeton: Princeton\nUniversity Press, 1998).\n\nPages 65:\n48\nchapter three\nbeginnings of the world.\u201d2 \u201cWater was the matrix of all other matter\nthrough the power of speci\u0003c seeds implanted in it by God.\u201d3 Earth\nand Fire \u201cif they are called Elements . . . are secondary ones proceeding\nfrom the former.\u201d4 Because \u0003re was merely a secondary element, Van\nHelmont disagreed with the ef\u0003cacy of \u0003re analysis. Like Erastus, he\nbelieved that heat created new compounds rather than revealing the\nbuilding blocks of a substance; \u201csalt, sulphur and mercury were thus\nnot true principles, but were produced by the heat of analysis.\u201d5\nFor Van Helmont, salts in particular were \u201coffspring of the waters,\u201d\nand if exposed to the Sun, \u201care made aiery and vapoury Ef\u0002uxes,\nrushing into water with a hastened Violence.\u201d6 In other words, some\nsalts could be powerfully volatile. Volatile salts referred to salts that\ngave off an aeriform component (such as an odor), but also to salts that\ndecomposed easily on heating. Boyle\u2019s de\u0003nition of volatile was even\nmore speci\u0003c; he believed the corpuscular bits of volatile matter had to\nbe \u201cvery small\u201d so they are more \u201ceasily put into motion by the action of\nthe Fire and other agents.\u201d7 The speci\u0003c volatile salts that van Helmont,\nand subsequently Boyle had in mind were most likely ammonium\ncarbonate, and ammonium chloride known as sal ammoniac or a\nvolatile alkali.8 Fixed salts referred to salts with a degree of solidity of\na substance as measured by the ability of that substance to resist the\naction of \u0003re, those which were nonvolatile; an example is potassium\ncarbonate which is noncombustible. Not surprisingly, Boyle classi\u0003ed\n\u0003xed substances as being composed of large or \u201cgross\u201d particles which\nwould be \u201ctoo unwieldy and unapt to be carried up into the Air by\n2\nJ.B. Van Helmont, \u201cAnother paradox,\u201d in Van Helmont\u2019s Works, Made English by J.C.\n(London: Lodowick Lloyd, 1664), p. 691.\n3\nAllen Debus, \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical Essay (1672): Helmontian Mechanism as the Basis of a New Philosophy,\u201d Ambix 27, 2 (1980), pp. 124\u2013135, on p. 124.\n4\nVan Helmont, \u201cAnother paradox,\u201d p. 691.\n5\nDebus, \u201cThomas Sherley,\u201d p. 125.\n6\nVan Helmont, \u201cAnother paradox\u201d, p. 692.\n7\nRobert Boyle, Experiments and Notes, About The Mechanical Origin and Production of\nVolatility (Oxford: E. Flesher, 1675), p. 5.\n8\nJon Ecklund, The Incompleat Chymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century Chemist in\nHis Laboratory, with a Dictionary of Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period, Smithsonian Studies\nin History and Technology, Number 33 (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press,\n1975), online http://dbhs.wvusd.k12.ca.us/Chem-History/Obsolete-Chem-Terms\nTOC.html. Accessed 20 September 2006. For a discussion of obsolete chemical nomenclature, see Maurice P. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chymistry (London:\nHeinemann; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962.) Boyle also speci\u0003cally cited the\ncorpuscles of sal armoniac as volatile in the Experiments and Notes . . . of Volatility, p. 4.\n\nPages 66:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n49\nthe action of the Fire . . . or to be buoyed up by the weight of the Air\n[atmospheric pressure.]\u201d9\nVan Helmont postulated a role for volatile salts in the atmosphere\nand in respiratory physiology that drew upon older conceptions of salts\nas vital, as well as Paracelsian concepts of the aerial nitre, but which\nhad entirely new implications for iatrochymistry and medicine. In his\nanalysis of the chymistry of the blood, he claimed that venous blood,\nhaving given nourishment to the organs of the body, was made volatile\nand converted into gas which was breathed out.10 This conversion of\nthe venous blood into breath was thus done chemically, and concerned\nwith the production of \u0003xed and volatile salts. The historian Walter\nPagel further explains van Helmont\u2019s theories of blood chymistry:\nFixed salt is alkali; its particles are stable and form a deposit when a\nsubstance containing it is lique\u0003ed by heat. In settling down, it \u201csnatches\u201d\nparticles of less subtle nature\u2014so called sulphurous particles\u2014which are\nincorporated in the deposit. The \u0003xed salt being unable to \u0003x all the sulphur particles, the rest, which have escaped being snatched, follow their\nnatural tendency to become volatile and in their turn force some of the\nsalt to evaporate with them. Thus, volatile salt is generated. When heated\nin an open vessel all salt contained in the substance evaporates. This is\nwhat happens to the . . . [venous] blood in the . . . lung, that is where it\nis in contact with the air. All its salt has become volatile whereby it is\ndisposable by the breath.11\nClericuzio has in turn shown that \u201cEnglish Helmontians based their\nphysiological theories on the notion of vital spirits, which they conceived as a volatile alkaline salt.\u201d12 Physicians such as Francis Glisson\n(1597\u20131677), Walter Charleton (1619\u20131707), and Thomas Willis (1621\u2013\n1675) all believed this spirit was particulate, having \u201cspeci\u0003c chemical\nproperties;\u201d Willis for instance saw a \u201cvolatile salt, produced by the\naction of a local ferment situated in the brain, as the actual matter of\nanimal spirits.\u201d13 Frank has also demonstrated that William Harvey and\n9\nRobert Boyle, Experimental Notes of the Mechanical Origins or Production of Fixtness\n(Oxford: E. Flesher, 1675), p. 4.\n10\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 88\u201390.\n11\nPagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont, pp. 89\u201390.\n12\nAntonio Clericuzio, \u201cThe Internal Laboratory: The Chemical Reinterpretation of\nMedical Spirits in England, 1650\u20131680,\u201d Alchemy and Chemistry in the 16th and 17th Centuries,\ned. P. Rattansi and A. Clericuzio (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1994), pp. 51\u201383, on p. 63.\n13\nClericuzio, \u201cThe Internal Laboratory,\u201d p. 68.\n\nPages 67:\n50\nchapter three\nthe Oxford physiologists, such as William Croone (1633\u20131684), had a\nchemical notion of muscular motion based on saline chymistry.14\nIn\u0002uenced by van Helmont\u2019s belief that the breath of man and animals contained volatile salts, Robert Boyle himself wrote in his Suspicions\nabout some Hidden Qualities of the Air (1674) that the atmospheric air was\nlikewise impregnated with such salts, and that volatile salts could draw\nwater.15 Daniel Coxe (1640\u20131790), a London physician and Royal Society Fellow, wrote several articles in the Transactions about atmospheric\nvolatile salts which were inspired by Robert Boyle\u2019s ideas. Coxe claimed:\n\u201c. . . the Air, which is as I could fully demonstrate, [is] impregnated with\na Volatil Salt . . . partly expired from Animals during their life.\u201d16 Just\nas van Helmont thought that heated blood discharged its volatile salts\ninto the air, Coxe also believed that the release of volatile salt in the\nair was due to \u201cSubterraneous . . . and Coelestial Fires\u201d and that these\nSalts, \u201cbeing received into the vast subtile \u0002uid Expanse . . . become\nthe Instrument of sundry remarkable effects and operations, not only\nin Natural, but also Arti\u0003cial productions.\u201d17\n14\nR.G. Frank, Jr., Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas. (Berkeley:\nUniversity of California Press, 1980). For a reprint of Croone\u2019s work see also William\nCroone, ed Paul J.G. Maquet, On the Reason of the Movement of the Muscles (Philadelphia:\nAmerican Philosophical Society, 2000). On Croone, see also: L.M. Payne, Leonard\nG. Wilson, and Harold Hartley, \u201cWilliam Croone, F.R.S.,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal\nSociety of London, 15, (1960), pp. 211\u201319. Leonard G. Wilson, \u201cWilliam Croone\u2019s Theory\nof Muscle Contraction,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 16 (1961), pp.\n158\u201378. Thomas Birch, History of the Royal Society (London: A. Millar, 1756\u20137), vol. 4,\npp. 339\u2013340. Dictionary of National Biography (repr., London: Oxford University Press,\n1949\u20131950), vol. 5, pp. 207\u20138. William Munk, The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians\nof London, 2nd ed., 3 vols. (London, 1878), vol. 1, pp. 369\u201371. F.J. Cole, \u201cDr. William\nCroone on Generation,\u201d in M.F. Ashley Montague, ed. Studies and Essays in the History\nof Science and Learning Offered in Homage to George Sarton (New York: Schuman, 1947), pp.\n113\u201335.\n15\nRobert Boyle, Suspicions about some Hidden Qualities of the Air with an Appendix touching\nCelestial Magnets (London: W.G., 1674), pp. 59\u201360.\n16\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse . . . touching the\nIdentity of all Volatile Salts,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 108 (November\n23, 1674), pp. 169\u201382, on p. 172. Most of Coxe\u2019s experiments had to do with palingenics, or the \u201cresurrection of plants, and the chemical method of achieving their\nastral appearance after destruction.\u201d Coxe took a plant, bruised it, burnt it, collected\nits ashes, and, in the process of calcination, extracted from it a volatile salt. He then\nmade a compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat, and there gradually arose from the ashes, salt crystals which resembled a stem, leaves and \u0002owers; or,\nin other words, an apparition of the plant which had been submitted to combustion.\nInformation on palingenics for this note was taken from Lewis Spence, Encyclopedia of\nOccultism (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1968), s.v. \u201cpalingenics.\u201d\n17\nCoxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse,\u201d p. 172.\n\nPages 68:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n51\nMany of these remarkable effects that salt produced in the atmosphere\nwere relevant to \u0003elds of natural history, as well as meteorology, both\npredominant \u0003elds of study for the early Royal Society. Natural history was a disciplinal mainstay of the Baconian program of deductive\nempiricism from which the Royal Society claimed was its methodological basis. Michael Hunter, as well as scholars studying early museums,\nincluding the Royal Society\u2019s own collections and the Ashmolean,\nhas illustrated the importance of natural history to the early modern\nscienti\u0003c program.18 Figures such Nehemiah Grew contributed work\nin botany, and Martin Lister wrote about spa waters and conchology.\nRobert Boyle and his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 Daniel Coxe, described as \u201chaving the\nrole of Boyle\u2019s alter ego\u201d were also heavily involved in researching salt\nchymistry in the latter part of the seventeenth century, analyzing role\nof the salts in spa waters, as well as physiology, and iatrochymistry.19 As\nevidenced by the Royal Society Transactions, weather keeping was also a\npursuit that occupied many fellows such as Robert Moray (1608\u20131673)\nand Edmond Halley (1656\u20131742), and Jankovic has shown how meteorology was crucial to the society\u2019s Baconian research program.20 Because\nHarold Cook has characterized chemistry as the \u201cbasic analytical tool\u201d\nfor seventeenth-century investigators of anatomy and natural history, it\nseems an understanding of his chemical theories and their intellectual\ncontext will shed further light on their natural history work.21 In all of\nthese pursuits, salt chymistry played a signi\u0003cant role.\n18\nPeter Dear, \u201cTotius en Verba: Rhetoric and Authority in the Early Royal Society,\u201d Isis\n76, 2 ( June 1985), pp. 144\u201361; Michael Hunter, Science and Society in Restoration England\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Arthur Macgregor, The Ashmolean\nMuseum: A History of the Museum and its collection (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2001);\nMarjorie Swann, Curiosities and Texts: The Culture of Collecting in Early Modern England\n(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).\n19\nAntonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry\nin the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001),\np. 161. For Boyle\u2019s works, see Robert Boyle. Works of Robert Boyle. ed. M. Hunter and E.B.\nDavis, 14 vols. (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1999\u20132000). Correspondence between\nBoyle and Coxe on saline chymistry can be found in Robert Boyle, The Correspondence\nof Robert Boyle, eds. M. Hunter, A. Clericuzio, and L.M. Principe (London: Pickering\nand Chatto, 2001), 6 vols., especially Coxe\u2019s letter to Boyle in vol. 3, 19 January 1666,\npp. 30\u201343 concerning vegetable salts.\n20\nVladimir Jankovic, Reading the Skies: A Cultural History of English Weather, 1650\u20131820.\n(Chicago, University of Chicago Press; Co-published with Manchester University\nPress, 2001).\n21\nHarold Cook, \u201cNatural History and Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English\nMedicine,\u201d in The Task of Healing: Medicine, Religion and Gender in England and the Netherlands,\n\nPages 69:\n52\nchapter three\nSalt Chymistry, Meteorology, and Tidal Motion\nBefore the publication of the Principia, one of the most important\npuzzles in meteorology for the natural philosophers of the early Royal\nSociety was the cause of the tides. In seventeenth-century England, the\ncauses of planetary beams were considered \u201coccult,\u201d an Aristotelian\nand early modern term utilized when distinguishing \u201cqualities which\nwere evident to the senses from those which were hidden.\u201d22 After the\nRestoration, natural philosophers attempted to \u201crid the world of occult\ncauses and to explain invisible forces like solar and lunar emanations\u201d\nvia the mechanical philosophy, matter-theory, and chemical systems.23\nThis examination of occult causes extended to the tides, or the effects\nof the sunshine and moonbeams upon the seas.\nScholarly analysis of seventeenth-century tidal theories has primarily focused on Galilean, Cartesian, and Keplerian ideas, or upon the\norigins of Wallis\u2019 and Newton\u2019s gravitational models.24 Tidal theory in\n1450\u20131800, ed. Hilary Marland and Margaret Pelling (Rotterdam: Erasmus Publishing,\n1996), pp. 253\u2013270, on p. 261.\n22\nKeith Hutchinson, \u201cWhat Happened to Occult Qualities in the Scienti\u0003c Revolution?,\u201d Isis, 73 (1982), pp. 231\u201353, on p. 234.\n23\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and\nSolar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in Early Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of\nthe History of Medicine, 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on p. 433. For an article that analyzes\nEnglish solar and lunar medicine in the nineteenth century, see Mark Harrison, \u201cFrom\nmedical astrology to medical astronomy: sol-lunar and planetary theories of disease\nin British medicine, c. 1700\u20131850\u201d British Journal for the History of Science, 73 (2000), pp.\n25\u201348. My thanks to Professor Harrison for discussing his article with me.\n24\nDavid E. Cartwright, Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999); Federico Bonelli and Lucio Russo, \u201cThe Origin of Modern Astronomical Theories of Tides: Chrisogono, De Dominis and their Sources,\u201d British Journal for\nthe History of Science 29, 4 (1996), pp. 385\u2013401. For an older work that is an excellent\nsurvey of the history of the tides from the ancient world to Newton, see Rollin Harris,\n\u201cTidal Work and Knowledge Before the Time of Newton,\u201d in Manual of Tides, Part\n1, Treasury Department, U.S. Coast and Geodesic Survey (Washington D.C., Government Printing Of\u0003ce, 1898), pp. 386\u2013409. There is also a virtual academic industry\non Galileo and the tides. See Eric J. Aiton, \u201cGalileo\u2019s Theory of the Tides,\u201d Annals of\nScience 10 (1954), pp. 44\u201357; Eric J. Aiton, \u201cOn Galileo and the Earth-Moon System,\u201d\nIsis 54 (1963), pp. 265\u201366; Eric J. Aiton, \u201cGalileo and the Theory of the Tides,\u201d Isis\n56 (1965), pp. 56\u201361; Harold L. Burstyn, \u201cGalileo\u2019s Attempt to Prove that the Earth\nMoves,\u201d Isis 53 (1962), pp. 161\u201385; Harold L. Burstyn, \u201cGalileo and the Earth-Moon\nSystem,\u201d Isis 54 (1963), pp. 400\u2013401; Harold L. Burstyn, \u201cGalileo and the Theory of\nthe Tides,\u201d Isis 56 (1965), pp. 61\u201363; Stillman Drake, Galileo Studies: Personality, Tradition,\nand Revolution (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1970), pp. 200\u2013213; Stillman\nDrake, \u201cHistory of Science and the Tide Theories,\u201d Physis 21 (1979), pp. 61\u201369; Stillman Drake, Telescopes, Tides, and Tactics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983),\n\nPages 70:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n53\nearly modern England thus was in a pre-paradigmatic state, evincing\na multiplicity of con\u0002icting arguments.25 Even after the publication of\nNewton\u2019s Principia (1687), in 1692 the periodical The Gentleman\u2019s Journal\nlisted ten different explanations of the tides, and complained that competing ideas caused \u201cthe learned . . . [to be] much puzzled about . . . the\nFlux and Re\u0002ux of the Sea.\u201d26 Part of the reason for this state of\naffairs may have been because the lunar in\u0002uence on the tides was a\nphenomenon \u201codd enough to count as magical and bearing properties\nthat eluded the matter-theory that prevailed in Europe from Aristotle\nto Descartes.\u201d27 Matter theory for instance did not explain why all\nbodies of water do not exhibit tidal behavior. Despite the multiplicity\nof explanations about the occult causes of the tides that existed, no\nscholarly research has been done analyzing chemical models of the sea\u2019s\n\u0002ux and re\u0002ux, in particular those proposed by poet and miscellaneous\nwriter Thomas Philipot (d. 1682) and Robert Moray.\nThomas Philipot was the son of John Philipot (1589?\u20131645); John\nwas a Somerset herald, friend of William Camden, and a historian\npp. 171\u201386; Maurice A. Finocchiaro, Galileo and the Art of Reasoning (Dordrecht: Reidel,\n1980), pp. 74\u201379; Harold I. Brown, \u201cGalileo, the Elements, and the Tides,\u201d Studies in\nHistory and Philosophy of Science, 7 (1976), pp. 337\u201351; Joseph C. Pitt, \u201cThe Untrodden\nRoad: Rationality and Galileo\u2019s Theory of the Tides,\u201d Nature and System, 4 (1982), pp.\n87\u201399; Joseph C. Pitt, \u201cGalileo and Rationality: The Case of the Tides,\u201d in J.C. Pitt\nand M. Pera ed., Rational Change in Science: Essays on Scienti\u0002c Reasoning, (Dordrecht, Boston: Reidel, 1987), pp. 235\u201353; Joseph C. Pitt, \u201cGalileo, Copernicus and the Tides,\u201d\nTheoria et Historia Scientiarum, 1 (1991), pp. 83\u201394; William R. Shea, \u201cGalileo\u2019s Claim\nto Fame: The Proof that the Earth Moves from the Evidence of the Tides,\u201d British\nJournal for the History of Science, 5 (1970), pp. 111\u201327. For a philosophical treatment of\nGalileo\u2019s rhetoric about the tides, see Donald Mertz, \u201cThe Conception of Structure\nin Galileo: Its Role in the Methods of Proportionality and Ex Suppositione as Applied\nto the Tides,\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 13, 2 (1982), pp. 111\u2013131. For\nNewton and the Tides, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli\nand Euler to the theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of Science, 11 (1956), pp. 206\u2013223, and\nfor Cartesian theories, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of\nScience 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\n25\nFor a discussion of the multiplicity of theories which compete when a scienti\u0003c\nspeciality is in a pre-paradigmatic state, see Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scienti\u0002c\nRevolutions, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 10\u201322.\n26\nThe Gentleman\u2019s Journal: Or the Monthly Miscellany, ed. Pierre Motteaux, April 1692,\n(London: R. Baldwin, 1692), p. 17; Anna Marie Roos, Luminaries in the Natural World:\nPerceptions of the Sun and the Moon in England, 1400\u20131720, Worcester Polytechnic Institute\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scienti\u0003c Revolution,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 53, 3\n( July\u2013September 1991), pp. 373\u2013398, on pp. 373\u20134.\n\nPages 71:\n54\nchapter three\nand archaeologist of Kent.28 Thomas followed some of John\u2019s interests\nclosely, to the point of even plagiarizing some of his father\u2019s antiquarian histories. However, Thomas was best known as a \u201ctolerable poet\u201d\nwhile a student at Cambridge University and as an author of tracts on\na variety of subjects ranging from suicide, Aesop\u2019s Fables, to the history of\nheraldry.29\nBy the 1670s, Thomas Philipot\u2019s interests had shifted to natural\nphilosophy, and in 1673, he published A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of\nthe most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux:\nor Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea.30 Through an extended chain of logical deduction, the majority of his treatise was devoted to a systematic\nconsideration and rejection of the myriad of pre-Newtonian theories\nof the tides, including those of Galileo and Kepler, and a synopsis of\nthe state of tidal research that included both English and continental\nworks. Philipot defended his choice to spend so much time summarizing theories, explaining that tidal models were so \u201centwin\u2019d and\ncomplicated . . . that it is a greater Dif\u0003culty to trace out and unravell\nthem, than to Subvert, or Dismantle them.\u201d31 In the last pages of this\nwork, however, Philipot made his own contribution, and proposed\na theory of the tides based on chymical reactions of sea salts and\natmospheric pressure caused by the emanations of the sun and the\nmoon on the seas.32 As Antonio Clericuzio and Allen Debus have illustrated, by the 1670s and 1680s, English scientists such as John Webster,\nThomas Sherley, and William Simpson blended the iatrochymistry of\nphysician Joan Baptista van Helmont with chemist Robert Boyle\u2019s corpuscularianism and the mechanical philosophy, applying the results to\n28\nDictionary of National Biography, 1937\u201339 ed., s.v. \u201cThomas Philipot,\u201d and s.v.\n\u201cJohn Philipot.\u201d\n29\nFor an analysis of Thomas Philipot\u2019s meditative poems, see Wolfgang Lottes, \u201c \u2018On\nthis Couch of tears\u2019: Meditationen in schwerer Krankheit von Donne, Wotton, Latewar, Isham\nund Philipot,\u201d Literatur in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, 8 (1975), pp. 56\u201371; According to\nthe DNB entry, Thomas Philipot plagiarized his father\u2019s Villare cantianum, or, Kent surveyed\nand illustrated (London: William Godbid, 1659); Thomas Philipot, Poems (London: R.A.,\n1646); Thomas Philipot, Aesop\u2019s fables, with his life: in English, French & Latin (London:\nWilliam Godbid, 1666); Thomas Philipot, Self-homicide-murther, or, Some antidotes and arguments (London: W. Downing, 1674); Thomas Philipot, A brief historical discourse of the\noriginal and growth of heraldry (London: E. Tyler and R. Holt, 1672).\n30\nThomas Philipot, A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of the most Probable Cause of that\nGrand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux: or Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea (London:\nT.M., 1673).\n31\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 1.\n32\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, pp. 11\u201314.\n\nPages 72:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n55\nmedicine.33 Philipot similarly applied such models, with a focus upon\n\u0003xed and volatile salts, to the sea\u2019s \u0002ux and re\u0002ux.\nBefore writing his work on tides, Philipot demonstrated an interest in\nexploration and navigation, writing a history of the Spanish monarchy\nwhich contained extensive summaries of the then-known facts concerning the Spanish possessions in the New World, as well as a history of\nnavigation that contained his theories upon the causes of the variation\nof the compass.34 In his tract on the compass, he showed familiarity with\nthe work of van Helmont and William Gilbert; for example, Philipot\nmentioned that van Helmont claimed, in accordance with his belief in\nthe connection of the macrocosm of the animistic earth to the microcosm of the human body, that \u201cif a man [sic] in framing the Needles,\nshall stand with his Back plac\u2019d to the North, and place one point of the\nNeedle (which he intends for the North) directly Towards himself, the\nneedle so made, shall always point regularly and infallibly toward\nthe North without variation.\u201d35 Although Philipot wished that \u201csome\nperson of exalted imagination\u201d would produce needles \u201cfor experiment\nafter [Helmont\u2019s] direction,\u201d he subsequently dismissed the idea as\n\u201cin\u0003rme and crazy,\u201d as the \u201cvariation of the Needle proceed from the\nattractive vigour . . . of the Earth, which by irrefugable demonstrations\n[by Gilbert] \u201cmay be evinc\u2019d to be one continued magnet.\u201d36\nDespite his dismissal of van Helmont\u2019s ideas about magnetic variation, Philipot would later evince interest in the study of other occult\nforces, and be in\u0002uenced by Helmontian theories of volatile and \u0003xed\nsalts in his work on the tides.37 And one of these natural productions\n33\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, pp. 11\u201314; Debus, \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical\nEssay (1672)\u201d pp. 124\u201335. Antonio Clericuzio, \u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle. A study\nof the transmission of Helmontian chemical and medical theories in seventeenthcentury England,\u201d British Journal of the History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u2013334, on\np. 330. Iatrochymistry is a medical theory, \u0003rst associated with Paracelsus, that disease\nresults from a chemical reaction and that it can be both de\u0003ned and treated chemically. Corpuscularianism was Boyle\u2019s physical theory that supposed all matter to be\ncomposed of minute particles.\n34\nThomas Philipot, The original and growth of the Spanish monarchy united with the House\nof Austria (London: W.G., 1664); Thomas Philipot, A Historical discourse of the \u0002rst invention\nof navigation and the additional improvements of it with the probable causes of the variation of the\ncompasse (London: W. Godbid, 1661).\n35\nPhilipot, Navigation, p. 11.\n36\nPhilipot, Navigation, p. 11.\n37\nGilbert in his De Mundo Nostro Sublunari did however differ from Philipot\u2019s conclusion that the tides were caused by both the sun and the moon; Gilbert believed that\ntides were produced by the magnetic force between the earth and the moon, and not\nby its rays or light. He also \u201cdid not understand how the ebbing of the tide followed\n\nPages 73:\n56\nchapter three\nwas the tides. If we now turn to Philipot\u2019s Phylosophical Essay, we see\nPhilipot believed the \u0002ux of the sea was due to the fact:\nthere is a vitriolated, volatile or armoniack salt or spirit, that is wrap\u2019d\nup in the Bowels of the Sea and lies there clasped up and Imprison\u2019d\nin the Embraces of the \u0003xed . . . Salt, which upon its Excitation, by the\nAgitation of the Super\u0003cies of the Sea, and the opening of it by the\ncombined and complicated Impressions of the Sun and Moon, dislodges\nfrom its Inclose, and shoots it self up to the watry Margent, and drags\nalong with it, that Heap of Waters we stile the Flux.38\nJust as van Helmont believed heated blood in contact with air discharged\nits volatile salts and became breath or gas that was released into the\natmosphere, Philipot may have analogized that volatile salts were\nfreed from the \u0003xed sea salt via motion of the waves and the heated\nemanations of the sun and moon. The volatile salts were subsequently\nreleased into the air, and their motion and expansion caused the \u0002ux\nof the tides.39\nTo explain the re\u0002ux of the waters, Philipot also utilized the explanation of what he called the \u201cspring of the air\u201d which was Boyle\u2019s term\nfor atmospheric pressure. A connection between atmospheric pressure\nand planetary ef\u0002uviums was indeed proposed by Boyle, who speculated\nthat the Gravity of the Atmosphere\nmay be alter\u2019d by unseen Ef\u0002uviums . . . [as] we have often perceived by\nthe Mercurial Baroscope the Weight of the Air to be noticably increased,\nwhen we could not perceive in the Air . . . any cause to which we could\nascribe so noticeable a change.40\nBoyle thought perhaps that even \u201cthe Sun it self may not now and\nthen alter the Gravity of the Atmosphere otherwise than by its Beams\nfrom the direct attraction unless the interior of the earth contained humors which\nretreated into the earth when the tidal forces ceased, and so caused the surface of\nthe sea to descend. He also did not understand why the earth and moon did not fall\ntogether.\u201d See Harris, Manual of Tides, 398; William Gilbert, De Mundo nostro Sublunari\n(Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1651), pp. 298\u201399.\n38\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 11.\n39\nThe expansion of the volatile salts to cause the \u0002ux of the sea was similar in\nmechanism to the ability of volatile salts to agitate the animal spirits of the body.\nEnglish Helmontians in fact often \u201cadministered volatile alkaline salts distilled from\nblood to agitate restore the weakened vital spirits or archaeus of the body\u201d by their\nexpansion. Boyle himself attempted to distill the spirit of blood, which he believed was\n\u201cfully satiated with saline and spiritous parts,\u201d and thus had the therapeutic ability to\nrestore the vital spirits. See Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine,\u201d pp. 453\u201354.\n40\nBoyle, Suspicions about some hidden qualities in the air, p. 45.\n\nPages 74:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n57\nor heat.\u201d41 Via a similar mechanism, Philipot proposed that the air\n\u201cascended up\u201d with the sea\u2019s \u0002ux, and \u201cupon closing and contracting\nits Face upon the Recess of those two great Luminaries, shrinks back\nagain, and with it pulls along, that mass of waters it before had elevated,\nand this produces the Re\u0002ux.\u201d42 In other words the atmospheric pressure of the sun and moon \u201cpushed back\u201d the air that had risen with\nthe \u0002ow of the tides, leading to the tides\u2019 ebb.\nTo further support his hypotheses, Philipot cited Jesuit authors such\nas Libertus Froidmont (1587\u20131653) and the polymath Athanasius\nKircher (1601/2\u20131680). Froidmont was a professor at Leuven, and\na Latin edition of his Six Books of Meteors was published at Oxford in\n1639.43 A good proportion of the \u0003fth book was devoted to considering\nsystematically hypotheses of the tides, each submitted to questiones and\ndisputationes in scholastic fashion. Philipot in fact seems to have utilized\nFroidmont\u2019s structure of argumentation and some of his content in\nthe beginning of this Phylosophical Essay when he considered other tidal\nmodels. To support his idea of chemical reactions in the air causing the\nmotion of \u0002uids, Philipot in particular cited Froidmont\u2019s observation\nof an experiment done by the Swiss physician and philologist Jacob\nZwinger (1569\u20131610). Zwinger noticed that oil of vitriol ascended\nand descended with the \u0002ux and re\u0002ux of the sea.44 Because oil of\nvitriol is extremely reactive and hygroscopic (it absorbs water), it is\nlikely Zwinger was noticing water absorption during periods of higher\nhumidity.45 Philipot then connected lunar action to saline chymistry by\n41\nBoyle, Suspicions about some hidden qualities in the air, p. 45.\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 12.\n43\nLiberti Fromondi, Meteorologicorum Libri Sex (Oxford: William Turner, 1639).\n44\nLiberti Fromondi, Meteorologicorum Libri Sex (Oxford: William Turner, 1639), p. 321.\nScribit alibudi Swingerus, oleum quoddam vitreoli esse, quod tumescit cum Luna & detumescit: quid si\nigitur similis substantaie, aut qualitatis, id est, vitriolatae, ut loquuntur nostri Chymici, spritium marini\nalvei fundus obtineat? [Swingerus writes somewhere of the oil of vitriol which exists, that\nswells and shrinks with the moon. Therefore, what is this quality of vitriol, of which\nour chemists speak, which is similar to the spirit of the sea and tides? (my translation)].\nFroidmont\u2019s source was Jacob Zwinger, Principiorum chymicorum examen ad generalem Hippocratis, Galeni, caeterorumque . . . (Basil: Sebastian Henricpetri, 1620). Jacob Zwinger was\ninterested in salts, like his father, Theodore Zwinger, and \u201csought to \u0003nd the elements\nthat were valuable in Paracelsian doctrine and extract them\u201d including Paracelsus\u2019\ndoctrine of the tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury. See Jole Shackelford, \u201cLutheran\nOrthodoxy, and the Rejection of Paracelsianism in Early Seventeenth-Century Denmark,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 70 (1996), pp. 181\u2013204, on p. 182. My thanks\nto Dr. Shackelford for providing me with information about Jacob Zwinger.\n45\nBoyle also noted that vitriolic substances were particularly susceptible to atmospheric moisture; adding water to oil of vitriol or sulphuric acid in fact will result in\n42\n\nPages 75:\n58\nchapter three\nciting Kircher\u2019s Mundus Subterraneus (1665). Kircher recorded that an\ninfusion of the volatile salt, sal armoniack, \u201cplaced obliquely to receive\nthe In\u0002uence of the Moon . . . did Increase and Decrease as it held of\nan equal Correspondence, by an uninterrupted Chain of Atoms, with\nthe Flowings and Ebings of the Marine waters.\u201d46 (Sal ammoniac or\nammonium chloride is similarly hydroscopic and reacts to atmospheric\nhumidity, which may have been behind Kircher\u2019s observations of its\nincrease and decrease with the tides).47\nPhilipot also seemed to be unaware of the fact that in 1665, members\nof the Royal Society were privately testing Kircher\u2019s hypotheses. In a\nletter from Henry Oldenburg, the secretary of the Society, to the writer,\nchemist, and mathematician Robert Moray, Oldenburg stated:\nKircher produces severall Experiments to evince, yt ye Moon is ye sole\ncause of those Sea-reciprocations, by a Nitrous quality and Dilating\nfaculty. . . . etc. it be experimented, if it hath not been by any of our\nOxonian friends, whether Nitrous water, mixed with common salt, exposed\nin a bason to ye Beams of ye Moon in a free open place and a cleer\nMoonshiny night, will boyle and bubble up, and ye more vehemently,\nye neerer the two Luminaries are to ye places of their Conjunction and\nOpposition.48\nFour days later, Robert Boyle commented that Moray \u201chas been here to\nwatch ye successe of ye Expt of Kerker yt you sent him concerning ye\nEbbing and \u0002owing of ye sea.\u201d49 As Stevenson has shown, Moray had\nin fact written a series of letters to Kircher about magnetism and tides\nfrom 1643 to 1646, as well as in 1653, one of which about the tides\nof the Hebrides that Kircher reprinted in the Mundus Subterraneous and\na dangerous explosive reaction. See Robert Boyle, A New Experiment And other Instances\nof the Ef\u0002cacy of the Air\u2019s Moisture (Oxford: E.F., 1673), p. 7.\n46\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 12. Philipot is referring to Athanasius Kircher,\nMundus Subterraneus, in XII libros digestus (Amsterdam: J. Janson, 1665). The original work\nwas published in 1665, and a partial English translation was published in London in\n1669 which Philipot may have used. See Athanasius Kircher, The vulcano\u2019s, or Burning\nand \u0002re-vomiting mountains . . . collected for the most part out of Kircher\u2019s Subterraneous world\n(London: J. Darby, 1669).\n47\nRobert Boyle also noted how a solution of sal ammoniac and water gained\nweight when exposed to the air \u201camounting to near a dram.\u201d See Robert Boyle, A\nNew Experiment . . . of the Ef\u0002cacy of the Air\u2019s Moisture, pp. 6\u20137.\n48\nHenry Oldenburg to Sir Robert Moray. 7 November 1665, in The Correspondence of\nHenry Oldenburg, ed. and trans. A. Rupert Hall and Marie Boas Hall, 12 vols. (Madison:\nThe University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), vol. 2, p. 592.\n49\nRobert Boyle to Henry Oldenburg. 11 November 1665, in The Correspondence of\nHenry Oldenburg, vol. 2, p. 604.\n\nPages 76:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n59\nwhich Moray published in the Philosophical Transactions.50 In 1658, Moray\nwrote to his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 and friend Alexander Bruce,\nBut whatever your skill in water works be I think I may venture to say\nyou are not well enough acquainted with the duration of ebbs and \u0002oods.\nYet I will not now begin to indoctrinate you. The trueth is, that is one\nof the sciences I \u0003nd most imperfect. I have lent a list to Kircherus,\nwhom I have encouraged to labour to perfect it. And when all other\nmore necessary and serious conversation is almost reaped and we have\nclattered our bellyfulls at meeting, a \u0003tt of that science may take us up\nan afternoon or two.51\nBut Moray was to be disappointed with these \u201c\u0003tts\u201d of science in a\nnumber of ways.\nAs Stevenson wrote,\nIn 1665 [ Moray] heard that long-awaited work on tides by Athanasius\nKircher had been published. From Oxford he wrote to Henry Oldenburg,\n(1618\u20131677) the secretary of the Royal Society, asking to check in the\nbook to see \u2018to see if the irregular tides in the West Isles of Scotland\nbe there.\u2019 Oldenburg\u2019s reply brought good news and bad. Yes, Kircher\nhad published Moray\u2019s letter. But he had dismissed his observations to\n50\nLettere di Sir Robert Moray nel Carteggio A. Kircher Nell\u2019Archivio della Archives\nde Ponti\u0003cia Universita Gregoriana, 28 Jan 1656, Number 568. Colonia Agrippina\n[Cologne]. Sir Robert Moray to Kircher. The letter, also printed in Kircher\u2019s Mundus\nSubterraneous (Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1665), vol. i, p. 143, is as follows:\nRei nautica, inquit, perutile esse historiam justam maris aestus & motus omnes tam regulares,\nquam anonalosubivis occurentes fuse explicantem condere.Quidquid hueusquede hac re videre\ncontigit, maneum puto. Te dignum sane facinus esset, hoc muneris suscipere. \u201cMirae sunt in\nquibusdam locis \u0003uxus & re\u0003uxus alternationes.\u201d Ego hic narrabo, quod in Insulis Hebridum\npartim propriis oculis observavi, partim as incolis \u0002de dignis didici. Est locus in freto Insulis\nminisculis, rupibus &syrtibus frequentibus consperso in majores \u201cvulgo Eust & Herres\u201d insulis\nsito. Aestus maximi, id ist, tempore conjunctionis & oppositionis Solis & Linae quo plemmyra \u0002t\nora sexta ordinatete procedunt; \u0003uxus Orientem in Occidentem horarum spacio, sicuti & re\u0003uxus\nab Occidente in Orientem persiciter . Hoc duobus diebus ante Pleniluniumejusque oppositum, ac\ntotidem post ea semper sic se habet; Tertia autem die & deinceps longe aliter, toto enim tempore\ndiurno sive \u0003uat, sive re\u0003uat Occidentem versus dirigitur, nocte vero on Orientem vergit. Hoc\nego ipse deprehendit; sed ferunt insuper Indignae, aliud adhuc magis miramhic accidere. Tota\nscilicet die, dum Sol signa Borealia perlustrar, cursus aquae dictos in Occidentem tendere, tota\nautem hyeme in contratium; quorum causam mihi non est concessumpenetrare. Hactanus verba\nsupra citati Equitis.\nMoray\u2019s account of these Hebridean tides were published in the Philosophical Transactions, Monday June 5, 1665 as well. My gratitude to David Stevenson of St. Andrew\u2019s\nUniversity for providing me with this information. His transcription of Moray\u2019s letters\nfrom the Kincardine manuscript in the Royal Society Library is forthcoming from\nAshgate Variorum Press.\n51\n8/18 January 1658. Mastricht a Monsieur, Monsieur Alexander Bruce, in de Witte\nSwan tot Bremen (ff. 48\u20139), in Stevenson, The Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray.\n\nPages 77:\n60\nchapter three\nincomplete to be of value. Oldenburg added soothingly that doubtless\nKircher dismissed Moray\u2019s evidence because it was incompatible with\nhis own theories.52\nMoray\u2019s recreation of Kircher\u2019s experiment with salts and tides was\nalso apparently inconclusive, as Moray commented \u201cit is not lyke gain\ncredit here.\u201d53 After several hours and trials where Moray and \u201cMr.\nBoiles\u2019 man\u201d or laboratory assistant observed a basin \u0003lled with water,\nbay salt, and nitrous salt, no agitation of the water appeared, \u201conely\nsome litel bubles of air raised by the not fully dissolved Salts.\u201d54 Moray\ninformed Oldenburg that he should probably not transcribe such\nnegative experimental results for the Philosophical Transactions, \u201cknowing\nyour moments may be better employed.\u201d55 Indeed, these experiments\nwere not published, which is why Philipot apparently was unaware of\nthem. Indeed by 1674, an anonymous Philosophical Transactions paper\ncommented that\ndivers eminent Chymists have delivered several Preparations of Vitriol,\nwhich derive Moisture from the Moon more or less, according to her\nseveral Phases; which I am perswaded is a meer Dream, having seen\nlittle hitherto that should perswade me any of the Planets do in\u0002uence\notherwise than by Heat and Light.56\n52\nOldenburg, Correspondence, vol. 2, p. 590, p. 592. Athanasius Kircher, Mundus\nSubterraneous. 2 vols. (Amsterdam: J. Janssonius 1665), vol. 1, p. 143; as quoted in\nStevenson, \u201cIntroduction: The Life of Sir Robert Moray,\u201d The Kincardine Papers of Sir\nRobert Moray.\n53\nMoray to Oldenburg. 12 November 1665, in The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg,\nvol. 2, p. 606.\n54\nMoray to Oldenburg. 12 November 1665, in The Corresp\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 58 to page 77 out of a total of 312. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 78 to page 97 out of a total of 312:\nPages 78:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n61\nPhilipot\u2019s \u0003nal support for his tidal chymistry was the phenomenon of\nPrince Rupert\u2019s drops, otherwise known as \u201cchymical glasses.\u201d57 These\nobjects were introduced to England in the 1640s by Prince Rupert of\nBavaria (1619\u20131682), and were teardrop shaped glass beads, made\nby dropping molten glass into cold water [Figure 2]. The solid glass\nobject had a bulbous end which tapered into a curved glass tail, and\nthese objects exhibited unusual properties of strength and fragility. The\nformation of the drops created tremendous stress between the outside\nlayer, cooled by the water, and the inside which was warm; due to the\ntremendous surface tension of the glass, the head withstood hammering\non an anvil.58 However, breaking the tail resulted in the shattering of\nthe entire drop into \u0003ne powder because the glass released the internal\nstress with such power.59 These drops were utilized in practical jokes\nby Charles II; the King would have a subject hold the bulb end in the\npalm of his hand, and then break off the top, giving the victim a small\nbut harmless explosion in a closed hand.60 Indeed, Philipot referred to\nthese drops as \u201cGreatricks [great-tricks] glasses.\u201d61\nAs with the tides, there was a multiplicity of interpretations of the\nphenomenon, already correctly grasped in principle by Robert Hooke in\nhis Micrographia.62 Philipot however believed the drops shattered because\nof a chemical reaction. When the tail was snapped off,\n57\nThe diarist Samuel Pepys stated he was \u0003rst shown the drops or \u201cchymical\nglasses,\u201d which he had \u201cheard talk of \u201d by Peter Honywood on 13 January 1662.\nHe wrote the glasses \u201cbreak all to dust by breaking off a little small end, which is a\n\u201cgreat mystery.\u201d See the Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. John Warrington, 3 vols. (London:\nDent; New York: Dunton, Everyman\u2019s Library, vol. 53), vol. 1, p. 224. See also Laurel\nBrodsley, Sir Charles Frank, F.R.S., and John W. Steeds, \u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drops,\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 41 (1986), pp. 1\u201326, on p. 9. John Beckman,\nA History of Inventions, Discoveries, and Origins, 4th ed. of the English translation, edited\nby W. Francis and J.W. Grif\u0003th, 2 vols. (London, Bohn, 1846), vol. 2, pp. 241\u2013245. I\nwish to acknowledge Dr. David Zuck for his aid in identifying the reference to these\nglass drops in Philipot\u2019s work.\n58\n\u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drop and Glass Stress,\u201d Corning Museum of Glass, http://www.\ncmog.org/ page.cfm?page=281&originalsearchtext=prince%20rupert%27s%20drop,\np. 1.\n59\nFor a more detailed scienti\u0003c explanation of the drops\u2019 explosion, see S. Chandrasekar and M.M. Chaudhri, \u201cThe explosive disintegration of Prince Rupert\u2019s drops,\u201d\nPhilosophical Magazine, B70 (1994), pp. 1195\u20131218.\n60\n\u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drop and Glass Stress,\u201d Corning Museum of Glass, p. 1.\n61\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 12. Much research has revealed there is no connection between \u201cGreatricks\u201d glasses and the seventeenth-century Irish healer Valentine\nGreatrakes.\n62\nRobert Hooke, \u201cObservation vii of some Phaenomena of Glass Drops,\u201d in Micrographia (London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665), pp. 33\u201344.\n\nPages 79:\n62\nchapter three\nFigure 2. Prince Rupert\u2019s Drops or the \u201cGlass Drops\u201d in Robert Hooke, Micrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665, p. 10. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright\nthe Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\nthe volatile salt, that lay imprison\u2019d, and cloister\u2019d up, in the claspings,\nand Circumscription of the . . . \u0003xed Salt, \u0003nding it self enfranchis\u2019d and\nredeem\u2019d from the strict Enclosures of those two rigid Adversaries sallied out, with an impetuous Eagerness, and that Eruption occasions that\ndisorder and concussion.63\nIn other words, just as the waves of the sea released the volatile salts\nfrom the \u0003xed salts, causing the \u0002uxing of the sea, the breaking of the\ndrop\u2019s stem also released its volatile salts, whose expansion caused the\ndrop\u2019s explosion.\n63\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13.\n\nPages 80:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n63\nAfter presenting his theory and supports for tidal chymistry, Philipot\naddressed his opposition. He realized that one of the major obstacles to\nthe formulation of mechanical or chemical tidal theories was to \u0003nd an\nexplanation for the fact that smaller bodies of water such as the \u201cEuxine, Baltick, and Caspian Seas\u201d do not exhibit tidal behavior.64 (Many\ninland seas are virtually tideless because the entering strait is too narrow to allow the in\u0002ux or out\u0002ow of suf\u0003cient tidal waters).65 Philipot\u2019s\nexplanation was that rivers \u201cperpetually disgorge themselves into those\nSeas above said,\u201d emptying \u0003xed salts from underground caverns and\nmines, where minerals and salts were generated by mother earth.66 As\na result, the volatile salts in these seas were \u201ccheck\u2019d and depress\u2019d\u201d by\n\u0003xed salts of sulphur, nitre, and bitumen.67 And, so \u201cbenumb\u2019d\u201d were\nthe volatile salts that it was \u201cimpossible for the united In\u0002uence of the\nSun and Moon, to excite their so stupi\u0003ed vigour.\u201d68 Philipot may have\nbeen in\u0002uenced in his ideas again by Froidmont, who immediately\n64\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13. \u201cEuxine\u201d or \u201cEuxinic\u201d refers to areas in which\nlimited circulation of water has produced stagnant conditions, leading to deposit of\nblack oil shale. Philipot likely is referring to the Black Sea, known for its oil deposits\nin the seventeenth century. See Oxford English Dictionary. 2nd ed. 1989 (ed. J.A.\nSimpson and E.S.C. Weiner), OED Online. Oxford University Press. <http://oed.\ncom>, s.v. \u201cEuxinic.\u201d The Caspian Sea, the largest lake in the world, receives water\nfrom several rivers, such as the Volga, Ural, and Emba in the northern and central\nparts of the sea, but it has no outlet. It actually has, contrary to Philipot, some tides,\nranging from 70 cm. to 3 m. See Ramiz Mamedov, \u201cOn the Level: The continuing\nproblem of the Caspian,\u201d in The Caspian Times, www.caspiantimes.com, p. 4. Philipot\nwas however mostly correct in thinking the Baltic has not tides; it actually has a very\nsmall tidal variation. \u201cIt is greatest in the inner part of the Gulf of Finland, where the\ndifference between high and low tide is 20 cm.\u201d See The Encyclopedia of Oceanography,\ned. Rhodes W. Fairbridge, Encyclopedia of Earth Sciences Series, vol. 1 (New York:\nReinhold Publishing Corporation, 1966), s.v. \u201cBaltic Sea.\u201d\n65\nRichard Ellis, The Encyclopedia of the Sea (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000), s.v.\n\u201cTides.\u201d\n66\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13. This explanation for the origins of sea salt was\napparently shared by Robert Boyle. Boyle wrote \u201cthe Sea derives its saltness from the\nSalt that is dissolved in it . . .; But I take that Saltness to be supplied, not only from\nRocks, and other Masses of Salt . . . but Also from the Salt, which the Rains, Rivers\nand other Waters dissolve in their passage through divers parts of the Earth, and\nat length carry along with them into the Sea.\u201d See Robert Boyle, Tracts Consisting of\nObservations About the Saltness of the Sea (Oxford: E. Flesher, 1674), p. 15. The idea that\nunderground mines constantly generated minerals, serving as the womb of the Earth\nMother, is a common conceit in Paracelsian and Helmontian thinking. See Carolyn\nMerchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scienti\u0002c Revolution (San Francisco:\nHarper, 1990), pp. 20\u201341.\n67\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13.\n68\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13.\n\nPages 81:\n64\nchapter three\nbefore his discussion of vitriolic oil mentioned the lack of tides in the\nDead Sea, termed by the Roman Naturalist Pliny as well as the Book of\nGenesis as the Lacus Aphaltites or \u201cLake of Asphalt,\u201d for its tremendous\nquantity of bitumen and \u0003xed salts.69\nAs he concluded his treatise, described as a \u201cfaint result of my\npen,\u201d Philipot evinced a gentlemanly desire to use his work to serve\nhis fellow citizens, proclaiming he was certain that \u201cnew Discoveries\u201d\nwould improve his \u201ctheories to greater advantage of the public.\u201d70 In\nthe interim, he advised his readers with a maxim from Horace: \u201cSi\nquid novisti rectius istis candidus imperti; si non, his utere mecum,\u201d or \u201cIf you\nhave ideas better than these of mine, share them openly; if not, use\nthese as I do.\u201d71 His systematic consideration and rejection of nine\nother tidal theories\u2014ranging from Homer\u2019s view they were caused by\nwhirlpools to Kepler\u2019s idea that the tides occurred because the sea was\nas a breathing animal (which Philipot dismisses because could not see\non \u201cwhich coast these prodigious lungs are located\u201d (!)\u2014illustrated the\nmultiplicity of ideas about the waters\u2019 \u0002ux and re\u0002ux.72 Philipot was\nthus a transitional \u0003gure, providing an explanation for the tides during\nthe height of iatrochymistry\u2019s popularity, only to see such theories over69\nFroidmont, Meteorologicorum, p. 321. Hoc tamen me retinet quod Asphalities sive mare\nmortuum, bitumine stans et plenissimum, aestum tamen non sentit. Oportet ergo aliter temperatum\nesse bitumen, ut ad Lunam se moveat. [Nevertheless a dead sea like the Asphalities does not\nexperience the tides, standing still and full, held back by the bitumen. Therefore, it is\nnecessary for the bitumen to be tempered in order that the moon moves [the sea.] (My\ntranslation.) \u201cFrom time to time large quantities of bitumen rise to the surface from the\nbottom Bitumen is also found along the shores of the Dead Sea and is referred to in\nGenesis (xiv, 10) where it speaks of the puteos multos bituminis\u2014\u201cmany pits of slime.\u201d See\nJoseph Malloy, \u201cDead Sea,\u201d The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. iv. (New York: Robert Appleton\nCompany, 1908), online at: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04658a.htm. William\nGilbert in his De Mundo mentions the role of bitumen and \u0003xed salts in suppressing\nthe tides. William Gilbert, De Mundo Nostro Sublunari, pp. 297\u2013298.\n70\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 14.\n71\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 14.\n72\nThe idea that the tides were caused by whirlpools was promoted by Richard\nHakluyt\u2019s Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. 5 vols.\n(London: H.R. Evans, 1809\u201312; London, 1598\u20131600) vol. 1, pp. 134\u2013135. Hakluyt\nused the examples of whirlpools near the Hebrides, stating it was but one of four in\n\u201copposite quarters of the world, from whence many does coniecture that as well the\n\u0002owing of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, haue their \u0003rst originall.\u201d In the fourth\nbook of his Harmonics (1619), Kepler states that the tides are akin to the breathing of\nterrestrial animals and \u0003shes. See Johannes Kepler, Opera Omnia, ed. Christian Frisch.\n8 vols. (Frankfurt and Erlangen: Heyder et Zimmer, 1865\u201371), vol. 5, p. 255. However,\nin his earlier Introduction to the Motions of the Planet Mars (1609) Kepler noted that the\nattractive forces exercised by earth and moon upon each other are proportional to\ntheir masses. Kepler, Opera Omnia, vol. 3, p. 151.\n\nPages 82:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n65\ncome by Newton\u2019s Principia \u0003fteen years later. In his method of rejecting\nand combining elements from this kaleidoscope of theories, Philipot\nblended interests in occult forces, chymistry, and natural philosophy to\nexplain the mechanism of tides, which he termed this \u201cGrand Mistery\nof Nature.\u201d73\nMartin Lister, the salts of pyrites, and natural history\nVan Helmont\u2019s assertion of the presence of salts in the atmosphere also\naffected work done by Martin Lister, another early Royal Society member, on meteorology, minerallogenesis, and theories about the formation\nof fossils. Born in Yorkshire, Martin Lister was educated at St. John\u2019s\nCollege, Cambridge (M.A. 1655), subsequently studied medicine at\nMontpellier from 1663\u20131666, and when on the continent became \u201can\navid natural historian\u201d and physician.74 Elected a Royal Society Fellow\nin 1670\u20131, Lister devoted himself to a variety of biological studies,\nincluding botany, fossil classi\u0003cation and conchology, forging a friendship and lengthy correspondence with John Ray (1628\u20131705).75 Lister\u2019s\nworks ranged from a well-known treatise on spiders, to a recollection\nof a voyage to Paris, to an annotated edition of the Roman cookbook\nof Apicius (1705) that was publicly ridiculed by satirists, especially\nwith its references to contemporary English cuisine.76 Scholarly work\n73\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 14.\nCook, \u201cNatural History and seventeenth-century Dutch and English Medicine,\u201d\np. 257.\n75\n\u201cMartin Lister,\u201d s.v. D.N.B. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937\u201338 ed.) See\nalso \u201cMartin Lister,\u201d s.v. Biographia Britannica, 1st ed. (London, 1747\u201366), vol. 5, pp.\n2974\u20135; William Munk, The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 2nd ed., 3\nvols. (London, 1878), vol. 1, pp. 442\u20135. For Lister\u2019s correspondence with Ray, please\nsee John Ray, The Correspondence of John Ray, ed. Edwin Lankester (New York: Arno\nPress, 1975, reprint of London: The Ray Society, 1848). Some of Lister\u2019s letters to\nand from Ray are also present in MS Lister 2 and 3, Duke Humfrey Library, Bodleian, University of Oxford.\n76\nWilliam King (1683\u20131712), the satirist and miscellaneous writer, lampooned both\nLister\u2019s Apicius, as well as Lister\u2019s Journey to Paris. See William King, The Art of Cookery, In\nImitation of Horace\u2019s Art of Poetry. With some Letters to Dr. Lister, and Others: Occasion\u2019d principally by the Title of a book publish\u2019d by the Doctor, being the Works of Apicius Ceolius, . . . Humbly\ninscrib\u2019d to the Honourable Beef Steak Club (London: Bernard Lintott, 1706); Martin Lister,\nA journey to Paris in 1698 (New York: Arno Press, 1974); John Lough, \u201cMartin Lister\u2019s\ntravels in France,\u201d Durham University Journal 76 (1983), pp. 37\u201341; Martin Lister, Martin\nLister\u2019s English Spiders: 1678, trans. John Parker and Basil Harley (Colchester, Essex: Harley\nBooks, 1992); See Geoffrey Keynes, \u201cDr. Martin Lister, F.R.S., Some Uncollected\n74\n\nPages 83:\n66\nchapter three\nabout Lister has therefore primarily concentrated upon analysis of\nhis investigations in natural history.77 Other authors have noted his\ncontributions to geographical cartography, particularly his stratigraphic\nutilization of fossils.78\nLittle attention has been focused upon Lister\u2019s work in chemistry, the\nmost salient examples being his analysis of pyrites or \u201cfools\u2019 gold\u201d (iron\nsul\u0003des (FeS2), in mineral springs contained in his De Fontibus medicatis\nAngliae Exercitatio (1684) [Exercises on the healing springs of England],\nin his contributions to the Philosophical Transactions in the 1670s and\n1680s, and in his unpublished manuscript \u201cMethod for the History of\nIron.\u201d79 (A translation of De Fontibus is provided in appendix one). In\nAuthors,\u201d The Book Collector 28 (1979), pp. 501\u2013520. S. Wood, \u201cMartin Lister, Zoologist and Physician,\u201d Annals of Medical History, n.s. 1 (1929), pp. 87\u2013104. For a focus\non the work of Martin Lister and Jan Swammerdam, see Cook, \u201cNatural history and\n17th-Century Dutch and English medicine,\u201d pp. 253\u2013270.\n77\nRobert W. Unwin, \u201cA Provincial Man of Science at Work: Martin Lister, F.R.S.,\nand his illustrators 1670\u20131683,\u201d in Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 49, 2\n(1995), pp. 209\u201330; David E. Allen, \u201cSpider Man at Work,\u201d review of John Parker and\nBasil Harley, eds., Martin Lister\u2019s English Spiders 1678 in Notes and Records of the Royal Society\nof London 47, 1 (1993), pp. 144\u201345; J.D Woodley, \u201cAnne Lister, Illustrator of Martin\nLister\u2019s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685\u20131692),\u201d Archives of Natural History [Great Britain]\n21, 2 (1994), pp. 225\u2013229. For a recent analysis of Lister\u2019s cabinets of curiosities, see\nP. Fontes da Costa, \u201cThe Culture of Curiosity at the Royal Society in the \u0003rst half\nof the eighteenth century,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 56 (2002), pp.\n147\u2013166; Lister is also mentioned in Michael Hunter, \u201cThe Social Bias and Changing\nFortunes of an Early Scienti\u0003c Institution: An Analysis of the Membership of the\nRoyal Society, 1660\u20131685,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 31 (1976\u20137),\npp. 9\u2013114.\n78\nFor a discussion of Lister\u2019s contributions to geological cartography, see Cecil Schneer, \u201cThe Rise of Historical Geology in the Seventeenth Century,\u201d Isis 45, 3 (1954),\npp. 256\u2013268, on pp. 261\u2013263.\n79\nMartin Lister, De Fontibus medicates Angliae (London: Walter Kettilby, 1684); \u201cThree\nPapers of Dr. Martin Lyster, the \u0003rst of the Nature of Earth-quakes . . . from the\nPyrites alone,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 14 (1684), pp. 512\u2013515; Martin Lister, \u201cCertain Observations of the Midland Salt-Springs of Worcester-Shire, Stafford Shire and\nCheshire,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 14 (1684), pp. 489\u2013495; Martin Lister, \u201cMethod\nfor the History of Iron, Imperfect,\u201d MS Lister 1, Duke Humfrey Library, Bodleian\nLibrary, University of Oxford. Although there have been no analyses of Lister\u2019s works\non spas, there have been many studies of early modern English debates concerning\nthe chemistry of hot springs as well as their economic impact. For instance, the most\nfamous seventeenth-century medical debate was that engendered by Dr. Robert Wittie\u2019s\n(1613?\u20131684) Scarborough spaw (1660) a work in which he advocated the mineral waters\nat Scarborough as a cure-all; his claim was challenged by other physicians such as William Simpson (\u0002. 1665\u20131677) and after a series of dueling pamphlets, the controversy,\nwhich essentially centered around Galenic vs. Paracelsian medical cures, was carried\nout in the Philosophical Transactions. See Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History\n23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214. Robert Wittie, Scarborough spaw; or, A description of the nature\n\nPages 84:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n67\nthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the term \u201cpyrites\u201d referred to\nany mineral that could strike sparks from iron. According to Lister, the\n\u201chardest\u201d of pyrites was \u201cformerly polished and used instead of \u0002ints\nin ye Spanish wheele lockes.\u201d80 He de\u0003ned pyrites more speci\u0003cally as\n\u201cironstone marcasites\u201d or \u201cbrassie lumps\u201d which were \u201cnothing else\nbut a body of iron disguised under a vitriolic varnish\u201d found \u201call over\nye Yorkshire Woldes; we have seen in the last chapter that \u201cvitriol\u201d\nreferred to Iron II sulphate which occurred as a weathering product\nof pyrites.81 Lister, in common with other early modern English chemists, speci\u0003cally claimed vitriol consisted of an \u201cinsipid\u201d earth he called\nocher, some iron metal, mineral sulphur, the acid salt, and some small\nportion of the volatile aerial salt.82\nAn understanding of Lister\u2019s work on pyrites and vitriol is best attained\nby placing him in the intellectual context of the seventeenth-century\nand vertues of the spaw at Scarbrough Also a treatise of the nature and use of water (London:\nCharles Tyus and Richard Lambert, 1660); William Simpson, Hydrologia chymica, or, The\nchymical anatomy of the Scarbrough, and other spaws in York-Shire: wherein are interspersed, some\nanimadversions upon Dr. Wittie\u2019s lately published treatise of the Scarbrough Spaw . . . (London:\nW.G., 1669). For analyses of medicinal effects of early modern English spas, see Anne\nBorsay, Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History of the General In\u0002rmary,\nc. 1739\u20131830 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Christopher Hamlin, \u201cChemistry, medicine, and\nthe legitimization of English spas, 1740\u20131840,\u201d in The medical history of waters and spas,\nMedical history Supplement no. 10 (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of\nMedicine, 1990), pp. 67\u201381; Phyllis Hembry, The English spa, 1560\u20131815: a social history\n(London: Athlone Press, 1990); Alex Sakula, \u201cDoctor Nehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and\nthe Epsom Salts,\u201d Clio Medica [Netherlands] 19, 1\u20132 (1984), pp. 1\u201322. Noel Coley, \u201cThe\npreparation and uses of arti\u0003cial mineral waters (ca. 1680\u20131825),\u201d Ambix 31 (1984),\npp. 32\u201348; Charles Mullet, Public baths and health in England, 16th\u201318th century (Baltimore:\nJohn Hopkins Press, 1946). For nineteenth-century therapeutic mineral cures, please\nsee George Weisz, \u201cWater Cures and Science: The French Academy of Medicine\nand Mineral Waters in the nineteenth century,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64,\n3 (1990), pp. 393\u2013416. For the economic impact of mineral waters, please see Sylvia\nMcIntyre, \u201cThe Mineral Water Trade in the Eighteenth Century,\u201d Journal of Transport\nHistory 2,1 (1973), pp. 1\u201319. See also Ronald and Ann Cowell, Essex Spas and Mineral\nWaters (Romford, Essex: Ian Henry Publications Ltd, 2002).\n80\nLister, \u201cMethod for the History of Iron,\u201d p. 5. Pliny\u2019s Natural History, which Lister\ncited extensively in the De Fontibus, stated, \u201cWhen struck with a nail or another stone\nthey [pyrites] give off a spark, and if this is caught on sulphur or else on dry fungi or\nleaves it produces a \u0002ame instantaneously.\u201d Pliny, Natural History, 36.29, line 138.\n81\nLister, \u201cMethod for the History of Iron,\u201d p. 18.\n82\nLister, De Fontibus, passim; \u201cSome observations and Experiments about Vitriol,\nTending to Find out the Nature of that Substance, and to Give Further Light in the\nInquiry after the Principles and Properties of Other Minerals: Communicated by a\nFellow of the Royal Society, Who Maketh Use of Chymistry Chie\u0002y as Subservient\nto Physiology,\u201d Philosophical Transactions (1665\u201378), Vol. 9, no. 103 (1674), pp. 41\u201347,\non p. 41.\n\nPages 85:\n68\nchapter three\nchemical debate about the formation of minerals. As we have seen in\nthe last chapter, some chymists claimed that there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed to be responsible for minerallogenesis\nand other types of matter formation, and there were contenders for the\nidentity of this salt including nitre and vitriol. The vitriolic liquid or spirit\nof vitriol (sulphuric acid) called \u2018gur\u2019 or \u2018bur\u2019 was believed by Glauber and\nother early modern mining authors to be a sign of the presence of mineral ores, \u201cwith which sulphurous exhalations were also associated.\u201d83\nWhile Lister agreed with his colleagues about the composition of vitriol,\nwe will see that he dismissed the idea that vitriol was the universal acid\nsalt responsible for mineral formation. Lister also disagreed that there\nwas any particular sole active element responsible for mineral formation, arguing in particular against Van Helmont who assigned water\nthat role. To support his assertions against Van Helmont, we will see\nthat Lister incorporated the empirical work of early modern chemists\nin the Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Sciences, speci\u0003cally utilizing the Observations on the Mineral Waters of France (1684) written by their chief chemist\nSamuel Du Clos (d. 1715).\nAs these Helmontian aqueous theories of mineral formation arose in\nthe seventeenth century, other chemical authors held \u201cmineral exhalations as an explanation for the generation of . . . minerals and of the\nvaporous ef\u0002uxes thought to issue from ore-deposits.\u201d84 Lister was one\nof these authors, believing that the volatile exhalations of pyrites and its\nvitriol in the air were important in the transformation of matter, and he\nsubscribed to the sixteenth and seventeenth-century theory of witterung\nor ore exhalations as an explanation for the formation of minerals.85\nScratching or crushing pyrites does result in a sulphurous smell, and\nLister claimed pyrites and its vitriol gave off a \u201cwarm vapour\u201d that\nwas \u201clargely sulphurous, pungent, and in\u0002ammable,\u201d identifying vitriol\nas volatile.86 Despite his allegiance to the theories of witterung, we will\nillustrate that Lister made use of his interests in natural history to go\none step beyond them, postulating that the sulphurous exhalations from\npyrites were responsible for the heating of hot springs, and meteorological and geological effects.\n83\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 217.\nJohn A. Norris, \u201cThe Mineral Exhalation Theory of Metallogenesis in Pre-Modern\nMineral Science,\u201d Ambix, 53, 1 (March 2006), pp. 43\u201366.\n85\nSee David Oldroyd, \u201cSome Phlogistic Mineral Schemes,\u201d Annals of Science 31\n(1974): 269\u2013305, on p. 276 for an explanation of witterung.\n86\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 77.\n84\n\nPages 86:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n69\nThe chemical context of salts, pyrites and vitriol in the De Fontibus\nLister\u2019s De Fontibus was a work that met some public acclaim and was\ngiven an extensive and favorable notice in the review journal, The Weekly\nMemorials for the Ingenious, a publication in the \u201csame format as the\nFrench Journal des Scavans.\u201d87 The reviewer praised the \u201cinquisitive and\ncurious\u201d naturalist for his \u201cpiercing industry\u201d in creating a history of\n\u201cEnglish Spaws,\u201d and in \u201cthe Discovery of such things as relate to the\nnatural Improvement of his own Country.\u201d88 To begin his chemical\nanalysis of spa waters, in the \u0003rst chapter of the De Fontibus, Lister\ndescribed and classi\u0003ed common salts, including nitre or saltpetre,\ncommon salt, alum, salt derived from limestone or \u201cnitrum calcarium,\u201d\nand vitriol \u201cborn from iron pyrites.\u201d He did his classi\u0003cation primarily\nby a detailed examination of salt crystals, a common practice among\nlate seventeenth-century chemists who considered the macroscopic and\nmicroscopic examination of crystalline structures important, as their\nregularity seemed to suggest their innate formative power in chemical\ntransformation. Lister may have taken his cue from Bath physician\nEdward Jorden (1569\u20131632) who \u201cstrongly advocated the examination\nof their crystals\u201d to identify dissolved minerals in spas; Dr. Tancred\nRobinson (1657\u20131748) and John Ray, Lister\u2019s colleagues, also remarked\nin correspondence that Anton von Leeuwenhoek also \u201chath observed a\ngreat variety of \u0003gures\u201d in microscopic examination of salts.89 Tancred\nRobinson wrote to Lister concerning the De Fontibus:\nThis afternoon I spent some hours with Mr. Boyle, who gives you his\nmost humble service, and is as proud of your good opinion, as you can\npossibly bee of his; hee hath try\u2019d most of the experiments of your last\nbook, and tells me that hee \u0003nds you a very faithfull and Authentick writer,\nhee shew\u2019d mee this day the severall crystallizations of those salts, which\n87\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious (London: Henry Faithorne and John Kersey, 1683/4),\nno. 50, Jan 15, pp. 376\u201382. James Fieser, \u201cThe Eighteenth-Century Reviews of Hume\u2019s\nWritings,\u201d Journal for the History of Ideas 57 (Fall 1996), pp. 645\u2013657, on p. 646.\n88\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious, pp. 376 and 382.\n89\nEdward Jorden, A discourse of natural bathes and mineral waters wherein the original or\nfountains in general is declared . . . (London: Thomas Harper, 1631; reprint, New York:\nDa Capo Press, 1971), p. 45 as quoted in Coley, \u201cCure without Care,\u201d p. 198.\nLeeuwenhoek\u2019s work was described in Robinson\u2019s letter to John Ray on 9 May 1685,\nin the Correspondence of John Ray, pp. 167\u20138. Tancred Robinson served as secretary to\nthe Royal Society in November 1685. Descartes also postulated that the \u201cdifferences\nin salts arise from their different \u0003gures of their particles.\u201d See Parthington, History of\nChemistry, vol. 2, p. 438.\n\nPages 87:\n70\nchapter three\nyou have describ\u2019d and \u0003gur\u2019d; and hee says that hee is very fearfull to\npropound anything to a person of your piercing sagacity.90\nLister\u2019s studies in natural history also revealed him to be a consummate\nempiricist. As he concentrated on utilizing structure to classify animals\nand insects in his other treatises, it is not surprising he would utilize the\nsame methods in his chemical work [Figure 3]. Because Lister primarily\nused detailed visual observation of crystal structure to classify salts,\nhe cautioned chemists who were deceived by impure water samples in\nwhich there was \u201cconjunction of several pure primary salts, from which\nconfusion arises regarding the true and natural shape of crystals.\u201d91\nAfter his classi\u0003cation of common salts, Lister turned to an analysis\nof salts in English mineral waters, and concluded from isolation by\ndehydration and crystal analysis that only two types were present: nitrum\ncalcarium derived from limestone (calcium carbonate) and common sea\nsalt. Lister thought that the presence of sea salts in English mineral\nsprings was easily explained via the runoff of sea water inland. But nitre\nof lime or what he called nitrum calcarium was a different case. Lister\ncommented that nitrum calcarium was produced by the exposure of limestone to air. This was \u0003rst because \u201cwhere there is nitre of lime, there\nis always limestone to be found,\u201d and because Lister observed that\nno salt whatever grows from limestone immediately after it has been slaked\nby the application of heat, but the same stone produces an abundance of\nsalt, whether it [i.e. the stone] has been untreated or heated, whilst forming\nthe walls or roof of some house; it then grows together to form crystals\nof its own kind.92\nMost likely Lister was observing the formation of potassium carbonate or saltpetre crystals on walls that had been whitened by limestone,\nsimilar to the formation of nitre crystals in limestone saltpeter caves.\nLister noted that nitrum calcarium could also not be formed by steeping\nlimestone in water, and indeed nitrate crystals will not form in areas\nof excess humidity.\n90\nMS Lister 34, Bodleian Library, Oxford University, London April 12, 1683. From\nTancred Robinson to Martin Lister, Lendall Street York, fol. 99 recto.\n91\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 4.\n92\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 50. [At ubi Nitrum Calcarium, ibib perpetuo Lapis Calcarius adest ]\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 54. [Idem quoque identidem con\u0002rmatur; cum e lapide calcario, statim ab\nipsa conctione macerato, omnino nihil salis concrescit, iden tamen lapis, sive crudus, sive coctus in\nParietibus aedis alicujus, aut tectoriis usurpatus, abunde Salem suum edit, & qui in crystallos sui\ngeneris, ut supra descriptum est, concrescit.]\n\nPages 88:\nFigure 3. Crystalline shapes of salts from Martin Lister, De Fontibus medicates Anglicae. London: Walter Kettilby, 1684, between\npages 32 and 33. Osler Library of the History of Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n71\n\nPages 89:\n72\nchapter three\nLister was not only interested in delineating the chemistry of English\nmineral waters for its own sake and for medical applications, but he\nwished to utilize the formation of nitrum calcarium as a model for the\nformation of vitriol from pyrites. Unlike his predecessor Van Helmont,\nor Johann Glauber, Lister was particularly keen to demonstrate, that\nlike limestone salts, vitriol could only form via the exposure of pyrites\nto air\u2014that nitre of lime was produced \u201cone and the same way as\nvitriol.\u201d93 Lister wrote:\nThe creation of vitriol makes the whole matter clear. Its \u0003rst eruption\nfrom pyrites is exceedingly premature, if it occurs in contact with air;\nbut, as time proceeds, it becomes a little more mature. And yet fullyformed vitriol is not produced from any ferrous stone until after its due\nmaturity which it \u0003nally reaches after a continuous period of development. If however it [a pyrite] kept perpetually under water I am not\nyet convinced that it will be productive of any salt. Certainly no vitriol\nwhatever will be generated.94\nIn his assertion, Lister wished to not only to prove the ef\u0003cacy of air or\nexhalations as the source of chemical reactions and effects for reasons\nwhich will be enumerated below, but argued against the Helmontian\nbelief that vitriol and its acid, the \u201chungry\u201d or \u201chermaphroditical salt\u201d\nwas the \u201cseminal constituent of mineral waters and metal ores.\u201d95 Lister\n\u0003rst cited Helmont\u2019s Oriatricke or Physick Re\u0002ned which stated that \u201cthe\nmost excellent Vitriol, grows naturally in Mines, wherein Nature hath\nbrought forth that hungry Salt, corroding a fertile vein [of brassy marcasite] and being dissolved in the liquor of a licking Fountain, which\nafterward Cauldrons do boyl into Vitriol.\u201d96 Lister then continued, \u201cI\nam unhappy with Helmontius\u2019 explanation of the generation of vitriol.\nHe would have it that salt is formed naturally in water itself, this salt\nbeing variously known as \u2018juice,\u2019 \u2018a certain universal spirit,\u2019 \u2018the embryonate,\u2019 \u2018the corrosive,\u2019 \u2018the hermaphroditic\u2019 (for it is by these and other\n93\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 51. [Cum autem uno eodemque modo Nitrum calcrium nascatur, atque\nVitriolum].\n94\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 51. [Rem itaque totam Vitrioli nativitas illustrat. Eius autem a Pyrita\nprima eruptio, si in aere sit, admodum Immatura est; procedente vero tempore, paulo perfectius est;\nAt e nullo lapide Ferreo Consummatum Vitriolum gigantur, nisi post debitam maturitatem, ad quam,\ncontinentur quidem germinando, tandem pervenit.]\n95\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation of Form, p. 218.\n96\nJohann Van Helmont, Oriatricke or Physick Re\u0002ned: The Common Errors Therein refuted,\nand the Whole Art Reformed and Recti\u0002ed, trans. John Chandler (London: Lodowick Lloyd,\n1662), p. 695.\n\nPages 90:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n73\nnames that he calls it).\u201d97 Lister countered Van Helmont\u2019s claims with\npurely empirical evidence. First, he believed it was \u201cpointless to state\nthat corrosive salt exist[ed] anywhere\u201d since \u201cup to this point it has\nno characteristics and is not even recognizable.\u201d98 His observations of\npyrites indicated that no vitriol was produced when marcasites were in\nwater.99 Further, Lister did a series of experiments in which he failed to\nsee corrosion when he subjected many types of iron, including hematite,\nthe \u201csoftest\u201d form of iron, to corrosive saline or acidic solutions such\nas aqua fortis or spirit of nitre.100\nHis refutation of Helmont\u2019s theory that vitriol was formed in water\nwas also in\u0002uenced by the work of French physician-in-ordinary Samuel\nCotreau Du Clos, the Observations on the Mineral Waters of France, which\nwas translated into English in 1684.101 Du Clos\u2019 work was a systematic\nevaluation of the chemical content of all spa waters in France under\nthe auspices of the French Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Sciences, part of a\nlarger project of chemical research which began in 1666 to \u201cdetermine rigorously the \u2018true principles of mixts [chemical compound]\u2019\nby analyzing such bodies and by generating them and observing their\nproperties.\u201d102 Lister had been to France four times; his \u0003rst voyage was\n97\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 57. [Vitrioli auem generatio, ut ab Helmontio explicata est, mihi\nquidem non arridet. Is vero vult, ipsis aquis naturaliter duci Salem, sive Succum, sive Spiritum\nquondam universalem, Embryonatum, esurinum, Hermaphroditicum (nam his & aliis nominibus\nipsum idem appellat.)]\n98\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 58. [Ipsum ejus salem surinum, (ut pote nullius adhuc qualitatis\nparticipem, atque adeo non cognoscibilem) uspiam existere, esse gratis dictum]\n99\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 58. [Pyriten Vitriolum suum sub aquis persicere minime posse, ex\nrationibus supra positis manifestum est.]\n100\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 58. [Ferri venam ab illo sale suo esurino corrodi vix credibile est, siquidem vel mollissimum nostrum Haematiten, luti cuiusvis aemuilum, aut ipsam Ocram, vel valentissimis\nmenstruis dectis (puta ab Aqua forti dicta, aut spiritu Nitri) minime corrodi posse experti summus.]\n101\nFor Lister\u2019s mention of \u201cParisian Philosophers,\u201d see De Fontibus, 81. The full\ncitation for Du Clos\u2019 work is: Sieur Du Clos, Observations on the Mineral Waters of France:\nMade in the Royal Academy of Sciences (London: Henry Faithorne, 1684). The review of\nLister\u2019s De Fontibus in the Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious also mentioned the in\u0002uence\nof the Royal Parisian Academy and Samuel Du Clos on Lister\u2019s De Fontibus. Weekly\nMemorials for the Ingenious (London: Henry Faithorne and John Kersey, 1683/4), no. 50,\nJan. 15th, p. 380.\n102\nFrederic L. Holmes, \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis of a Tradition,\u201d Isis 62, 212 (Summer 1971), pp. 130\u2013148, on p. 133. Du Clos\nexplained to his readers in his Observations that \u201cthe Royal Academy of the Sciences\nhave determined to employ themselves in the Enquiry of the Qualities of those [waters]\nin this Kingdom, which are most considerable. And till favourable occasion may offer\nto make Observations at their Springs, they have caused these Waters to be brought\nfrom several Provinces, with much care, to examine them in the usual Assemblies of\nthe Naturalists of this Academy\u201d (p. 2).\n\nPages 91:\n74\nchapter three\nto study for his M.A. in medicine at Montpellier (1663\u201366), and he\npublished his last 1698 travel journal to Paris. It is thus not surprising\nthat Lister would have been in\u0002uenced by Du Clos\u2019 pamphlet, as his\nstudy in Montpellier coincided with the beginning of the Academy\u2019s\nchemical trials. Lister\u2019s De Fontibus was also advertised in the endpapers\nof the English edition of Du Clos\u2019 work, leading to the possibility that\nLister was the translator; in the opinion of Lister\u2019s biographer Raymond Stearns, Lister\u2019s French would have certainly been up to the task,\nalthough he had trouble at the French Opera, \u201cnot being so Good a\nFrenchman, as to understand them when Sung.\u201d103 Lister remarked in\nthe De Fontibus that:\nit is not stated that mature vitriol can be drawn from any of our mineral\nsprings as far as I know. The Philosophers of Paris [the French Academy]\nquite rightly marvel at this after a careful examination of about one\nhundred mineral springs in France. This has partly been the reason why\nmy fellow-countrymen have quarreled in such a rude manner . . . [about\nmetallogenesis].104\n103\nSee Martin Lister, A Journey to Paris in the Year 1698, ed. Raymond Phineas Stearns\n(Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1967), pp. ix, 174 (Lister\u2019s ability in\nFrench and the opera), p. 80 (visit to Royal Academy of Sciences).\n104\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 65. [Vitriolum autum maturum ab ullis aquis nostris medicatis, quod\nscio, elici non perhibetur. Id quod etiam jure mirantur Philosophi Parisienses, post diligens examen\ncentum fere Fontium medicatorum Galliae. Idem ex parte in causa suit, cur nostri homines tam\ninurbanas lites inter se moverunt.]\nThis \u201cquarrel\u201d was not only about the formation of minerals, but a debate among\nEnglish physicians in the latter part of the seventeenth century about which particular\nsalt was the most effective active ingredient in healing. As a practicing physician himself,\nLister would have been interested in such arguments. In 1668\u201369, physician William\nSimpson wrote the Hydrologia Chymica, a work which \u201csought to identify the \u2018cures\u2019\nassociated with a plethora of \u2018Sanative Waters\u2019 in England and Europe\u201d and which\nalso sparked a number of publications about spa waters in the Philosophical Transactions\nby other doctors such as Robert Wittie, Daniel Foot, and Nathaniel Highmore. Simpson\nbelieved the active ingredient in the waters was alum, and while Wittie believed vitriol\nwas \u201cuseful in moist diseases,\u201d its hot and biting nature drying super\u0002uous humidity,\nhe also thought nitre was the principal mineral in the water. (William Simpson, Hydrologia chymica or, The chymical anatomy of the Scarbrough, and other spaws in York-Shire: wherein\nare interspersed, some animadversions upon Dr. Wittie\u2019s lately published treatise of the Scarbrough\nSpaw . . . (London: W.G., 1669), p. 12; Robert Wittie, Scarborough Spaw: Or a description of\nthe nature and virtues of the spaw at Scarborough, Yorkshire (York and London, 1667), p. 148.\nNathaniel Highmore in a 1669 publication in the Philosophical Transactions did however\nsuggest the healing properties of spa waters were primarily due to pyrite salts, the\nspring \u201cimpregnated principally from the Vitriol or Salt of Iron, which is very volatile.\u201d\nFor these debates, see M.D. Eddy, \u201cThe \u2018Doctrine of Salts\u2019 and Rev. John Walker\u2019s\nAnalysis of a Scottish Spa (1749\u20131761),\u201d Ambix 48, 3 (November 2001), pp. 137\u2013160,\nand Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in\n\nPages 92:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n75\nVolatile exhalations of vitriol and natural effects\nLister was also concerned to claim the \u201ca continual and slow process of\ngermination\u201d in the air of vitriol from pyrites for not just experimental,\nbut theoretical reasons.105 Lister believed the atmospheric exhalations\nof vitriol\u2019s volatile salts were connected with chemical, geological, and\nmeteorological reactions, and in his hypotheses we have seen he was in\ngood company among early modern chemists and physicians. One of\nthe fellows of the Royal Society, Daniel Coxe, was especially interested\nin palingenesis, and the production of volatile salts from plants via their\ncalcinations. Given Lister\u2019s interest in botany and chemistry, Oldenburg\nmade special mention of Coxe\u2019s work to Lister in correspondence in\n1674. In a 1673 letter to Oldenburg, Lister himself already was \u201ccon\u0003dent from a passage in Mr. Boile, yt he & others are masters of ye\nway of Extracting ye volatile salts out of all plants\u201d; Lister also mentioned he had been performing such chemical extractions \u201chere this\n12 yeares.\u201d106 Coxe\u2019s work on palingenics and the \u201cplentifull\u201d nature of\npyrite salts in particular also convinced Tancred Robinson that \u201ctheir\nfermentations, breathings, emanations, and changes . . . send[ing] forth\ntheir secret ef\u0002uviums\u201d could produce many \u201cfruitful\u201d effects.107\nFor Lister, one of these effects of these volatile salts in the atmosphere\nwas the production of fossils. Past scholarship has noted the debate that\nLister had with John Ray about the nature of fossils, Ray believing\nthey were remnants of past animal and plant life, and Lister convinced\nthat fossils were not always mineralized remains of living creatures, but\ncould be minerals created spontaneously by nature; as he put it, some\nlittle fossilized shells could \u201cspring from rocks and others are actual\nSeventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979): 191\u2013214. For Lister\u2019s distrust\nof Simpson, see Oldenburg to Lister, 4 September 1675, in The Correspondence of Henry\nOldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 486\u20137.\n105\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 59. [Vitriolum assidua & lenta germinatione persici, experimenta\nsupra posita appello, ergo non ulla corrosione momento nasci.]\n106\n\u201cOldenburg to Lister, 20 June 1674,\u201d The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, vol. 11,\npp. 35\u201336. \u201cI believe, you have seen ere this, what Dr. Daniel Coxe . . . hath published\nin n. 101 and n. 103 of ye Transactions, concerning this way of Extracting a Volatil\nSalt and Spirit out of all sorts of vegetables . . .\u201d \u201cLister to Oldenburg 12 March\n1673/4,\u201d in The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 303.\n107\nRobinson, \u201cSome Observations on Boyling Fountains,\u201d p. 925.\n\nPages 93:\n76\nchapter three\nliving shelled creatures.\u201d108 But there has been little discussion of the\nmechanism by which the mineralized fossils were created.\nIn his \u201cMethod for the History of Iron,\u201d Lister mentioned that\npyrites not only were found near mineral baths, but often occurred in\nYorkshire limestone and were mineralized with fossils. He thus believed\nall fossils contained iron marcasites, proven by running a magnet over\nthem, and that pyrites could be detected in a like manner. Further, in\nDe Fontibus, Lister claimed that \u201ccalcarious nitre, both when it is springing into being and when it is mature, and likewise of . . . imperfectly\nformed vitriol,\u201d is the \u201cunique cause of petri\u0003cation in every case.\u201d109\nVan Helmont argued that in the case of fossils, a petrifying and germinating seed in mineral waters produced shells \u201cclothed in a crust as\na result of rancid material from the depths.\u201d110 But as we have seen,\nLister denied Van Helmont\u2019s belief that water was the source of all\nother matter through the seminal power of speci\u0003c seeds implanted in\nit. Instead, Lister claimed that the seed of fossils, is\npropagated not so much by sexual union [of the seeds] as by the actual\nrancidity from the depths. . . . The layers of rock are produced under the\nearth from rancid stink arising from the rocks. I am not here enquiring\nhow layers of rock are produced, but if we suppose that they have existed\nfrom the creation of the world the question is posed as to the source of\nthe petri\u0003cation of plants, animals and now even the rocks themselves. I\ndeclare that we are generally deceived by what has a similar appearance\nto certain germinating rocks, as though all other kinds of rocks were\nproduced today from one and the same cause as was once the case. Yet\nas far as I have been able to observe everything that petri\u0003es is either\npyrites or some kind of limestone and nothing else. These two petri\u0003ers\nproduced by the continual germination of salt are after their own fashion volatile, and when admitted into intermediary substances, dead as\nwell as alive, they combine and are compacted of their own nature, and\ngenerally even preserve the shapes of the animals, and their qualities, at\nleast to some extent.111\nIn other words, the \u201cstink\u201d coming from the rocks was the sulphureous\nvapour arising from the \u201ccontinual germination\u201d of salts of vitriol from\nthe pyrites and calcarious nitre arising from the limestone. These vola108\nLister, De Fontibus, part two, p. 78. Each of the two parts of Lister\u2019s work is\nseparately paginated. I will indicate if part two is providing the quotation in subsequent endnotes.\n109\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 71.\n110\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 77.\n111\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 76.\n\nPages 94:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n77\ntile salts combined with intermediary substances, which could be dead\nplants or animals, or just dead neighboring substances to form different petri\u0003ed shapes. Just as Glauber believed his sal mirabile, sodium\nsulphate, was involved in the petri\u0003cation of wood, Lister thought\nthat \u201cwhat the vitriol does to the iron is pure petri\u0003cation.\u201d112 Another\nsulphurous compound was responsible for petri\u0003cation of all inorganic\nand organic matter.\nLister also apparently thought there were other \u201cfruitful effects\u201d of\nthe emanations of the vitriolic salts from pyrites, in his De Fontibus\nclaiming these salty emanations were the cause of the heating of\nmineral springs, and the production of rainstorms, earthquakes, and\nvolcanoes. In chapter nine of the De Fontibus, Lister hypothesized \u0003rst\nthat the cause of heat of hot springs was \u201cderived from salts produced\nby pyrites . . . or activated by pyrites itself.\u201d113 As nitrum calcarium was also\nproduced from limestone via exposure to the air, much in the same way\nas vitriolic salts from pyrites, he thought lime salts could also contribute\nheating vapours to hot springs. The abundance of limestone around\npyrite minerals, as well as mists around the springs also led him to this\nconclusion.114\nIn asserting the centrality of pyrites in heating mineral springs, Lister\n\u0003rst claimed that the warm sulphurous gases produced by vitriolic salts\nfrom pyrites was evidenced by mine explosions in which gases would\naccumulate, and the fact that mineshafts and underground tunnels of\nhot springs were \u201cvery warm\u201d in the \u201cwhole of winter.\u201d115 There was\nalso no other substance prevalent around mineral springs that he knew\nof apart from volatile salts from pyrites and limestone that gave off a\n112\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 72.\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 76. [Thermarum ratio, e salibus Pyritae et lapidis Calcarii nascentibus,\nsive ipsae Pyritis et lapide Calcario vegetantibus deducitur.]\n114\nOn page 79 of the De Fontibus, Lister wrote: \u201cI can prove that a warm gas is\nproduced in like manner from active limestone in the following way. Almost all springs\nand wells (for most of them are considered medicinal to the extent to which they\ncontain this or that salt) are especially warm at times of fairly severe frost, and are\nparticularly noticeable for the way in which they give off an exhalation consisting of\na very dense moist vapour, just like hot springs.\u201d [Halitum quoque calidum a lapide calcario\nVegetante, similiter ferri, sic probo. Universos fere Fontes, puteosque (nam plerique, eatenus medicati\nexistimati sunt, quatenus hoc vel ille sale, copiosius imbuuntur) praecipue vehementioris gelu tempore\ntepidos esse, atque admodum copiose etiam conspicuos, densissimo vapore humido, Thermarum instar,\nhalitus emittere.]\n115\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 77. [Item illud universo consensus testantur Metallarii, puteos subterraneos, tota hyeme, geluque praecipue tempore, admodum tepidos esse.]\n113\n\nPages 95:\n78\nchapter three\ngaseous vapour.116 Lister also believed that in \u201cwet, moist and chilly\nplaces,\u201d the activation of pyrite salts was \u201cparticularly promoted,\u201d\nprobably due to his observation of the increased oxidation of pyrites in\nhumid and oxygen-rich air.117 Lister was likely in\u0002uenced by the early\nmodern concept of \u201cwitterung,\u201d described by Christian Berward in his\nInterpres Phraseologiae Metullarugicae (Frankfurt 1684) as the \u201cvapour or\nexhalation which at times rises out of the earth from rich [ore] veins,\u201d\nespecially at the time of rain storms, and as we have seen, it was associated by Glauber with sulphurous vapors.118 As has been well-established,\nthe early modern period saw an in\u0002ux of German mining engineers\nand entrepreneurs into England; Lister himself referred to Glauber and\nGeorg Agricola extensively in his manuscript and published works.119\nLister\u2019s connection of volatile salts from pyrites and limestone with the\nheating of mineral waters was also in\u0002uenced by the Du Clos\u2019 Observations. In speculating about the effects of spa waters, Du Clos had written\nthat \u201cit may be that some Mineral Vapours or Exhalations do mix with\ncommon Waters . . . and that these Waters are impregnated with their\nQualities, and of some other Volatile Salts not Concrete, elevated in\nthese dry Exhalations of humid Vapours.\u201d120 Du Clos also argued that\n116\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 80. [At praeter Pyriten et lapidem Calcarium nihil, quod scio, halituosum\nemittit vaporem: atque adeo vel ambobus, vel eorum altero iste halitus calefactionis attribuendus est.]\n117\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 83. \u201cIn order to prove that the activation of pyrites . . . involves vapour I shall add to these arguments that in wet, moist and chilly places the\nactivation of those salts is particularly promoted.\u201d [His addo, ut Pyritae & lapidis Calcarii\nvegitationem halituosam esse probem: nimirum, in udis & humidis, algidisque locis Salium eorum\nvegitationem maxime promoveri.]\n118\nChristian Berward, Interpres phraseologi\u00e6\u00e6 metallurgic\u00e6\u00e6. Oder, Erkl\u00e4\u00e4rung der f\u00fc\u00fcrnembsten\nTerminorum und Redearten, welche bey den Bergleuten, Puchern, Schmetlzern, Probirern und M\u00fc\u00fcntzmeistern, &c. in Benennung ihrer Profession Sachen, Gezeugs, Geb\u00e4\u00e4ude, Werckschafft, und Jnstrumenten gebr\u00e4\u00e4uchlich sind, wie nemlich solche nach gemeinem Deutschen zu verstehn . . . (Frankfurt,\n1684), as quoted in Adams, Birth and Development, p. 301.\n119\nRoger Burt, \u201cThe international diffusion of technology in the early modern\nperiod: the case of the British non ferrous mining industry,\u201d Economic History Review,\nXLIV, 2 (1991), pp. 249\u2013271, on pp. 249\u2013251. Burt actually takes issue with traditional historiography that argues that German experts introduced any unknown or\nradically improved techniques for the mining of non-ferrous metallic ores, but he does\nacknowledge they were \u201cworld leaders in the arts of the industry,\u201d and had extensive\ntechnological in\u0002uence in the copper industry. In chapter six of his manuscript, \u201cOn\nthe Method of the History of Iron,\u201d which is devoted to pyrites (pp. 43\u201347), Lister\nrefers repeatedly to Glauber\u2019s A description of new philosophical furnaces, or, A new art of\ndistilling divided into \u0002ve parts: whereunto is added a description of the Tincture of gold or The true\naurum potabile: also the \u0002rst part of the Mineral work, set forth and published for the sakes of them\nthat are studious of the truth (London: T. Williams, 1651).\n120\nDu Clos, Observations on the Mineral Waters of France, p. 4.\n\nPages 96:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n79\nhot springs grew warm speci\u0003cally from hot moist vapours volatilizing\nfrom substances like pyritic vitriol, and not from the substances being\ncombusted themselves.121 Paraphrasing Du Clos, Lister continued in\nthe De Fontibus: \u201cThe water of the hot springs, when placed on a \u0003re,\nalso required the same time to boil as ordinary cold water: from this\nit is clear that the hot springs were not heated by some underground\n\u0003re.\u201d122 Additionally, Lister also cited Du Clos\u2019 conclusion that when\nwater from hot springs was\ntaken into the mouth they do not burn it as much as ordinary water which\nhas been heated over a stove to the same degree of heat. This seems to\nbe due to the thinness of the substance [the exhalations] by which hot\nsprings are heated; just as the \u0002ame produced by brandy does not burn\nthe hand as much as a burning coal placed on it.123\nLister then turned to proving the activation of pyrites in the presence\nof moisture by analyzing their role in the cause of rainstorms. According to the De Fontibus, thunderstorms occurred not only because of\nthe evaporation of the waters by sunlight, but primarily because of a\npartnership between moist vapours engendered by animal and plant\nbreath and sulphurous exhalations from the volatile salts of pyrites\nand limestone.\nTo understand this mechanism of thunderstorms more thoroughly, it\nis necessary to examine what Lister believed about the breath of plants\nand animals. Although the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus\nclaimed that plants only had an insensitive Vegetative soul, and thus only\n121\nDu Clos, Observations on the Mineral Waters of France, pp. 115\u2013116; Lister, De Fontibus, p. 80.\n122\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 81. [Quod Thermarum aqua in ignem imposita, idem temporis\nspatium ad effvescendum requiret, ac ipsa aqua communi frigida: unde liquet Thermas ab igne aliquo\nsubterraneo non callefactas fuisse.] Du Clos, Observations on the mineral waters of France, pp.\n118\u2013119. Du Clos writes \u201cThat Hot Mineral Waters have no more Disposition to\nBoyl on the Fire than Common Cold Waters, there being as much time requir\u2019d to\ncause the one to boyl as the other. Which clearly shews that the Heat which Mineral\nWaters contract in the Earth, proceeds not from a Motion of their Particles excited\nby any Subterraneous Fire.\u201d\n123\nLister, De Fontibus, 81. [Quod in os sumptae, haud aeque id adurunt, ac aqua communis,\nad eundem claoris gradum igne culinari calefacta: Id quod a materiae tenuitate, a qua Thermae\nincalescunt, oriri videtur; Siquidem Spiritus Vini dicti \u0003amma, manum haud aeque adurit, ac pruna\nei imposita.] Du Clos writes in the Observations: \u201cThat these hot Mineral waters burn\nnot the Mouth and tongue of those who drink of them at their coming forth from\ntheir Springs, as Common Water heated by Fire to a like Degree would do. Which\nseems to proceed from the Subtilty of the Subtances which produceth this Heat in\nthe Water\u201d (p. 117).\n\nPages 97:\n80\nchapter three\nexhibited passive responses of nutrition and reproduction, Lister, like\nother investigators of plant sensitivity, believed that plants were more\nanalogous to animals physiologically.124 Inspired by the work on the\ncirculation of the blood by William Harvey (1578\u20131657) and Marcello\nMalphigi\u2019s (1628\u20131694) experiments with capillaries, in a series of\narticles for the Philosophical Transactions, Lister hypothesized that plants\nshared a similar circulatory system, complete with veins and arteries.125 While natural philosophers \u201chad not yet here discover(ed) any\nuniting of veins into one common trunk,\u201d Lister was sure that further\nanatomical research would mean that \u201cthe analogie betwixt plants and\nanimals be in all things else, as well as the motion of their juice, fully\ncleared.\u201d126 As plants and animals both had similar circulatory systems,\nLister speculated that they both bled and breathed; in an article in the\nPhilosophical Transactions, Lister wrote in an article about grafting, it was\n\u201cindeed true, there are many sorts of English Plants, which will bleed\nin Winter; but not also, that such Plants never refuse to do so at any\ntime of the year, not more than a Man, who many bleed a vein wh\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 78 to page 97 out of a total of 312. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 98 to page 117 out of a total of 312:\nPages 98:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n81\nIn the De Fontibus, Lister then mentioned, \u201cas plants live they breathe\njust like animals.\u201d128 As support, he cited a June 1669 experiment on\nplant transpiration performed by John Wills, a fellow of Trinity College, Oxford in which botanical specimens were placed in glass vials\n\u201cin order to \u0003nd in what measure Herbs might perspire.\u201d129 Convinced\nthat plants \u201cexpired\u201d a good deal of moist breath, Lister then went on\nto claim their breath was also responsible for wind. In an essay in the\nPhilosophical Transactions, Lister wrote,\nAmong the known Sea Plants the Sargosse or Lenticula Marina [Sea\nLentil] is not to be forgot; this grows in vast quantities from 36 to 18\ndegrees Northern Latitude, and elsewhere upon the deepest Seas. And I\n128\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 88.\nLister speci\u0003cally cited Dr. Robert Plot\u2019s The Natural History of Oxfordshire, Being\nan Essay toward the natural History of England (Oxford: The Theater, 1677), pp. 254\u20135.\nPlot (1640\u201396), of Magdalen College, Oxford, and Secretary of the Royal Society in\n1682, described it as follows: \u201cHe [Wills] took two glass Vials with narrow necks, each\nholding one pound 8 ounces, and 2 drachms or water . . . into one of these glasses \u0003lled\nwith water, he put a sprig of \u0002ourishing Mint (which before had grown in the water)\nweighing one ounce: the other glass he also \u0003ll\u2019d with water, and exposed them both in\na window to the Sun. After ten days time, he found in the bottle where the mint was,\nonly \u0003ve ounces and four drachms of water remaining, and no more so that there was\none pound two ounces and six drachms spent, the mint weighting scarce two drachms\nmore than at \u0003rst. From the other Glass, where water was put of the same weight,\nand no mint, he found the Sun had exhaled near one ounce of water, and therefore\nconcluded it drew but so much out of the \u0003rst glass, at least no more: So that allowing one ounce for what the Sun had exhaled, there was in those ten days spent by the\nmint, one pound one ounce six drachms of water; and the mint being increased in\nweight only two drachms, \u2018twas plain the mint had purely expired in those two days,\none pound one ounce and four drachms, that is, each day above an ounce and half,\nwhich is more than the weight of the whole mint. Whence he concluded that what\nMalphigius so wonders at in his Book De Bombyce, viz. that those Animals will sometimes eat in one day, more than the weight of their bodies, is out-done by every sprig\nof mint, and most other Herbs in the Field, which every summers day attract more\nnourishment than their own weight amounts too. Which the same ingenious person at\nleast questions not (and therefore wishes trials may be made) of the Tithymali, Esulae,\nand especially of Pinguicula and Ros Solis, which last sucks up moisture faster than the\nSun can exhale it, and is bedewed all over at Noon-day, notwithstanding its power: Nor\ndoubts he but that Wormwood, and all other Plants that are very hot, and of strong\nsmells, expire as much, if not more than the Mint.\u201d All of the plants (except Wormwood) mentioned by Plot produce liquids that could be interpreted as dew. Ros Solis\nwas Drosera rotundifolia, or Sun-Dew, a carnivorous plant noted for its dew on its leaves\nthat intensi\u0003ed with the sun; Pinguicula was known as butterwort, another carnivorous\nplant with mucilage drops on its leaves to catch insects, apparently interpreted by Plot\nas dew. Tithymali and esulae are species of spurge that produces a milky latex from roots\nand stems when injured. For descriptions of these plants, see John Gerard, Herball or\nGeneral Historie of Plantes (1613) (New York: Dover Publications, 1975).\n129\n\nPages 99:\n82\nchapter three\nthink . . . from the daily and constant breath of that Plant, the Trade or\nTropic Winds do in great part arise.130\nHe also hypothesized that plant breath was also primarily moist; Lister\nused as evidence that night dews and mists from springs, rivers, and the\nsea also arose \u201clargely from the condensed breath of plants.\u201d131 And the\nmoisture of plant breath combined with Pyrites created rain. Although\nLister acknowledged that rains were \u201cexhaled as a result of the heat of\nthe Sun\u201d on the ocean, he considered the condensations of the moist\n\u201cvapour both of Pyrites and limestone\u201d found underground in mines\nas well as that from \u201cespecially the vegetation growing on Pyrites and\nlimestone\u201d to be the \u201cgreatest material for rain.\u201d132 Lister further commented that violent rain occurred when the vapour of pyrites and their\nvitriolic salts were mixed\n130\nLister, \u201cCertain Observations,\u201d p. 494. Sea Lentil or Sargasso weed, is a proli\u0003c\nbrown seaweed of the genus Sargassum, and was described in the Philosophical Transactions\nby Hans Sloane (1660\u20131753). This lush plant covers an area of Sargasso Sea that is\nat the heart of the Bermuda Triangle, often having \u0002oating layers 1\u20132 feet thick. The\nplant has small bladders in the form of empty sea pods that allow it to \u0002oat on the\nsea surface \u201cSargasso Sea,\u201d Bermuda-Triangle.org, p. 1, online. http://www.bermudatriangle.org/500_Leagues_of_Sea/Sargasso_Sea /sargasso_sea.html, accessed 9 August\n2002. For a seventeenth-century description of the plant, please see Gerard, Herball or\nGeneral Historie of Plantes, 1614\u201315. Hans Sloane, \u201cAn Account of Four Sorts of Strange\nBeans, Frequently Cast on Shoar on the Orkney Isles, with Some Conjectures about\nthe Way of Their Being Brought Thither from Jamaica, where Three Sorts of Them\nGrow,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 19 (1695\u20131697), pp. 298\u2013300, on p. 300. The mounted\nspecimens of the Sargasso weed or the Lenticula Marina that Hans Sloane collected during his voyages to Jamaica (1687\u20131689) can be seen in the Sir Hans Sloane Jamaican\nBotanical Collection, Natural History Museum London, online http://internt.nhm.\nac.uk/cgi-bin/botany/sloane/detail.dsml?ID=1046, accessed 9 August 2002. Although\nLister seems to be saying the physical breathing of plants causes the trade winds, it\nmay be possible that he thought the volatile salts contained in plant breath may have\nbeen behind the production of winds. Sargasso weed was very salty in taste, which\nalso may have some bearing on Lister\u2019s theory.\n131\nLister, De Fontibus, pp. 87, pp. 89\u201390. In these pages, Lister\u2019s idea that plant breath\nwas responsible for dews led him to consider the use of it for water puri\u0003cation at\nsea, a much-debated problem in the seventeenth-century English navy. Because Lister\nbelieved the condensation of plant breath produced water, he did an experiment in\nwhich he placed sea weed, some with roots, some adhering to stones, in a \u201cglass bodie\u201d;\nthe \u201cglass bodie being full, I put thereon a head with a Beck, and adapted a Receiver\nthereto . . . from these Plants did distill dayly . . . a fresh, very sweet and potable water.\u201d\nAfter urging further experimentation and how his discovery \u201cmay well prove most\ndesirable and useful for sailors,\u201d Lister then went on to speculate that sea water was\nthe only \u201celement of water created\u201d in Genesis before any Animal or Vegetable was\ncreated, or the Sun itself;\u201d over time the \u201cvapours of Plants and the Breath of Animals\nand the Exhalations raised by the Sun\u201d created the fresh water in Rivers.\u201d\n132\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 90. [At forte longe maxima pluviarum material a salibus Metallorum\nsubterraneis, & praecipue Pyritae & lapidis Calcarii vegetantibus oritur.]\n\nPages 100:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n83\nin tiny amounts with some moist vapour, then if at any time and for\nany reason it happens to be set on \u0003re [by lightening or friction] little\ndroplets of water are necessarily forced together and thrown down, when\nthe draught by whose movement and stirring alone they are borne up\ninto the atmosphere is driven away.133\nIn other words, the force of sparked vapor pushed water droplets\ntogether and downwards.\nLister also believed thunder and lightning \u201cowed their matter from\nthe sole [sulphurous] breath of the Pyrites.\u201d134 In the De Fontibus, as\nsupport for his assertions, Lister cited Pliny\u2019s Natural History: \u201cPliny says\nthat thunder and lightening burn with sulphur, and the actual light they\nproduce is sulphurous.\u201d135 Lightning does small of sulphur, sulphur is\nin fact an excellent insulator, and static electricity accumulated on it\ndischarges in electrical sparks towards proximate objects, effects which\nmay have given Lister his idea. Further, in early modern German mining\nliterature, ore exhalations due to witterung were implicated in meteorological effects such as thunder and lightening.136 Referring to an article\nhe wrote in the Philosophical Transactions, Lister also enumerated several\nrecorded instances by Aristotelian scholar Julius Scaliger (1484\u20131558)\nand author of \u201cbooks of secrets\u201d Giordano Cardano (1501\u201376) of \u201cIron\nto have fallen in great masses, and also in powder after the manner of\nrain, out of the Air\u201d indicating by analogy that because iron pyrites\nwere involved in meteor showers, they would be involved in rain showers\nas well.137 Lister then remarked that according to William Gilbert\u2019s De\nMagnete (1600) that presumably these pyrite-rich meteors, which were\n133\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 83. [Cum autem id vapore aliquo humido per minia miscetur, si\nquando quacunque de causa, incendi contingat aqueas particulas simul cogi, dejicique necesse est;\nscilicet Spiritu, cuius solius motu & agitatione in aura feruntur, exploso.]\n134\nMartin Lyster [Lister], \u201cThe Third Paper of the Same Person, Concerning\nThunder and Lightening being from the Pyrites,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 14 (1684),\npp. 517\u201319, on p. 518.\n135\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 79. Pliny, Natural History, 35.50, passim. Lister had high\nregard for Pliny; in a letter to John Ray, he wrote: \u201cI remember you once took away\nthe prejudice I had against Pliny, and I have ever since looked upon him as a great\ntreasure of learning.\u201d See Ray, \u201cMr. Lister to Mr. Wray, 22 December, 1669,\u201d in The\nCorrespondence of John Ray, pp. 48\u20139.\n136\nOlaus Magnus, Historia Oali Magni Gothi Archiepiscopi Upsalensis de Gentium Septentrionalium varris conditionibus &c (Basel, 1567), book 6, chapter 11, as quoted in Adams,\nBirth and Development, p. 303.\n137\nMartin Lyster [ Lister], \u201cThe Third Paper,\u201d p. 518. For information about Giordano Cardano and Julius Scalinger, please see William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of\nNature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Princeton: Princeton University\nPress, 1994), pp. 278\u201381.\n\nPages 101:\n84\nchapter three\n\u201cvery hard and of the color of iron,\u201d were never accompanied by\nshowers of \u201cgold or silver ore, or tin or Lead\u201d; therefore this \u201cferrum\nwere composed of the breath of pyrites.\u201d138 His interest in the effects\nof the emanations of iron pyrites also led him to do a systematic survey\nof iron deposits in England and magnetism, contained in both the De\nFontibus and in his \u201cMethod of the History of Iron.\u201d139\nLister claimed iron pyrites were involved in rainstorms because\n\u201clightening was magnetic.\u201d140 He again cited an article in the Philosophical Transactions, in which an Irish sea-captain on a voyage to Bermuda\nfound himself caught in a storm in which a \u201cterrible clap of Thunder\ntore his sayles, and did some damage to his rigging.\u201d141 The lightening\napparently magnetized his compass, \u201cthe North and South points having changed positions . . . which strange and sudden accident he could\nimpute to nothing else but the operation of the Lightning or Thunder\nnewly mentioned.\u201d142 Lister\u2019s opinion about lightening and thunder was\napparently somewhat in\u0002uential, as \u0003fty years later, Benjamin Franklin\nwrote about it in the Pennsylvania Gazette in December 1737: \u201cDr. Lister\nis of the opinion, that the material cause of thunder, lightening, and\nearthquakes, is one and the same. Viz. the in\u0002ammable breath of the\npyrites, which is a substantial sulphur, and takes \u0003re in itself.\u201d143\nIn the De Fontibus, Lister also brie\u0002y mentioned that earthquakes were\nprimarily due to the \u0003ring of the \u201cin\u0002ammable breath of Pyrites . . . underground,\u201d and earthquakes could occur \u201cif by chance the \u0003re [from\npyrites] is contained in subterranean hollows, and hot springs\u201d or \u201cif\nit is transported in abundance among water channels, even if it is not\n138\nLister, \u201cThe Third Paper,\u201d pp. 518\u201319.\nLister\u2019s connection of magnetism and chemistry will be the subject of a future\npaper.\n140\nLister, \u201cThe Third Paper,\u201d p. 519. In fact, Lister is correct that lightening can\nmagnetize a ship; a lightning strike can magnetize a keel or other metal \u0003ttings, rendering one\u2019s compass useless.\n141\nAnonymous, \u201cAn extract of a Letter written from Dublin to the Publisher . . . viz.\nA narrative of a strange effect of Thunder upon a Magnetick Sea-card,\u201d Philosophical\nTransactions, 11 (1676), pp. 647\u2013653, on p. 648.\n142\n\u201cAn extract of a Letter,\u201d p. 648.\n143\nSee Alfred Owen Aldridge, \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and Earthquakes,\u201d Isis 41 (1950): 162\u20134, on p. 162. Franklin may also have seen\nLister\u2019s \u201cThree Papers of Martyn Lister, the \u0003rst of the Nature of Earth-quakes; more\nparticularly of the Origine of the matter of them, from the Pyrites alone,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 14 (1684), pp. 517\u201319, in which Lister states in the \u0003rst paragraph on\np. 517: \u201cThe material cause of Thunder and Lightening, and of Earthquakes is one\nand the same; viz, The in\u0002ammable breath of the Pyrites, the difference is, that one\nis \u0003red in the Air; the other under ground.\u201d\n139\n\nPages 102:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n85\nset on \u0003re.\u201d144 The possible involvement of pyrites in earthquakes also\ncontinued to provide fodder for Royal Society experiments by Stephen\nHales (1677\u20131761) into the 1750s. Hales wrote Vegetable Staticks (1727)\nin which he measured the rate of plant transpiration, so it would not\nbe surprising if he were familiar with Lister\u2019s works.145 As Cohen has\nnoted, the antiquarian and biographer of Newton, Reverend William\nStuckley (1687\u20131785) took notes on some papers presented in the Royal\nSociety in 1752, in which Hales:\ngives an experiment of putting some pyrites stone, with some aqua fortis\n[concentrated nitric acid (HNO3)], into a vessel set in water, and covered\nwith a large glass, whose mouth must be immersed in the water. A brisk\nfermentation arises, a black cloud, and a destruction of some quantity\nof air . . . Then suddenly taking up the glass out of the water, and letting\nin fresh air, a new ebullition arises . . . From this experiment the doctor\napprehends that the cause of earthquakes is much illustrated. He says\nsulphureous vapour arises out of the earth generated probably by the\npyrites abounding therein . . . through cracks and chinks of the gaping\nearth. The vapours \u0002y into the upper regions of the air, where they meet\nwith pure and uncorrupted air, clouds intervening like as in the glass\nreceiver, they ingage with violence . . . through the clouds, and cause a\nprodigious tumult above . . . These concussions in the air act upon the\nsurface of the earth and cause earthquakes.146\n144\nLister, De Fontibus, pp. 78\u20139. [Pyritae autem halitus effectus sunt Fulmina et Fulgura, si\nin caelo accendatur; Terrae motus, si forte cavis subterraneis accensus contineatur: Thermae si per\naquarum ductus subterraneos copiose feratur, etiamsi non accendatur.]\n145\nD.N.B., c.v. \u201cStephen Hales,\u201d 1937\u20139 ed. Stuckley and Hales became friends when\nHales was a fellow at Corpus Christi, Cambridge; according to Hales\u2019 entry in D.N.B.,\n\u201cboth \u2018perambulated\u2019 Cambridgeshire in search of [ John] Ray\u2019s plants.\u201d Since Lister\nalso contributed specimens to Ray\u2019s plant catalogue, it is most likely that Hales knew\nof Lister\u2019s work. Please also see D.G.C. Allan and Robert E. Scho\u0003eld, Stephen Hales:\nScientist and Philanthropist (London: Scolar Press, 1980); Peter J. James, \u201cStephen Hales\u2019\n\u201cStatical way,\u201d Pubblicazioni della Stazione zoologica di Napoli. II, History and philosophy of\nthe life sciences 7, 2 (1985), pp. 287\u2013299.\n146\nFamily memoirs of the Rev. William Stuckley (Publications of the Surtees Society,\n1882\u20137) vol. 2, pp. 378\u20139, as quoted in I. Bernard Cohen, \u201cNeglected Sources for the\nLife of Stephen Gray (1666 of 1667\u20131736)\u201d Isis 45, 1 (May 1954), pp. 41\u201350, on pp.\n44\u20135. Hales indeed would have observed an exothermic reaction (brisk fermentation).\nThe sulphurous vapours he reported were most likely sulphur dioxide produced from\nthe reaction of pyrites with oxygen: 4 FeS2 + 1102 o\u0003 2Fe2O3 + 8 SO2, or just the\nproduction of free sulphur, as enumerated below. The reaction that Hale described was\nlikely (assuming some pyrites were iron-copper pyrites, as he does not distinguish):\nCuFeS2 + 4 HNO3 = Cu(NO3)2 + Fe(NO3)2 + 2 H+ + 2 S(solid) OR in word form:\nIron-copper pyrites + nitric acid = Copper nitrate and iron nitrate and hydrogen\nions with solid sulphur.\n\nPages 103:\n86\nchapter three\nIn a like fashion, Lister also mentioned in an article in the Philosophical\nTransactions that volcanoes were \u201cMountains made up in great part\nof Pyrites\u201d because of the \u201cquantities of Sulphure thence sublimed,\nand the Application of the Load-stone to the ejected Cinder.\u201d147 He\nmay have received this notion from The Vulcanoes (1669), which was an\nEnglish summary of Athanasius Kircher\u2019s Mundus Subterraneous. Kircher\nexplained, \u201csulphureous . . . spirits, which lodged there [in subterranean\ncaves] . . . at length ends in a new food and nourishment of the \u0003re.\u201d148\nKircher also claimed that \u201csulphur . . . insinuated into the pores of the\nCalx [limestone] or Calcined Lime\u201d where it \u201cadministers that perpetual\nand everlasting fuel and food of Fire\u201d; he also speculated that vitriol and\nsal ammoniac might play a role in the production of lava.149 We have seen\nearlier that Lister thought limestone might play a role in concert with\npyrites in producing the heat of hot springs; his concern with \u201ccaukestone,\u201d which he termed \u201ca very odd mineral,\u201d may have been suggested\nby Kircher\u2019s speculations.150 Finally, to answer objections that England\nhad a good quantity of pyrites, but little volcanic activity, Lister claimed\nthat in areas such as Mount Vesuvius experienced more volcanic eruptions because \u201cthe Pyrites of the Vulcano\u2019s or burning Mountains may\nbe more Sulphurious then ours. And indeed it is plain, that some of\nours in England are very lean.\u201d151\nIn the frontispiece of his De Fontibus, Lister included a quote from\nPliny\u2019s Natural History: Tales sunt aquae, qualis terra per quam \u0003uunt, or waters\ntake their nature from the strata through which they \u0002ow. Understanding\nthe chemical nature of the waters subject to the chemical in\u0002uence of\npyrites was indeed crucial for Lister, and subsequent natural philosophers\nto comprehend meteorological and geological change. Despite the \u201cvery\nlean\u201d nature of English pyrites, Lister himself seemed to regard their\ninvestigation as particularly important. Not only did the production of\nSome metallic copper impurities in the pyrite could have reacted further with nitric\nacid to create nitrogen dioxide, a brownish gas which may have been the \u201cblack gas\u201d\nthat Hales observed:\nCu(s) + 4 H + (aq) + 2 NO3\u2013(aq) o\u0003Cu2 + (aq) + 2 NO2(g) + 2 H2O(l)\n147\nLister, \u201cThe Second Paper of the Same Person Concerning the Spontaneous\nFiring of the Pyrites,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 14 (1684), pp. 515\u2013517, on p. 516.\n148\nThe Vulcano\u2019s: Or, Burning and Fire-vomiting Mountains, famous in the World . . . Collected\nfor the Most Part out of Kircher\u2019s Subterraneous World (London: J. Darby, 1669), p. 56.\n149\nThe Vulcano\u2019s, p. 57, p. 60.\n150\nFor Lister\u2019s description of limestone, please see \u201cLister to Oldenburg, 20 November\n1674,\u201d Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 132\u20133.\n151\nLister, \u201cThe Second Paper,\u201d p. 514.\n\nPages 104:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n87\nthe vitriolic varnish of pyrites convince him of the superiority of exhalation theory over aqueous mechanisms for the formation of minerals,\nbut these minerals\u2019 sulphurous vapours provided a fertile explanation\nfor many natural phenomena.\nPlants and Salts: The Work of Nehemiah Grew\nIn chapter two, we saw that salts were thought to provide an elemental\nstructure to living things. This belief, informed by a reaction to Helmontian chymistry within the Royal Society, characterized the botanical work\nof Nehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712). Grew was botanist and secretary to\nthe Royal Society, has been subject to extensive scholarly analysis, ranging from the patronage required for the publication of his magisterial\nAnatomy of Plants (1682), to his cataloguing of the Royal Society collections, to his philosophy of vitalism.152 However, other than his role in\nthe discovery of Epsom salts and his promotion of nitre for fertilizer,\nhis contributions to chymistry have received less scholarly attention.\nAfter receiving his B.A. from Cambridge in 1661\u20131662, Grew went\nonto receive his medical degree from Leiden, studying under Sylvius\nand writing a dissertation on the liquors of the nervous system, utilizing\nSylvius\u2019 well-known acid-alkali iatrochymistry as the basis for his analysis.153 Grew\u2019s continued devotion to chemical research was applied to his\nbotanical work. As Bolan has shown, in his Anatomy, Grew thought it\nwas necessary to perform \u201ca chemical analysis of the contents of plants\n152\nBrian Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712),\u201d British Journal of the History of Science 36, 1 (March 2003), pp. 63\u201381;\nMichael Hunter, \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0003c Research: Nethemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry Oldenburg,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 36, 2 (February 1982), pp. 189\u2013209;\nJeanne Bolam, \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712),\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 27, 2 (February 1973), pp. 219\u2013231; Conrad\nZirtle, \u201cIntroduction,\u201d in Nehemiah Grew, The Anatomy of Plants. Sources of Science,\nno. 2 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1965); A. Sakula, \u201cDoctor Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Epsom salts,\u201d Clio Medica 19, 1\u20132 (1984), pp. 1\u201321; William\nLefanu, Nehemiah Grew: a Study and Bibliography of his Writings (Detroit 1990); J.R.\nParthington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols. (London, Macmillan, 1961\u20131970), vol. 2,\npp. 567\u20138 on Grew.\n153\nNehemiah Grew, Disputatio Medico-Physica, inauguralis, de liquore nervosa . . . pro\ngradu doctorates . . . subjicit Nehemiah Grew, e. com Warwickensi, die 14 Julii. Ph.D. diss (University\nof Leiden, 6 July 1671). This work was published by Elsevir in 1671, and the original\ncan be found in the National Library of Medicine and the British Library. The author\nplans to issue a translation with commentary in future.\n\nPages 105:\n88\nchapter three\nboth air and liquid, their colors, tastes, smells . . . all to be examined\nby agitation, frigifaction, infusion, digestion, decoction, distillation,\ncalcination, and all the armoury of seventeenth-century analysis.\u201d154\nGrew attempted such analyses in a series of lectures appended to the\nAnatomy; like the Anatomy, the chemical papers were subsidized by the\nRoyal Society\u2019s general fund.155\nIn his work, Grew concentrated particularly on the salt chymistry\nof plants, following an established tradition in early modern chymistry.\nAs we have seen, there was a running controversy over \u0003re analysis in\nthe early modern period, with Van Helmont claiming salt was not a\ntrue chymical principle, but rather produced by the heat of analysis.\nTherefore, Van Helmont questioned earlier alchemical claims of palingenics that authors such as Duchesne made in his Ad veritatem hermeticae\nmedicinae (1604)\u2014in the case of burning plants to ash, Van Helmont\ndenied that \u0003xed salts pre-existed in plants, and believed they were\nproduced, not extracted, by the \u0003re. The idea of preformation of salts\ncontinued to be a prevalent topic in seventeenth-century chymistry.156\nNicholas L\u00e9mery (1645\u20131715), a French corpuscularian and writer of\nthe popular French chemistry textbook, translated into English as the\nCourse of Chymistry (1698), wrote:\nSeveral modern philosophers want to persuade us that it is uncertain\nwhether the substances we obtain from the mixts and which we have\ncalled Principles of Chemistry are present effectively and naturally in the\nmixts; they say that in rarifying matter in the distillations, \u0003re is capable\nof imparting to matter subsequently an arrangement that is quite different from the one it had previously and to form the salt, oil and other\nthings obtained.157\n154\nBolam, \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712),\u201d p. 225.\nHunter, \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0003c Research: Nethemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry Oldenburg,\u201d p. 201.\n156\nFor an overview of preformation theory, see Eduard Farber, \u201cVariants of\nPreformation Theory in the History of Chemistry,\u201d Isis 54,4 (December 1963): pp.\n443\u2013460.\n157\nNicolas L\u00e9mery, A Course of Chymistry Containing an easie Method of Preparing those\nChymical Medicines Which are Used in Physik (London: W. Kettilby, 1698), p. 7. According\nto the Dictionary of Scienti\u0002c Biography (p. 1329), \u201cL\u00e9mery introduced his explanations of\nchemical reactions in terms of particle shape and movement on an ad hoc basis. Thus\nthe best way to explain the nature of salts is to attribute shapes to their constituent\nparticles. Acid salts must have sharp pointed particles because of their sharp taste and,\neven more convincingly, because they solidify in the form of sharp pointed crystals.\nContrariwise, alkalis are composed of earthy solid particles whose interstitial pores are\n155\n\nPages 106:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n89\nFor his part, L\u00e9mery argued that for volatile alkali salts (primarily ammonia), \u201cit is obvious that \u0003re has done something to this salt, because\nwhen it was in the plant it had not odor similar to that acquired by\nthe distillation.\u201d158\nBoyle\u2019s prot\u00e9g\u00e9, Daniel Coxe, also engaged in this debate in his publications in the Royal Society Transactions, publications that apparently\nreached a wide audience. Herman Boerhaave cited Coxe\u2019s papers in\nwhich Coxe described that he took a plant, bruised and burnt it, and\nthen calcinated its ashes, extracting from it a volatile salt. He then made\na compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat; arising from\nthe ashes were salt crystals which resembled a stem, leaves and \u0002owers,\nan apparition of the plant which had been submitted to combustion.159\nCoxe also burned plants to ash, and percolated water through the ashes\nto obtain the lixivial or alkaline salts in an attempt to classify vegetative\nsalts and to illustrate a Van Helmontian principle. As these \u201calkalies\nwere also salts, questions regarding their production led directly to the\nquestion of whether or not they preexisted in combustible bodies.\u201d160\nAntonio Clericuzio has noted that Coxe denied that \u201c\u0003xed salts praeexisted in vegetables,\u201d thinking they were \u201cproduced, not extracted, by\nthe \u0003re. The salts alkali result from the combination of combination or\nunion of the saline and of the sulphureous principles.\u201d161 We not only\nsee this assertion in Coxe\u2019s published works in the Philosophical Transactions, but in a letter he wrote in 1666 to Boyle, when he states \u201cThat\nAlcalies, or \u0003xd salts made by incineration or Calcination seem not to\nhave been Such ea formac in the Concretes which afforded them by as\nso shaped as to admit entry of the spike particles of acid. L\u00e9mery postulated that, for\nreaction to take place between a particular acid and alkali, there must be an appropriate relationship between the size of the acid spikes and alkaline pores.\u201d\n158\nL\u00e9mery, Course of Chymistry, p. 20.\n159\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse, Begun Numb. 107.\nTouching the Identity of All Volatile Salts\u201d Philosophical Transactions 9 (1674): 169\u2013182,\non pp. 174\u2013175. Boerhaave cited Coxe\u2019s work when describing the putrefaction of\nvegetables in his Elements of Chemistry. See Dr. Boerhaave\u2019s Elements of Chemistry, Faithfully\nAbridg\u2019d . . . by Edward Strother, M.D., second edition (London: C. Rivington, 1737), part\nII, p. 95. L\u00e9mery and Stahl also supported the idea that the \u0003xed alkali in the vegetable\nis produced by burning. See Parthington, History of Chemistry, vol. II, p. 539.\n160\nWilliam R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey,\nBoyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002), p. 84.\n161\nAntonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry in the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers,\n2001), p. 161.\n\nPages 107:\n90\nchapter three\nAlcalies borne to bee the product of the Fire they not being Pruducible\nbut by Calcination.\u201d162 Hence, by denying an inherent salt principle,\nCoxe was challenging the Paracelsian tria prima. While admitting that\nhe did get palingenic apparitions of plants via isolating salts, after\nconsulting with Royal Society fellow Robert Moray, who as we have\nseen had his own interests in salt chymistry, Coxe also argued that\nhis results were a \u201cmeer Phantasme, or a fortuitous Colation of Salt\nto such pretty \u0003gures\u201d to show that there was no saline principle that\ncould recreate the essence of a vegetable.163 Much for the same reason,\nCoxe also concluded from his researches that the \u201c\u0003xed salts extracted\nfrom the ashes of plants do not differ from one another\u201d again denying\nthere was any essential salt unique to each plant.164\nAlthough Grew followed a similar chemical procedure, he utilized\nhis botanical chymistry and microscopic expertise honed researching\nhis Anatomy of Plants to elaborate and question some of Coxe\u2019s, Boyle\u2019s,\nand hence Van Helmont\u2019s ideas about principles of matter.165 In his\nwork with plants, Grew believed \u0003rst that \u201cno principle was made\nby the \u0003re: all Principles being unalterable,\u201d and it was necessary\nto distinguish between elemental salt, or salt in its substantial form,\nwhich he did believe existed, and its \u201cmixture with other principles;\nfrom whence it may receive different Shapes and Names.\u201d166 Grew\nacknowledged that calcinations of a body, or its fermentation \u201cafter\nthe manner shewed by the curious Improver of chemical knowledge,\nDr. Daniel Cox . . . yieldeth some kind of Salt,\u201d and a \u201cLixivial Salt,\nqua Lixivial\u201d could be made by combustion. But, he then stressed:\n\u201cAll which Salts are made, not by making the Saline principle, but\nonly by its being differently mixed, by those several ways of the Solution of Bodies with other Principles; from which its different mixture,\nit receives the different denominations of Marine, Nitrous, Volatile, or\n162\nDaniel Coxe to Robert Boyle 19 January 1666, in Robert Boyle, The Correspondence\nof Robert Boyle, vol. 3, pp. 30\u201343, on p. 34.\n163\nCoxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse, Begun Numb. 107.\nTouching the Identity of All Volatile Salts\u201d p. 178.\n164\nClericuzio, Elements, Principles and Corpuscles, p. 161.\n165\nNehemiah Grew, The Anatomy of Plants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of\nPlants, and Several other Lectures Read before the Royal Society (London: W. Rawlins, 1682).\nThis is the edition that will be used throughout.\n166\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse Read before the Royal Society December 10, 1674 Concerning the Nature, Causes, and Power of Mixture,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants, p. 227. Clericuzio\nalso brie\u0002y notes Grew disagreed with Coxe in Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles, p. 162,\nbut does not elaborate the basis of Grew\u2019s logic.\n\nPages 108:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n91\nLixivial.\u201d167 For Grew, though mixtures of different salts interacted in\na unique manner to produce various plant species, salts made by the\n\u0003re did not contain elemental salt. However, he did allow for the possibility that salts created by the air were elemental salts containing the\nvital essence of a plant, and he believed he had created a process to\nextract such salts from vegetables. Grew took as his inspiration work\ndone by contemporaries that indicated volatile salts in the air, such\nas aerial nitre, possessed vitalizing and elemental principles. He also\nutilized the results of his chemical research to draw conclusions about\nplant structure and color, and like Lister, applied his results to other\nareas in natural history such as meteorology.\nSalts and Plant Structure\nGrew\u2019s extensive macroscopic and microscopic researches and the series\nof plates he drew in the Anatomy revealed to him that plants had a\nfundamental geometrical structure. In his studies, Grew concluded that\nthe \u201cleaves of most Plants, have a Regular Figure, and this Regularity,\nboth in Length and Circuit,\u201d is always de\u0003nable in terms of the arcs of\ncircles.168 At the microscopic level, leaves also had a mathematical\npattern of \u0003bres that underlay its structure, leading Grew to ask what was\nthe fundamental principle from which \u201cNature seems to draw her \u0003rst\nStrokes.\u201d169 For him, the key to the plant\u2019s regular structure lay in the\nSaline Principle \u201cunder which divers species were comprehended\u201d;\n\u201cwhether Alkaline, Acid, or of any other Kind . . . the Salts are, as it\nwere, the Bones\u201d of the plant.170 Grew\u2019s statement was likely in\u0002uenced\nby Paracelsian chemistry, as we have seen in chapter two that in the\n\u201cParacelsian scheme of the tria prima salt is the directive for matter to\nassume solidity and bodily shape.\u201d171\nGrew sought to prove this principle by \u0003rst noting that fertilizers that\nnourished plants contained salt. This suggested by analogy that plants\n167\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse Read before the Royal Society December 10, 1674 Concerning the Nature, Causes, and Power of Mixture,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants, p. 227.\n168\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 150.\n169\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 157.\n170\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\n171\nWalter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen: Paracelsianism in Storm and Stress (Basel and Munich:\nKarger, 1984), p. 37.\n\nPages 109:\n92\nchapter three\nwere also made of saline substances.172 In order to better understand\nhow salts combined to form the leaf structure, he then sought to classify\nthe types of vegetative salts. In the Producibleness of Chemical Principles\n(1681), Boyle had replaced the usual division of salts into acid and\nalkali with a tripartite division of salts into acid, alkaline, and urinous\nor volatile, (the latter category including nitre), a classi\u0003cation that Coxe\nwould also follow.173 However, Grew argued instead that vegetative\nsalts should be classi\u0003ed into four types\u2014nitrous, acid, alkaline, and\nmarine\u2014claiming \u201call the four salts have a share in the formation of\na leaf, or other part of a plant.\u201d174 Grew did acknowledge that lixiviating plants via \u0003re revealed that they contained a \u0003xed as well as a\nvolatile alkali; \u201cthe former in the ashes, the latter in the Soot\u201d; because\nplants yielded acid juices in distillation in a sand furnace, this testi\u0003ed\nto the presence of an acidic salt within them.175 But where did the\nfourth marine salt come from? Grew claimed he could produce a salt\nquite outside of the tripartite classi\u0003cation, \u201canother kind of salt . . . an\nessential salt,\u201d via the action of the air upon lixivial alkaline plant salts.\nThis essential salt would in turn, shoot another marine salt, showing\nthe air was \u201cnature\u2019s grand menstruum, which goes sometimes greater\nthan the Fire itself.\u201d176\nThough Grew does not speci\u0003cally state from where his idea of the\nair being a creative principle stemmed, it is likely his assertion may\nhave been a modi\u0003ed expression of a prevalent early modern belief in\nwitterung. Another stronger possibility is the work of William Harvey\u2019s\nstudent, Francis Glisson (1599\u20131677). Grew\u2019s microscopic work on plants\nbegan after his half-brother Henry Sampson mentioned a passage in\n172\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 275. See also Antonio Clericuzio,\n\u201cA rede\u0003nition of Boyle\u2019s chemistry and corpuscular philosophy,\u201d Annals of Science, 47\n(1990), pp. 561\u2013589, esp. pp. 588\u2013589. Robert Boyle, The Producibleness of Chymical\nPrinciples published as an appendix to The Skeptical Chymist, second edition (London,\n1681), pp. 9\u201310. As Clericuzio has indicated, Boyle was dissatis\u0003ed by the information\ngiven by using the color indicators syrup of violets or lignum nephriticum to determine\nalkalinity or acidity. This was because these tests only indicated if a salt was acid or\nnot, but one would not know if it was urinous or alkaline. Thus, \u201cBoyle suggested a\ntrail by the color non-acid salts showed when they were combined with sublimate dissolved in fair water.\u201d Lixivial salts, produced an \u201corange tawny precipitate, and urinous\nones white and milky.\u201d See Clericuzio, \u201cA rede\u0003nition,\u201d p. 588.\n174\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n175\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\n176\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse Concerning the Essential and Marine Salts of Plants, Read\nBefore the Royal Society, December 21, 1676,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 261.\n173\n\nPages 110:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n93\nGlisson\u2019s Anatome Hepatis, that drew comparisons between plant and\nanimal anatomy, something which Grew developed.177 Later in the\nHepatis, Glisson also wrote that \u201cevery plant has his peculiar spirit,\u201d\nwhich were made by \u201ceminent impressions\u201d of the atmosphere; Glisson also claimed these plant spirits were physico-chemical going on to\nnote that they may \u201cbe mixed with salt or subtle sulphur.\u201d178 And of\ncourse, the long-established tradition voiced by Paracelsus about a vital\nnitrous salt in the air, subsequently modi\u0003ed by Van Helmont in his\ntheory of human breath, may have also played a role.\nIn the case of plant salts, followers of Helmont and Boyle, like\nDaniel Coxe would argue that the salts in the air would interact with\n\u0003xed salts extracted from the ashes of plants, which Coxe believed\nwere all uniform irregardless of plant species. The air would make\n\u201ccorrupted\u201d compound salts that would fool the unwary chymist into\nthinking they were different chemical species.179 This claim of Coxe\u2019s\nwas the one that Grew desired to challenge, as he believed each plant\nhad a unique essential salt.\nGrew performed chemical experiments to prove his assertions. He\ntook an alkaline lixivial solution of the salt of Fern (likely chosen as\nCoxe often utilized it), placed it an earthen pan, and exposed it to the\nair on a windowsill. He noted in nine days that amongst a cremor that\nformed on the service, an essential salt began to shoot that was ambercolored, mild-tasting, and neither sour nor sharp; this result indicated\nto Grew that it was not acidic or alkali [see Figure 4].\nThe fact that this essential salt also did not react with alkalis or acids\nmeant it was clearly not \u201ctartar or tartareous salt\u201d which \u201cmakes a\n[e]bullition with alkaline salts.\u201d180 Grew was particularly interested in\ndemonstrating this salt was not tartar (potassium bitartrate) for a few\nreasons. First, Coxe had claimed tartars were formed by the \u0003re, stating \u201cmost Vegetables, whether Woods or Herbs, if burnt whilst they\nare green, and with a smothering \u0003re, yield Salts which are far enough\nfrom Alcalisate; being either Neutral or Acid; or to speak more properly,\n177\nBolam, \u201cBotanical Works,\u201d p. 220; Garret, \u201cVitalism and teleology,\u201d p. 68.\nFrancis Glisson, Anatome Hepatis (The Anatomy of the Liver), 1654, ed. Andrew\nCunningham. Cambridge Wellcome Texts and Documents, number 3 (Cambridge:\nWellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, 1993), p. 32, as quoted in Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology,\u201d p. 68.\n179\nCoxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse, Begun Numb. 107.\nTouching the Identity of All Volatile Salts\u201d pp. 172\u20133.\n180\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n178\n\nPages 111:\n94\nchapter three\nTartareous.\u201d181 Secondly, the calcination of tartar by heat was a crucial\nexperiment that Van Helmont used to produce an alkaline salt of tartar\n(potassium carbonate). Not only did Van Helmont demonstrate in his\nexperiment that alkali salts were made by \u0003re, but he showed that in\nan open vessel, a smaller amount of tartar was produced than in a\nclosed vessel.182 Grew however stressed that the crystals he produced\nwere \u201cno sort of Tartar, or Tartareous Salt. As is plain, from the manner\nof their Generation; Tartar being still bred in close Vessels; these never, but\nby exposing the Liquor to the Aer.\u201d183 He therefore thought the salt he\nhad discovered was a unique essential salt of the plant, \u201cdifferent in\nNature from all other Salts hitherto known, or a new Species added\nto the inventory of Nature.\u201d184\nThis essential salt of Fern was then allowed to continue to crystallize,\nand after two weeks, began to shoot another salt that in its microscopic\nshape and taste led Grew to conclude it was a \u201cmarine salt produced\nby art in the imitation of nature.\u201d185 This Marine Salt, cuboidal and\n\u201cof greater Bulk,\u201d was considered by Grew to be the foundation\nof the leaves\u2019 skeleton; here Grew alluded to the idea that the cube\namong the Platonic solids was considered the most stable, and thus\nit was appropriate to be the basis of a structure.186 The \u0003bers which\ndetermined the shape of the leaf were, as Grew\u2019s microscopic observations showed, \u201cgoverned by air vessels;\u201d the generation of these vessells\nwas \u201cdetermined by the . . . Salts according to their several Angles.\u201d187\nMarine salts produced right angles, and alkaline salts were square at\none end, and pointed at the other; placed ended to end, alkaline salts\nwould form oblique angles. Acid salts had a more crooked nature, and\nby \u201capplying the lesser Side of one to the greater Side of another,\u201d\nwould form circular or Spiral lines.188 Combinations of the various\nsalts would thus produce a variety of differently-shaped air vessels and\nshapes of leaves [Figure 5].\n181\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 151.\n182\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy tried in the Fire, p. 87.\n183\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n184\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n185\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n186\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n187\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n188\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n\nPages 112:\nFigure 4. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LXXXIII,\u201d in The Anatomy\nof Plants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several other Lectures Read before the Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins,\n1682, p. 270. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nFigure 5. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LIII,\u201d in The Anatomy of\nPlants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several\nother Lectures Read before the Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins,\n1682, p. 240. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n95\n\nPages 113:\n96\nchapter three\nAnd, as each species of plant had it own unique shape and structure, it would seem that the marine and essential salts produced from\nexposure of lixivial salts to the air were unique to each species of\nplant. To prove his assertion, Grew of course \u0003rst had to \u201cremove an\nOpinion standing in my way,\u201d namely the assertion that all alkaline salts\nfrom plants were the same as they were uniformly created by the \u0003re,\nas \u201csome Learned men have thought,\u201d an oblique reference to Boyle\nand Coxe.189 To allow the largest degree of impartiality possible, Grew\nhad salts prepared \u201cwith great care herein\u201d by an outside apothecary,\none John Blackstone, who stated in print that \u201call the lixivial salts\nmentioned in this and foregoing Discourse except that of Firne, were\nfaithfully prepared by me\u201d signing his name underneath his statement;\nBlackstone\u2019s more lowly social status as an apothecary would mean he\nhad to commit to a printed oath so his assertion would be accepted as\ntrue.190 Grew dissolved these lixivial alkaline salts from different plants\ninto water, and he argued that each solution had a distinctive and\nunique taste. In an earlier 1674 paper for the Philosophical Transactions\nCoxe had intimated that the different tastes for the salts were due to\nsome of the plant\u2019s oils contaminating the salts, so having Blackstone\nmake the careful preparations was important for Grew to assure saline\npurity.191 Then Grew let each solution be exposed to the air to produce\nthe different essential salts of each plant. Microscopic observation also\nillustrated that each essential salt had a unique structure and color,\narguing for their species-speci\u0003c nature [Figure 4]. Grew therefore\naccomplished what was in his eyes a truer type of plant palingenesis\nvia the medium of air rather than Coxe\u2019s use of \u0003re, and he thought\nthat he recreated the plant\u2019s essential saline structure.\n189\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 264.\nAs Steven Shapin has illustrated in A Social History of Truth, standards for epistemological truth in seventeenth-century science had their origin in gentlemen\u2019s codes of\nhonor. There was an equation between gentility, honor, and truth-telling that extended\nto empirical observation; the observations of Robert Boyle would be trusted more than\nthose by an artisan. Gentlemen, by virtue of their social status, were considered more\ncompetent sensory agents, and hence they were more likely to be leaders of opinion\nin the scienti\u0003c community. Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in\nSeventeenth-Century England (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994).\n191\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 155.\n190\n\nPages 114:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n97\n\u201cNature\u2019s Art of Painting,\u201d Salts and the colors of plants and \u0003owers\nIn addition to his studies of crystalline structure, Grew\u2019s theory of plant\nand \u0002ower color also drew from the idea that speci\u0003c salts in the air\ncaused a myriad of effects in the natural world. In a paper, \u201cA Discourse\nof the Colors of Plants,\u201d read before the Royal Society in 1677,\nGrew stated that the green color of leaves was a chemical precipitate\nthat formed when the acidic salts and sulphurs that plants contained\nmixed with volatile alkali salts in the air.192 Similar chemical reactions\ncontrolled the colors of \u0002owers. Like early Paracelsian chymists, Grew\nwas attributing color to salts.\nGrew \u0003rst isolated the chemical substances within plants that he\nbelieved caused the green color of leaves. He poured sulphuric and\nnitric acid on \u201cseveral parts of vegetables,\u201d \u0003nding they made less of\na chemical reaction than acids poured on parts of animals. This led\nhim to conclude that in \u201cmost Plants, the Preadominant Principle is\nan Acid,\u201d particularly in the parenchyma, whereas animal substances\ncontained more alkalis.193 Grew also argued that plants contained\nsulphur, especially in the wood, as there was a large amount of resinous sap in the wood\u2019s lympheducts, the sap having the same oily and\n\u0002ammable properties of sulphureous substances. He then performed a\nseries of experiments in which he dropped the alkali spirit of hartshorn\n(aqueous solution of ammonia) or sal ammoniac on tinctures of \u0002owers and on leaves. Spirit of Hartshorn on tinctures of borage \u0002ower\nturned them \u201cverdigreese Green,\u201d and when it was dropped on green\nleaves, the color did not change at all, leading him to postulate that\nthere was some alkaline \u201cor like salt in the Air, which is predominant\nin the production of Green in the Leavs of Plants.\u201d194 According to\nhis reasoning, roots of most plants were white because they were not\nexposed to the volatile alkaline salts in the air, noting that the upper\nparts of roots, \u201cwhen they happen to stand naked about the Ground,\u201d\nwere colored by the air, such as in red sorrel roots or purple radish\ntops.195 Transverse cuts of plant stalks showed a white bark parenchyma,\n192\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse of the Colors of Plants,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 271.\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort of the Luctation Arising from the Affusion of\nSeveral Menstruums upon all Sorts of Bodies, Exhibited to the Royal Society, April\n13, and June 1, 1676,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants, p. 240.\n194\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 276.\n195\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 270.\n193\n\nPages 115:\n98\nchapter three\nbut sap vessels which admitted the aerial volatile salts were as \u201cgreen as\nthe skin itself because they stand close to the Aer-Vessels.\u201d196 Flowers\nin bud also tended to be whitish until exposed to the alkaline salts in\nthe air.\nThe colors of \u0002owers were produced by differing combinations of\nvolatile alkaline salts and substances within the plant. Grew tested\nputting spirit of sulphur (sulphuric acid) on plant leaves, \u0003nding that\ndropped on green leaves, it turned the leaves yellow, but had no effect\nwhen dropped on yellow \u0002owers. He concluded therefore that \u201cin\nall yellow [\u0002owers] the sulphureous acids and the alkaline parts are\nall more equal.\u201d197 Spirit of Sulphur dropped into tincture of violets\nturned this Ph indicator from blue to crimson, and likewise when spirit\nof sulphur was dropped onto a tincture of clove-july \u0002owers it made\nthem bright blood red, and also heightened the red of roses. Thus, as\n\u201calkalis are predominant in Greens,\u201d acids dominated in red \u0002owering\nplants.198 From these and other chemical experiments, Grew formulated\nthe following rules:\n1. When sulphur and aerial saline principles \u201conly swam together\u201d but\nwere not united chemically, no color was produced, as was the case\nin roots.\n2. When sulphur and alkaline salts were united, they produced green\ncolors.\n3. When sulphur, alkaline, and acid salts were in equal proportions and\nreacting with each other, a yellow \u0002ower was produced.\n4. When the sulphur predominated, and the acid and alkaline were\nequal, there \u201cwas a blew.\u201d\n5. If the sulphur was most predominant to the \u201calkaline and acid,\u201d\n\u0002owers were scarlet.\n6. Variegated colors were the \u201cover proportion of the Lympheducts to\nthe Aer-Vessels,\u201d [in different parts of the \u0002ower and leaves], and\ntherefore the dominion of the Sulphure over the Air therein.\u201d199\nGrew postulated that yellow and green \u0002owers and leaves suffered less\nloss of color when dried because the volatile salts in \u201cthe Aer being\n196\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 270.\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 276.\n198\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 276.\n199\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 272. All of his scheme for color and proportions of different chemicals are on this page.\n197\n\nPages 116:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n99\npredominant in their Production, they are the less liable to suffer from\nit afterwards.\u201d200 Red plants, however, no longer had the production of\nsulphur in their lympheducts to counter the effects of the salts in the\nair, so they would fade to purples and blues.\nHe did anticipate objection from other chemists on this point, as it was\nknown for some time that blood on exposure to air deepened rather\nthan faded in its color, turning bright red. For example, in 1674, John\nMayow (1640\u20131679) in his Tractatus Quinque Medico-Physici, claimed that\nair was composed of a \u201csmall proportion of highly reactive particles\nwhich he identi\u0003ed as a nitro-aerial spirit\u201d; like oxygen, \u201cthese particles\nalone made air suitable for respiration, and when absorbed through the\nlungs they imparted the bright red color to arterial blood.\u201d201 As we\nhave seen in the work of Lister, many early modern natural philosophers thought that respiration and anatomy in plants and animals was\ndirectly analogous. Marcello Malphigi (1628\u20131694), who submitted his\nown manuscript on plant anatomy to the Royal Society approximately\nat the same time as it had agreed to publish Grew\u2019s work The Anatomy\nof Vegetables (1671), asserted that the venation of leaves was analogous\nto the system of capillaries in animals.202 Because the pith of plant\nstems was enclosed, Malphigi also compared it with the heart and brain\nof animals, and wood with animal bones and teeth.203 Grew himself\nthought the root was similar to mouth into which entered a solution\nof nutrients and water, as well as air.204 However, Grew also realized\nthat animal circulation of the blood required valves, whereas no such\nvalves could be found when he traced the movement of plant sap.205\nThus, despite the arguments of his peers that circulation in plants and\nanimals, and thus chemical reactions in blood and sap were directly\n200\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 272.\nHenry Guerlac, \u201cThe Poet\u2019s Nitre,\u201d Isis 45, 3 (September 1954): pp. 243\u2013255,\non p. 243.\n202\nAgnes Arber, \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694):\nAn Essay in Comparison,\u201d Isis, 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316, on p. 13.\n203\nArber, \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison,\u201d p. 13.\n204\nC.A. Browne, \u201cA Source Book of Agricultural Chymistry,\u201d Chronica Botanica 8, 1\n(1943), pp. 1\u2013290, on p. 101.\n205\nBrian Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah\nGrew,\u201d p. 72. The details of their disagreement may be examined in the British\nLibrary, Sloane 1929, \u201cMr. Lister\u2019s Animadversions upon my [Dr. N. Grew] last book\nconsidered,\u201d ff. 1\u20133. and \u201cDr. Grew\u2019s Answer to Mr. Lister\u2019s 2d paper, directed to Mr.\nOldenburg,\u201d 1673. ff. 4\u201311.\n201\n\nPages 117:\n100\nchapter three\nanalogous, Grew claimed a distinction between plant and animal substances, stating \u201cI am not now speaking of Animal, but of Vegetable\nbodies; the same Aer which hightens the Color of Blood one way, may\ndeepen that of a Flower another.\u201d206\nGrew also thought such knowledge of the salt chymistry of plants\ncould be used to control plant coloration. His suggestion was to start\nwith the \u201ctender and Virgin seed,\u201d which because of its small size and\nwould be more affected by the tinctures of the soil, claiming all the\n\u201cstrange varieties in . . . Tulips\u201d were made this way; in Holland in the\n1630s, \u201ctulip fever\u201d arose for striped or variegated blooms in which\nscandalous sums were paid for a prized bulb, making this topic one\nof timely concern for the Royal Society\u2019s efforts.207 Changing the soil,\nor transplanting seeds from one bed to another would also lead the\nplant to be \u201csuperimpregnated with several Tinctures.\u201d208 Lastly, mixing\nsoil with differing salts that \u201cwould concur with the Aer, to strike or\nprecipitate their Sulphur into so many several colors,\u201d would \u201cbring\neven Natures Art of Painting, in a great part, into our own power.\u201d209\nEarly chymistry had \u201clong preserved the very recipes for pigments\nthat were the daily bread of those who composed their own painting\nmedia\u201d; Grew\u2019s methods were another means for the chemist to be an\nartist of nature.210\nAlong with color, Grew believed the tastes of plants were also based\nupon saline chymistry, and could also be manipulated. Grew \u0003rst postulated that plants that had a pungent taste did so because after the\nsaliva dissolved their juices, their biting or nitrous salts remained on the\ntongue.211 He hence concluded that Arum, which had a bitter nitrous\ntaste, would thus grow best under a hedge, as the ground was not\n206\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 272.\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 278. For the tulip craze, see Mike Dash, Tulipomania: The Story of the World\u2019s Most Coveted Flower & the Extraordinary Passions It Aroused.\n(New York: Three Rivers Press, 1999). The reason for the striping is the tulip bulb\nbecomes infected with Mosaic Virus; the striping is thus not hereditary, leading to the\ncrash in prices for these bulbs in the 1630s. The Dutch government declared it would\nnot honor tulip contracts created before 1636, considering them gambling debts.\n208\nGrew\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 98 to page 117 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 1 to page 35 out of a total of 312:\nPages 1:\n\nPages 2:\nThe Salt of the Earth\n\nPages 3:\nHistory of Science and\nMedicine Library\nVOLUME 3\n\nPages 4:\nThe Salt of the Earth\nNatural Philosophy, Medicine,\nand Chymistry in England, 1650\u20131750\nBy\nAnna Marie Roos\nLEIDEN \u2022 BOSTON\n2007\n\nPages 5:\nCover illustration: crystalline shapes of salts from Martin Lister, De Fontibus medicates Anglicae.\nLondon: Walter Kettilby, 1684, between pages 32 and 33. Osler Library of the History\nof Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.\nBrill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all right holders to any copyrighted\nmaterial used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the\npublisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate\nacknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission\nmatters.\nThis book is printed on acid-free paper.\nISSN: 1872-0684\nISBN: 978 90 04 16176 4\nCopyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.\nKoninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,\nIDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.\nAll rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,\nstored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,\nmechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission\nfrom the publisher.\nAuthorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by\nKoninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to\nThe Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,\nDanvers, MA 01923, USA.\nFees are subject to change.\nprinted in the netherlands\n\nPages 6:\nTo my father Gordon and my brother David for being my champions\nTo my colleague Mark Harrison for his friendship and scholarly excellence\nTo my husband Ian for showing me in his stubbornly Lincolnshire way that there\nis love in this world\n\nPages 7:\n\nPages 8:\nThe cure for anything is salt water: sweat, tears or the sea.\nIsak Dinesen\n\nPages 9:\n\nPages 10:\nCONTENTS\nList of Illustrations ......................................................................\nxi\nAcknowledgements .....................................................................\nxv\nChapter One\nThe Context of Salts ........................................\n1\nChapter Two\nParacelsian Concepts of Salts ...........................\n10\nChapter Three Van Helmont, Salts, and Natural History\nin Early Modern England ......................................................\n47\nChapter Four From Salts to Saline Spirits\u2014the Rise of\nAcids ........................................................................................\n108\nChapter Five Salts and Saline Spirits in the Medical\nMarketplace and Literature: Patent Medicines and\nChymical Satire ......................................................................\n155\nConclusion\nFrom Saline Acids to Acidifying Oxygen ............\n194\nAppendix Translation from Latin of Martin Lister\u2019s Exercises\non the Healing Springs of England (1684) ....................................\n207\nBibliography ................................................................................\n269\nIndex ...........................................................................................\n287\n\nPages 11:\n\nPages 12:\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n1. A poem on salts in John Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate or Military and\nDomestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655, pp. 218\u2013219. By permission of the Harden Library for the Health Sciences, University\nof Iowa.\n2. Prince Rupert\u2019s Drops or the \u201cGlass Drops\u201d in Robert Hooke,\nMicrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665, p. 10.\nImage courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University\nof Oklahoma.\n3. Crystalline shapes of salts from Martin Lister, De Fontibus medicates\nAnglicae. London: Walter Kettilby, 1684, between pages 32 and 33.\nOsler Library of the History of Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.\n4. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LXXXIII,\u201d in The Anatomy of Plants. With an\nIdea of a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several other Lectures Read before\nthe Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins, 1682, p. 270. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n5. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LIII,\u201d in The Anatomy of Plants. With an Idea\nof a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several other Lectures Read before\nthe Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins, 1682, p. 240. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n6. The title page to William Simpson\u2019s work on fermentation. William\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica. London: T.R. and N.T., 1675. Courtesy\nof the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto.\n7. Newton\u2019s explanation of Grimaldi\u2019s theory of refraction using the\naether model. Newton to Robert Boyle, Cambridge, 28 February\n1678/9 in Isaac Newton: Philosophical Writings, ed. Andrew Janiak.\nCambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, p. 2. With permission from Cambridge University Press.\n8. Bryan Robinson (1680\u201394), etching by Benjamin Wilson (1721\u20131788).\nWellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 13:\nxii\nlist of illustrations\n9. Table of Colors of Newton\u2019s Rings, Sir Isaac Newton, Opticks: or,\nA Treatise of the Re\u0002ections, Refractions, In\u0002ections and Colors of Light.\nLondon: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford, 1704, p. 37. Image\ncourtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma\nLibraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University of\nOklahoma.\n10. Bryan Robinson\u2019s device for measuring the effects of medicaments\non the \u201canimal \u0002bres\u201d of hair. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the\nAnimal Oeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell,\n1734, p. 291. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of\nthe University of Oklahoma.\n11. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table One of the elasticity of the animal\n\u0002bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy. The Second\nEdition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell, 1734, p. 296. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n12. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table Two of the elasticity of the animal\n\u0002bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy. The Second\nEdition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell, 1734, p. 296. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries;\ncopyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n13. Broadsheet advertising Lionel Lockyer\u2019s patent medicine. London.\nWellcome Library, London.\n14. Portrait of Johann Henrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750). Wellcome\nLibrary, London.\n15. Frontispiece from Johann Cohausen, Dissertatio satyrica physico-medicomoralis de pica nasi, sive tabaci sternutatorii. Amsterdam: J. Oosterwyk,\n1760. Wellcome Library, London.\n16. The inscription and its subsequent disclaimer of its authenticity in\nThomas Reinsius and James Gruter, Syntagma inscriptionum antiquarum\ncumprimis Rom\u00e6 veteris . . . Leipzig and Frankfurt: Johann Fritschens\nErben, 1682, p. 156. With permission from the Harris Manchester\nCollege Library, Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford.\n17. Frontispiece from J.H. Cohausen, Der wieder lebende Hermippus . . .\nSorau, 1753. \u00a9 The British Library Board. All Rights Reserved\n(shelfmark 1167.a.60).\n18. Frontispiece from Cohausen\u2019s Helmontius Ecstaticus. Amsterdam:\nSalomon Schouten, 1731. \u00a9 The British Library Board. All Rights\nReserved (shelfmark 1035.f.1).\n\nPages 14:\nlist of illustrations\nxiii\n19. Hales\u2019 initial apparatus for estimating the quantity of Air that arose\nfrom a material \u201cby distillation or fusion.\u201d Stephen Hales, Vegetable\nStaticks. London: J. and W. Innys, 1727, opposite p. 260. Image\ncourtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma\nLibraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University of\nOklahoma.\n20. Hale\u2019s Breathing Device Stephen Hales, Vegetable Staticks. London:\nW. and J. Innys, 1727, opposite p. 262. Wellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 15:\n\nPages 16:\nACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\nI would like to thank a number of colleagues and institutions that\nhelped make this book possible. First, I would like to thank Marjorie\nMcIntosh, Distinguished Professor of History and Edward Ruestow,\nProfessor Emeritus of History at the University of Colorado at Boulder for being my research mentors during my graduate work. I am\nalso grateful to Tony Whall, Professor Emeritus of English and retired\nDirector of the Bellavance Honors Program at Salisbury University.\nI would like to thank Tony for his friendship and for encouraging my\nresearch amidst my teaching and administrative responsibilities during\nmy previous employment at Salisbury. The University of Minnesota\nGraduate School provided a Grant-in-Aid that enabled a part of the\nresearch to be carried out for this book. The College of Liberal Arts\nat the University of Minnesota Duluth (UMD) also awarded small\ngrants to present my work and learn from my colleagues at a variety\nof national and international History of Science conferences. Neil T.\nStorch, Professor Emeritus at UMD, is an excellent mentor and a treasured friend, and my former colleagues in the UMD history department\nprovided good advice and counsel.\nI would also like to thank my colleagues at the Wellcome Unit at\nOxford University for providing workspace, collegiality, and access to\nthe assorted delights of Oxford where a portion of the writing of this\nbook was accomplished. I greatly appreciate my continued research\nassociation with the Unit, and I have been lucky to enjoy the friendship of Carol Brady, Pratik Chakrabarti, Mark Harrison, and Belinda\nMichaelides. I also am grateful to Robert Fox for inviting me to present\nmy work in saline chymistry at the Modern History Faculty seminar\nseries at Oxford and for his gentlemanly graciousness and kindness.\nLarry Principe and Anita Guerrini have made many helpful comments as this book progressed, and Peter Morris, editor of Ambix, has\nalso been unfailingly generous with his critiques and support of my\nresearch. Tom Holland, translator of Latin extraordinaire, assisted me with\nmy work on Martin Lister, his help for which I am grateful. Jim Buickerood, editor of Eighteenth-Century Thought, offered a number of astute\ncomments concerning my analysis of the treatises of Bryan Robinson,\nand Catherine Tonson-Rye of Medical History offered excellent advice\n\nPages 17:\nxvi\nacknowledgements\nabout my analysis of Johann Cohausen. Sections of chapters 3, 4, 5,\nand 6 include materials from essays that originally appeared in Ambix,\nEighteenth-Century Thought, and Medical History.\nI would also like to thank the many librarians and support staff for\ntheir assistance and patience at the Bodleian Library, the British Library,\nCambridge University Library, the library at Harris-Manchester College,\nOxford, the Library for the Museum at the History of Science at Oxford\nUniversity, and the Wellcome Library, London. Thanks also to the\nHarden Library for the Health Sciences at the University of Iowa, the\nHistory of Science Library Collections at the University of Oklahoma,\nthe Osler Library of the History of Medicine at McGill University,\nand the University of Minnesota Duluth Library. Special thanks go\nto librarians Dr. Kathryn Fuller, Dr. Kerry Magruder, and William\nHodge. Stacy Johnson also patiently scanned many reels of micro\u0002lm\nwith good grace and humor.\nLastly, I would like to thank my family\u2014David, Debbie, Gordon,\nand June for their love and support. Most of all, I want to acknowledge\nand thank my husband Ian, who supported me in my writing of my\nsecond monograph, while at the same time showing me there is more\nto life than academe.\n\nPages 18:\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE CONTEXT OF SALTS\nFifteen years ago, I was a student in Florence, studying quattrocento\nand cinquecento Renaissance paintings and sculpture. In the mornings, I went to lectures, visited the Uf\u0002zi, or the Bargello to marvel at\nDuccio\u2019s zigzagged cruci\u0002xions, the Christ\u2019s almond-shaped eyes closed\nin furrowed pain. I sketched and made notes. In the hot afternoons,\nI wandered around the city when everyone took their reposo or siesta.\nStrolling past the cheese shops that smelled of the \u201cfeet of the gods,\u201d\ninto the artisans\u2019 quarter where the paper of tempting marbleized\njournals sparkled with painted copper tips adorning scrolls, \u0003owers\nand foliage, I ambled past the Orsanmichele. Here Donatello\u2019s statues,\nsuspended in time, instructed passers-by about civil duty, Florentine\npride, and moral rectitude. But walking up to the San Miniato del\nMonte, a solid church with thick brick walls decorated with frescoes on\nthe inside and geometric marble mosaics on the outside, was a special\nexcursion. It was on as much of a mountain as one would \u0002nd outside\nof Florence, affording a view of Brunelleschi\u2019s dome and the red-tiled\nroofs of the city below.\nOne July day, after an ample lunch of pasta, olives, and salty tomato\nsauce to maintain my perpetually hungry adolescent metabolism, I\nwalked to San Minato, looking forward to the cool sanctuary and\nsalubrious perfume of the rose garden. Perspiring heavily in the hot\nTuscan sun as I ascended the hill, I began to feel odd. White dots\nappeared before my eyes, my stomach felt heavy, and the bright colors\nof the landscape turned faint and grey. I stumbled to a wall to rest,\nand I subsequently awoke to an elderly and ample Italian lady clad in\nblack wafting a bottle that smelled piercing and sharp under my nose.\n\u201cSal volatile, sal volatile,\u201d she kept repeating, and then \u201cbene, bene\u201d\nas my eyes \u0003uttered open. I was befuddled, yet gradually aware I had\nfainted, my shirt ripped and a long scrape down my side indicating\nmy fall against the wall. The awareness of pain from the scrape and\nthe contents of the bottle rapidly propelled me to consciousness. \u201cSal\nvolatile? Sal volatile? what is that?\u201d I thought. Then I realized, \u201cVolatile\nsalts . . . oh, smelling salts! Grazie, grazie, signora.\u201d\n\nPages 19:\n2\nchapter one\nAfter returning to my pensione, I thought about the restorative I had\nbeen offered. Smelling salts were something I had previously thought\nonly existed in Victorian novels, but then I also thought only tightly\ncorseted heroines were capable of fainting, not an American student\nwho was suffering from dehydration and heat stroke. From that day,\nI wondered what the source of the idea was that salts contained a\nvital principle that would restore consciousness. That thought led to\nthe writing of this book, which delineates the important cultural and\nscienti\u0002c origins and effects of salt chymistry in early modern England,\nand among other purposes, demonstrates the source of the idea of salt\nas a source of life and restoration.\nIn this work, I will\n1. Demonstrate the centrality of salt and salt chymistry to early\nchymistry and matter theory generally, and ask to what extent natural\nphilosophers and physicians in the seventeenth and eighteenth century\nconsidered salt fundamental to science and medicine.1 The term \u201csalt\u201d\nin the early modern period was a vague one, but usually encompassed a\ngroup of \u201csolid soluble, in\u0003ammable substances with characteristic tastes\u201d2\nand a crystalline structure. In the early modern period, as the historian\nNorma Emerton has commented \u201cas the instrument of the form, as\nembodiment of the generative seed and spirit, and as the transmitter\nof mineral qualities including crystallinity, salt became the formative\nprinciple par excellence.\u201d3 Some chymists, such as Joseph Duchesne\n(1544\u20131609), Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise La Febvre (1610 \u2013\n1669) claimed there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed\nto be responsible for minerallogenesis and the formation of matter, or\nperhaps a source of the alkahest or universal dissolvent.4 I will delineate\n1\nMy use of the term chymical and chymistry throughout this book is quite deliberate,\nas it is anachronistic practice to make clear distinctions between alchemy and chemistry\nin the seventeenth century. Early modern \u201cchymists\u201d attempted to transmute metals\ninto gold, considered an alchemical practice, yet also performed other experiments\ninvolving mass balance or crystallographic analysis that would be considered \u201cchemical.\u201d For further analysis of this historiographic problem, see L.M. Principe and W.R.\nNewman, \u201cAlchemy vs. Chymistry: The Etymological Origins of a Historiographic\nMistake,\u201d Early Science and Medicine, 3 (1998), pp. 32\u201365.\n2\nJon Eckland, \u201cSalt\u201d, in The Incomplete Chymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century\nChemist in His Laboratory with a Dictionary of Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period, Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology, Number 33 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian\nInstitute Press, 1975).\n3\nNorma Emerton, The Scienti\u0002c Interpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University\nPress, 1984), p. 214.\n4\nJoseph Duchesne, The practise of chymicall, and hermeticall physicke, for the preservation of\n\nPages 20:\nthe context of salts\n3\nthese debates about salts\u2019 role in matter theory amongst the Paracelsian\nSchool as well as chymists such as Glauber, who were in\u0003uenced by\nthe work of Johann Baptista Van Helmont (1577\u20131634).\n2. Assert that salt chymistry provides a nexus for studying the interrelationships between chymistry, natural history, physiology, and medical\nsciences in the early modern period. My exploration of natural history\u2019s\nintersection with chemical investigation in early modern England, particularly amongst early Royal Society members, proved a ripe area to\nexplore the growing importance of the senses and experience as causes\nof intellectual change in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While\nthe concept of the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury is\nimportant to consider in tracing the source of these ideas, I argue the\nwork of the physician Johann Van Helmont was at their base.\n3. Argue that analyzing to what extent the alchemical understanding of salts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries\nis crucial to our understanding of the transition between alchemy and\nchymistry. To accomplish this task, I will determine to what extent conceptions of volatile salts were modi\u0002ed by a diminishing of interest in\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as\nthe fundamental movers in chymistry, natural processes and medicine\nin the \u0002rst half of the eighteenth century. As Ecklund commented,\n\u201cin the eighteenth century salts gradually became to be thought of in\nterms of process, as, for example, the product of the reaction between\nacids and bases, acids and other salts, or between two salts, etc. Some\nchemists regarded acids . . . themselves as salts or at least some saline\nsubstances.\u201d5 Indeed, Chambers Cyclopaedia (1728) de\u0002ned salt as a\n\u201csimple acid substance.\u201d6 In the early eighteenth century, the formative\nqualities of volatile salts were also thought to be an aid to longevity.\nBefore oxygen was \u201cdiscovered,\u201d acidic saline spirits were perceived to\nbe the source of life\u2019s breath, revealing not only the origins of the idea\nof smelling salts, but early theories of respiratory physiology.\nhealth . . . Translated into English, by Thomas Tymme (London: T. Creede, 1605); Nicaise La\nFebvre, Traict\u00e9 de la chymie. (Paris: T. Jolly, 1660); A Compleat Body of Chemistry (London:\nT. Ratcliffe, 1664).\n5\nEcklund, \u201cSalt,\u201d in The Incompleat Chymist.\n6\nEphraim Chambers, \u201cSalt,\u201d in the Cyclop\u00e6dia, or, An universal dictionary of arts and\nsciences . . . in two Volumes (London: James and John Knapton, et al., 1728), volume 2,\np. 12.\n\nPages 21:\n4\nchapter one\nHistoriography and chapter outline\nPrevious histories of salt chymistry such as Robert Multhauf \u2019s Neptune\u2019s\nGift have focused on common salt as an industrial and commercial\nmaterial, concentrating on its production, consumption and trade, particularly in the Germanies; Multhauf admitted that his work began as a\nproject for a history of industrial chymistry.7 Other treatments of early\nmodern English salt chymistry, such as Robert Frank\u2019s analysis of the\nOxford physiologists from William Harvey (1578\u20131657) to John Mayow\n(1640\u201379), have been dominated by a concentrated study of nitre and\nrespiration in medical works; scholars Noel Coley and Matthew Eddy\nhave analyzed salt chymistry in the context of early modern spa waters.8\nIn a re\u0002nement of the magisterial analyses of Paracelsus by Walter\nPagel and Allen Debus, work by Larry Principe and William Newman\nhas indirectly indicated the importance of salt chymistry to conceptions\nof the alchemical Paracelsian \u201celemental\u201d tria prima of salt, sulphur,\nand mercury.9 Chapter two will more directly analyze the signi\u0002cance\nof salts to the English Paracelsian School, with a focus on the works\nof Joseph Duchesne (1544\u20131609), a French physician whose treatise\n7\nRobert P. Multhauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift: A History of Common Salt (Baltimore: John Hopkins\nUniversity Press, 1978).\n8\nRobert G. Frank Jr., Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas\n(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980); Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care:\n\u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214; Matthew D. Eddy, \u201cThe \u2018Doctrine of Salts\u2019 and\nRev. John Walker\u2019s Analysis of a Scottish Spa (1749\u20131761),\u201d Ambix 48, 3 (November\n2001), pp. 137\u2013160; Anne Borsay, Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History\nof the General In\u0002rmary, c. 1739\u20131830 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Christopher Hamlin,\n\u201cChymistry, medicine, and the legitimization of English spas, 1740\u20131840,\u201d in The\nmedical history of waters and spas, Medical History Supplement no. 10 (London: Wellcome\nInstitute for the History of Medicine, 1990), pp. 67\u201381; Phyllis Hembry, The English spa,\n1560\u20131815: a social history (London: Athlone Press, 1990); A. Sakula, \u201cDoctor Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Epsom Salts,\u201d Clio Medica [ Netherlands] 19, 1\u20132 (1984),\npp. 1\u201322. Noel G. Coley, \u201cThe preparation and uses of arti\u0002cial mineral waters (ca.\n1680\u20131825),\u201d Ambix 31 (1984), 32\u201348; Charles F. Mullet, Public baths and health in England, 16th\u201318th century (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1946). For nineteenth-century\ntherapeutic mineral cures, please see George Weisz, \u201cWater Cures and Science: The\nFrench Academy of Medicine and Mineral Waters in the nineteenth century,\u201d Bulletin\nof the History of Medicine 64, 3 (1990): 393\u2013416. For the economic impact of mineral\nwaters, please see Sylvia McIntyre, \u201cThe Mineral Water Trade in the Eighteenth\nCentury,\u201d Journal of Transport History 2,1 (1973), pp. 1\u201319.\n9\nWilliam R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey,\nBoyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002).\n\nPages 22:\nthe context of salts\n5\nmodi\u0002ed by Thomas Tymme was one of the \u0002rst Paracelsian chymical\ntreatises published in England. The chapter will also analyze Thomas\nSherley\u2019s (1638\u20131678) translation of Duchesne\u2019s contemporary Turquet\nde Mayerne, as well as the work of Johann Glauber which in\u0003uenced\nthe intellectual circle of Samuel Hartlib and Robert Boyle.\nFrederic Holmes\u2019 collection of essays investigates primarily eighteenth-century French salt chymistry in another light, as an experimental enterprise in its own terms, not as a mere \u201cpreparation\u201d for the\ntheories of Lavoisier.10 In contrast to Owen Hannaway\u2019s view of the\norigins of modern chymistry, Holmes claimed that eighteenth-century\nsalt chymistry was \u201cinvestigative rather than didactic, concerned more\nwith research and discovery than teaching and dissemination.\u201d11 Holmes\nalso claimed that because the experimental activity concerning salt chymistry displayed principles of specialization and the division of labor, it\nwas to be distinguished from the \u201cmore familiar categories of natural\nphilosophy,\u201d in which virtuosi dabble in several areas of investigation.12\nHolmes\u2019 work however primarily investigated French salt chymistry in\nthe Acad\u00e9mie Royale which was an organized activity sponsored by\nthe French state. In contrast, in England, chapter three of this book\nwill show that chymistry was rather more intimately connected to the\n\u201cvirtuosic dabblings,\u201d of the more loosely-organized Royal Society,\nlargely in natural history. Salt was seen by natural philosophers such as\nMartin Lister (1638\u20131711), Robert Moray (1609\u201373), Thomas Philipot\n(d. 1682), Nehemiah Grew (d. 1682), and Robert Boyle (1627\u201391) to be a\nprimeval principle or fundamental mover in processes usually described\nin natural history accounts, such as tides, volcanoes, meteorological\neffects, and plant respiration.\nThe effects of volatile salts (in early modern chymistry, those that\nhave an odor and were reactive to heat), particularly of vitriol (ferrous\nsulphate) and saltpeter (potassium nitrate also known as nitre) were at\nthe center of these studies in natural history.13 This may have been\nbecause the crystals of the salts of vitriol are large and prominent,\nand because sulphuric and nitric acids produced spectacular and often\n10\nFrederic L. Holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley\nPapers in the History of Science: University of California at Berkeley, 1989).\n11\nJ.G. McEvoy, \u201cReview of Frederic Lawrence Holmes Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise,\u201d Isis, 82, 2 (1991), p. 312.\n12\nMcEvoy, \u201cReview of Eighteenth-Century Chymistry,\u201d Isis, p. 312.\n13\nMulthauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift, p. 130.\n\nPages 23:\n6\nchapter one\nexothermic chemical reactions. To indicate the pervasiveness of these\nbeliefs, appendix one provides a translation of Martin Lister\u2019s work\nDe Fontibus medicatis Angliae Exercitatio (1684) [Exercises on the healing\nsprings of England], which contains an extensive discussion of vitriol\nand early beliefs about volatile salts.\nFurther, as Dear has noted, the early Royal Society\u2019s \u201cstyle of presentation\u201d of natural philosophy with its wealth of circumstantial evidence\nand empirical detail \u201callowed no clear distinction to be made between\na \u2018natural historical\u2019 . . . and an \u2018experimental report.\u2019 \u201d14 True to this\nfashion, English experimental works of salt chymistry in the seventeenth\ncentury, not only in form, but in their content, were \u201cnatural historical.\u201d\nDetailed reports of the phenomena of natural history were accompanied\nby theories of salt chymistry as underlying explanations for observed\nevents. Ursula Klein\u2019s work has analyzed to what extent the chemical\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae\nrelated not only to experimental philosophy, but to experimental history\nand natural history.15 In a similar manner, an exploration of natural\nhistory\u2019s intersection with chemical investigation in early modern England is a ripe area to explore the growing importance of the senses\nand experience as causes of intellectual change in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries.\nThe salt principle was also a fundamental alchemical tenet, and in\nchapter four I analyze to what extent the alchemical understanding of\nsalts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contribute to our comprehension of the early modern transition between\nalchemy and chymistry. As Principe has noted,\nin the Paracelsian triad [of salt, sulphur, and mercury] the largely analogical, relative, and \u0003uid categories of the Mercury and Sulphur of\nthe dyad are made more rigid so that the tria prima becomes universal,\nconstant, primary, elemental bodies. For example, Quercetanus, one of\nthe most important early expositors of the Paracelsian tria prima, insists\nin his liber de priscorum philosophorum varae medicinae materia that Mercury,\n14\nPeter Dear, \u201cTotius en Verba: Rhetoric and Authority in the Early Royal Society,\u201d\nIsis 76, 2 ( June 1985), pp. 144\u201361, on p. 154.\n15\nUrsula Klein, \u201cExperimental history and Herman Boerhaave\u2019s chemistry of\nplants,\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 34, (2003), pp.\n533\u2013567. For the intersections of other early modern scienti\u0002c disciplines with natural\nhistory see: Cultures of Natural History, eds. N. Jardine, J. Secord, E.A. Spery (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1996).\n\nPages 24:\nthe context of salts\n7\nSulphur, and Salt are present in all bodies, and that the scope of chymical philosophy includes not only minerals and metals, but also plants and\nanimals, weather, and even celestial bodies.16\nSeventeenth-century writers, particular those of chemical textbooks, as\nwell as the iatrochymists, chemical physicians, and apothecaries who\nfollowed Paracelsus (1493\u20131541) also recognized the expansion of the\ntria prima\u2019s principles to include all bodies.\nHowever, Principe also argues that Paracelsus was not the chief of\nthe alchemists, and did not inform \u201call of alchemy or even a major\npart of it,\u201d and that understanding diverse schools of thought among\nearly modern alchemists is important.17 His point is well taken in the\ncase of theories of salt chymistry and natural history, which I also show\nin chapter three were more dominated by the thought of physician\nJohannes Baptista Van Helmont (1579\u20131644) rather than the theories of\nParacelsus. Van Helmont believed that volatile salts composed the vital\nspirit or the breath of both animals and plants which was \u201cresolved in\nthe heart by fermentation into a salt air and enlightened by life.\u201d18 In\nother words, volatile salts were thought to compose a vital spirit made\nof arterial blood transformed in the heart by fermentation into a salt\nair that was expelled by breathing.19 Just as van Helmont thought that\nheated blood discharged its volatile salts into the air, Robert Boyle\nand his colleague Daniel Coxe (1640\u20131730) believed that volatile salts\n\u201cbeing received into the vast subtile \u0003uid [atmosphere] . . . becomes the\nInstrument of sundry remarkable effects and operations, not only in\nNatural, but also [in] Arti\u0002cial productions.\u201d20\nAt the end of the seventeenth century, interest in the salt principle\nbegan to decline. Belief in the salt principle diminished, \u201cas did interest\nin elements in general, in favor of a notion of a primeval or universal\nacid as a fundamental mover in natural processes, usually equated with\n16\nLawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest\n(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 39\u201340.\n17\nPrincipe, The Aspiring Adept, p. 41.\n18\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp.\n43\u201361, on p. 58.\n19\nRobert Boyle, Suspicions about some Hidden Qualities of the Air with an Appendix touching\nCelestial Magnets (London: W.G., 1674), pp. 59\u201360.\n20\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse . . . touching the\nIdentity of all Volatile Salts,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 108 (November\n23, 1674), pp. 169\u201382, on p. 172.\n\nPages 25:\n8\nchapter one\nsulphuric acid.\u201d21 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nthere was \u201crecognition that the most powerful chemical agents were acids\nor \u201csaline spirits,\u201d which were currently gaining increased importance\nin the laboratory as chemical reactions in solution gradually predominated over the old distillation processes.\u201d22 Natural philosophers such as\nDescartes, Boyle, and Newton identi\u0002ed the seminal power and vitalist generator of matter as a universal saline or acid spirit, a tradition\nbolstered by Boerhaave.\nTo examine this intellectual transition from a salt to an acidic \u201csaline\nspirit\u201d as a vitalist generator of matter in England, in chapter four, I\nwill examine the works of William Simpson, a Van Helmontian physician whose work on aerial acids has striking parallels with Newton\u2019s\nlater work on acids in the Opticks (1704\u201322) and De Natura Acidorum\n(1710). I also will analyze the writings of Newtonian physicians such as\nBryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Archibald Pitcairne (1652\u20131713), George\nCheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) who posited a\n\u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the premises in the Principia, as well\nas queries in Newton\u2019s Opticks and the De Natura Acidorum. Although\nAnita Guerrini pioneered the studies of \u201cNewton-struck\u201d physicians\nin the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, her emphasis\nwas primarily in the application of Newtonian physics to medicine;\nI will concentrate upon Newton\u2019s chymical works and their in\u0003uence\nin the medical community.23 Chapter \u0002ve will examine the spread of\nthese medical concepts of salt chymistry in larger society, looking at\ntheir role in patent medicines, in satire, and in medical treatments to\npromote longevity.\nBy the eighteenth century, we will see that suggestions for the identity of this universal acid re\u0003ected the \u201cnovel preoccupations . . . of the\nphlogiston theory, the nature of combustion, pneumatic chymistry, and\nrespiration;\u201d Lavoisier, for example, \u201cfastened upon the elementary\ngas, which he named oxygen (literally acid generator) as his acidifying\nprinciple.\u201d24 In the concluding chapter, I will brie\u0003y demonstrate this\n21\nMulthauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift, p. 130.\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 184.\n23\nAnita Guerrini, \u201cThe Tory Newtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne, and their Circle,\u201d\nJournal of British Studies, 25 (1986), pp. 288\u2013311; Anita Guerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne\nand Newtonian Medicine,\u201d Medical History, 31 (1987), pp. 70\u201383; Anita Guerrini,\nObesity and Depression in the Enlightenment: The Life and Times of George Cheyne (Norman:\nUniversity of Oklahoma Press, 2000).\n24\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 227.\n22\n\nPages 26:\nthe context of salts\n9\ntheoretical progression, my analysis of this progression used to elucidate the staggered and incomplete development of chymistry from\nalchemical beliefs, one of the key historiographic issues in the study of\nearly modern chymistry.25 Finally I hope that I will have answered my\nquestion, formulated a long time ago in Tuscany, about why salt was\nthought to be a vital element.\n25\nNewman and Principe, \u201cAlchemy vs. chymistry: The etymological origins of a\nhistoriographic mistake,\u201d passim.\n\nPages 27:\nCHAPTER TWO\nPARACELSIAN CONCEPTS OF SALTS\nAristotelian analyses of the elements in his On the Heavens and Of\nMeteorology dominated conceptions of matter in late medieval natural\nphilosophy. The heavens above the moon were created of the ether, a\nperfect shining element whose natural motion was circular and perfect.\nBelow the moon, there were the corruptible earth, air, \u0002re and water\nelements composing the material world. Each element was classi\u0002ed as\neither being hot or cold, and wet or dry. The heavy earth element had a\nnatural motion downwards towards the center of the earth, as Aristotle\npostulated elements teleologically strove to be in their natural place with\ntheir identical components of matter. Water also went down towards\nthe oceans, just as rain fell down out of the sky. Fire strove upwards to\nbe towards the ring of \u0002re thought to be surrounding the earth above\nits atmosphere; the upward motion of a burning candle illustrated this\nprinciple. Elemental air also went up towards the atmosphere. Each of\nthese elements was paired with its opposite element which had a natural\nmotion in a direction contrary to its own. Water, which was heavy and\nwet, was paired with \u0002re, which was light and dry; the heavy and dry\nearth found its opposite in the light and wet air.\nThe sun was also responsible for the generative properties of the four\nelements, aiding them by its heat and light to mix and create minerals,\nplant and animal life. Aristotle postulated in his geocentric astronomical\nsystem that the sun was not in the center of the universe, but rather\nin the midst of all the other planets. The sun could radiate light in all\ndirections, essential because Aristotle believed that the generation and\ncorruption, or becoming and passing-away, of all sublunar creatures\nand elements was dependent on the Sun.1 Robert Grosseteste, the late\nmedieval scholar and Bishop of Lincoln, expressed a common opinion when he stated that if the Sun were elevated to the region of the\n1\nAristotle, \u201cOn Generation and Corruption,\u201d in The Complete Works of Aristotle. 2\nvols. ed Jonathan Barnes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 2.10.336b, lines\n16\u201324; quoted in Edward Grant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs: The Medieval Cosmos, 1200 \u20131687\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 453.\n\nPages 28:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n11\nprimum mobile, the elements and compounds around the earth would\nbe destroyed because the earth\u2019s heat would be reduced.2 If the Sun\ndescended to the region of the Moon, its proximity to the elements of\nearth, water, air, and \u0002re would also destroy them. As it was, when near\nthe earth, the sun caused the waters surrounding the earth to evaporate,\nbut when it receded those waters condensed and fell.\nAs has been well documented by Debus and Pagel, Auroleus Phillipus\nTheostratus Bombastus von Hohenheim or Paracelsus (1493\u20131541) challenged these Aristotelian conceptions of the elements in the sixteenth\ncentury. Hellenistic alchemical texts posited that mercury and sulphur\nwere the basic elemental principles, and Paracelsus added salt to this,\ncreating the tria prima or three principles.3 While Paracelsus had no\ndesire to dispose of the Aristotelian schema of earth, air, water, and\n\u0002re, he did feel that they were purely \u201cspiritual in nature and only crude\napproximations of the objects by which we call these names.\u201d4 And,\nwhen Paracelsus added the tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury, this\nsecond elementary system of matter, he failed to\nmake clear the relationship of the new triad to the traditional elements.\nVarying between spiritual and material interpretations, the elements and\nprinciples were often pictured as often inde\u0002nable aspects of a primal stuff\nthat had to exist as a basis for the more complex things of this world.5\nThis state of affairs meant that sixteenth- and seventeenth-century\nEnglish chymists integrated the Aristotelian and Paracelsian schemas\nas they saw necessary, coming up with different numbers of elements\nand principles to suit their needs. This chapter will explore how coexistence of elements and principles in\u0003uenced conceptions of the salt\nprinciple among Paracelsian chymists in England in the \u0002rst half of\nthe seventeenth century.\nIn this contextual chapter for our study of early modern saline chymistry, not only will we explore to what extent the material conception\n2\nRobert Grosseteste, Hexa\u00ebmeron, ed. Richard C. Dales and Servus Gieben (London:\nOxford University Press for British Academy, 1982), 5.21.2, lines 20\u201322; quoted in\nGrant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs, p. 452.\n3\nPagel however questions if there were medieval precedents to the Paracelsian\naddition of salts to the tria prima, postulating that terra or faex, a solid residue, was\nintroduced to provide the material basis for metals. See Walter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen:\nParacelsianism in Storm and Stress (Basel: Karger, 1985), pp. 40\u201341.\n4\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cFire Analysis and the Elements in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth\nCenturies,\u201d Annals of Science 23, 2 ( June 1967), pp. 127\u2013147, on p. 129.\n5\nDebus, \u201cFire Analysis,\u201d p. 129.\n\nPages 29:\n12\nchapter two\nof salt affected traditional Aristotelian conceptions of matter, but we will\nalso analyze the debates about the identity of a Paracelsian \u201cphilosophical\u201d or spiritual salt, and the role of salts in Paracelsian medicine. We\nwill \u0002rst examine Thomas Tymme\u2019s translation of Joseph Duchesne\u2019s\nPractice of Chymicall and Hermeticall Physick (1605), the \u0002rst work in England to explore such debates, as well as the signi\u0002cance of salt in the\nParacelsian system to an English audience. We will then also compare\nDuchesne\u2019s ideas about the medical use of salts to those of Turquet de\nMayerne, a French Paracelsian, who bound up in the antimony wars\nin France, emigrated to become a physician to Charles I of England.\nFinally, we will analyze the role of salt in the work of Johann Glauber\n(1604\u201370), the German chymist whose ideas were in\u0003uential in the\nintellectual circle in England centered about scienti\u0002c reformer Samuel\nHartlib (1600\u20131662) in the 1640s until the Restoration.6\nJoseph Duchesne and Thomas Tymme\u2019s\nPractice of Chymicall Physick\nJoseph Duchesne (1544\u20131609, known as Quercetanus) was a French\ncourt physician to Henry IV, and was considered \u201cas one of the leading\nauthorities on the new chemical medicines in Europe.\u201d7 Renowned and\nrebuffed for his chymical remedies, Duchesne was involved in public\ncontroversy within and without the French court, including successfully\ndefending Louise Robot, the Mademoiselle de Martinville, and her\nmother-in-law involving charges of incest.8 Duchesne\u2019s notoriety as well\nas his chymical theories caused English minister Thomas Tymme to\ntranslate his Libert de Priscorum Philosophorum verae medicinae material (1603)\nand the Ad Veritatem Hermeticae Medicinae ex Hippocratis vertumque decretis ac\nTherapeusi (1604) to create the Practice of Chymicall and Hermeticall Physick\n6\nJ.T. Young\u2019s work, Faith, Medical Alchemy, and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen,\nReformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot and Brook\u0002eld, USA: Ashgate, 1998),\ndiscusses Morian\u2019s interactions with Glauber and the reception of some of Glauber\u2019s\nchymical ideas among the Hartlib circle.\n7\nAllen Debus, \u201cThe Pharmaceutical Revolution of the Renaissance,\u201d Clio Medica\n11, 4 (1976), pp. 307\u2013317, on p. 312.\n8\nDidier Kahn, \u201cInceste, Assassinat, Persecutions et Alchemie en France et a Geneve\n(1576\u20131596): Joseph Du Chesne et Mlle de Martinville [ Incest, assassination, persecutions, and alchemy in France and Geneva, 1576\u201396: Joseph Du Chesne and\nMademoiselle de Martinville],\u201d Bibliotheque d\u2019Humanisme et Renaissance 63, 2 (2001), pp.\n227\u2013259.\n\nPages 30:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n13\n(1605). In doing so, Tymme produced the \u0002rst treatise in England that\nwas devoted to Paracelsian theory since Richard Bostocke\u2019s Paracelsian\napology, the Difference between the auncient Phisicke . . . and the latter Phisicke\n(1585).9 The Practice was not only one of the \u0002rst seventeenth-century\ntreatises in English to have a complete explanation of Aristotelian and\nParacelsian elements, but it was the \u0002rst to have an extended discussion\nof the Paracelsian salt principle. Duchesne\u2019s work also was popularized\nin the \u0002rst half of the seventeenth century, in\u0003uencing more practical\nworks of Paracelsian medicine and chymistry such as John Woodall\u2019s\nSurgeon\u2019s Mate (1617).\nConsidering the muddied state of affairs created by the overlay of the\ntria prima unto the Aristotelian elemental system, it is not surprising that\nDuchesne created his own theoretical system, using a matrix of \u0002ve\nprinciples with both Paracelsian and Aristotelian elements.10 In Le Grand\nmiroir de Monde (1584) and the Defensio (1605), Duchesne had eliminated\nair as an element as he believed it was rari\u0002ed water, and disregarded\n\u0002re as well because it was not mentioned in Genesis, leaving earth,\nwater, salt, sulphur and mercury as his \u0002ve principles.11 To confuse\nthe issue further, Tymme in his translation modi\u0002ed Duchesne\u2019s ideas,\ninstead emphasizing a Trinitarian correspondence between the \u201cpassive\u201d\nAristotelian elements of earth, \u0002re, and water (which included terrestrial water and the upper waters of air), with the chymically \u201cactive\u201d\nParacelsian elements of salt, sulphur, and mercury. Debus is correct to\nsurmise that Tymme\u2019s emphasis on the trinity of matter was because\nof his vocation as a minister\u2014he attributed mystical properties to the\ntrinities of chemistry and religion.\nHowever, despite Tymme\u2019s Trinitarian thrust, one which will extend to\nthe classi\u0002cation of saline substances themselves, it cannot be overlooked\nthat salt emerges as an overwhelmingly predominant principle in his\ntranslation. Part one of the Practice is devoted to \u201cchymicall\u201d physick, and\ncontains three chapters about the material nature of salts. The entire\nsecond part and most of the third concerns the \u201chermeticall\u201d or spiritual\nnature of the \u201chermaphroditical\u201d salt, an \u201cideal Platonic form of salt.\u201d\nChemists like Duchesne, as well as Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise\nLa Febvre (1610\u20131669) claimed that there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d\n9\nAllen G. Debus, The English Paracelsians (New York: F. Watts, 1966), p. 87.\nSee R. Hooykaas, \u201cDie Elementenlehre der Iatrochemiker,\u201d Janus 41 (1937), pp.\n1\u201328 for an analysis of Duchesne\u2019s theories of elements and principles.\n11\nDebus, English Paracelsians, p. 90.\n10\n\nPages 31:\n14\nchapter two\nor formative salt believed to be responsible for the minerallogenesis,\nreproduction, and the generation of matter. There were several contenders for the identity of this formative salt principle including nitre,\nantinomy, and vitriol, the debates about which we shall analyze.\nPart one of the Practice:\nSalts, material substance, and the secondary qualities of taste and color\nPart one of the Practice devoted to chymical analysis began by describing the material nature of salt. It was seen as a \u201cdry body, merely\nearthy . . . endowed with wonderfull virtues of dissolving, congealing,\ncleansing,\u201d and as the substantive body in the trinity of spirit (mercury)\nand soul (sulphur); this concept was taken from Duchesne\u2019s Ad veritatem.12\nAnd, Tymme\u2019s classi\u0002cation was in keeping with the Paracelsian tria\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and\nbodily shape.\u201d13 Continuing the tripartite theme, all salts were believed\nto contain within themselves salty, sulphureous, and mercurial qualities\n\u201cjointly together.\u201d Common earthy salt, \u201c\u0002xed and \u0002rme,\u201d nitrous salt,\n\u201cpartly \u0002xed and partly volatile,\u201d participating in the \u201csulphureous\nbeginnings of things,\u201d and sal ammoniac, which was \u201cof the Mercuriall\nbeginning spiritual and airie\u201d could all be extracted from any saline\nsubstance by a \u201cwittie\u201d saltmaker with the \u201cforce of \u0002re.\u201d14\nTymme also claimed that salts also were responsible for secondary\nqualities of matter, such as color or taste. It was also possible to discern\nwhich type of salt in a sample was predominant, whether sulphureous,\n\u0002xed, or mercurious, by taste. Earthy \u0002xed salt had a simple salt taste,\nnitrous or sulphureous salt a sweet and oily one, and mercurial salt was\nsour. In fact, a substance without any salt, such as water, was described\nby Tymme as \u201cutterly unsavory.\u201d15 This belief that water was tasteless\nwas ultimately derived from Aristotle\u2019s On Sense and the Sensible,16 in which\n12\nJoseph Duchesne, (1605) The practice of chymicall and hermeticall physicke, trans. Thomas\nTymme. (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum; Norwood, N.J.: W.J. Johnson. [ London:\nT. Creede: 1975 reprint]) fol. D1 verso.; Joseph Duchesne, Ad veritatem hermeticae medicinae\nex Hippocratis veterumque decretis ac therapeusi (Paris: Abraham Saugrain, 1604), book xiv,\np. 167. [Haec tria principia, ab Hermete olim antiquissimo Philosopho dicta sunt spiritus, anima,\ncorpus, ut Mercurious sit spiritus, sulphur anima, sal corpus.]\n13\nWalter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen, p. 37.\n14\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. D2 verso.\n15\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. D4 verso.\n16\nAristotle, On Sense and the Sensible (White\u0002sh, MT: Kessinger Publishing, 2004),\nI.4.c., line 1.\n\nPages 32:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n15\nwater was without savor unless it received \u201csome affection from an\nexternal agent,\u201d such as a salt. These predominant salt, sweet, or sour\ntastes which derived from salty, sulphureous, or mercurial salts in any\nsubstance, the Practice argued, are attenuated by mixture with the \u201cpassive\u201d Aristotelian qualities of earth, \u0002re, and water.17 Tymme wrote:\nfor the sharpe is mixed with a mercurial liquor; the sower is mixed with a\nphlegmatique, or watery humour, and the eger, with a terrestrial driness:\nthe which, the more they have of the Elementary qualities, and the same\npassive, so much the more weake they are and impaired.18\nHowever, by chymical art, the active salts could be separated from\nthe passive elements, and \u201cobtaine their full force,\u201d for medicinal\npurposes.19\nIn a simpler vein, \u201ccookery\u201d could also be used to change tastes of\nsubstances, as heat would volatilize the differing salts in the food. For\ninstance,\nSo if thou shalt drawe out of onions and garlicke a Volatile and aiery\nsharpe Mercurial Salt, which ariseth in the super\u0002cies & uppermost of\ntheir bodies: thou shalt make them more sweet and pleasing, and to put\noff their sharpenesse, by which they bite the tongue.20\nIn other words, the sweetness of the cooked onions and garlic was\nbecause the marine salt and sulphureous salt were left behind after\nheating, lending their qualities of taste to the cooked food.\nThis premise that taste arises from a proportion of salts mixed with\npassive elements was a Paracelsian challenge to the Aristotelian-scholastic,\nand hence Galenic idea that taste was due to the hot, cold, moist, and\ndry qualities of the substance in question. Aristotle believed heat and\ncold were among the most fundamental features of matter in the secondary realm, including that of taste, digestive savor in the mouth, and\nnutritional value. In the On Sense and the Sensible, taste and savor increased\nin direct proportion with heat, whereas \u201ccoldness and freezing render\nSavors dull, and abolish odours altogether; for cooling and freezing\ntend to annul the kinetic heat which helps to fabricate sapidity.\u201d In the\nAristotelian scheme, moistness also increased strength of taste. But for\nTymme and Duchesne, the proportion of salts was behind the sensory\nappreciation of food.\n17\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 recto.\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 recto.\n19\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 verso.\n20\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. D4 verso.\n18\n\nPages 33:\n16\nchapter two\nAnother challenge to scholastic assumptions was the Practice\u2019s argument that saline spirits were behind the diversity of color in mineral,\nvegetable and animal matter, a belief we shall see in chapter three that\n\u0002fty years later will in\u0003uence theories in the Royal Society about plant\npigments. Scholastics believed that color was related to the material\u2019s\nhot and cold qualities. This stemmed from Aristotle\u2019s belief that hotness and coldness were among the most fundamental characteristics of\nmatter in the sublunary area, something later mechanists would deny.21\nAristotle also promoted a causal thesis of perception, or that \u201cthe\ncapacity of a sensible quality to produce perception has as its basis the\nintrinsic nature of the quality;\u201d when applied to color, this meant that\nthe inherent quality of a red object makes us perceive it as red.22 And,\nthe object\u2019s inherent quality of redness also meant the object had an\ninherent quality of hotness as well. Whiteness usually meant the object\nalso had an inherent quality of coldness, like snow. Thus, as Tymme\nnoted, the scholastic\nPhysitians . . . have . . . noted certain frivolous and light observations: as\nwhen they say, that in a white onion, or in white wine, a man may judge\nby the color a great coldnesse, than in a red onion or in red wine.23\nIn contrast, Paracelsians argued that \u201csolidity and often color were due\nto salt.\u201d24 Tymme noted that arsenic, which is a white sublimate, and\nthus should be cold, instead was very biting to the taste (a hot quality).\nFurther, white sugar when heated, revealed \u201cits innermost spirits,\u201d and\nbecame sharp in taste, its \u201cwaters\u201d dissolving metal, also symptomatic\nof hot qualities. This refutation of Aristotelian principles meant that\ncolor proceeded from \u201cthe spirits . . . or aery vapours, which lye hid in\nthe Salt,\u201d and was not related to heat or cold at all.25 As an example\nof this, Tymme utilized Saltpeter or Nitre. Nitre was also white, but\nwhen heated, dyed the body of the alembic colors \u201cof no less variety,\nthen are \u0003owers of the earth in the time of the Spring.\u201d26\n21\nTodd Stuart Ganson, \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with the Aristotelian Theory of Sensible\nQualities,\u201d Phronesis XLII, 3, (1997), pp. 263\u2013282, on p. 264.\n22\nGanson, \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong,\u201d p. 276.\n23\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E1 verso.\n24\nDebus, \u201cFire Analysis,\u201d p. 131.\n25\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E1 verso.\n26\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E1 verso.\n\nPages 34:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n17\nJust as salts were behind colors and tastes of substances, Tymme\nargued in the Practice that the very substance of matter could be reduced\nto salts, and he utilized experiments with wine and its vinegar to do\nso. It was \u0002rst postulated that salts could be volatilized by exposing\nthe substances in which they were contained to \u201ccelestial in\u0003uences,\u201d\nsuch as sunlight. Via an elaborate system of astral parallels, Paracelsus\nhad taught that celestial in\u0003uences at the macrocosmic level in\u0003uenced\nthe microcosm of the body, as well as causing chemical change in the\ninanimate world. Taking Paracelsus\u2019 idea in consideration, Tymme\nwrote that the celestial in\u0003uence of the sun could reveal hidden salts\nthat made up matter, as in the case of wine exposed to sunlight turning\nto vinegar. He claimed that sun \u201cvaporeth\u201d away the wine\u2019s quintessence, and\nthis eternal and celestial essence being gone, which was the cause of the\nwines sweetnes (which sweetnes hath alwaeies joined with it neverthelesse,\na certain pricking very acceptable to the palate, by reason of a singular\ntemper of sharpnesse Vitriolated by sweete and Sulphurus spirits, put by\nthe instinct of nature into wine) at the length it waxeth sower.27\nThe sourness and sharpness of vinegar had nothing to do with its\nsupposed cold qualities, but to the \u201chidden . . . spirits of Salt,\u201d whose\nsourness was revealed when sulphureous salts were volatilized away\nby sunlight.\nTymme would further test the saline constitution of vinegar using\ndistillation. Distilling three pints of vinegar revealed \u0002rst watery phlegm\nwithout taste. After this phlegm was drawn away, sharp liquor remained,\nwhich Tymme identi\u0002ed as containing sal ammoniac, or ammonium\nchloride. Tymme may have obtained this observation from Duchesne\u2019s\nAd Veritatem Hermeticae Medicinae (1604) in which he had argued sal\nammoniac was closely linked to the mercurial element, and that distilling substances that contained sal ammoniac would result in a mercurial\nwater that was sharp and biting in taste.28 Whatever the source of this\n27\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymical Physicke, fol. E2 recto.\nDuchesne, Ad veritatem book IV, p. 169. as quoted in Hiroshi Harai, \u201cParacelsisme,\nNeoplatonism, et Medecine Hermetique Dans La Theorie De La Matiere De Joseph\nDu Chesne a Travers Son Ad Veritatem Hermeticae Medicinae (1604),\u201d Archives Internationales\nd\u2019Histoire des Sciences 51, 146 (2001), pp. 9\u201337, on p. 28. [artifex peritissimus novit, mercurium,\nseu salem armonicum volatilem, cum aere seu aerea parte ita conjunctum esse, ut simul cum aere etiam\nexpiret, et cum eo in aquam spiritualem reducatur, quae agnoscitur mercurialis esse aqua, ex sapore\nadmodum acuto, aeri et vehementi, qui ex mercurio aut sale armoniaco naturae spirituali, (ut vocant\nPhilosophi) promanat.]\n28\n\nPages 35:\n18\nchapter two\ninformation, most likely what was being identi\u0002ed as sal ammoniac was\nsome acetic acid resulting from the distillation of the vinegar, as acetic\nacid is a clear, colorless liquid with a sharp, irritating odor. However,\nbecause sal ammoniac also has a strong smell (it is the component in\nsmelling salts), and acetic acid had not yet been identi\u0002ed by chymists,\none can understand Tymme\u2019s logic. Then, Tymme remarked that it was\npossible to con\u0002rm the amount of sal ammoniac in vinegar by distilling\nthree pints vinegar with an ounce of salt of tartar, a \u0002xed salt (potassium\ncarbonate). He claimed that the volatile sal am\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 1 to page 35 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 36 to page 57 out of a total of 312:\nPages 36:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n19\nconsistent with both Aristotelian and Paracelsian schemes. As Tymme\ncommented, \u201cfrom this \u0002xed Marine salt, as from the Father and \u0002rst\noriginal, all other sates [saltes] are derived.\u201d31\nPart two of the Practice:\nSalts, \u0002re analysis and the existence of the philosophical salt\nThe idea that distillation would separate a salt into its own constituent\nproperties of \u0002xed, sulphureous, and mercuric qualities was not only was\na re\u0003ection of the Paracelsian idea that substances cannot be divided\ninto more than three substances, but that distillation itself would reveal\nthe base principles of matter. The ef\u0002cacy of \u0002re analysis or distillation\nwas an idea in some dispute in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.32\nParacelsians believed that vaporous fumes in distillation revealed mercury, \u0003ame sulphur, and ashes salt.33 However, as Debus and Shakelford\nhave shown, opponents of Paracelsus such as Erastus believed that \u0002re\nchanged bodies into material that was not part of original bodies, and\nthat heat created new compounds, rather than revealing the building\nblocks of a substance.34\nIn chapter 10 of the Practice, the Paracelsian Tymme railed against\nthinkers like Erastus, stating that in the case of the calcinations of\nsalts, \u201cthe naturall and original moysture in Saltes is not consumed.\u201d35\nHis proof lay in the results of palingenesis, in which one took a plant,\nbruised and burnt it, and then calcinated its ashes, extracting from it\na volatile salt. One then made a compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat; arising from the ashes were salt crystals which\nresembled a stem, leaves and \u0003owers, an apparition of the plant which\nhad been submitted to combustion.36 Although the salt had been reduced\n31\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. H2 verso.\nFrederic Holmes, \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis\nof a Tradition,\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n33\nParacelsus, Die 9 B\u00fccher de Natura rerum in the S\u00e4mitliche Werke, ed. Karl Sudhoof\nand Wilhelm Matthiessen, 15 vols. (Munich and Berline, 1922\u201333), vol. xi, p. 348, as\nquoted in Debus, Fire Analysis, p. 131.\n34\nDebus, Fire Analysis, p. 133.\n35\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fols. F3 recto and verso.\n36\nLewis Spence, Encyclopedia of Occultism (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books,\n1968), s.v. \u201cpalingenics.\u201d See William R. Newman, Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and\nthe Quest to Perfect Nature (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2004),\npp. 226\u2013232 for a discussion of palingenics. See also Francois Secret, \u201cPalingenesis,\n32\n\nPages 37:\n20\nchapter two\nto ashes by heat, it still contained the original bodily structure of the\nplant, proving to Tymme that \u0002re did not modify essential principles of\nmatter. Tymme\u2019s interest in plant ashes also symbolized a general trend\nin chymistry. As Ahonen has remarked, although early iatrochymists\nhad a bias towards distillates, the later Paracelsians [such as Duchesne,\nTymme] . . . and Glauber . . . were slowly overcoming the entrenched distaste for residues and extending their chymistry to the appreciation as well\nof the \u0002xed salts that remained behind in the ashes. This was to open up\na whole new \u0002eld of salts (e.g., the nitrates and sulphates).37\nTymme also utilized the example of experiments done by Sieur de Luynes\nor de Formentieres to extract salt from metals via calcination to show\nthat salts were not changed in their composition by the heat of the\n\u0002re. These metallic salts were\nmixed with lye made with ashes of burnt metals, by often powring warme\nwater upon the same, & drawing it through too and againe shewing a\nproofe of his essence, included in the lye after this manner.38\nThe lye was strained through a \u0002lter, cleansed with water, and then\nplaced in a vessel and exposed to the air, whereupon \u201cthere appeared\na thousand forms of mettalls, with all the parts thereto belonging, as\nleaves, stalks, and rootes . . . in such sort as no man could be acknowledge\nthem to be mettals.\u201d39 The precipitation of salts from the lye which\nresembled metallic shapes con\u0002rmed to Tymme that the essence of\nmetallic forms was inherent in the salty ashes, and \u0002re did not destroy\nthis essence. Inspired by biblical text, he then commented, \u201cRemember\nman, that thou art Ashes, and to Ashes againe shalt returne.\u201d40 This\nreasoning was not unique. As Newman has shown, the sixteenth-century\nartist and chymist Bernard Palissy, also in\u0003uenced by Paracelsian ideas,\nbelieved salt\u2019s crystallizing activity showed that it was behind the production of minerals and metals.41\nalchemy and metempsychosis in renaissance medicine,\u201d Ambix 26, 2 ( July 1979), pp.\n81\u201399; A.G. Debus, The French Paracelsians (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,\n1991), pp. 159\u201361.\n37\nKathlenn Winnifred Fowler Ahonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of\nAnimism in Seventeenth-Century Chemistry,\u201d (Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan,\n1971), p. 91.\n38\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n39\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n40\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 verso.\n41\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, pp. 154\u2013155.\n\nPages 38:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n21\nThese discussions about salts\u2019 ability to be inherently generative\nrevealed Tymme\u2019s perceptions about their dual nature. As Renaissance\nNeo-Platonism proposed there was an imperfect physical, and a perfect\nspiritual reality, Tymme also believed that while there were imperfect\nmaterial salts that contributed tastes and color to material objects, there\nwas also a philosophical or spiritual salt which was animate, hermaphroditical and thus inherently reproductive. In promoting this dualism,\nTymme was re\u0003ecting the entirely typical nature of alchemists to make\nvague distinctions between material principles and their more exalted\nspiritual realities. There had also been a long medieval alchemical tradition \u201cconcerning the exalted dignity of salt as the basic operational force\nin Nature,\u201d and Duchesne and his translator expressed that tradition\nstemming from Raymond Lull\u2019s corpus of sal in rebus omnibus.42\nTymme wrote that within the plant ash there was also a spiritual salt,\na spiritual \u201cIdea, indued with a spirituall essence: which served for no\nother purpose, but to be matched with his \u0002tting earth, that so it might\ntake unto it a more solid body.\u201d43 This existence of this spiritual salt was\nalso shown by the fact that salt was a \u201cbalsam of nature.\u201d Tymme wrote,\n\u201call creatures by a certain natural instinct, doe desire [salt] as a Balsam,\nby which they are preserved, conserved, & doe grow and increase.\u201d44\nBirds and doves sought it out \u201cwith their beaks,\u201d deer gravitated to\nsalt licks, and \u0002sh were \u201cbred and nourished\u201d in the sea.45 Spiritual\nsalts also were generative; salt was said to awake the power of semen,\nand Venus \u201cthe mother and \u0002rst beginner of generation, is begotten\nof the Salt spume or froath of the male;\u201d salt was also thought to be\nresponsible for the generation of pearls and corals in the sea as the\nbranching nature of the coral suggested salt crystals.46 Fertilizing salts\nin marl \u201canimateth, forti\u0002eth, and giveth power\u201d to the earth; as the\nsun caused the volatile salts in wine to vaporize and manifest chymical\nchange, the sun in the springtime elevated and sublimated \u201cthe spirits of\nthe said Salt, and of the balsam of Nature.\u201d47 Salts in the air released\nby sunbeams fell again in the form of dew which contained \u201cthe spirit\n42\nPagel, Smiling Spleen, p. 41.\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F3 verso.\n44\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 recto.\n45\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 recto.\n46\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 verso.\n47\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. O3 recto.\n43\n\nPages 39:\n22\nchapter two\nof the foresaid Salt,\u201d and from which Tymme asserted chymists could\nextract a powerful substance which could dissolve gold and silver.\nNot only did Paracelsus believe salt was generative, but some of\nthese ideas connecting the sun, salts, and the generative principle of\nspiritual salts stemmed from the Aristotelian corpus. Aristotle\u2019s \u201cworks\ninvolved pairs of opposing qualities, especially hot and cold, moist and\ndry,\u201d and these qualities were analogically connected to solar and lunar\nin\u0003uences on the earth and the human body.48 In On Generation and\nCorruption, he wrote that the sun releases heat which effects generation\nof life on earth.49 However, because the sun was made of a perfect\nand immutable \u0002fth element or aether, the sun\u2019s heat was attributed\nto its motion only, because the heat and light which it emitted were\n\u201cengendered as the air was chafed by . . . its movement.\u201d50 In the body,\nAristotle associated the \u201chot\u201d motive quality of the sun with the masculine vital heat or active \u201csoul-principle\u201d of the semen. The source of\nthe vital heat of the semen was the pneuma, which was \u201canalogous to\nthe element which belongs to the stars,\u201d or the divine \u0002fth element or\naether; the pneuma was analogous to aether is that it was generative,\nbecause the Sun, which was also made of aether, was a means of\ncreation.51 Aristotle thus concluded that\nthe heat of the sun does effect generation, and so does the heat of\nanimals . . . which operates through the semen. The physical part of the\nsemen, which . . . is accompanied by the portion of soul-principle and\nacts as its vehicle . . . [enters] the uterus . . . [and] it sets the residue produced by the female and imports to it the same movement with which\nit is itself endowed.52\nOther English Paracelsian physicians such as Thomas Moffet also connected salts to lusty behavior. Thomas Moffett (1553\u20131604) studied\nmedicine at Basel, wrote a manuscript on entomology which was pub48\nJoan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1996), p. 21.\n49\nAristotle, \u201cOn Generation and Corruption,\u201d in The Complete Works of Aristotle. 2\nvols. ed Jonathan Barnest (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 2.10.336b,\nlines 16\u201324.\n50\nAristotle, On the Heavens, trans. W.K.C. Guthrie, The Loeb Classical Library\n(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), II.7.289a, lines 20\u201321, 31\u201333.\n51\nAristotle, Generation of Animals, trans. A.L. Peck, The Loeb Classical Library\n(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), II.3.736b, lines 35\u201340.\n52\nAristotle, Generation of Animals, II.3.737a, lines 1\u20134, 14\u201318. See Cadden, Meanings\nof Sex Difference in the Middle Ages, pp. 21\u201326 for Aristotelian conceptions of gender difference and the four elements.\n\nPages 40:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n23\nlished by the court physician to James I, Turquet de Mayerne in 1634,\nand was a friend of Peter Severinus. Moffett had also written the preface of the of\u0002cial pharmacopoeia of the London College of Physicians\nthat was devoted to Paracelsian chymical remedies.53 If we examine\nMoffet\u2019s works on diet\u2014the Health\u2019s Improvements or Rules Comprising and\nDiscovering the Nature, Method, and Manner of Preparing all Sorts of Food Used\nin this Nation\u2014we see that he claimed:\nExperience teacheth, that Mice lying in Holes laden . . . with Salt, breed\nthrice faster there, then if they were laden with other Merchandize. Huntsmen likewise and shepherds seeing a slowness of lust in their Dogs and\nCattle, feed them with Salt means to hasten coupling; and what maketh\nDoves and Goats so lusty and lascivious that they desire to feed upon\nsalt things. Finally remember, that lechery (in Latin) is not idlely or at\nadventure termed Salaritus, Saltishness, or every man knows that the\nsalter our humours be, the more prone and inclinable we are to lechery.\nWherefore whosoever coveteth to be freed of that \u0002re . . . let them altogether abstaine from Salt.54\nAfter establishing that salt was inherently generative, Tymme then went\non to postulate which salt in particular exempli\u0002ed this formative and\nspiritual salt principle, and decided that nitre, particularly an aerial\nnitre (in modern terms, potassium nitrate), was the best candidate.\nParacelsus said that nitre arose \u201cfrom the union of urine and the\nuniversal natural balsam,\u201d that nitre was uniquely able to bring about\nmany of the Arcana of alchemy.55 While Paracelsus\u2019 followers such as\nPeter Severinus, English chymist Robert Bostocke, and Gerard Dorn\nassociated nitre with the vital sulphur, ens astrale or summa vitalis, any\nsixteenth-century references to an aerial nitre were con\u0002ned to plague\nmiasmas or to a theory of thunder and lightening involving the explosive force of gunpowder. As Parthington, Guerlac, and Debus have\nillustrated, it was not until the seventeenth century that the belief in a\n53\nAllen Debus, \u201cParacelsus: Five Hundred Years, Three American Exhibits at the\nNational Library of Medicine,\u201d http://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/paracelsus/paracelsus_2.html. Accessed 15 October 2006. See also Harry Weiss, \u201cThomas Moffett: Elizabethan Physican and Entomologist,\u201d The Scienti\u0002c Monthly 24, 6 (1927), pp. 559\u2013566.\n54\nThomas Muffet, Health\u2019s Improvements or Rules Comprising and Discovering the Nature,\nMethod, and Manner of Preparing all Sorts of Food Used (London: Thomas Newcomb,\n1655), p. 247.\n55\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (1964), pp. 43\u201361, on\np. 46.\n\nPages 41:\n24\nchapter two\ngenerative aerial nitre was widespread, and these ideas were diffused\nby the writings and translations of Duchesne.56\nAs a salt, nitre was inherently balsamic, but it particularly seemed to\nbe potentially generative because it encompassed three qualities at the\nsame time\u2014mineral, vegetable, and animal\u2014another nod to Tymme\u2019s\nTrinitarian mysticism.57 Before industrialization, a major source of nitre\nwas the deposits crystallizing from cave walls or privies, or other organic\nmatter that was decomposing. Ammonia from the decomposition of\nurea in dung heaps would produce nitrate, and nitre-beds were cultivated in the early modern period by mixing manure and ashes, along\nwith straw to create a compost pile; the compost pile was periodically\nkept moist with urine and leached with water. The liquid containing\nthe nitrates was then converted with ashes to potassium nitrates which\nwere re\u0002ned into gunpowder. Tymme postulated that since nitre was\npartially extracted from of earth, usually taken out of old stables, it had\na mineral quality. Because it also came from \u201chints of grounds which\nhave been replenished with salt liquor,\u201d nitre also had animal origins.\nFinally, since \u201curines are nothing else, but a super\u0003uous separation of\nthe Salt of vegetables, by which living creatures are nourished,\u201d nitre\nhad a vegetable nature.58 Because vegetables absorbed nitre from the\nsoil, especially in their roots, medicines distilled from vegetable matter\nwould also contain a gentler saline medicament and purge; the salts\n\u201cwere not altogether so violent, and of so homogenous a spirit, as they\nwere in their . . . original.\u201d59\nTymme also claimed that nitre was hermaphroditical, \u201cmale and\nfemale: \u0002xed and volatile, Agent and Patient, and which is more, hot\nand cold: \u0002er and Ice, but mutual friendship and sympathie joined in\none.\u201d60 Very \u0002ne gold and silver will dissolve in solutions of nitric acid\ncontaining chlorine, and virtually all soil contains signi\u0002cant quantities\nof chloride salts; since alchemists attributed male and female qualities\nto gold and silver, a substance that could dissolve both also seemed to\ncontain a unity of opposites. Like all other salts, nitre also had within\nitself \u0002xed, as well as volatile, sulphureous and mercurial qualities. It\n56\nDebus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre\u201d; Henry Guerlac, \u201cThe Poet\u2019s Nitre,\u201d Isis\n45, 3 (September 1954), pp. 243\u2013255.\n57\nDebus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre,\u201d p. 53.\n58\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. P2 recto. Debus also makes this point\nin \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Nitre,\u201d pp. 52\u201353.\n59\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. M3 recto.\n60\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. Q1 recto.\n\nPages 42:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n25\ncould exhibit hot qualities when made into gunpowder and burned;\nnitre dissolved in water will also produce an endothermic reaction in\nwhich the solvent will cool down. Tymme thus claimed, \u201cPlato writeth,\nthat this Salt, is a friend and familiar to divine things.\u201d61\nIndeed, this philosophical salt not only was behind the structure of\nthe sublunary world, but postulated to be part of the fabric of heaven.\nIn Chapter XII of the Practice, which was devoted to Genesis, Tymme\nclaimed that out of the Chaos, the tria prima was formed. Tymme\nwrote,\nThis was the worke of God, that he might separate and pure from the\nimpure; that is to say, that he might reduce the more pure and ethereal\nMercury, the more pure and inextinguible Sulphur, the more pure, and\nmore \u0002xed salte, into shyning and inextinguible Starres and Lights, into\na Christalline and Dyamantine Substance.62\nIn other words, the \u201c\u0002xed Heavens, or Vitriall and Chrystallyne circles,\nis a salt body,\u201d which had was so shining and pure that a \u201cDiamond,\nwhich partaketh of the nature of \u0002xed salt, is not of more puritie,\ncontinuance, and perpetuitie than they are.\u201d63 This is another example\nof the integration of the Aristotelian system with the Paracelsian; the\nAristotelian \u0002fth element or ether, described by a \u0002fteenth-century\nEnglish encyclopedia as \u201cresplendour perpetual . . . so clear and shining\u201d which composed the crystalline orbital spheres of the planets, has\nbeen transformed into the philosophical salt principle.64 As salt was the\n\u201cfoundation of the whole frame\u201d of the microcosm of man, his very\n\u201cbones, sinews, and ligaments\u201d composed of saline substance, so was\nsalt the framework of the macrocosm of the heavens.65\nSalts and Disease in Paracelsian Medicine\nThese concepts of physical and spiritual salts were not con\u0002ned to\ntheoretical chymical tracts, but appeared in works devoted to practical Paracelsian medicine. Woodall\u2019s Surgeon\u2019s Mate which appeared in\n61\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. Q1 verso.\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. H1 recto.\n63\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fol. H2 recto.\n64\nQuoted in E.M.W. Tillyard, The Elizabethan World Picture (New York: Vintage\nBooks, n.d.), p. 39. Tillyard does not give the original reference.\n65\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physick, fols. H3 verso, L3 verso.\n62\n\nPages 43:\n26\nchapter two\nthree editions in the seventeenth century, and which was one of the\n\u0002rst works to advocate the ef\u0002cacy of oranges and lemons for treating\nscurvy in the English navy, contained \u201cplain Verses for the use of Young\nChirurgions by the Author gathered, in praise of Salt\u201d [ Figure 1].\nNot only did Woodall give practical advice in the use of salt for the\npreparation of medicaments, but the philosophical salt was also a\nsubject considered necessary for naval surgeons to learn. In one verse,\nthe philosophical salt was \u201cboth hot and cold, yea moist and dry, is\nsalt in temperament: Yea volatile and \u0002x also observing each intent.\u201d\nWoodall also claimed, all \u201ccolors strange in salt are seen,\u201d the earth\n\u201cproduceth salt in all,\u201d and mentioned that \u201cspirit of Salt makes liquid\nSol [gold], and Luna [silver] at thy will.\u201d66\nIn Paracelsian medicine, salt, sulphur, and mercury in the body\nhad to be kept in uni\u0002ed balance. If a foreign agent, which could be\nfood or a planetary in\u0003uence, disturbed the union of the tria prima, as\nPagel stated:\nsulphur could be released from its union with the other principles . . . and\ndevour the mercury. If [mercury] becomes too strong it will coagulate salt\nand sulphur or else dissolve the salt. All such disorder and imbalance spells\ninterference by an outside force . . . By contrast, ancient humoralism had\nconcentrated on inside components such as this or that humour acquiring\ndestructive qualities and thus causing disease. Instead it is abnormal ignition of sulphur that consumes the radical moisture in man; it dissipates\nthe mercury which was to be separated in the stomach for nutrition of\nthe whole of the body with the result of emaciation . . . and hectic fever.\nThe agent disturbing the union of the principles introduced with the\nfood; it is of \u2018excremental\u2019 nature and thus indigestible. Moreover\u2014unlike\nnormal excrement\u2014it does not leave the body again, but forms local\n[salt] deposits\u2014tartar\u2014that obstruct the preformed anatomical channels\ncausing diseases by obstruction.67\nThe most common disease which manifested these obstructions of salty\ntartar was gout. The coagulation of Salts into tartar caused, according\nto Tymme, \u201cswelling, stones, and knots of the sinews,\u201d manifested in\ngout. Tartar in the stomach caused \u201cinward gnawings\u201d of extreme\nhunger because stomach acid is attracted by the chalky tartar; as the\n66\nJohn Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate: or Military or Domestique Surgery (London: John\nLegate, 1655), p. 219.\n67\nPagel, Smiling Spleen, p. 30.\n\nPages 44:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n27\nFigure 1. A poem on salts in John Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate or Military and\nDomestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655, pp. 218\u2013219. By permission of\nthe Harden Library for the Health Sciences, University of Iowa.\n\nPages 45:\n28\nchapter two\ntartar dissolved and putre\u0002ed, pain resulted, as well as \u201cimpostums and\nulcers.\u201d68 Excess tartar in the urine caused burning.\nAs Paracelsian theory advocated treating like with like (in opposition\nto the Galenic system, which postulated that opposites would heal),\ntartarous diseases could be cured by a salt because saline medicines\nwould act as a purge, and rid the body of the tartarous obstruction.\nAs an early English Paracelsian text stated\nWithout Salt therefore, no excretion, or casting out of super\u0003uities can be\ndone. . . . For every voiding of Ordure is caused by the Salt, both in sound\nmen, and sick; One is the Salt of Nature, (viz. the sound mans). The other\nis a corrupted and resolved Salt [Tartar]: From hence tis to be gathered,\nthat even by Salts the Cure of it is to be perfected, in such wise, that the\nSalt may again recti\u0002ed and separate the resolved Salt from the Sound.69\nIn his discussion of purges for tartarous disease, Tymme concentrated\nparticularly upon antimony, and in Chapter XVI of the Practice, described a triad of medicines\u2014mercurial, antimonial, and arsenicals\nthat would respectively cure mercurious, saline, and sulphureous diseases.70 Thought to be \u201csweet as Cassia,\u201d antimony was considered \u201ca\nseparated Salt.\u201d Paracelsus commented\nOf all minerals antimony contains the highest and strongest Arcanum\n[remedy]. It puri\u0002es itself and at the same time everything else that is\nimpure. Furthermore, if there is nothing healthy at all inside the body, it\ntransforms the impure body into a pure one which was proved in cases\nof leprosy.71\nIn doing so, Tymme was using inorganic materials like \u201cmercurials,\nantimonials, and the mineral acids in internal medicines\u201d in the nascent\nperiod of medical chemistry prior to 1600.72 As McCallum has demon-\n68\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. L3 recto.\nParacelsus His Archidoxes Comprised in Ten Books, Englished and Published by J.H. Oxon\n(London, W.S., 1661), book two, p. 81, p. 83. This is a likely a reprint of an late\nsixteenth-century translation of Paracelsus by John Hester, a distiller who published\ntranslations of Paracelsus from the 1570s until his death in 1593. See Debus, The\nEnglish Paracelsians, pp. 66\u201369 for a discussion of Hester.\n70\n\u201cWherein is shewed, that the whole force of purging in Medicines, in the Antimonial,\nMercurial, and Arsenical Spirits according to every of their severall natures,\u201d Duchesne,\nPractice of Chymical Physick, fols. L3 verso to M3 verso.\n71\nParacelsus, S\u00e4mtliche Werke. Nach der 10 B\u00e4ndigen huserschen Gesamtausgabe (1589 \u20131591)\nzum erstenmal in neuzeitliches deutsch \u00fcbersetz. trans. Bernhard Aschner, 14 vols. ( Jena:\nFischer, 1922\u201333), vol. 3, p. 151.\n72\nRobert P. Multhauf, \u201cJohn of Rupescissa and the Origin of Medical Chemistry,\u201d\nIsis 45, 4 (Dec., 1954), pp. 359\u2013367, on p. 359.\n69\n\nPages 46:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n29\nstrated, the use of antimony for medical purposes had a long tradition.73\nHippocrates utilized it as a sudori\u0002c and cordial to induce sweating in\nfevers and cases of syphilis, \u201cRoman doctors used it against \u201cwild \u0003esh\u201d\nand ulcers, and in the Middle Ages it was additionally recommended\nto treat haemorrhoids, wounds, \u0002stulas, skin cancer, leprosy and other\nsufferings.\u201d74 Debus has indicated that in France that antimony was used\nas a purge by the 1560s, much to the dismay of the medical faculty\nof Paris who charged\nthat antimony in any form was a dangerous poison that should not be\ntaken internally (1566). In a series of decrees and court cases this powerful body tried to forbid any use of chemistry in medicine. Nevertheless,\npublishers continued to print books favoring medical chemistry, and by\nthe early years of the new century courses in the preparation of pharmaceutical chemicals were available in Paris.75\nEven before such controversies, Paracelsus himself recognized that its\ntoxic nature meant that antimony had to be alchemically puri\u0002ed. As\nArndt has described, Paracelsus believed that antimony had to be \u201cfree\nof its toxicity\u201d before medical usage, and as Paracelsus wrote, \u201cIn the\nsame way and form that antimony \u0002nishes in gold (in the sense of\ncleansing), it will perfect the body as well. It namely contains the\nEssentia, which does not allow anything impure to come together with\nthe pure.\u201d Historian of chemistry David Schein has indicated in a course\nof modern experiments that when antimony is added to a combination of melted metals, it \u201cwill associate with those containing gold and\npart from the \u2018impure\u2019 metals. Because antimony seemingly \u2018eats\u2019 and\n\u2018extracts\u2019 the precious metals, it was also called \u2018wolf of metals\u2019 or \u2018the\nmagnet of the wise.\u2019 \u201d76\nThis ability of antimony was thus thought by Tymme to have a\nsimilar effect in man as well, purging toxins and obstructions such as\n73\nIan McCallum, Antimony in Medical History: An Account of the Medical Uses of Antimony\nand Its Compounds since Early Times to the Present (Bishop Auckland, England: Pentland\nPress, 1999).\n74\nKate Frost, \u201cPrescription and Devotion: The reverend Doctor Donne the Learned\nDoctor Mayerne\u2014Two Seventeenth-Century Records of Epidemic Typhoid Fever,\u201d\nMedical History, 22 (1978), pp. 408\u2013419, on p. 413; Ulrich Arndt, \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s\nMagnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d Paracelsus, (November 2005), pp.\n12\u201317.\n75\nAllen Debus, Paracelsus: Five Hundred Years, Three American Exhibits at the National\nLibrary of Medicine, http://www.nlm.nih.gov/exhibition/paracelsus/paracelsus_\n2.html. Accessed 15 October 2006.\n76\nArndt, \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet,\u201d p. 15.\n\nPages 47:\n30\nchapter two\ntartar out of the body. And, Tymme in the Practice indeed associated\nantimony with a magnetic loadstone, not only because of its ability like\na magnet to attract other metals, but because like salt and like iron,\nantimony \u201cwas more corpulent like other things.\u201d In other words, just\nlike salt, antimony gave bodily substance to matter, and like nitrous salt,\nit had ability to dissolve metals, and was called by Paracelsus, \u201cthe true\nbath of gold.\u201d Like other saline substances, antimony could also be\nmelted into a glass-like substance, and was thought to contain all bodily\ncharacteristics of matter within itself. At the University of Munich,\nSchein performed a series of modern experiments according to a\nformula of the alchemist Basilius Valentinus in the Triumph-Waggon of\nAntimony (1604). Schein slowly and gently heated antimony-ore, which\nconsists of a mixture of different antimony-oxides and especially of\nsulphides, until there were no more toxic fumes, and everything was\nmelted to glass.77 Because the glass can adopt any color of the spectrum,\njust as nitre heated in an alembic displayed all colors, this was proof\nto Valentinus and Paracelsian chemists like Duchesne that antimony\nwas like a salt that contained all qualities within it.78\nDuchesne\u2019s contemporary, Turquet de Mayerne, also theorized about\nthe uses of saline medicaments. Educated at Heidelberg, Montpellier,\nand Paris, he became one of the physicians-in-ordinary to Henry IV,\nmuch like Duchesne. In 1603, Mayerne became involved in the antimony wars and with Duchesne was condemned in the Apologia Medicine\nper Hippocratis et Galeni, contra Mayernium et Quercetanum. In 1607, Mayerne\ncame to England and formed intellectual connections with the English\ncourt, and after the assassination of Henry IV, became a court physician to James I.79\nIn his treatise of gout translated from the French by English court\nphysician Thomas Sherley (1638\u20131678), Mayerne explicated his doc-\n77\nArndt, \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet,\u201d p. 14.\nFor a description of Paracelsus\u2019 preparation of antimonial medicine, see chapter\n14 in Paracelsus his Aurora, & Treasure of the Philosophers. As also The Water-Stone of The\nWise Men; Describing the matter of, and manner how to attain the universal Tincture. Faithfully\nEnglished. And Published by J.H. Oxon (London: Giles Calvert, 1659).\n79\nJohn Aiken, Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain (London: Joseph Johnson, 1780), pp. 249\u2013252. Also see the more recent Brian Nance, Turquet de Mayerne\nas Baroque Physician: The Art of Medical Portraiture (Amsterdam and New York, Rodopi,\n2001), which offers an excellent analysis of de Mayerne\u2019s case books. My thanks to\nMatthew Eddy at Durham University for alerting me to this reference. Because this\nchapter discusses the wider reach of Paracelsian concepts of the salt principle, I am\ncon\u0002ning my analysis to de Mayerne\u2019s printed works.\n78\n\nPages 48:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n31\ntrine of salts, which had both Paracelsian and Galenic in\u0003uences.80\nUnlike Duchesne however, Mayerne avoided antimonial treatments,\nand instead recommended saline purges. As a Paracelsian, Mayerne\ndisregards any primary causative role of the Galenic humors in gout,\nproclaiming that it arose when salt \u201cexceeds and abounds\u201d the ability\nof the body to absorb it. In normal digestion, the aliment is \u201cdissolv\u2019d\ninto the Chyle,\u201d which is separated into the salt, sulphur and mercury.\nSalts are communicated to the blood, forming a Balsam for the body,\nand excess salts were excreted \u0002rst in the urine, and then \u201csent off by\nSweat,\u201d where they degenerate into thick \u201cscurse and foulness, sticking to the skin.\u201d81 When the body was unable to process excess salts in\nbodily liquids, salt would \u201cin\u0003ame the parts, and vacillates and gnaws\nthem,\u201d causing the pain of arthritis.82 Hence the \u201cErratick Gout\u201d which\n\u201cshifteth placed, sparing no joint, but invading all of them successively,\u201d\nand which had as its root cause a salty \u0003ood of humors, was best cured\nby \u201chydragogol,\u201d or water-purging humors like syrup of the salt of\nhartshorn (ammonium carbonate).83 If there were such a quantity of salt\nthat could not be absorbed by bodily liquors, then of necessity \u201cit will\nbe stopt in its passages and Vessells . . . and be coagulated into different\nsort of Stones, according to the nature of predominant Salts.\u201d\nHere the crystalline shapes of gouty tartarous concretions could be\nanalyzed to see if what types of salts were responsible, and Mayerne\nnoted the similarity of the growth of nodules in the body to salts made\nby chymical processes, as well as to minerals in the earth,\nNay, he that shall remove his contemplations from the Coagulations of\nSalts, to those which happen to Stones and Marcasit[e]s, he shall \u0002nd\nseveral of them so elaborately form\u2019d according to Geometrical Rules,\nthat he will be forced to acknowledge that Art is out-done by Nature.84\n(We shall see in the next chapter that microscopic analyses of salt\ncrystals for the purposes of classi\u0002cation became a common practice\nin the late seventeenth century.)\n80\nTheodor Turquet De Mayerne, A Treatise of the Gout. Written Originally in the French\nTongue (London: D. Newman, 1676). Nance brie\u0003y discusses this treatise in Turquet de\nMayerne as Baroque Physician, pp. 158\u2013162. For an analysis of Sherley\u2019s chymical writings,\nplease see Allen G. Debus, \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical Essay (1672): Helmontian\nMechanism as the Basis of a New Philosophy,\u201d Ambix 27, 2 (1980), pp. 124\u2013135.\n81\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 10.\n82\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 11.\n83\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 18.\n84\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 13.\n\nPages 49:\n32\nchapter two\nIdentifying which salts were behind the disease, as well as the temperament of the patient would aid treatment; the patient\u2019s hereditary\nhistory might also give clues. If the salts responsible for gouty pains were\nvolatile, they would be diffused throughout the body, and best treated\nby internal medicines which would also diffuse readily, like salt of\ntartar dissolved in water; so although here Mayerne is following the\n\u201clike cures like\u201d Paracelsian principle, he is also taking into account\nthe chymical composition of the salt responsible.85 Purges like the salt\nof tartar, or spirit of salt (hydrochloric acid) would also rid the body\nof the tartarous deposits and \u201cslime stuck to the sides of the stomach,\u201d\nrelieving the disease\u2019s symptoms, and it \u201ccould lead salt matter away\nthrough the urine.\u201d86\nMayerne also thought that nitre in particular could also be a good\npurge, but only if taken in the wane of the moon, which showed a\ncurious mix of Galenic and Paracelsian principles in his treatments.\nParacelsian medicine, again in a \u201clike cures like\u201d manner, predicted the\nnitrous salt would dissolve kidney and bladder stones. The stricture to\ntake the medicine at the wane of the moon was an old Hippocratic and\nGalenic belief in astronodia, the belief attributed to Hippocrates that\nthe presence of the moon in different signs of the zodiac in\u0003uenced the\nhumoral content of various parts of the body.87 The moon was thought\nto be \u201ccold and moist, of the nature of Water,\u201d and hence \u201cprognosticateth such as proceed of watry humours, citrine water, and salt\n\u0003egm, for the most part with swellings and breakings out . . . retention\nof menstrua, and all other excrements, as . . . urine and Sweat, and the\ninordinate evacuation of them\u201d as well as lymphatic diseases such as\nscrofula.88 Because the moon had to do with the retention and evacuation of bodily \u0003uids, its position in the zodiac dictated the best time\nfor administering the humoral therapy of phlebotomy, which purged\n85\nNance also notes that Mayerne did not slavishly adhere to \u201clike cures like,\u201d but\nlimits his analysis to de Mayerne\u2019s use of chymical contraries, such as a sweet salt balancing a sour one. See Nance, Turquet de Mayerne as Baroque Physician, pp. 161\u2013162.\n86\nDe Mayerne, Treatise of Gout, pp. 36\u201337. Nance, Turquet de Mayerne, p. 161.\n87\nFrench suggests beginning in the twelfth century, astronodial medical texts were\nwritten around the remark by Hippocrates that the physician \u201cshould look at the moon\nwhen it is full because the blood and the medulla increase and all things grow on earth\nand the sea increases.\u201d Roger French, \u201cAstrology in medical practice,\u201d in Practical medicine\nfrom Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis Garc\u00eda-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga,\nand Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 39.\n88\nFrench, \u201cAstrology in medical practice,\u201d p. 68, p. 21.\n\nPages 50:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n33\nthe excess humors.89 The moon caused the sea to swell at high tide,\nit was believed there was a corresponding monthly periodicity in the\namount of humors. In the wane of the moon, the bodily \u0003uids were\nat lower levels, and a purge such as nitre would therefore be less dilute\nin the body, effecting more purgation.\nMayerne also rather typically implicated the stomach in most gouty\ndiseases, postulating that the stomach failed to separate excremental\nmatter which was intrinsic to food. Thus, he also prescribed the usual\ndietary cautions of avoiding salted meats and strong wines with their\nexcess tartar; wine could be watered down, or sugar of lead (lead acetate)\ncould be added to wines that abounded with a \u201cvitrioline tartar, sharp\nand pricking,\u201d resulting in its precipitating out (likely the precipitate\nwas acetic acid).90\nHe also told patients to avoid venery, which \u201cstirred up salt humors\u201d\nand made the patient weak, again emphasizing the connection between\nsalt and generative principles.91 A sweet salt such as sugar of lead, which\nhe believed mitigated and sweetened the humors, could also abate\nvenereal desires by tempering the humors\u2019 saltiness.92\nGlauber, the nitrous alkahest, and the vitrioline sal mirabile\nIn the \u0002rst half of the seventeenth century, Paracelsian physicians and\nchemists thus utilized different combinations of Aristotelian elements\nand Paracelsian principles to suit their practical and philosophical\nbeliefs about saline chemistry. We have thus seen so far that salt was\nthought to be a primary component of physical matter, its chymical\ncomposition affected secondary qualities of matter such as taste and\ncolor. Its balance in the body was important; if too prevalent, salt would\ncoalesce into tarterous obstructions that could cause gout, arthritis, and\nkidney and bladder stones. In a philosophical and spiritual sense, salt\nwas thought to be inherently generative, reproductive, and connected\n89\nSee Charles W. Clark, \u201cThe Zodiac Man in medieval medical astrology\u201d (Ph.D.\ndiss., University of Colorado, 1979) for a discussion of the \u0002gure that indicated where\nto let blood in the lunar cycle.\n90\nMayerne, Treatise of Gout, pp. 26\u201327.\n91\nMayerne, Treatise of Gout, p. 31.\n92\nMayerne, Treatise of Gout, p. 46.\n\nPages 51:\n34\nchapter two\nto the fertility of sunbeams; nitre played a particular role in the work\nof Duchesne as the philosophical salt.\nIn the writings of Johann Glauber, called the \u201cParacelsus of the seventeenth century\u201d all of these ideas coalesced, and his work was in\u0003uential\namong chymical circles in England, particularly the Hartlib circle.93\nCorrespondents of Samuel Hartlib (ca. 1600\u20131662), created a virtual\nSolomon\u2019s house as delineated in Francis Bacon\u2019s New Atlantis, concerning themselves with practical applications of natural philosophy,\nparticularly agriculture, medicine, and chymistry. \u201cSeveral extracts\nof Glauber\u2019s works are to be found among the papers of Samuel\nHartlib,\u201d and Hartlib had nearly all of the Glauberian corpus in his\npossession, promoting the \u201cinternational dissemination of his writings\nand equipment.\u201d94 As Young has shown, Glauber\u2019s ideas about utilizing nitre to improve agriculture as well as his ideas about it serving\nas an alkahest or universal dissolvent were also of great interest to\nthe Hartlib circle. Glauber\u2019s work on nitre in\u0003uenced \u0002gures such\nas Benjamin Worsley, a chief \u0002gure of the Invisible College, a geographically separated group of natural philosophers pledged to social\naction whose peak of activity was 1646\u201347 and which included Robert\nBoyle.95 Worsely, an inventor whose project in 1646 to manufacture\n93\n\u201cParacelsus des 17. Jahrhundert\u201d in Wolfgang Schneider, Geschichte der Pharmazeutischen Chemie (Weinheim: Verlag Chemie, 1972), p. 130.\n94\nJ.T. Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy, p. 198. I am utilizing\nChristopher Packe\u2019s edition of Glauber\u2019s work translated in the seventeenth century:\nThe Works of the Highly Experienced and Famous Chymist Johann Glauber (London: Thomas\nMilburn, 1689).\n95\nFor Glauber\u2019s in\u0003uence on Worsley, see Copy Tract on Saltpetre in Hartlib\u2019s\nHand, Benjamin Worsley undated 39/1/16A\u201320B: 21A, 21B blank 39/1/16A in the\nHartlib Papers. Glauber\u2019s in\u0003uence even spread to minor \u0002gures of the Hartlib circle,\nsuch as Robert Child, who wrote to Hartlib on 2 February 1652, \u201cas for Glaubers\nworks in Latine I thanke you, I vnderstand them as well in High dutch, for perhaps\nthe translatour may more faile than I shall: as for your freinds thriving by Glaubers 2.\n3. book of minerals I haue read them lately I suppose, that it is easy to vnderstand his\nmeaning, & I suppose it is but one only way. viz by bringing metals to Slag or Cinders\nas Concerning those 4 things about Alkahest, I suppose that neither do Come nigh the\nAlkahest for the \u0002rst, I do not well vnderstand, what aqua pluuialis sub [putrefacta?]\nsali\u0002cata meaneth, I know that water will putrefy & [altered] leaue Eartly feces at the\nbotome, & grow sweet againe, as in Sea voyage, & that out of this Earth a salt may\nbe drawne, & that ther is a kind of volatile salt euen in fresh water, salt also may be\nmixed with water but what this question meaneth I know not. the 2nd & 3d are \u0002xt,\nthe Alkahest is volatile: the 4th is volatile <[metalline?]> which I suppose the Alkahest\nis not, & I Cannot beleeve that Glauber will reveall it to any one, though perhaps\nthey may get some [left margin:] particulars from him, which may suf\u0002ciently Enrich\na moderate spirit:\u201d Page [15/5/18A] of the Hartlib Papers.\n\nPages 52:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n35\nsaltpetre met with Parliamentary approval, was the focus of the Invisible\nCollege. His project, De Nitro Theses quaedam, a brief tract containing\na synopsis of current chemical theory about saltpetre, and miscellaneous experimental evidence was based on Paracelsian chemistry.96\nThe Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray, an early Royal Society\n\u0002gure, also illustrated that he consulted Glauber\u2019s medical works extensively.97 Glauber\u2019s work was also translated and published in England\nthroughout the seventeenth century; it thus seems Glauber\u2019s ideas on\nsalts are important to consider in our analysis of the context of English\nsalt chymistry.\nGlauber, born in Karlstadt, Bavaria, was one of the \u0002rst industrial chymists and best known for the stomach remedy\u2014Glauber\u2019s\nsalt\u2014sodium sulphate. He was self-taught, and in the upheaval of the\nThirty Year\u2019s War, traveled to Vienna when he was 21 years old.98 As\nColin Russell related, Glauber became ill with a stomach bug known as\n\u2018the Hungarian disease.\u2019 As he was unable to keep down solid food, he\nwas \u201crecommended to try drinking water from a spring near Neustadt.\nImprovising a cup by hollowing out part of a loaf he imbibed some of\nthe \u0003uid and was cured with astonishing rapidity.\u201d99 Curious to know\nthe cause of his recovery, he evaporated the water and obtained long\nthin crystals that seemed similar to nitre. Glauber however subsequently\nshowed that the salt in question was not nitre. Glauber wrote, \u201cfor it\ncould not be the water of Saltpetre seeing that in no wise conduceth\nto the stomach, but rather occasioneth nauseousness and loathing.\u201d100\nRather, Glauber concluded it \u201cthe same compound as that obtained\nwhen vitriol (sulphuric acid) acted on common salt\u201d or sodium sulphate.101 Since sodium sulphate has laxative qualities, it well could\nhave effected his cure. The sodium sulphate was termed by Glauber\nas sal mirabile or miraculous salt. Though Ahonen makes the claim\n96\nCharles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine, and Reform, 1626\u20131660 (New\nYork: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1976).\n97\nDavid Stevenson, The Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray, forthcoming, 2007,\nAshgate-Variorum press.\n98\nFor biographical information on Glauber, see K. Ahonen, Dictionary of Scienti\u0002c\nBiography, article on \u2018Glauber.\u2019 J.R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, vol. ii, (New York:\nMacmillan, 1961).\n99\nColin Russell, \u201cFurnaces for Philosophers,\u201d in \u201cChemistry World,\u201d September\n2004, the Royal Society of Chemistry website. http://www.rsc.org/chemistryworld/\nrestricted/2004/September/philosophers.asp. Accessed 15 October 2006.\n100\nThe Works of Glauber, part one, p. 260.\n101\nRussell, \u201cFurnaces for Philosophers.\u201d\n\nPages 53:\n36\nchapter two\nthat Glauber held \u201ctwo different theories of the vital salt that are dif\u0002cult to reconcile: one emphasizing . . . nitrous salt and the other the\nrole . . . of sal mirabile,\u201d it seems the reason that the theories could not\nbe reconciled was because Glauber postulated two different roles for\nnitre and sal mirabile.102\nNitre, rather than serving as a philosophical salt as in Duchesne,\ninstead was Glauber\u2019s alkahest, or a universal dissolvent capable of\nproducing medicines of great power. As Porto has demonstrated, the\nalkahest began as an \u201cobscure invention of Paracelsus,\u201d and became\nwidely known in the early modern era as one of physician Johann van\nHelmont\u2019s most important secrets.103 Glauber thought the alkahest was\nnitre or potassium nitrate because its products could be both very acidic\nand very basic, both of which were corrosive.104 For instance, nitre could\nbe distilled with fuller\u2019s earth or vitriol to make nitric acid (spirit of\nnitre or volatile nitre), a strong acid or, it could be \u201c\u0002xed\u201d by burning\nit with charcoal, producing potassium carbonate, a very powerful base.\nBecause products from nitre could be very acidic, or very basic, Glauber\n\u0002rst published in 1633 that it was a universal solvent. Porto claims correctly that Glauber believed the alkahest stemmed from but a family\nof substances that included \u201cnitre itself, nitric acid (produced by the\ndistillation of saltpeter), and potassium carbonate (produced by adding\ncharcoal to fused nitre).\u201d105 In Glauber\u2019s Apology against Farner, published\nin 1652, which was largely a diatribe against his former research partner whom he accused of stealing his chymical secrets, he gives fairly\ndetailed instructions for preparing his nitrous alkahest. Glauber \u0002rst\nargues that\nwhat moved Helmont to call it Alkahest, we shall not here dispute: In\nindeed believe he did it, thereby to demonstrate its Nature and Essence;\nin the Brabantick Idiom, which was the Mother Tongue of the Authors\nit sounds Althohees, that is very hot; and so the name answers to the\n102\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry,\u201d p. 95.\n103\nPaolo A. Porto, \u201cSummus atque felicissimus salium: The Medical Relevance of the\nLiquor Alkahest,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76, 1 (2002), pp. 1\u201329, on p. 1.\n104\nAhonen, \u2018Johann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry\u2019, p. 107, n. 59, as cited in Newman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in\nthe Fire, p. 242.\n105\nPorto, \u201cSummus atque felicssimus salium,\u201d p. 22. Boerhaave was also of the opinion\nthat Glauber\u2019s alkahest consisted of potassium carbonate. See Herman Boerhaave,\nElementa chemiae (Leyden, 1732), vol. I, pp. 848\u2013868.\n\nPages 54:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n37\nEssence, for this Liquor is nothing but a meer \u0002ery Water, by whose\nimmense and secret heat Vegetables, Animals, and Minerals, if they are\nput in to \u0002re a certain time, are forthwith purged, preened and made\nbetter. This Menstruum then, is nothing but igneous Liquor, prepared\nof urinous Salts.106\nThis alkahest was from related nitrous salts for\nNature is copious, and sets before our eyes many various Ingredients,\nfrom which, by the help of Arts, divers things may be effected . . . for the\ngenuine Sal terra, or Salt-Petre, may be made of Salt of Tartar; and of\nSal terra, or Nitre, a \u0002xed Salt, like Salt of Tartar; of spirit of Wine, Salt\nof Tartar, and of Salt of Tartar spirit of Wine; of Wine-Vinegar, Nitre,\nand of Nitre, corrosive Vinegar. So those Salts partake of either nature\nand will be managed at pleasure.107\nJust as Tymme in the Practice utilized the heating of wine and its vinegar to show that a triad of \u0002xed, sulphureous, and mercurious salts\nall stemmed from one material salt which was responsible for bodily\nsubstance, colors and tastes, Glauber argued that calcining wine produced a variety of interchangeable saline products that were all alkahests\ncapable of re\u0002ning matter. For instance, salt of tartar, often found as a\ncrustlike deposit on wine casks, was a traditional raw material for the\npreparation of potassium carbonate after calcination.108\nIt was no accident that Glauber\u2019s alkahest came from products of\nwine. Some of this state of affairs may have been due to the in\u0003uence of\nVan Helmont. In Van Helmont\u2019s Arcana Paracelsi, he claimed \u201cEminentior\nest ejus liquor Alkahest immortalis, immutabilis aqua solvens, et sal circulatus ejus,\nqui reducit omne corpus tangibile, in liquorem sui concreti.\u201d109 In other words,\nthere was a liquor alkahest and its sal circulatus; the sal circulatus as\nDarnstaedter illustrated was an alcoholic solution.110\nThe spirit of wine (ethanol) was also the prime solvent for preparing\nGlauber\u2019s aurum potabile, a drinkable tincture of gold. Previous attempts\n106\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 152.\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 153.\n108\nLadislao Reti, \u201cVan Helmont, Boyle and the Alkahest,\u201d Some Aspects of SeventeenthCentury Medicine and Science: Papers Read at a Clark Library Seminar October 12, 1968 (Los\nAngeles: University of California, 1969), p. 10.\n109\nJ.B. van Helmont, \u201cArcana Paracelsi,\u201d Ortus medicinae (Lyons: Ant. Huguetan,\n1667), p. 481.\n110\nErnst Darmstaedter, \u201cLiber claritatis totis alkimicae Artis-Bologna, Cod. Lat.\n164 (153),\u201d Archeion, VI (1925), pp. 319\u2013330, as quoted in Reti, \u201cVan, Helmont, Boyle,\nand the Alkahest,\u201d p. 10.\n107\n\nPages 55:\n38\nchapter two\nat creating this tincture, such as those by Francis Anthony (1550\u20131623),\na scholar of chymistry from Cambridge University, had been largely\nunsuccessful. Anthony\u2019s aurum potabile was a potent emetic and cathartic\nthat was as likely to cure his patients as kill them.111 Anthony, like Glauber, wished to \u0002nd a means to dissolve an insoluble substance like gold\nand make its healing properties digestable.112 Hence Glauber used his\nalkahest to achieve that aim. Glauber believed that this \u201ctincture, which\nthey have radically joyned with the spirit of Wine,\u201d was a \u201cheating and\nliving spirit, communicating its strength and faculties to man\u2019s body.\u201d113\nThe aurum potabile contained the vivifying power of the sun; taking the\nspirit of wine chymically combined with gold would cure the body by\nengendering in a chymically concentrated increase of the \u201chumidum\nradicale\u201d or vital spirits that one would attain in lesser concentrations\nby basking in the sun.114 The potency of the aurum potabile also demonstrated the \u201cgreatest harmony of all things, betwixt the Sun, Gold,\nman and wine.\u201d115 Behind this harmony were the nitrous salts of the\nalkahest\u2014the aerial nitre Glauber postulated was in sunbeams made\nvines grow to produce wine, engendered the growth of minerals like\ngold in the bowels of the earth, and nitre was also in human urine,\nfurthering the macrocosm, microcosm analogy. As Glauber stated,\nthere is nothing can be brought forth in the nature of things, without the\nmedium of salt; yea man himself is not born without the Sun, Man, and\nSalt. . . . The sun and salt are the Parents of all things, which procreate\nall things and without nothing is procreated. . . . Salt being added to Wine\nin its fermentation, rendereth it stronger and sweeter.116\nBecause the alkahest of nitre broke down matter to its most basic level,\nand because salts were thought responsible for color, Glauber produced\na comprehensive list of how nitre could be used to create artist\u2019s paints\nand differently hued glazes. Copper or lead dissolved in nitric acid\n111\nHereward Tilton, The Quest for the Phoenix: Spiritual Alchemy and Rosicrucianism in\nthe Work of Count Michael Maier (1569 \u20131622) (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter,\n2003), p. 103.\n112\nTilton, The Quest for the Phoenix, p. 103.\n113\n\u201cOf the Tincture of Gold, or the Aurum Potabile,\u201d Works of Glauber, Part one, p. 97.\n114\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 191.\n115\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 96.\n116\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 256. It is also possible that wine, important in\nEucharistic ceremonies as it was believed by Catholics to be capable of transmutation,\ncarried mystical signi\u0002cance for Glauber. Ahonen has discussed the Christological\nsymbolism of Glauber\u2019s chymistry extensively in her dissertation. See her chapter \u201cThe\nRedemption of Nature,\u201d pp. 152\u2013186.\n\nPages 56:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n39\nproduced a green color.117 Salt peter could also whiten yellow wax, and\ncould color glass. Glauber also knew that nitric acid would stain nails,\nfeathers, or quills gold, and it could be utilized as a purple glaze in\npottery. The acid\u2019s af\u0002nity with precious metals also meant that when\nit was mixed and heated with gold, silver, or copper along with some\nantimony, a \u201cvitri\u0002ed\u201d pottery glaze could be made that would \u201cfar\nexceed in beauty or splendour those vessels which are gilt with those\nMetals.\u201d118\nSome contemporaries of Glauber, such as Sir Robert Moray, a\nfounder of the Royal Society, had great regard for Glauber\u2019s alkahest,\nas well as his other medicaments, such as Glauber\u2019s panacea antimonialis.\nThis was probably antimony pentasulphide as described in Glauber\u2019s\nMiraculum Mundi, though Moray stated that \u201cI guess by the color (red)\nit is rather some preparation of vitriol.\u201d119 In a letter to his friend and\nprot\u00e9g\u00e9 Alexander Bruce, Moray wrote, \u201cPut your doctor to a further\nenquiry about that powder of Glauberus, I beseech you, for if he hold\nall he heights there is not two remedies in the world preferable to it.\u201d120\nHe warned Bruce however to get the powder of Glauber\u2019s \u201cown making,\u201d as if it was not, the medicinal results would likely \u201cblast\u201d Glauber\u2019s\n\u201creputation when everybody that meddles in his trade thinks him one\nof the noblest chimists now living.\u201d121\nMoray put his \u0002nger on a problem that Glauber had among his fellow natural philosophers. Glauber\u2019s work was not always considered\nclearly expressed by his contemporaries. Not only was Glauber fairly\nvague about the exact nature of his alkahest in an attempt to shield its\nidentity from all but alchemical adepti, but his use of chymical terms\ncould be inconsistent. The Leiden physician Herman Boerhaave, who\nwas thorough enough in his devotion to chymistry to read the works\nof Van Helmont seven times over, was quite convinced that Glauber\u2019s\nalkahest consisted only of potassium carbonate; members of the Hartlib\n117\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 179.\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 181.\n119\n7/17 November 1657. Mastricht. From Moray to Alexander Bruce, (ff. 17\u201318)\nin Stevenson, The Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray.\n120\n4/14 December 1657. Mastricht. A Monsieur, Monsieur Alexander Bruce, Gelorgeert in de Witte Swan tot Bremen. Franche par M\u00fcnster (ff. 25\u20138) in Stevenson,\nKincardine Papers.\n121\n8/18 January 1658. Mastricht. A Monsieur, Monsieur Alexander Bruce, in de\nWitte Swan tot Bremen (ff. 48\u20139), in Stevenson, Kincardine Papers.\n118\n\nPages 57:\n40\nchapter two\ncircle were even more confused.122 Robert Child, a gentleman dabbling\nin natural philosophy and minor luminary, wrote Samuel Hartlib on\n2 February 1652,\nas for Glaubers works in Latine I thanke you, I vnderstand them as\nwell in High dutch, for perhaps the translatour may more faile than I\nshall: . . . Concerning those 4 things about Alkahest, I suppose that neither\ndo Come nigh the Alkahest for the \u0002rst, I do not well vnderstand, what\naqua pluuialis sub [putrefacta?] sali\u0002cata meaneth, I know that water will\nputrefy & [altered] leaue Earthly feces at the botome, & grow sweet againe,\nas in Sea voyage, & that out of this Earth a salt may be drawne, & that\nther is a kind of volatile salt euen in fresh water, salt also may be mixed\nwith water but what this question meaneth I know not the 2nd & 3d are\n\u0002xt, the Alkahest is volatile: the 4th is volatile <[metalline?]> which I\nsuppose the Alkahest is not, & I Cannot beleeve that Glauber will reveall\nit to any one, though perhaps they may get some [left margin:] particulars\nfrom him, which may suf\u0002ciently Enrich a moderate spirit.123\nHartlib himself, after taking notes from Glauber\u2019s work on the alkahest\nin 1650, concluded that Glauber\u2019s wide span of chymical activity may\nhave been behind some of the confusion or inconsistency in his works.\nHartlib wrote,\nit is most certain that others \u0002nde more in Mr Glaubers Book\u2019s, which are\nalready published then hee knoweth himself or is able to \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 36 to page 57 out of a total of 312. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 58 to page 77 out of a total of 312:\nPages 58:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n41\nan alkahest by 1660 led Hartlib to write in a letter to John Winthrop\n\u201cour german adepti with whom I shall be better acquainted ere long,\ncount no better of Glauber then a mountebank, one that continues to\ncheat all sorts of people by his specious arti\u0002ces and one that knows\nnothing in the true Philos. work Alkahest Elixir.126 J.T. Young has also\ncommented on how Glauber\u2019s reputation declined severely in England\nat the time of the Restoration.127\nGlauber\u2019s failure with nitre led him to turn his attention to his sal\nmirabile, which was of a fundamentally different nature than his alkahest. His philosophical salt was not a mere dissolvent, but was behind\nthe creation of matter, such as minerals and metals. As revealed in his\nTreatise of the Nature of Salts, Glauber\u2019s philosophical salt was sodium\nsulphate, (Na2SO4\u202210H2O; this decahydrate became known as Glauber\u2019s\nsalt), a combination of common salt and spirit of vitriol (sulphuric acid).\nIn this reaction, hydrochloric acid is also produced from sodium chloride\nand sulphuric acid in which case the Na2SO4 is known as salt cake:\n2 NaCl + H2SO4 o Na2SO4 + 2 HCl\nSodium sulphate may have been Glauber\u2019s choice for his sal mirabile\nbecause one of its reactants\u2014vitriol\u2014had the advantage of being\n\u201cconveniently assimilable\u201d to some of the principles of to the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, mercury.128 Vitriol was a salt in the form\nof iron II sulphate produced when pyrites were exposed to moist air,\nand the vitriolic liquid or sulphureous spirit of vitriol (sulphuric acid)\ncalled \u2018gur\u2019 or \u2018bur\u2019 was believed by Glauber and other early modern\nmining authors such as Agricola to be a sign of the presence of metals as well as the petrifaction of wood.129 Glauber in his Philosophical\nFurnaces wrote extensively of the production of sulphuric acid from the\nmixture of pyrites\u2014iron or copper sulphates, with water, and called\nvitriol a \u201cmetallical seed.\u201d130 He also commented that \u201cno sulphur is\ndestitute of vitriol, nor vitriol of sulphur . . . and every sulphur is by its\n126\nThe Hartlib Papers, Hartlib to John Winthrop the younger, 16 March 1660,\nRef: 7/7/3B.\n127\nJ.T. Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy, and Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer,\nand the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 1998).\n128\nNorma Emerton, The Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University\nPress, 1984), p. 217.\n129\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 217.\n130\nJohann Glauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces (London: Richard\nCoats, 1651), p. 73.\n\nPages 59:\n42\nchapter two\nown proper agent or vitriolated salt, which it hath in its possession by\nnature. . . . excocted or boiled up more and more into a metal . . .\u201d131\nIndeed, vitriol itself was \u201csometimes identi\u0002ed\u201d by seventeenth-century\nnatural philosophers analyzing spa waters with a \u201cuniversal salt which\ncould take on different forms according to the metals and minerals with\nwhich it came into contact.\u201d132 Glauber indeed wrote that his sal mirabile,\n\u201caddeth an encrease to . . . all things, especially of the metals, which it\nrenders manifest . . .\u201d133 He also indicated,\nbefore I enter upon the description of the Virtues lying hid in my Sal\nMirabile, I thing [sic] it necessary to indicate, That Salts of this sort do\nevery where occur in the Earth, and begin dissolved by Water, are carried to the super\u0002cies, and such Fountains are enumberated by Georgius\nAgricola, shewing in what places they may be found, and that all things\nput into them are in a short time converted into a stony matter; which\nmany other Writers also testi\u0002ed, and especially Celsus in his Book De\nRebus metallicis.134\nThe sal mirabile activated by the \u201csoul, spirit, and life from the Starrs,\nas from an universal seed, and the body from the Water as a universal\nmother\u201d generated metals, where \u201cthey become partakers of a certain\nsaltish Nature.\u201d135 The sal mirabile was found not only in the earth and in\nfountains, but had a sulphurous nature communicated it to it by burning\nstars which was crucial to metalline development. This \u201csulphureous\nsalt . . . holds stubbornly\u201d to the metal \u201cuntil full maturation has been\nachieved, at which time it separates from the metal as no longer\nneeded.\u201d136 Typical to most mining authors such as Agricola, Glauber\nbelieved that minerals and metals were found at various stages of maturity\u2014immature minerals were bismuth or arsenic, those of middling\nmaturity, the base metals like lead, and \u0002nally when a metal was fully\n131\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in Seventeenth-Century\nChemistry,\u201d p. 138.\n132\nN.G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in\nSeventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214, on p. 197.\n133\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 264.\n134\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 259.\n135\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 124.\n136\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry,\u201d p. 105. Van Helmont also noted that vitriol was merely a hungry\nhermaphroditical and sulphureous salt which had eaten into a metal like brass, until\nit matured. See Glauber, A Third Paradox, p. 695.\n\nPages 60:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n43\nmature, it would become gold.137 The sal mirabile was thus most prevalent\nin immature metals, and not present in the fully mature gold.138 But the\ngeneration of hard metals from the delicate sal mirabile was a ticklish\nbusiness. If not brought to maturity, and exposed to air too soon by\nimpatient miners, \u201ctheir life consisting in a Volatile Salt, is elevated and\ndrawn back by the stars.\u201d139 If exposed too soon to water, Glauber also\nclaimed the tender salts of the embryonic metals would dissolve. And,\nwhen metals were removed prematurely from the earth,\nfrom which they have no more nutriment, their sulphureous covering being\nlaid aside, the defense and safeguard of their Nature being banished, they\nrightly resemble a decrepit Old Man, whose Radical moisture is dried\nup and are dissolved and eaten up by the same Astral Salt, or Vehement\nCorruscation, from which they did spring.140\nWhen exposed to air, metallic sul\u0002des, like copper and iron pyrites (fools\u2019\ngold or iron sul\u0002des\u2014(FeS2), obtain a green sulphureous or vitriolic\ntarnish (iron II sulphate), which may have led to Glauber\u2019s idea that\nthe \u201csulphureous coat\u201d was protecting growing metals.\nGlauber then discussed the medicinal virtues of his sal mirabile.\nHe claimed that when sal mirabile was heated with gold producing a\ngreen salt and a phlegm, and the green salt was extracted with Spirit\nof Wine (ethanol), he obtained his \u201cgreen lyon,\u201d or his \u201cvitriol of Sol\n[gold].\u201d141 As a product of the philosophical \u201csalt, gold, and wine,\u201d the\nmedicine\u2019s green liquor renewed the body, as the \u201cgreenness of the\nTrees half dead . . . in the Spring time,\u201d caused the \u201cblood in the body\nto be renewed and revived.\u201d142 It is not entirely clear what the chymical\ncomposition was of this \u201cvitriol of Sol.\u201d Glauber also vehemently denied\n137\nSee Ahonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry,\u201d p. 135, as well as Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women,\nEcology and the Scienti\u0002c Revolution (San Francisco: Harper San Francisco, 1990), pp. 25\u201341\nfor a discussion of the maturation of metals. In other places Glauber claimed that an\nacid spirit within the sulphureous sal mirabile protected the \u201ctender salt\u201d of the embryonic\nmetal from destruction, allowing it to mature to its \u0002nal form. He wrote, \u201cThat mineral\nacid which is plentifully found in vitriol and sulphur is the only Agent whereby Nature\nMaturates the yet volatile and unripe Minerals in the earth,\u201d and in another tract that\nthe ripening agent in the earth was the sulphureous salt of vitriol.\n138\nAhonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in Seventeenth-Century\nChemistry,\u201d p. 105.\n139\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 124.\n140\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 124.\n141\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 265.\n142\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 266.\n\nPages 61:\n44\nchapter two\nits green color was the result of any copper compounds; he also claimed\nhe was not merely dissolving gold in aqua regia (nitric and hydrochloric\nacid) to get his green lyon, claiming such a mixture would be gold in\ncolor (it is actually yellowish-green and a method still utilized by jewelers\nto purify gold).143 It is possible that Glauber may have utilized a mixture\nof real and fool\u2019s gold, as the salt of green vitriol, produced by the\nexposure of pyrites to moist air, dissolved in ethanol would make a\ngreen solution. His description of the oil of vitriol produced from\npyrites in his Philosophical Furnaces is also remarkably similar to that of\nthe vitriol of sol; both solutions resulted from dissolving green salts\nin water or alcohol, were bright green in color, and produced similar\nmedical cures.144 Further he indicates in the Philosophical Furnaces that\nboth the \u201cgold Marcasites\u201d of pyrites as well as \u201cgold ore\u201d can produce\nthe oil of vitriol, which he calls as a medicine the \u201cgold of physicians,\u201d\nsuggesting he saw marcasites and gold as functionally equivalent in the\nproduction of medicines.145\nGlauber\u2019s vitriol of sol also defended humanity from putrefaction\nand corruption, as it was made from the \u201cmost noble part of Salt,\u201d\nand the purest metal of Gold; though Glauber does not speci\u0002cally\nclaim it was the philosopher\u2019s stone, he may have had in his mind this\nassociation. Some chymists postulated vitriol itself was the philosopher\u2019s\nstone; common until the eighteenth century was the \u201cvitriol acrostic\u201d:\nVisita Interiora Terrae Recti\u0002cando Invenies Occultum Lapidem (visit the interior\nof the earth; by rectifying you will \u0002nd the hidden stone.)146 Glauber\nhimself mentions this acrostic in his Philosophical Furnaces and stated\nthe ancients by this verse \u201cwould give us to understand that a true\nmedicine is to be found in it.\u201d147\nGlauber also emphasized water as an important medium of transport\nfor the sal mirabile. He asked,\n143\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 267.\nGlauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces, pp. 70\u201373. In the Furnaces, he\ndescribes this oil of vitriol as a \u201csweet oil\u201d of vitriol, usually known as ether, made\nfrom distilling ethanol and sulphuric acid. However, the process in which he describes\nmaking his oil of vitriol does not involve ethanol, but the exposure of pyrites to moist\nair, and the collection of the green crystals. The green salts were mixed with water,\nand evaporated several times until a \u201csweet oil or juyce\u201d resulted.\n145\nGlauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces, p. 70.\n146\nSee Emerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 210, footnote 2.\n147\nGlauber, A Description of New Philosophical Furnaces, p. 73.\n144\n\nPages 62:\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n45\nwherefore did the ancient Philosopher and Poets worship Venus, the Goddess of . . . Generation, and attribute to her a beautiful green, generated\nof the spume or foam of the sea. What is the foam or froth which the\nsea casteth out upon the shore, but salt, which being dried up by the heat\nof the sun, is reduced to salt. . . . The Ocean, the Mother of all fertility,\nsheweth also its Greeness, especially in those places where it is rich in\nsalt . . . without the sea noting would encrease in the Earth, but on the\ncontrary, all things live, and are encreased by it.148\nObserving the seeming generation of metals and minerals in subterranean mines fed by springs, Glauber claimed that this also showed that\nwater was the \u201cprincipium or beginning of all the elements; which thing\nis suf\u0002ciently manifest, and may be seen daily,\u201d and that water was \u201cas\nthe universal Mother\u201d of matter. Though Glauber does not mention\nVan Helmont as a factor in these conclusions, it is possible Glauber\u2019s\nspeculations may have been partially fueled by Helmont\u2019s belief that\nwater consisted of corpuscles made up of the tria prima and thus was\nthe source of transformations of matter.149 Van Helmont himself identi\u0002ed his universal salt, termed the \u201chungry hermaphroditical salt\u201d as a\nsulphureous acidic salt present in fountains, and described how when\nit was reacted with metals like brass, it created vitriol.150 As Pagel has\nnoted, Van Helmont believed that\nsalty sea water percolating into the earth, loses its salt . . . the water then\nassumes at appropriate places the semina of indigenous salt, mineral\nor metal. Thus, out of water grow saltpeter, alum, vitriol and sea-salt.\nThese form a primitive mineral juice, the bur, which is the germ-cell of\nindividual metals and minerals. The latter grow to maturity when there\nis not further in\u0003ux of water.151\nWhether it was due to his belief that metals grew in mines fed by water,\nor to Van Helmont\u2019s ideas, sal mirabile\u2019s watry medium of transport\nrather than air (as nitre was transmitted) may have made it an attractive\nchoice for Glauber when deciding upon the identity of his philosophical salt.\n148\nWorks of Glauber, Part one, p. 266.\nWilliam R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey,\nBoyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002), p. 64. Works of Glauber, Part one, p. 282.\n150\nJohann Van Helmont, Van Helmont\u2019s Works, Made English by J.C. (London: Lodowick\nLloyd, 1664), p. 695.\n151\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista Van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 57\u201358.\n149\n\nPages 63:\n46\nchapter two\nGlauber thus seems a transitional \u0002gure in saline chymistry. While\nhe acknowledges the important of nitre as expressed in earlier authors\nlike Duchesne and Paracelsus, he postulates its power was expressed for\nnew purposes\u2014namely the Helmontian alkahest. Whereas Duchesne\nacknowledges the role of salts in color and taste, it is via its ability\nas an alkahest that nitre is able to manifest these physical changes in\nGlauber\u2019s works. Glauber\u2019s use of a sulphuric compound as his universal\nsalt brings together in\u0003uences from mining authors like Agricola and\nthe \u2018gur\u2019 or \u2018bur,\u2019 as well as the new emphasis on water in the work of\nVan Helmont, who as we will see in the next chapter, also had great\nin\u0003uence in forming conceptions of salts among English chymists in\nthe early Royal Society.\n\nPages 64:\nCHAPTER THREE\nVAN HELMONT, SALTS, AND NATURAL HISTORY IN\nEARLY MODERN ENGLAND\nWe have seen in the last chapter that the in\u0002uence of Paracelsian ideas\nin salt chymistry in English works was profound in the \u0003rst half of the\nseventeenth century, as the tria prima of Paracelsus gave salt a central\nrole in matter theory. However, we have also demonstrated that Johann\nGlauber, whose work was known to members of the Hartlib circle,\nwas in\u0002uenced by the work of Van Helmont, most speci\u0003cally in his\nconcept of the alkahest and in water as a method of transport for his\nsal mirabile. Certainly, the realization that Van Helmont was crucial to\nthe development of early modern chymistry in the latter half of the\nseventeenth century, particularly in the work of Robert Boyle, has been\ncogently demonstrated by Principe and Newman.1 In the case of saline\nchymistry in the early Royal Society however, it would be a mistake to\nlimit ourselves to a story of Van Helmont as interpreted by Boyle; nor\nwere all of Van Helmont\u2019s ideas utilized for purely chymical or iatrochymical studies. Royal Society \u0003gures such as Martin Lister, Robert\nMoray, and Nehemiah Grew interpreted Van Helmont\u2019s chymical work\nquite independently of Boyle for the purposes of their own work in\nnatural history, a topic to which this chapter will be devoted after a brief\ncontextual analysis of the role of salts in Helmontian chymistry.\nVan Helmont\u2019s theories of the elements and of salt differed greatly\nfrom those of Paracelsus. First, Van Helmont believed that water and\nair were the only true elements. In his Paradoxes, Van Helmont explained\nhis theory of the interrelationship of elements and principles. \u201cthere\nare Originally two onely Elements in the Universe, to wit, the Air, and\nthe Water; which are suf\u0003ciently insinuated from the sacred Text, by the\nSpirit swimming upon the Abysse or greet Deep or Waters, in the \u0003rst\n1\nWilliam R. Newman, Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an American Alchemist in the Scienti\u0002c Revolution. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994); Lawrence\nPrincipe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest. (Princeton: Princeton\nUniversity Press, 1998).\n\nPages 65:\n48\nchapter three\nbeginnings of the world.\u201d2 \u201cWater was the matrix of all other matter\nthrough the power of speci\u0003c seeds implanted in it by God.\u201d3 Earth\nand Fire \u201cif they are called Elements . . . are secondary ones proceeding\nfrom the former.\u201d4 Because \u0003re was merely a secondary element, Van\nHelmont disagreed with the ef\u0003cacy of \u0003re analysis. Like Erastus, he\nbelieved that heat created new compounds rather than revealing the\nbuilding blocks of a substance; \u201csalt, sulphur and mercury were thus\nnot true principles, but were produced by the heat of analysis.\u201d5\nFor Van Helmont, salts in particular were \u201coffspring of the waters,\u201d\nand if exposed to the Sun, \u201care made aiery and vapoury Ef\u0002uxes,\nrushing into water with a hastened Violence.\u201d6 In other words, some\nsalts could be powerfully volatile. Volatile salts referred to salts that\ngave off an aeriform component (such as an odor), but also to salts that\ndecomposed easily on heating. Boyle\u2019s de\u0003nition of volatile was even\nmore speci\u0003c; he believed the corpuscular bits of volatile matter had to\nbe \u201cvery small\u201d so they are more \u201ceasily put into motion by the action of\nthe Fire and other agents.\u201d7 The speci\u0003c volatile salts that van Helmont,\nand subsequently Boyle had in mind were most likely ammonium\ncarbonate, and ammonium chloride known as sal ammoniac or a\nvolatile alkali.8 Fixed salts referred to salts with a degree of solidity of\na substance as measured by the ability of that substance to resist the\naction of \u0003re, those which were nonvolatile; an example is potassium\ncarbonate which is noncombustible. Not surprisingly, Boyle classi\u0003ed\n\u0003xed substances as being composed of large or \u201cgross\u201d particles which\nwould be \u201ctoo unwieldy and unapt to be carried up into the Air by\n2\nJ.B. Van Helmont, \u201cAnother paradox,\u201d in Van Helmont\u2019s Works, Made English by J.C.\n(London: Lodowick Lloyd, 1664), p. 691.\n3\nAllen Debus, \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical Essay (1672): Helmontian Mechanism as the Basis of a New Philosophy,\u201d Ambix 27, 2 (1980), pp. 124\u2013135, on p. 124.\n4\nVan Helmont, \u201cAnother paradox,\u201d p. 691.\n5\nDebus, \u201cThomas Sherley,\u201d p. 125.\n6\nVan Helmont, \u201cAnother paradox\u201d, p. 692.\n7\nRobert Boyle, Experiments and Notes, About The Mechanical Origin and Production of\nVolatility (Oxford: E. Flesher, 1675), p. 5.\n8\nJon Ecklund, The Incompleat Chymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century Chemist in\nHis Laboratory, with a Dictionary of Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period, Smithsonian Studies\nin History and Technology, Number 33 (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press,\n1975), online http://dbhs.wvusd.k12.ca.us/Chem-History/Obsolete-Chem-Terms\nTOC.html. Accessed 20 September 2006. For a discussion of obsolete chemical nomenclature, see Maurice P. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chymistry (London:\nHeinemann; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962.) Boyle also speci\u0003cally cited the\ncorpuscles of sal armoniac as volatile in the Experiments and Notes . . . of Volatility, p. 4.\n\nPages 66:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n49\nthe action of the Fire . . . or to be buoyed up by the weight of the Air\n[atmospheric pressure.]\u201d9\nVan Helmont postulated a role for volatile salts in the atmosphere\nand in respiratory physiology that drew upon older conceptions of salts\nas vital, as well as Paracelsian concepts of the aerial nitre, but which\nhad entirely new implications for iatrochymistry and medicine. In his\nanalysis of the chymistry of the blood, he claimed that venous blood,\nhaving given nourishment to the organs of the body, was made volatile\nand converted into gas which was breathed out.10 This conversion of\nthe venous blood into breath was thus done chemically, and concerned\nwith the production of \u0003xed and volatile salts. The historian Walter\nPagel further explains van Helmont\u2019s theories of blood chymistry:\nFixed salt is alkali; its particles are stable and form a deposit when a\nsubstance containing it is lique\u0003ed by heat. In settling down, it \u201csnatches\u201d\nparticles of less subtle nature\u2014so called sulphurous particles\u2014which are\nincorporated in the deposit. The \u0003xed salt being unable to \u0003x all the sulphur particles, the rest, which have escaped being snatched, follow their\nnatural tendency to become volatile and in their turn force some of the\nsalt to evaporate with them. Thus, volatile salt is generated. When heated\nin an open vessel all salt contained in the substance evaporates. This is\nwhat happens to the . . . [venous] blood in the . . . lung, that is where it\nis in contact with the air. All its salt has become volatile whereby it is\ndisposable by the breath.11\nClericuzio has in turn shown that \u201cEnglish Helmontians based their\nphysiological theories on the notion of vital spirits, which they conceived as a volatile alkaline salt.\u201d12 Physicians such as Francis Glisson\n(1597\u20131677), Walter Charleton (1619\u20131707), and Thomas Willis (1621\u2013\n1675) all believed this spirit was particulate, having \u201cspeci\u0003c chemical\nproperties;\u201d Willis for instance saw a \u201cvolatile salt, produced by the\naction of a local ferment situated in the brain, as the actual matter of\nanimal spirits.\u201d13 Frank has also demonstrated that William Harvey and\n9\nRobert Boyle, Experimental Notes of the Mechanical Origins or Production of Fixtness\n(Oxford: E. Flesher, 1675), p. 4.\n10\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 88\u201390.\n11\nPagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont, pp. 89\u201390.\n12\nAntonio Clericuzio, \u201cThe Internal Laboratory: The Chemical Reinterpretation of\nMedical Spirits in England, 1650\u20131680,\u201d Alchemy and Chemistry in the 16th and 17th Centuries,\ned. P. Rattansi and A. Clericuzio (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1994), pp. 51\u201383, on p. 63.\n13\nClericuzio, \u201cThe Internal Laboratory,\u201d p. 68.\n\nPages 67:\n50\nchapter three\nthe Oxford physiologists, such as William Croone (1633\u20131684), had a\nchemical notion of muscular motion based on saline chymistry.14\nIn\u0002uenced by van Helmont\u2019s belief that the breath of man and animals contained volatile salts, Robert Boyle himself wrote in his Suspicions\nabout some Hidden Qualities of the Air (1674) that the atmospheric air was\nlikewise impregnated with such salts, and that volatile salts could draw\nwater.15 Daniel Coxe (1640\u20131790), a London physician and Royal Society Fellow, wrote several articles in the Transactions about atmospheric\nvolatile salts which were inspired by Robert Boyle\u2019s ideas. Coxe claimed:\n\u201c. . . the Air, which is as I could fully demonstrate, [is] impregnated with\na Volatil Salt . . . partly expired from Animals during their life.\u201d16 Just\nas van Helmont thought that heated blood discharged its volatile salts\ninto the air, Coxe also believed that the release of volatile salt in the\nair was due to \u201cSubterraneous . . . and Coelestial Fires\u201d and that these\nSalts, \u201cbeing received into the vast subtile \u0002uid Expanse . . . become\nthe Instrument of sundry remarkable effects and operations, not only\nin Natural, but also Arti\u0003cial productions.\u201d17\n14\nR.G. Frank, Jr., Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas. (Berkeley:\nUniversity of California Press, 1980). For a reprint of Croone\u2019s work see also William\nCroone, ed Paul J.G. Maquet, On the Reason of the Movement of the Muscles (Philadelphia:\nAmerican Philosophical Society, 2000). On Croone, see also: L.M. Payne, Leonard\nG. Wilson, and Harold Hartley, \u201cWilliam Croone, F.R.S.,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal\nSociety of London, 15, (1960), pp. 211\u201319. Leonard G. Wilson, \u201cWilliam Croone\u2019s Theory\nof Muscle Contraction,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 16 (1961), pp.\n158\u201378. Thomas Birch, History of the Royal Society (London: A. Millar, 1756\u20137), vol. 4,\npp. 339\u2013340. Dictionary of National Biography (repr., London: Oxford University Press,\n1949\u20131950), vol. 5, pp. 207\u20138. William Munk, The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians\nof London, 2nd ed., 3 vols. (London, 1878), vol. 1, pp. 369\u201371. F.J. Cole, \u201cDr. William\nCroone on Generation,\u201d in M.F. Ashley Montague, ed. Studies and Essays in the History\nof Science and Learning Offered in Homage to George Sarton (New York: Schuman, 1947), pp.\n113\u201335.\n15\nRobert Boyle, Suspicions about some Hidden Qualities of the Air with an Appendix touching\nCelestial Magnets (London: W.G., 1674), pp. 59\u201360.\n16\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse . . . touching the\nIdentity of all Volatile Salts,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 108 (November\n23, 1674), pp. 169\u201382, on p. 172. Most of Coxe\u2019s experiments had to do with palingenics, or the \u201cresurrection of plants, and the chemical method of achieving their\nastral appearance after destruction.\u201d Coxe took a plant, bruised it, burnt it, collected\nits ashes, and, in the process of calcination, extracted from it a volatile salt. He then\nmade a compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat, and there gradually arose from the ashes, salt crystals which resembled a stem, leaves and \u0002owers; or,\nin other words, an apparition of the plant which had been submitted to combustion.\nInformation on palingenics for this note was taken from Lewis Spence, Encyclopedia of\nOccultism (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1968), s.v. \u201cpalingenics.\u201d\n17\nCoxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse,\u201d p. 172.\n\nPages 68:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n51\nMany of these remarkable effects that salt produced in the atmosphere\nwere relevant to \u0003elds of natural history, as well as meteorology, both\npredominant \u0003elds of study for the early Royal Society. Natural history was a disciplinal mainstay of the Baconian program of deductive\nempiricism from which the Royal Society claimed was its methodological basis. Michael Hunter, as well as scholars studying early museums,\nincluding the Royal Society\u2019s own collections and the Ashmolean,\nhas illustrated the importance of natural history to the early modern\nscienti\u0003c program.18 Figures such Nehemiah Grew contributed work\nin botany, and Martin Lister wrote about spa waters and conchology.\nRobert Boyle and his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 Daniel Coxe, described as \u201chaving the\nrole of Boyle\u2019s alter ego\u201d were also heavily involved in researching salt\nchymistry in the latter part of the seventeenth century, analyzing role\nof the salts in spa waters, as well as physiology, and iatrochymistry.19 As\nevidenced by the Royal Society Transactions, weather keeping was also a\npursuit that occupied many fellows such as Robert Moray (1608\u20131673)\nand Edmond Halley (1656\u20131742), and Jankovic has shown how meteorology was crucial to the society\u2019s Baconian research program.20 Because\nHarold Cook has characterized chemistry as the \u201cbasic analytical tool\u201d\nfor seventeenth-century investigators of anatomy and natural history, it\nseems an understanding of his chemical theories and their intellectual\ncontext will shed further light on their natural history work.21 In all of\nthese pursuits, salt chymistry played a signi\u0003cant role.\n18\nPeter Dear, \u201cTotius en Verba: Rhetoric and Authority in the Early Royal Society,\u201d Isis\n76, 2 ( June 1985), pp. 144\u201361; Michael Hunter, Science and Society in Restoration England\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Arthur Macgregor, The Ashmolean\nMuseum: A History of the Museum and its collection (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2001);\nMarjorie Swann, Curiosities and Texts: The Culture of Collecting in Early Modern England\n(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).\n19\nAntonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry\nin the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001),\np. 161. For Boyle\u2019s works, see Robert Boyle. Works of Robert Boyle. ed. M. Hunter and E.B.\nDavis, 14 vols. (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1999\u20132000). Correspondence between\nBoyle and Coxe on saline chymistry can be found in Robert Boyle, The Correspondence\nof Robert Boyle, eds. M. Hunter, A. Clericuzio, and L.M. Principe (London: Pickering\nand Chatto, 2001), 6 vols., especially Coxe\u2019s letter to Boyle in vol. 3, 19 January 1666,\npp. 30\u201343 concerning vegetable salts.\n20\nVladimir Jankovic, Reading the Skies: A Cultural History of English Weather, 1650\u20131820.\n(Chicago, University of Chicago Press; Co-published with Manchester University\nPress, 2001).\n21\nHarold Cook, \u201cNatural History and Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English\nMedicine,\u201d in The Task of Healing: Medicine, Religion and Gender in England and the Netherlands,\n\nPages 69:\n52\nchapter three\nSalt Chymistry, Meteorology, and Tidal Motion\nBefore the publication of the Principia, one of the most important\npuzzles in meteorology for the natural philosophers of the early Royal\nSociety was the cause of the tides. In seventeenth-century England, the\ncauses of planetary beams were considered \u201coccult,\u201d an Aristotelian\nand early modern term utilized when distinguishing \u201cqualities which\nwere evident to the senses from those which were hidden.\u201d22 After the\nRestoration, natural philosophers attempted to \u201crid the world of occult\ncauses and to explain invisible forces like solar and lunar emanations\u201d\nvia the mechanical philosophy, matter-theory, and chemical systems.23\nThis examination of occult causes extended to the tides, or the effects\nof the sunshine and moonbeams upon the seas.\nScholarly analysis of seventeenth-century tidal theories has primarily focused on Galilean, Cartesian, and Keplerian ideas, or upon the\norigins of Wallis\u2019 and Newton\u2019s gravitational models.24 Tidal theory in\n1450\u20131800, ed. Hilary Marland and Margaret Pelling (Rotterdam: Erasmus Publishing,\n1996), pp. 253\u2013270, on p. 261.\n22\nKeith Hutchinson, \u201cWhat Happened to Occult Qualities in the Scienti\u0003c Revolution?,\u201d Isis, 73 (1982), pp. 231\u201353, on p. 234.\n23\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and\nSolar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in Early Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of\nthe History of Medicine, 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on p. 433. For an article that analyzes\nEnglish solar and lunar medicine in the nineteenth century, see Mark Harrison, \u201cFrom\nmedical astrology to medical astronomy: sol-lunar and planetary theories of disease\nin British medicine, c. 1700\u20131850\u201d British Journal for the History of Science, 73 (2000), pp.\n25\u201348. My thanks to Professor Harrison for discussing his article with me.\n24\nDavid E. Cartwright, Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999); Federico Bonelli and Lucio Russo, \u201cThe Origin of Modern Astronomical Theories of Tides: Chrisogono, De Dominis and their Sources,\u201d British Journal for\nthe History of Science 29, 4 (1996), pp. 385\u2013401. For an older work that is an excellent\nsurvey of the history of the tides from the ancient world to Newton, see Rollin Harris,\n\u201cTidal Work and Knowledge Before the Time of Newton,\u201d in Manual of Tides, Part\n1, Treasury Department, U.S. Coast and Geodesic Survey (Washington D.C., Government Printing Of\u0003ce, 1898), pp. 386\u2013409. There is also a virtual academic industry\non Galileo and the tides. See Eric J. Aiton, \u201cGalileo\u2019s Theory of the Tides,\u201d Annals of\nScience 10 (1954), pp. 44\u201357; Eric J. Aiton, \u201cOn Galileo and the Earth-Moon System,\u201d\nIsis 54 (1963), pp. 265\u201366; Eric J. Aiton, \u201cGalileo and the Theory of the Tides,\u201d Isis\n56 (1965), pp. 56\u201361; Harold L. Burstyn, \u201cGalileo\u2019s Attempt to Prove that the Earth\nMoves,\u201d Isis 53 (1962), pp. 161\u201385; Harold L. Burstyn, \u201cGalileo and the Earth-Moon\nSystem,\u201d Isis 54 (1963), pp. 400\u2013401; Harold L. Burstyn, \u201cGalileo and the Theory of\nthe Tides,\u201d Isis 56 (1965), pp. 61\u201363; Stillman Drake, Galileo Studies: Personality, Tradition,\nand Revolution (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1970), pp. 200\u2013213; Stillman\nDrake, \u201cHistory of Science and the Tide Theories,\u201d Physis 21 (1979), pp. 61\u201369; Stillman Drake, Telescopes, Tides, and Tactics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983),\n\nPages 70:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n53\nearly modern England thus was in a pre-paradigmatic state, evincing\na multiplicity of con\u0002icting arguments.25 Even after the publication of\nNewton\u2019s Principia (1687), in 1692 the periodical The Gentleman\u2019s Journal\nlisted ten different explanations of the tides, and complained that competing ideas caused \u201cthe learned . . . [to be] much puzzled about . . . the\nFlux and Re\u0002ux of the Sea.\u201d26 Part of the reason for this state of\naffairs may have been because the lunar in\u0002uence on the tides was a\nphenomenon \u201codd enough to count as magical and bearing properties\nthat eluded the matter-theory that prevailed in Europe from Aristotle\nto Descartes.\u201d27 Matter theory for instance did not explain why all\nbodies of water do not exhibit tidal behavior. Despite the multiplicity\nof explanations about the occult causes of the tides that existed, no\nscholarly research has been done analyzing chemical models of the sea\u2019s\n\u0002ux and re\u0002ux, in particular those proposed by poet and miscellaneous\nwriter Thomas Philipot (d. 1682) and Robert Moray.\nThomas Philipot was the son of John Philipot (1589?\u20131645); John\nwas a Somerset herald, friend of William Camden, and a historian\npp. 171\u201386; Maurice A. Finocchiaro, Galileo and the Art of Reasoning (Dordrecht: Reidel,\n1980), pp. 74\u201379; Harold I. Brown, \u201cGalileo, the Elements, and the Tides,\u201d Studies in\nHistory and Philosophy of Science, 7 (1976), pp. 337\u201351; Joseph C. Pitt, \u201cThe Untrodden\nRoad: Rationality and Galileo\u2019s Theory of the Tides,\u201d Nature and System, 4 (1982), pp.\n87\u201399; Joseph C. Pitt, \u201cGalileo and Rationality: The Case of the Tides,\u201d in J.C. Pitt\nand M. Pera ed., Rational Change in Science: Essays on Scienti\u0002c Reasoning, (Dordrecht, Boston: Reidel, 1987), pp. 235\u201353; Joseph C. Pitt, \u201cGalileo, Copernicus and the Tides,\u201d\nTheoria et Historia Scientiarum, 1 (1991), pp. 83\u201394; William R. Shea, \u201cGalileo\u2019s Claim\nto Fame: The Proof that the Earth Moves from the Evidence of the Tides,\u201d British\nJournal for the History of Science, 5 (1970), pp. 111\u201327. For a philosophical treatment of\nGalileo\u2019s rhetoric about the tides, see Donald Mertz, \u201cThe Conception of Structure\nin Galileo: Its Role in the Methods of Proportionality and Ex Suppositione as Applied\nto the Tides,\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 13, 2 (1982), pp. 111\u2013131. For\nNewton and the Tides, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli\nand Euler to the theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of Science, 11 (1956), pp. 206\u2013223, and\nfor Cartesian theories, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of\nScience 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\n25\nFor a discussion of the multiplicity of theories which compete when a scienti\u0003c\nspeciality is in a pre-paradigmatic state, see Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scienti\u0002c\nRevolutions, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 10\u201322.\n26\nThe Gentleman\u2019s Journal: Or the Monthly Miscellany, ed. Pierre Motteaux, April 1692,\n(London: R. Baldwin, 1692), p. 17; Anna Marie Roos, Luminaries in the Natural World:\nPerceptions of the Sun and the Moon in England, 1400\u20131720, Worcester Polytechnic Institute\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scienti\u0003c Revolution,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 53, 3\n( July\u2013September 1991), pp. 373\u2013398, on pp. 373\u20134.\n\nPages 71:\n54\nchapter three\nand archaeologist of Kent.28 Thomas followed some of John\u2019s interests\nclosely, to the point of even plagiarizing some of his father\u2019s antiquarian histories. However, Thomas was best known as a \u201ctolerable poet\u201d\nwhile a student at Cambridge University and as an author of tracts on\na variety of subjects ranging from suicide, Aesop\u2019s Fables, to the history of\nheraldry.29\nBy the 1670s, Thomas Philipot\u2019s interests had shifted to natural\nphilosophy, and in 1673, he published A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of\nthe most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux:\nor Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea.30 Through an extended chain of logical deduction, the majority of his treatise was devoted to a systematic\nconsideration and rejection of the myriad of pre-Newtonian theories\nof the tides, including those of Galileo and Kepler, and a synopsis of\nthe state of tidal research that included both English and continental\nworks. Philipot defended his choice to spend so much time summarizing theories, explaining that tidal models were so \u201centwin\u2019d and\ncomplicated . . . that it is a greater Dif\u0003culty to trace out and unravell\nthem, than to Subvert, or Dismantle them.\u201d31 In the last pages of this\nwork, however, Philipot made his own contribution, and proposed\na theory of the tides based on chymical reactions of sea salts and\natmospheric pressure caused by the emanations of the sun and the\nmoon on the seas.32 As Antonio Clericuzio and Allen Debus have illustrated, by the 1670s and 1680s, English scientists such as John Webster,\nThomas Sherley, and William Simpson blended the iatrochymistry of\nphysician Joan Baptista van Helmont with chemist Robert Boyle\u2019s corpuscularianism and the mechanical philosophy, applying the results to\n28\nDictionary of National Biography, 1937\u201339 ed., s.v. \u201cThomas Philipot,\u201d and s.v.\n\u201cJohn Philipot.\u201d\n29\nFor an analysis of Thomas Philipot\u2019s meditative poems, see Wolfgang Lottes, \u201c \u2018On\nthis Couch of tears\u2019: Meditationen in schwerer Krankheit von Donne, Wotton, Latewar, Isham\nund Philipot,\u201d Literatur in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, 8 (1975), pp. 56\u201371; According to\nthe DNB entry, Thomas Philipot plagiarized his father\u2019s Villare cantianum, or, Kent surveyed\nand illustrated (London: William Godbid, 1659); Thomas Philipot, Poems (London: R.A.,\n1646); Thomas Philipot, Aesop\u2019s fables, with his life: in English, French & Latin (London:\nWilliam Godbid, 1666); Thomas Philipot, Self-homicide-murther, or, Some antidotes and arguments (London: W. Downing, 1674); Thomas Philipot, A brief historical discourse of the\noriginal and growth of heraldry (London: E. Tyler and R. Holt, 1672).\n30\nThomas Philipot, A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of the most Probable Cause of that\nGrand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux: or Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea (London:\nT.M., 1673).\n31\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 1.\n32\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, pp. 11\u201314.\n\nPages 72:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n55\nmedicine.33 Philipot similarly applied such models, with a focus upon\n\u0003xed and volatile salts, to the sea\u2019s \u0002ux and re\u0002ux.\nBefore writing his work on tides, Philipot demonstrated an interest in\nexploration and navigation, writing a history of the Spanish monarchy\nwhich contained extensive summaries of the then-known facts concerning the Spanish possessions in the New World, as well as a history of\nnavigation that contained his theories upon the causes of the variation\nof the compass.34 In his tract on the compass, he showed familiarity with\nthe work of van Helmont and William Gilbert; for example, Philipot\nmentioned that van Helmont claimed, in accordance with his belief in\nthe connection of the macrocosm of the animistic earth to the microcosm of the human body, that \u201cif a man [sic] in framing the Needles,\nshall stand with his Back plac\u2019d to the North, and place one point of the\nNeedle (which he intends for the North) directly Towards himself, the\nneedle so made, shall always point regularly and infallibly toward\nthe North without variation.\u201d35 Although Philipot wished that \u201csome\nperson of exalted imagination\u201d would produce needles \u201cfor experiment\nafter [Helmont\u2019s] direction,\u201d he subsequently dismissed the idea as\n\u201cin\u0003rme and crazy,\u201d as the \u201cvariation of the Needle proceed from the\nattractive vigour . . . of the Earth, which by irrefugable demonstrations\n[by Gilbert] \u201cmay be evinc\u2019d to be one continued magnet.\u201d36\nDespite his dismissal of van Helmont\u2019s ideas about magnetic variation, Philipot would later evince interest in the study of other occult\nforces, and be in\u0002uenced by Helmontian theories of volatile and \u0003xed\nsalts in his work on the tides.37 And one of these natural productions\n33\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, pp. 11\u201314; Debus, \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical\nEssay (1672)\u201d pp. 124\u201335. Antonio Clericuzio, \u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle. A study\nof the transmission of Helmontian chemical and medical theories in seventeenthcentury England,\u201d British Journal of the History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u2013334, on\np. 330. Iatrochymistry is a medical theory, \u0003rst associated with Paracelsus, that disease\nresults from a chemical reaction and that it can be both de\u0003ned and treated chemically. Corpuscularianism was Boyle\u2019s physical theory that supposed all matter to be\ncomposed of minute particles.\n34\nThomas Philipot, The original and growth of the Spanish monarchy united with the House\nof Austria (London: W.G., 1664); Thomas Philipot, A Historical discourse of the \u0002rst invention\nof navigation and the additional improvements of it with the probable causes of the variation of the\ncompasse (London: W. Godbid, 1661).\n35\nPhilipot, Navigation, p. 11.\n36\nPhilipot, Navigation, p. 11.\n37\nGilbert in his De Mundo Nostro Sublunari did however differ from Philipot\u2019s conclusion that the tides were caused by both the sun and the moon; Gilbert believed that\ntides were produced by the magnetic force between the earth and the moon, and not\nby its rays or light. He also \u201cdid not understand how the ebbing of the tide followed\n\nPages 73:\n56\nchapter three\nwas the tides. If we now turn to Philipot\u2019s Phylosophical Essay, we see\nPhilipot believed the \u0002ux of the sea was due to the fact:\nthere is a vitriolated, volatile or armoniack salt or spirit, that is wrap\u2019d\nup in the Bowels of the Sea and lies there clasped up and Imprison\u2019d\nin the Embraces of the \u0003xed . . . Salt, which upon its Excitation, by the\nAgitation of the Super\u0003cies of the Sea, and the opening of it by the\ncombined and complicated Impressions of the Sun and Moon, dislodges\nfrom its Inclose, and shoots it self up to the watry Margent, and drags\nalong with it, that Heap of Waters we stile the Flux.38\nJust as van Helmont believed heated blood in contact with air discharged\nits volatile salts and became breath or gas that was released into the\natmosphere, Philipot may have analogized that volatile salts were\nfreed from the \u0003xed sea salt via motion of the waves and the heated\nemanations of the sun and moon. The volatile salts were subsequently\nreleased into the air, and their motion and expansion caused the \u0002ux\nof the tides.39\nTo explain the re\u0002ux of the waters, Philipot also utilized the explanation of what he called the \u201cspring of the air\u201d which was Boyle\u2019s term\nfor atmospheric pressure. A connection between atmospheric pressure\nand planetary ef\u0002uviums was indeed proposed by Boyle, who speculated\nthat the Gravity of the Atmosphere\nmay be alter\u2019d by unseen Ef\u0002uviums . . . [as] we have often perceived by\nthe Mercurial Baroscope the Weight of the Air to be noticably increased,\nwhen we could not perceive in the Air . . . any cause to which we could\nascribe so noticeable a change.40\nBoyle thought perhaps that even \u201cthe Sun it self may not now and\nthen alter the Gravity of the Atmosphere otherwise than by its Beams\nfrom the direct attraction unless the interior of the earth contained humors which\nretreated into the earth when the tidal forces ceased, and so caused the surface of\nthe sea to descend. He also did not understand why the earth and moon did not fall\ntogether.\u201d See Harris, Manual of Tides, 398; William Gilbert, De Mundo nostro Sublunari\n(Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1651), pp. 298\u201399.\n38\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 11.\n39\nThe expansion of the volatile salts to cause the \u0002ux of the sea was similar in\nmechanism to the ability of volatile salts to agitate the animal spirits of the body.\nEnglish Helmontians in fact often \u201cadministered volatile alkaline salts distilled from\nblood to agitate restore the weakened vital spirits or archaeus of the body\u201d by their\nexpansion. Boyle himself attempted to distill the spirit of blood, which he believed was\n\u201cfully satiated with saline and spiritous parts,\u201d and thus had the therapeutic ability to\nrestore the vital spirits. See Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine,\u201d pp. 453\u201354.\n40\nBoyle, Suspicions about some hidden qualities in the air, p. 45.\n\nPages 74:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n57\nor heat.\u201d41 Via a similar mechanism, Philipot proposed that the air\n\u201cascended up\u201d with the sea\u2019s \u0002ux, and \u201cupon closing and contracting\nits Face upon the Recess of those two great Luminaries, shrinks back\nagain, and with it pulls along, that mass of waters it before had elevated,\nand this produces the Re\u0002ux.\u201d42 In other words the atmospheric pressure of the sun and moon \u201cpushed back\u201d the air that had risen with\nthe \u0002ow of the tides, leading to the tides\u2019 ebb.\nTo further support his hypotheses, Philipot cited Jesuit authors such\nas Libertus Froidmont (1587\u20131653) and the polymath Athanasius\nKircher (1601/2\u20131680). Froidmont was a professor at Leuven, and\na Latin edition of his Six Books of Meteors was published at Oxford in\n1639.43 A good proportion of the \u0003fth book was devoted to considering\nsystematically hypotheses of the tides, each submitted to questiones and\ndisputationes in scholastic fashion. Philipot in fact seems to have utilized\nFroidmont\u2019s structure of argumentation and some of his content in\nthe beginning of this Phylosophical Essay when he considered other tidal\nmodels. To support his idea of chemical reactions in the air causing the\nmotion of \u0002uids, Philipot in particular cited Froidmont\u2019s observation\nof an experiment done by the Swiss physician and philologist Jacob\nZwinger (1569\u20131610). Zwinger noticed that oil of vitriol ascended\nand descended with the \u0002ux and re\u0002ux of the sea.44 Because oil of\nvitriol is extremely reactive and hygroscopic (it absorbs water), it is\nlikely Zwinger was noticing water absorption during periods of higher\nhumidity.45 Philipot then connected lunar action to saline chymistry by\n41\nBoyle, Suspicions about some hidden qualities in the air, p. 45.\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 12.\n43\nLiberti Fromondi, Meteorologicorum Libri Sex (Oxford: William Turner, 1639).\n44\nLiberti Fromondi, Meteorologicorum Libri Sex (Oxford: William Turner, 1639), p. 321.\nScribit alibudi Swingerus, oleum quoddam vitreoli esse, quod tumescit cum Luna & detumescit: quid si\nigitur similis substantaie, aut qualitatis, id est, vitriolatae, ut loquuntur nostri Chymici, spritium marini\nalvei fundus obtineat? [Swingerus writes somewhere of the oil of vitriol which exists, that\nswells and shrinks with the moon. Therefore, what is this quality of vitriol, of which\nour chemists speak, which is similar to the spirit of the sea and tides? (my translation)].\nFroidmont\u2019s source was Jacob Zwinger, Principiorum chymicorum examen ad generalem Hippocratis, Galeni, caeterorumque . . . (Basil: Sebastian Henricpetri, 1620). Jacob Zwinger was\ninterested in salts, like his father, Theodore Zwinger, and \u201csought to \u0003nd the elements\nthat were valuable in Paracelsian doctrine and extract them\u201d including Paracelsus\u2019\ndoctrine of the tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury. See Jole Shackelford, \u201cLutheran\nOrthodoxy, and the Rejection of Paracelsianism in Early Seventeenth-Century Denmark,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 70 (1996), pp. 181\u2013204, on p. 182. My thanks\nto Dr. Shackelford for providing me with information about Jacob Zwinger.\n45\nBoyle also noted that vitriolic substances were particularly susceptible to atmospheric moisture; adding water to oil of vitriol or sulphuric acid in fact will result in\n42\n\nPages 75:\n58\nchapter three\nciting Kircher\u2019s Mundus Subterraneus (1665). Kircher recorded that an\ninfusion of the volatile salt, sal armoniack, \u201cplaced obliquely to receive\nthe In\u0002uence of the Moon . . . did Increase and Decrease as it held of\nan equal Correspondence, by an uninterrupted Chain of Atoms, with\nthe Flowings and Ebings of the Marine waters.\u201d46 (Sal ammoniac or\nammonium chloride is similarly hydroscopic and reacts to atmospheric\nhumidity, which may have been behind Kircher\u2019s observations of its\nincrease and decrease with the tides).47\nPhilipot also seemed to be unaware of the fact that in 1665, members\nof the Royal Society were privately testing Kircher\u2019s hypotheses. In a\nletter from Henry Oldenburg, the secretary of the Society, to the writer,\nchemist, and mathematician Robert Moray, Oldenburg stated:\nKircher produces severall Experiments to evince, yt ye Moon is ye sole\ncause of those Sea-reciprocations, by a Nitrous quality and Dilating\nfaculty. . . . etc. it be experimented, if it hath not been by any of our\nOxonian friends, whether Nitrous water, mixed with common salt, exposed\nin a bason to ye Beams of ye Moon in a free open place and a cleer\nMoonshiny night, will boyle and bubble up, and ye more vehemently,\nye neerer the two Luminaries are to ye places of their Conjunction and\nOpposition.48\nFour days later, Robert Boyle commented that Moray \u201chas been here to\nwatch ye successe of ye Expt of Kerker yt you sent him concerning ye\nEbbing and \u0002owing of ye sea.\u201d49 As Stevenson has shown, Moray had\nin fact written a series of letters to Kircher about magnetism and tides\nfrom 1643 to 1646, as well as in 1653, one of which about the tides\nof the Hebrides that Kircher reprinted in the Mundus Subterraneous and\na dangerous explosive reaction. See Robert Boyle, A New Experiment And other Instances\nof the Ef\u0002cacy of the Air\u2019s Moisture (Oxford: E.F., 1673), p. 7.\n46\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 12. Philipot is referring to Athanasius Kircher,\nMundus Subterraneus, in XII libros digestus (Amsterdam: J. Janson, 1665). The original work\nwas published in 1665, and a partial English translation was published in London in\n1669 which Philipot may have used. See Athanasius Kircher, The vulcano\u2019s, or Burning\nand \u0002re-vomiting mountains . . . collected for the most part out of Kircher\u2019s Subterraneous world\n(London: J. Darby, 1669).\n47\nRobert Boyle also noted how a solution of sal ammoniac and water gained\nweight when exposed to the air \u201camounting to near a dram.\u201d See Robert Boyle, A\nNew Experiment . . . of the Ef\u0002cacy of the Air\u2019s Moisture, pp. 6\u20137.\n48\nHenry Oldenburg to Sir Robert Moray. 7 November 1665, in The Correspondence of\nHenry Oldenburg, ed. and trans. A. Rupert Hall and Marie Boas Hall, 12 vols. (Madison:\nThe University of Wisconsin Press, 1966), vol. 2, p. 592.\n49\nRobert Boyle to Henry Oldenburg. 11 November 1665, in The Correspondence of\nHenry Oldenburg, vol. 2, p. 604.\n\nPages 76:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n59\nwhich Moray published in the Philosophical Transactions.50 In 1658, Moray\nwrote to his prot\u00e9g\u00e9 and friend Alexander Bruce,\nBut whatever your skill in water works be I think I may venture to say\nyou are not well enough acquainted with the duration of ebbs and \u0002oods.\nYet I will not now begin to indoctrinate you. The trueth is, that is one\nof the sciences I \u0003nd most imperfect. I have lent a list to Kircherus,\nwhom I have encouraged to labour to perfect it. And when all other\nmore necessary and serious conversation is almost reaped and we have\nclattered our bellyfulls at meeting, a \u0003tt of that science may take us up\nan afternoon or two.51\nBut Moray was to be disappointed with these \u201c\u0003tts\u201d of science in a\nnumber of ways.\nAs Stevenson wrote,\nIn 1665 [ Moray] heard that long-awaited work on tides by Athanasius\nKircher had been published. From Oxford he wrote to Henry Oldenburg,\n(1618\u20131677) the secretary of the Royal Society, asking to check in the\nbook to see \u2018to see if the irregular tides in the West Isles of Scotland\nbe there.\u2019 Oldenburg\u2019s reply brought good news and bad. Yes, Kircher\nhad published Moray\u2019s letter. But he had dismissed his observations to\n50\nLettere di Sir Robert Moray nel Carteggio A. Kircher Nell\u2019Archivio della Archives\nde Ponti\u0003cia Universita Gregoriana, 28 Jan 1656, Number 568. Colonia Agrippina\n[Cologne]. Sir Robert Moray to Kircher. The letter, also printed in Kircher\u2019s Mundus\nSubterraneous (Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1665), vol. i, p. 143, is as follows:\nRei nautica, inquit, perutile esse historiam justam maris aestus & motus omnes tam regulares,\nquam anonalosubivis occurentes fuse explicantem condere.Quidquid hueusquede hac re videre\ncontigit, maneum puto. Te dignum sane facinus esset, hoc muneris suscipere. \u201cMirae sunt in\nquibusdam locis \u0003uxus & re\u0003uxus alternationes.\u201d Ego hic narrabo, quod in Insulis Hebridum\npartim propriis oculis observavi, partim as incolis \u0002de dignis didici. Est locus in freto Insulis\nminisculis, rupibus &syrtibus frequentibus consperso in majores \u201cvulgo Eust & Herres\u201d insulis\nsito. Aestus maximi, id ist, tempore conjunctionis & oppositionis Solis & Linae quo plemmyra \u0002t\nora sexta ordinatete procedunt; \u0003uxus Orientem in Occidentem horarum spacio, sicuti & re\u0003uxus\nab Occidente in Orientem persiciter . Hoc duobus diebus ante Pleniluniumejusque oppositum, ac\ntotidem post ea semper sic se habet; Tertia autem die & deinceps longe aliter, toto enim tempore\ndiurno sive \u0003uat, sive re\u0003uat Occidentem versus dirigitur, nocte vero on Orientem vergit. Hoc\nego ipse deprehendit; sed ferunt insuper Indignae, aliud adhuc magis miramhic accidere. Tota\nscilicet die, dum Sol signa Borealia perlustrar, cursus aquae dictos in Occidentem tendere, tota\nautem hyeme in contratium; quorum causam mihi non est concessumpenetrare. Hactanus verba\nsupra citati Equitis.\nMoray\u2019s account of these Hebridean tides were published in the Philosophical Transactions, Monday June 5, 1665 as well. My gratitude to David Stevenson of St. Andrew\u2019s\nUniversity for providing me with this information. His transcription of Moray\u2019s letters\nfrom the Kincardine manuscript in the Royal Society Library is forthcoming from\nAshgate Variorum Press.\n51\n8/18 January 1658. Mastricht a Monsieur, Monsieur Alexander Bruce, in de Witte\nSwan tot Bremen (ff. 48\u20139), in Stevenson, The Kincardine Papers of Sir Robert Moray.\n\nPages 77:\n60\nchapter three\nincomplete to be of value. Oldenburg added soothingly that doubtless\nKircher dismissed Moray\u2019s evidence because it was incompatible with\nhis own theories.52\nMoray\u2019s recreation of Kircher\u2019s experiment with salts and tides was\nalso apparently inconclusive, as Moray commented \u201cit is not lyke gain\ncredit here.\u201d53 After several hours and trials where Moray and \u201cMr.\nBoiles\u2019 man\u201d or laboratory assistant observed a basin \u0003lled with water,\nbay salt, and nitrous salt, no agitation of the water appeared, \u201conely\nsome litel bubles of air raised by the not fully dissolved Salts.\u201d54 Moray\ninformed Oldenburg that he should probably not transcribe such\nnegative experimental results for the Philosophical Transactions, \u201cknowing\nyour moments may be better employed.\u201d55 Indeed, these experiments\nwere not published, which is why Philipot apparently was unaware of\nthem. Indeed by 1674, an anonymous Philosophical Transactions paper\ncommented that\ndivers eminent Chymists have delivered several Preparations of Vitriol,\nwhich derive Moisture from the Moon more or less, according to her\nseveral Phases; which I am perswaded is a meer Dream, having seen\nlittle hitherto that should perswade me any of the Planets do in\u0002uence\notherwise than by Heat and Light.56\n52\nOldenburg, Correspondence, vol. 2, p. 590, p. 592. Athanasius Kircher, Mundus\nSubterraneous. 2 vols. (Amsterdam: J. Janssonius 1665), vol. 1, p. 143; as quoted in\nStevenson, \u201cIntroduction: The Life of Sir Robert Moray,\u201d The Kincardine Papers of Sir\nRobert Moray.\n53\nMoray to Oldenburg. 12 November 1665, in The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg,\nvol. 2, p. 606.\n54\nMoray to Oldenburg. 12 November 1665, in The Corresp\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 58 to page 77 out of a total of 312. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 78 to page 97 out of a total of 312:\nPages 78:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n61\nPhilipot\u2019s \u0003nal support for his tidal chymistry was the phenomenon of\nPrince Rupert\u2019s drops, otherwise known as \u201cchymical glasses.\u201d57 These\nobjects were introduced to England in the 1640s by Prince Rupert of\nBavaria (1619\u20131682), and were teardrop shaped glass beads, made\nby dropping molten glass into cold water [Figure 2]. The solid glass\nobject had a bulbous end which tapered into a curved glass tail, and\nthese objects exhibited unusual properties of strength and fragility. The\nformation of the drops created tremendous stress between the outside\nlayer, cooled by the water, and the inside which was warm; due to the\ntremendous surface tension of the glass, the head withstood hammering\non an anvil.58 However, breaking the tail resulted in the shattering of\nthe entire drop into \u0003ne powder because the glass released the internal\nstress with such power.59 These drops were utilized in practical jokes\nby Charles II; the King would have a subject hold the bulb end in the\npalm of his hand, and then break off the top, giving the victim a small\nbut harmless explosion in a closed hand.60 Indeed, Philipot referred to\nthese drops as \u201cGreatricks [great-tricks] glasses.\u201d61\nAs with the tides, there was a multiplicity of interpretations of the\nphenomenon, already correctly grasped in principle by Robert Hooke in\nhis Micrographia.62 Philipot however believed the drops shattered because\nof a chemical reaction. When the tail was snapped off,\n57\nThe diarist Samuel Pepys stated he was \u0003rst shown the drops or \u201cchymical\nglasses,\u201d which he had \u201cheard talk of \u201d by Peter Honywood on 13 January 1662.\nHe wrote the glasses \u201cbreak all to dust by breaking off a little small end, which is a\n\u201cgreat mystery.\u201d See the Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. John Warrington, 3 vols. (London:\nDent; New York: Dunton, Everyman\u2019s Library, vol. 53), vol. 1, p. 224. See also Laurel\nBrodsley, Sir Charles Frank, F.R.S., and John W. Steeds, \u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drops,\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 41 (1986), pp. 1\u201326, on p. 9. John Beckman,\nA History of Inventions, Discoveries, and Origins, 4th ed. of the English translation, edited\nby W. Francis and J.W. Grif\u0003th, 2 vols. (London, Bohn, 1846), vol. 2, pp. 241\u2013245. I\nwish to acknowledge Dr. David Zuck for his aid in identifying the reference to these\nglass drops in Philipot\u2019s work.\n58\n\u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drop and Glass Stress,\u201d Corning Museum of Glass, http://www.\ncmog.org/ page.cfm?page=281&originalsearchtext=prince%20rupert%27s%20drop,\np. 1.\n59\nFor a more detailed scienti\u0003c explanation of the drops\u2019 explosion, see S. Chandrasekar and M.M. Chaudhri, \u201cThe explosive disintegration of Prince Rupert\u2019s drops,\u201d\nPhilosophical Magazine, B70 (1994), pp. 1195\u20131218.\n60\n\u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drop and Glass Stress,\u201d Corning Museum of Glass, p. 1.\n61\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 12. Much research has revealed there is no connection between \u201cGreatricks\u201d glasses and the seventeenth-century Irish healer Valentine\nGreatrakes.\n62\nRobert Hooke, \u201cObservation vii of some Phaenomena of Glass Drops,\u201d in Micrographia (London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665), pp. 33\u201344.\n\nPages 79:\n62\nchapter three\nFigure 2. Prince Rupert\u2019s Drops or the \u201cGlass Drops\u201d in Robert Hooke, Micrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665, p. 10. Image courtesy\nHistory of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright\nthe Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\nthe volatile salt, that lay imprison\u2019d, and cloister\u2019d up, in the claspings,\nand Circumscription of the . . . \u0003xed Salt, \u0003nding it self enfranchis\u2019d and\nredeem\u2019d from the strict Enclosures of those two rigid Adversaries sallied out, with an impetuous Eagerness, and that Eruption occasions that\ndisorder and concussion.63\nIn other words, just as the waves of the sea released the volatile salts\nfrom the \u0003xed salts, causing the \u0002uxing of the sea, the breaking of the\ndrop\u2019s stem also released its volatile salts, whose expansion caused the\ndrop\u2019s explosion.\n63\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13.\n\nPages 80:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n63\nAfter presenting his theory and supports for tidal chymistry, Philipot\naddressed his opposition. He realized that one of the major obstacles to\nthe formulation of mechanical or chemical tidal theories was to \u0003nd an\nexplanation for the fact that smaller bodies of water such as the \u201cEuxine, Baltick, and Caspian Seas\u201d do not exhibit tidal behavior.64 (Many\ninland seas are virtually tideless because the entering strait is too narrow to allow the in\u0002ux or out\u0002ow of suf\u0003cient tidal waters).65 Philipot\u2019s\nexplanation was that rivers \u201cperpetually disgorge themselves into those\nSeas above said,\u201d emptying \u0003xed salts from underground caverns and\nmines, where minerals and salts were generated by mother earth.66 As\na result, the volatile salts in these seas were \u201ccheck\u2019d and depress\u2019d\u201d by\n\u0003xed salts of sulphur, nitre, and bitumen.67 And, so \u201cbenumb\u2019d\u201d were\nthe volatile salts that it was \u201cimpossible for the united In\u0002uence of the\nSun and Moon, to excite their so stupi\u0003ed vigour.\u201d68 Philipot may have\nbeen in\u0002uenced in his ideas again by Froidmont, who immediately\n64\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13. \u201cEuxine\u201d or \u201cEuxinic\u201d refers to areas in which\nlimited circulation of water has produced stagnant conditions, leading to deposit of\nblack oil shale. Philipot likely is referring to the Black Sea, known for its oil deposits\nin the seventeenth century. See Oxford English Dictionary. 2nd ed. 1989 (ed. J.A.\nSimpson and E.S.C. Weiner), OED Online. Oxford University Press. <http://oed.\ncom>, s.v. \u201cEuxinic.\u201d The Caspian Sea, the largest lake in the world, receives water\nfrom several rivers, such as the Volga, Ural, and Emba in the northern and central\nparts of the sea, but it has no outlet. It actually has, contrary to Philipot, some tides,\nranging from 70 cm. to 3 m. See Ramiz Mamedov, \u201cOn the Level: The continuing\nproblem of the Caspian,\u201d in The Caspian Times, www.caspiantimes.com, p. 4. Philipot\nwas however mostly correct in thinking the Baltic has not tides; it actually has a very\nsmall tidal variation. \u201cIt is greatest in the inner part of the Gulf of Finland, where the\ndifference between high and low tide is 20 cm.\u201d See The Encyclopedia of Oceanography,\ned. Rhodes W. Fairbridge, Encyclopedia of Earth Sciences Series, vol. 1 (New York:\nReinhold Publishing Corporation, 1966), s.v. \u201cBaltic Sea.\u201d\n65\nRichard Ellis, The Encyclopedia of the Sea (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000), s.v.\n\u201cTides.\u201d\n66\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13. This explanation for the origins of sea salt was\napparently shared by Robert Boyle. Boyle wrote \u201cthe Sea derives its saltness from the\nSalt that is dissolved in it . . .; But I take that Saltness to be supplied, not only from\nRocks, and other Masses of Salt . . . but Also from the Salt, which the Rains, Rivers\nand other Waters dissolve in their passage through divers parts of the Earth, and\nat length carry along with them into the Sea.\u201d See Robert Boyle, Tracts Consisting of\nObservations About the Saltness of the Sea (Oxford: E. Flesher, 1674), p. 15. The idea that\nunderground mines constantly generated minerals, serving as the womb of the Earth\nMother, is a common conceit in Paracelsian and Helmontian thinking. See Carolyn\nMerchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology, and the Scienti\u0002c Revolution (San Francisco:\nHarper, 1990), pp. 20\u201341.\n67\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13.\n68\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 13.\n\nPages 81:\n64\nchapter three\nbefore his discussion of vitriolic oil mentioned the lack of tides in the\nDead Sea, termed by the Roman Naturalist Pliny as well as the Book of\nGenesis as the Lacus Aphaltites or \u201cLake of Asphalt,\u201d for its tremendous\nquantity of bitumen and \u0003xed salts.69\nAs he concluded his treatise, described as a \u201cfaint result of my\npen,\u201d Philipot evinced a gentlemanly desire to use his work to serve\nhis fellow citizens, proclaiming he was certain that \u201cnew Discoveries\u201d\nwould improve his \u201ctheories to greater advantage of the public.\u201d70 In\nthe interim, he advised his readers with a maxim from Horace: \u201cSi\nquid novisti rectius istis candidus imperti; si non, his utere mecum,\u201d or \u201cIf you\nhave ideas better than these of mine, share them openly; if not, use\nthese as I do.\u201d71 His systematic consideration and rejection of nine\nother tidal theories\u2014ranging from Homer\u2019s view they were caused by\nwhirlpools to Kepler\u2019s idea that the tides occurred because the sea was\nas a breathing animal (which Philipot dismisses because could not see\non \u201cwhich coast these prodigious lungs are located\u201d (!)\u2014illustrated the\nmultiplicity of ideas about the waters\u2019 \u0002ux and re\u0002ux.72 Philipot was\nthus a transitional \u0003gure, providing an explanation for the tides during\nthe height of iatrochymistry\u2019s popularity, only to see such theories over69\nFroidmont, Meteorologicorum, p. 321. Hoc tamen me retinet quod Asphalities sive mare\nmortuum, bitumine stans et plenissimum, aestum tamen non sentit. Oportet ergo aliter temperatum\nesse bitumen, ut ad Lunam se moveat. [Nevertheless a dead sea like the Asphalities does not\nexperience the tides, standing still and full, held back by the bitumen. Therefore, it is\nnecessary for the bitumen to be tempered in order that the moon moves [the sea.] (My\ntranslation.) \u201cFrom time to time large quantities of bitumen rise to the surface from the\nbottom Bitumen is also found along the shores of the Dead Sea and is referred to in\nGenesis (xiv, 10) where it speaks of the puteos multos bituminis\u2014\u201cmany pits of slime.\u201d See\nJoseph Malloy, \u201cDead Sea,\u201d The Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. iv. (New York: Robert Appleton\nCompany, 1908), online at: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04658a.htm. William\nGilbert in his De Mundo mentions the role of bitumen and \u0003xed salts in suppressing\nthe tides. William Gilbert, De Mundo Nostro Sublunari, pp. 297\u2013298.\n70\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 14.\n71\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 14.\n72\nThe idea that the tides were caused by whirlpools was promoted by Richard\nHakluyt\u2019s Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. 5 vols.\n(London: H.R. Evans, 1809\u201312; London, 1598\u20131600) vol. 1, pp. 134\u2013135. Hakluyt\nused the examples of whirlpools near the Hebrides, stating it was but one of four in\n\u201copposite quarters of the world, from whence many does coniecture that as well the\n\u0002owing of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, haue their \u0003rst originall.\u201d In the fourth\nbook of his Harmonics (1619), Kepler states that the tides are akin to the breathing of\nterrestrial animals and \u0003shes. See Johannes Kepler, Opera Omnia, ed. Christian Frisch.\n8 vols. (Frankfurt and Erlangen: Heyder et Zimmer, 1865\u201371), vol. 5, p. 255. However,\nin his earlier Introduction to the Motions of the Planet Mars (1609) Kepler noted that the\nattractive forces exercised by earth and moon upon each other are proportional to\ntheir masses. Kepler, Opera Omnia, vol. 3, p. 151.\n\nPages 82:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n65\ncome by Newton\u2019s Principia \u0003fteen years later. In his method of rejecting\nand combining elements from this kaleidoscope of theories, Philipot\nblended interests in occult forces, chymistry, and natural philosophy to\nexplain the mechanism of tides, which he termed this \u201cGrand Mistery\nof Nature.\u201d73\nMartin Lister, the salts of pyrites, and natural history\nVan Helmont\u2019s assertion of the presence of salts in the atmosphere also\naffected work done by Martin Lister, another early Royal Society member, on meteorology, minerallogenesis, and theories about the formation\nof fossils. Born in Yorkshire, Martin Lister was educated at St. John\u2019s\nCollege, Cambridge (M.A. 1655), subsequently studied medicine at\nMontpellier from 1663\u20131666, and when on the continent became \u201can\navid natural historian\u201d and physician.74 Elected a Royal Society Fellow\nin 1670\u20131, Lister devoted himself to a variety of biological studies,\nincluding botany, fossil classi\u0003cation and conchology, forging a friendship and lengthy correspondence with John Ray (1628\u20131705).75 Lister\u2019s\nworks ranged from a well-known treatise on spiders, to a recollection\nof a voyage to Paris, to an annotated edition of the Roman cookbook\nof Apicius (1705) that was publicly ridiculed by satirists, especially\nwith its references to contemporary English cuisine.76 Scholarly work\n73\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 14.\nCook, \u201cNatural History and seventeenth-century Dutch and English Medicine,\u201d\np. 257.\n75\n\u201cMartin Lister,\u201d s.v. D.N.B. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1937\u201338 ed.) See\nalso \u201cMartin Lister,\u201d s.v. Biographia Britannica, 1st ed. (London, 1747\u201366), vol. 5, pp.\n2974\u20135; William Munk, The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 2nd ed., 3\nvols. (London, 1878), vol. 1, pp. 442\u20135. For Lister\u2019s correspondence with Ray, please\nsee John Ray, The Correspondence of John Ray, ed. Edwin Lankester (New York: Arno\nPress, 1975, reprint of London: The Ray Society, 1848). Some of Lister\u2019s letters to\nand from Ray are also present in MS Lister 2 and 3, Duke Humfrey Library, Bodleian, University of Oxford.\n76\nWilliam King (1683\u20131712), the satirist and miscellaneous writer, lampooned both\nLister\u2019s Apicius, as well as Lister\u2019s Journey to Paris. See William King, The Art of Cookery, In\nImitation of Horace\u2019s Art of Poetry. With some Letters to Dr. Lister, and Others: Occasion\u2019d principally by the Title of a book publish\u2019d by the Doctor, being the Works of Apicius Ceolius, . . . Humbly\ninscrib\u2019d to the Honourable Beef Steak Club (London: Bernard Lintott, 1706); Martin Lister,\nA journey to Paris in 1698 (New York: Arno Press, 1974); John Lough, \u201cMartin Lister\u2019s\ntravels in France,\u201d Durham University Journal 76 (1983), pp. 37\u201341; Martin Lister, Martin\nLister\u2019s English Spiders: 1678, trans. John Parker and Basil Harley (Colchester, Essex: Harley\nBooks, 1992); See Geoffrey Keynes, \u201cDr. Martin Lister, F.R.S., Some Uncollected\n74\n\nPages 83:\n66\nchapter three\nabout Lister has therefore primarily concentrated upon analysis of\nhis investigations in natural history.77 Other authors have noted his\ncontributions to geographical cartography, particularly his stratigraphic\nutilization of fossils.78\nLittle attention has been focused upon Lister\u2019s work in chemistry, the\nmost salient examples being his analysis of pyrites or \u201cfools\u2019 gold\u201d (iron\nsul\u0003des (FeS2), in mineral springs contained in his De Fontibus medicatis\nAngliae Exercitatio (1684) [Exercises on the healing springs of England],\nin his contributions to the Philosophical Transactions in the 1670s and\n1680s, and in his unpublished manuscript \u201cMethod for the History of\nIron.\u201d79 (A translation of De Fontibus is provided in appendix one). In\nAuthors,\u201d The Book Collector 28 (1979), pp. 501\u2013520. S. Wood, \u201cMartin Lister, Zoologist and Physician,\u201d Annals of Medical History, n.s. 1 (1929), pp. 87\u2013104. For a focus\non the work of Martin Lister and Jan Swammerdam, see Cook, \u201cNatural history and\n17th-Century Dutch and English medicine,\u201d pp. 253\u2013270.\n77\nRobert W. Unwin, \u201cA Provincial Man of Science at Work: Martin Lister, F.R.S.,\nand his illustrators 1670\u20131683,\u201d in Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 49, 2\n(1995), pp. 209\u201330; David E. Allen, \u201cSpider Man at Work,\u201d review of John Parker and\nBasil Harley, eds., Martin Lister\u2019s English Spiders 1678 in Notes and Records of the Royal Society\nof London 47, 1 (1993), pp. 144\u201345; J.D Woodley, \u201cAnne Lister, Illustrator of Martin\nLister\u2019s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685\u20131692),\u201d Archives of Natural History [Great Britain]\n21, 2 (1994), pp. 225\u2013229. For a recent analysis of Lister\u2019s cabinets of curiosities, see\nP. Fontes da Costa, \u201cThe Culture of Curiosity at the Royal Society in the \u0003rst half\nof the eighteenth century,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 56 (2002), pp.\n147\u2013166; Lister is also mentioned in Michael Hunter, \u201cThe Social Bias and Changing\nFortunes of an Early Scienti\u0003c Institution: An Analysis of the Membership of the\nRoyal Society, 1660\u20131685,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 31 (1976\u20137),\npp. 9\u2013114.\n78\nFor a discussion of Lister\u2019s contributions to geological cartography, see Cecil Schneer, \u201cThe Rise of Historical Geology in the Seventeenth Century,\u201d Isis 45, 3 (1954),\npp. 256\u2013268, on pp. 261\u2013263.\n79\nMartin Lister, De Fontibus medicates Angliae (London: Walter Kettilby, 1684); \u201cThree\nPapers of Dr. Martin Lyster, the \u0003rst of the Nature of Earth-quakes . . . from the\nPyrites alone,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 14 (1684), pp. 512\u2013515; Martin Lister, \u201cCertain Observations of the Midland Salt-Springs of Worcester-Shire, Stafford Shire and\nCheshire,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 14 (1684), pp. 489\u2013495; Martin Lister, \u201cMethod\nfor the History of Iron, Imperfect,\u201d MS Lister 1, Duke Humfrey Library, Bodleian\nLibrary, University of Oxford. Although there have been no analyses of Lister\u2019s works\non spas, there have been many studies of early modern English debates concerning\nthe chemistry of hot springs as well as their economic impact. For instance, the most\nfamous seventeenth-century medical debate was that engendered by Dr. Robert Wittie\u2019s\n(1613?\u20131684) Scarborough spaw (1660) a work in which he advocated the mineral waters\nat Scarborough as a cure-all; his claim was challenged by other physicians such as William Simpson (\u0002. 1665\u20131677) and after a series of dueling pamphlets, the controversy,\nwhich essentially centered around Galenic vs. Paracelsian medical cures, was carried\nout in the Philosophical Transactions. See Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History\n23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214. Robert Wittie, Scarborough spaw; or, A description of the nature\n\nPages 84:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n67\nthe seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the term \u201cpyrites\u201d referred to\nany mineral that could strike sparks from iron. According to Lister, the\n\u201chardest\u201d of pyrites was \u201cformerly polished and used instead of \u0002ints\nin ye Spanish wheele lockes.\u201d80 He de\u0003ned pyrites more speci\u0003cally as\n\u201cironstone marcasites\u201d or \u201cbrassie lumps\u201d which were \u201cnothing else\nbut a body of iron disguised under a vitriolic varnish\u201d found \u201call over\nye Yorkshire Woldes; we have seen in the last chapter that \u201cvitriol\u201d\nreferred to Iron II sulphate which occurred as a weathering product\nof pyrites.81 Lister, in common with other early modern English chemists, speci\u0003cally claimed vitriol consisted of an \u201cinsipid\u201d earth he called\nocher, some iron metal, mineral sulphur, the acid salt, and some small\nportion of the volatile aerial salt.82\nAn understanding of Lister\u2019s work on pyrites and vitriol is best attained\nby placing him in the intellectual context of the seventeenth-century\nand vertues of the spaw at Scarbrough Also a treatise of the nature and use of water (London:\nCharles Tyus and Richard Lambert, 1660); William Simpson, Hydrologia chymica, or, The\nchymical anatomy of the Scarbrough, and other spaws in York-Shire: wherein are interspersed, some\nanimadversions upon Dr. Wittie\u2019s lately published treatise of the Scarbrough Spaw . . . (London:\nW.G., 1669). For analyses of medicinal effects of early modern English spas, see Anne\nBorsay, Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History of the General In\u0002rmary,\nc. 1739\u20131830 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999); Christopher Hamlin, \u201cChemistry, medicine, and\nthe legitimization of English spas, 1740\u20131840,\u201d in The medical history of waters and spas,\nMedical history Supplement no. 10 (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of\nMedicine, 1990), pp. 67\u201381; Phyllis Hembry, The English spa, 1560\u20131815: a social history\n(London: Athlone Press, 1990); Alex Sakula, \u201cDoctor Nehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and\nthe Epsom Salts,\u201d Clio Medica [Netherlands] 19, 1\u20132 (1984), pp. 1\u201322. Noel Coley, \u201cThe\npreparation and uses of arti\u0003cial mineral waters (ca. 1680\u20131825),\u201d Ambix 31 (1984),\npp. 32\u201348; Charles Mullet, Public baths and health in England, 16th\u201318th century (Baltimore:\nJohn Hopkins Press, 1946). For nineteenth-century therapeutic mineral cures, please\nsee George Weisz, \u201cWater Cures and Science: The French Academy of Medicine\nand Mineral Waters in the nineteenth century,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64,\n3 (1990), pp. 393\u2013416. For the economic impact of mineral waters, please see Sylvia\nMcIntyre, \u201cThe Mineral Water Trade in the Eighteenth Century,\u201d Journal of Transport\nHistory 2,1 (1973), pp. 1\u201319. See also Ronald and Ann Cowell, Essex Spas and Mineral\nWaters (Romford, Essex: Ian Henry Publications Ltd, 2002).\n80\nLister, \u201cMethod for the History of Iron,\u201d p. 5. Pliny\u2019s Natural History, which Lister\ncited extensively in the De Fontibus, stated, \u201cWhen struck with a nail or another stone\nthey [pyrites] give off a spark, and if this is caught on sulphur or else on dry fungi or\nleaves it produces a \u0002ame instantaneously.\u201d Pliny, Natural History, 36.29, line 138.\n81\nLister, \u201cMethod for the History of Iron,\u201d p. 18.\n82\nLister, De Fontibus, passim; \u201cSome observations and Experiments about Vitriol,\nTending to Find out the Nature of that Substance, and to Give Further Light in the\nInquiry after the Principles and Properties of Other Minerals: Communicated by a\nFellow of the Royal Society, Who Maketh Use of Chymistry Chie\u0002y as Subservient\nto Physiology,\u201d Philosophical Transactions (1665\u201378), Vol. 9, no. 103 (1674), pp. 41\u201347,\non p. 41.\n\nPages 85:\n68\nchapter three\nchemical debate about the formation of minerals. As we have seen in\nthe last chapter, some chymists claimed that there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed to be responsible for minerallogenesis\nand other types of matter formation, and there were contenders for the\nidentity of this salt including nitre and vitriol. The vitriolic liquid or spirit\nof vitriol (sulphuric acid) called \u2018gur\u2019 or \u2018bur\u2019 was believed by Glauber and\nother early modern mining authors to be a sign of the presence of mineral ores, \u201cwith which sulphurous exhalations were also associated.\u201d83\nWhile Lister agreed with his colleagues about the composition of vitriol,\nwe will see that he dismissed the idea that vitriol was the universal acid\nsalt responsible for mineral formation. Lister also disagreed that there\nwas any particular sole active element responsible for mineral formation, arguing in particular against Van Helmont who assigned water\nthat role. To support his assertions against Van Helmont, we will see\nthat Lister incorporated the empirical work of early modern chemists\nin the Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Sciences, speci\u0003cally utilizing the Observations on the Mineral Waters of France (1684) written by their chief chemist\nSamuel Du Clos (d. 1715).\nAs these Helmontian aqueous theories of mineral formation arose in\nthe seventeenth century, other chemical authors held \u201cmineral exhalations as an explanation for the generation of . . . minerals and of the\nvaporous ef\u0002uxes thought to issue from ore-deposits.\u201d84 Lister was one\nof these authors, believing that the volatile exhalations of pyrites and its\nvitriol in the air were important in the transformation of matter, and he\nsubscribed to the sixteenth and seventeenth-century theory of witterung\nor ore exhalations as an explanation for the formation of minerals.85\nScratching or crushing pyrites does result in a sulphurous smell, and\nLister claimed pyrites and its vitriol gave off a \u201cwarm vapour\u201d that\nwas \u201clargely sulphurous, pungent, and in\u0002ammable,\u201d identifying vitriol\nas volatile.86 Despite his allegiance to the theories of witterung, we will\nillustrate that Lister made use of his interests in natural history to go\none step beyond them, postulating that the sulphurous exhalations from\npyrites were responsible for the heating of hot springs, and meteorological and geological effects.\n83\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation, p. 217.\nJohn A. Norris, \u201cThe Mineral Exhalation Theory of Metallogenesis in Pre-Modern\nMineral Science,\u201d Ambix, 53, 1 (March 2006), pp. 43\u201366.\n85\nSee David Oldroyd, \u201cSome Phlogistic Mineral Schemes,\u201d Annals of Science 31\n(1974): 269\u2013305, on p. 276 for an explanation of witterung.\n86\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 77.\n84\n\nPages 86:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n69\nThe chemical context of salts, pyrites and vitriol in the De Fontibus\nLister\u2019s De Fontibus was a work that met some public acclaim and was\ngiven an extensive and favorable notice in the review journal, The Weekly\nMemorials for the Ingenious, a publication in the \u201csame format as the\nFrench Journal des Scavans.\u201d87 The reviewer praised the \u201cinquisitive and\ncurious\u201d naturalist for his \u201cpiercing industry\u201d in creating a history of\n\u201cEnglish Spaws,\u201d and in \u201cthe Discovery of such things as relate to the\nnatural Improvement of his own Country.\u201d88 To begin his chemical\nanalysis of spa waters, in the \u0003rst chapter of the De Fontibus, Lister\ndescribed and classi\u0003ed common salts, including nitre or saltpetre,\ncommon salt, alum, salt derived from limestone or \u201cnitrum calcarium,\u201d\nand vitriol \u201cborn from iron pyrites.\u201d He did his classi\u0003cation primarily\nby a detailed examination of salt crystals, a common practice among\nlate seventeenth-century chemists who considered the macroscopic and\nmicroscopic examination of crystalline structures important, as their\nregularity seemed to suggest their innate formative power in chemical\ntransformation. Lister may have taken his cue from Bath physician\nEdward Jorden (1569\u20131632) who \u201cstrongly advocated the examination\nof their crystals\u201d to identify dissolved minerals in spas; Dr. Tancred\nRobinson (1657\u20131748) and John Ray, Lister\u2019s colleagues, also remarked\nin correspondence that Anton von Leeuwenhoek also \u201chath observed a\ngreat variety of \u0003gures\u201d in microscopic examination of salts.89 Tancred\nRobinson wrote to Lister concerning the De Fontibus:\nThis afternoon I spent some hours with Mr. Boyle, who gives you his\nmost humble service, and is as proud of your good opinion, as you can\npossibly bee of his; hee hath try\u2019d most of the experiments of your last\nbook, and tells me that hee \u0003nds you a very faithfull and Authentick writer,\nhee shew\u2019d mee this day the severall crystallizations of those salts, which\n87\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious (London: Henry Faithorne and John Kersey, 1683/4),\nno. 50, Jan 15, pp. 376\u201382. James Fieser, \u201cThe Eighteenth-Century Reviews of Hume\u2019s\nWritings,\u201d Journal for the History of Ideas 57 (Fall 1996), pp. 645\u2013657, on p. 646.\n88\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious, pp. 376 and 382.\n89\nEdward Jorden, A discourse of natural bathes and mineral waters wherein the original or\nfountains in general is declared . . . (London: Thomas Harper, 1631; reprint, New York:\nDa Capo Press, 1971), p. 45 as quoted in Coley, \u201cCure without Care,\u201d p. 198.\nLeeuwenhoek\u2019s work was described in Robinson\u2019s letter to John Ray on 9 May 1685,\nin the Correspondence of John Ray, pp. 167\u20138. Tancred Robinson served as secretary to\nthe Royal Society in November 1685. Descartes also postulated that the \u201cdifferences\nin salts arise from their different \u0003gures of their particles.\u201d See Parthington, History of\nChemistry, vol. 2, p. 438.\n\nPages 87:\n70\nchapter three\nyou have describ\u2019d and \u0003gur\u2019d; and hee says that hee is very fearfull to\npropound anything to a person of your piercing sagacity.90\nLister\u2019s studies in natural history also revealed him to be a consummate\nempiricist. As he concentrated on utilizing structure to classify animals\nand insects in his other treatises, it is not surprising he would utilize the\nsame methods in his chemical work [Figure 3]. Because Lister primarily\nused detailed visual observation of crystal structure to classify salts,\nhe cautioned chemists who were deceived by impure water samples in\nwhich there was \u201cconjunction of several pure primary salts, from which\nconfusion arises regarding the true and natural shape of crystals.\u201d91\nAfter his classi\u0003cation of common salts, Lister turned to an analysis\nof salts in English mineral waters, and concluded from isolation by\ndehydration and crystal analysis that only two types were present: nitrum\ncalcarium derived from limestone (calcium carbonate) and common sea\nsalt. Lister thought that the presence of sea salts in English mineral\nsprings was easily explained via the runoff of sea water inland. But nitre\nof lime or what he called nitrum calcarium was a different case. Lister\ncommented that nitrum calcarium was produced by the exposure of limestone to air. This was \u0003rst because \u201cwhere there is nitre of lime, there\nis always limestone to be found,\u201d and because Lister observed that\nno salt whatever grows from limestone immediately after it has been slaked\nby the application of heat, but the same stone produces an abundance of\nsalt, whether it [i.e. the stone] has been untreated or heated, whilst forming\nthe walls or roof of some house; it then grows together to form crystals\nof its own kind.92\nMost likely Lister was observing the formation of potassium carbonate or saltpetre crystals on walls that had been whitened by limestone,\nsimilar to the formation of nitre crystals in limestone saltpeter caves.\nLister noted that nitrum calcarium could also not be formed by steeping\nlimestone in water, and indeed nitrate crystals will not form in areas\nof excess humidity.\n90\nMS Lister 34, Bodleian Library, Oxford University, London April 12, 1683. From\nTancred Robinson to Martin Lister, Lendall Street York, fol. 99 recto.\n91\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 4.\n92\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 50. [At ubi Nitrum Calcarium, ibib perpetuo Lapis Calcarius adest ]\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 54. [Idem quoque identidem con\u0002rmatur; cum e lapide calcario, statim ab\nipsa conctione macerato, omnino nihil salis concrescit, iden tamen lapis, sive crudus, sive coctus in\nParietibus aedis alicujus, aut tectoriis usurpatus, abunde Salem suum edit, & qui in crystallos sui\ngeneris, ut supra descriptum est, concrescit.]\n\nPages 88:\nFigure 3. Crystalline shapes of salts from Martin Lister, De Fontibus medicates Anglicae. London: Walter Kettilby, 1684, between\npages 32 and 33. Osler Library of the History of Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Quebec, Canada.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n71\n\nPages 89:\n72\nchapter three\nLister was not only interested in delineating the chemistry of English\nmineral waters for its own sake and for medical applications, but he\nwished to utilize the formation of nitrum calcarium as a model for the\nformation of vitriol from pyrites. Unlike his predecessor Van Helmont,\nor Johann Glauber, Lister was particularly keen to demonstrate, that\nlike limestone salts, vitriol could only form via the exposure of pyrites\nto air\u2014that nitre of lime was produced \u201cone and the same way as\nvitriol.\u201d93 Lister wrote:\nThe creation of vitriol makes the whole matter clear. Its \u0003rst eruption\nfrom pyrites is exceedingly premature, if it occurs in contact with air;\nbut, as time proceeds, it becomes a little more mature. And yet fullyformed vitriol is not produced from any ferrous stone until after its due\nmaturity which it \u0003nally reaches after a continuous period of development. If however it [a pyrite] kept perpetually under water I am not\nyet convinced that it will be productive of any salt. Certainly no vitriol\nwhatever will be generated.94\nIn his assertion, Lister wished to not only to prove the ef\u0003cacy of air or\nexhalations as the source of chemical reactions and effects for reasons\nwhich will be enumerated below, but argued against the Helmontian\nbelief that vitriol and its acid, the \u201chungry\u201d or \u201chermaphroditical salt\u201d\nwas the \u201cseminal constituent of mineral waters and metal ores.\u201d95 Lister\n\u0003rst cited Helmont\u2019s Oriatricke or Physick Re\u0002ned which stated that \u201cthe\nmost excellent Vitriol, grows naturally in Mines, wherein Nature hath\nbrought forth that hungry Salt, corroding a fertile vein [of brassy marcasite] and being dissolved in the liquor of a licking Fountain, which\nafterward Cauldrons do boyl into Vitriol.\u201d96 Lister then continued, \u201cI\nam unhappy with Helmontius\u2019 explanation of the generation of vitriol.\nHe would have it that salt is formed naturally in water itself, this salt\nbeing variously known as \u2018juice,\u2019 \u2018a certain universal spirit,\u2019 \u2018the embryonate,\u2019 \u2018the corrosive,\u2019 \u2018the hermaphroditic\u2019 (for it is by these and other\n93\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 51. [Cum autem uno eodemque modo Nitrum calcrium nascatur, atque\nVitriolum].\n94\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 51. [Rem itaque totam Vitrioli nativitas illustrat. Eius autem a Pyrita\nprima eruptio, si in aere sit, admodum Immatura est; procedente vero tempore, paulo perfectius est;\nAt e nullo lapide Ferreo Consummatum Vitriolum gigantur, nisi post debitam maturitatem, ad quam,\ncontinentur quidem germinando, tandem pervenit.]\n95\nEmerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation of Form, p. 218.\n96\nJohann Van Helmont, Oriatricke or Physick Re\u0002ned: The Common Errors Therein refuted,\nand the Whole Art Reformed and Recti\u0002ed, trans. John Chandler (London: Lodowick Lloyd,\n1662), p. 695.\n\nPages 90:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n73\nnames that he calls it).\u201d97 Lister countered Van Helmont\u2019s claims with\npurely empirical evidence. First, he believed it was \u201cpointless to state\nthat corrosive salt exist[ed] anywhere\u201d since \u201cup to this point it has\nno characteristics and is not even recognizable.\u201d98 His observations of\npyrites indicated that no vitriol was produced when marcasites were in\nwater.99 Further, Lister did a series of experiments in which he failed to\nsee corrosion when he subjected many types of iron, including hematite,\nthe \u201csoftest\u201d form of iron, to corrosive saline or acidic solutions such\nas aqua fortis or spirit of nitre.100\nHis refutation of Helmont\u2019s theory that vitriol was formed in water\nwas also in\u0002uenced by the work of French physician-in-ordinary Samuel\nCotreau Du Clos, the Observations on the Mineral Waters of France, which\nwas translated into English in 1684.101 Du Clos\u2019 work was a systematic\nevaluation of the chemical content of all spa waters in France under\nthe auspices of the French Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Sciences, part of a\nlarger project of chemical research which began in 1666 to \u201cdetermine rigorously the \u2018true principles of mixts [chemical compound]\u2019\nby analyzing such bodies and by generating them and observing their\nproperties.\u201d102 Lister had been to France four times; his \u0003rst voyage was\n97\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 57. [Vitrioli auem generatio, ut ab Helmontio explicata est, mihi\nquidem non arridet. Is vero vult, ipsis aquis naturaliter duci Salem, sive Succum, sive Spiritum\nquondam universalem, Embryonatum, esurinum, Hermaphroditicum (nam his & aliis nominibus\nipsum idem appellat.)]\n98\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 58. [Ipsum ejus salem surinum, (ut pote nullius adhuc qualitatis\nparticipem, atque adeo non cognoscibilem) uspiam existere, esse gratis dictum]\n99\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 58. [Pyriten Vitriolum suum sub aquis persicere minime posse, ex\nrationibus supra positis manifestum est.]\n100\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 58. [Ferri venam ab illo sale suo esurino corrodi vix credibile est, siquidem vel mollissimum nostrum Haematiten, luti cuiusvis aemuilum, aut ipsam Ocram, vel valentissimis\nmenstruis dectis (puta ab Aqua forti dicta, aut spiritu Nitri) minime corrodi posse experti summus.]\n101\nFor Lister\u2019s mention of \u201cParisian Philosophers,\u201d see De Fontibus, 81. The full\ncitation for Du Clos\u2019 work is: Sieur Du Clos, Observations on the Mineral Waters of France:\nMade in the Royal Academy of Sciences (London: Henry Faithorne, 1684). The review of\nLister\u2019s De Fontibus in the Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious also mentioned the in\u0002uence\nof the Royal Parisian Academy and Samuel Du Clos on Lister\u2019s De Fontibus. Weekly\nMemorials for the Ingenious (London: Henry Faithorne and John Kersey, 1683/4), no. 50,\nJan. 15th, p. 380.\n102\nFrederic L. Holmes, \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis of a Tradition,\u201d Isis 62, 212 (Summer 1971), pp. 130\u2013148, on p. 133. Du Clos\nexplained to his readers in his Observations that \u201cthe Royal Academy of the Sciences\nhave determined to employ themselves in the Enquiry of the Qualities of those [waters]\nin this Kingdom, which are most considerable. And till favourable occasion may offer\nto make Observations at their Springs, they have caused these Waters to be brought\nfrom several Provinces, with much care, to examine them in the usual Assemblies of\nthe Naturalists of this Academy\u201d (p. 2).\n\nPages 91:\n74\nchapter three\nto study for his M.A. in medicine at Montpellier (1663\u201366), and he\npublished his last 1698 travel journal to Paris. It is thus not surprising\nthat Lister would have been in\u0002uenced by Du Clos\u2019 pamphlet, as his\nstudy in Montpellier coincided with the beginning of the Academy\u2019s\nchemical trials. Lister\u2019s De Fontibus was also advertised in the endpapers\nof the English edition of Du Clos\u2019 work, leading to the possibility that\nLister was the translator; in the opinion of Lister\u2019s biographer Raymond Stearns, Lister\u2019s French would have certainly been up to the task,\nalthough he had trouble at the French Opera, \u201cnot being so Good a\nFrenchman, as to understand them when Sung.\u201d103 Lister remarked in\nthe De Fontibus that:\nit is not stated that mature vitriol can be drawn from any of our mineral\nsprings as far as I know. The Philosophers of Paris [the French Academy]\nquite rightly marvel at this after a careful examination of about one\nhundred mineral springs in France. This has partly been the reason why\nmy fellow-countrymen have quarreled in such a rude manner . . . [about\nmetallogenesis].104\n103\nSee Martin Lister, A Journey to Paris in the Year 1698, ed. Raymond Phineas Stearns\n(Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1967), pp. ix, 174 (Lister\u2019s ability in\nFrench and the opera), p. 80 (visit to Royal Academy of Sciences).\n104\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 65. [Vitriolum autum maturum ab ullis aquis nostris medicatis, quod\nscio, elici non perhibetur. Id quod etiam jure mirantur Philosophi Parisienses, post diligens examen\ncentum fere Fontium medicatorum Galliae. Idem ex parte in causa suit, cur nostri homines tam\ninurbanas lites inter se moverunt.]\nThis \u201cquarrel\u201d was not only about the formation of minerals, but a debate among\nEnglish physicians in the latter part of the seventeenth century about which particular\nsalt was the most effective active ingredient in healing. As a practicing physician himself,\nLister would have been interested in such arguments. In 1668\u201369, physician William\nSimpson wrote the Hydrologia Chymica, a work which \u201csought to identify the \u2018cures\u2019\nassociated with a plethora of \u2018Sanative Waters\u2019 in England and Europe\u201d and which\nalso sparked a number of publications about spa waters in the Philosophical Transactions\nby other doctors such as Robert Wittie, Daniel Foot, and Nathaniel Highmore. Simpson\nbelieved the active ingredient in the waters was alum, and while Wittie believed vitriol\nwas \u201cuseful in moist diseases,\u201d its hot and biting nature drying super\u0002uous humidity,\nhe also thought nitre was the principal mineral in the water. (William Simpson, Hydrologia chymica or, The chymical anatomy of the Scarbrough, and other spaws in York-Shire: wherein\nare interspersed, some animadversions upon Dr. Wittie\u2019s lately published treatise of the Scarbrough\nSpaw . . . (London: W.G., 1669), p. 12; Robert Wittie, Scarborough Spaw: Or a description of\nthe nature and virtues of the spaw at Scarborough, Yorkshire (York and London, 1667), p. 148.\nNathaniel Highmore in a 1669 publication in the Philosophical Transactions did however\nsuggest the healing properties of spa waters were primarily due to pyrite salts, the\nspring \u201cimpregnated principally from the Vitriol or Salt of Iron, which is very volatile.\u201d\nFor these debates, see M.D. Eddy, \u201cThe \u2018Doctrine of Salts\u2019 and Rev. John Walker\u2019s\nAnalysis of a Scottish Spa (1749\u20131761),\u201d Ambix 48, 3 (November 2001), pp. 137\u2013160,\nand Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in\n\nPages 92:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n75\nVolatile exhalations of vitriol and natural effects\nLister was also concerned to claim the \u201ca continual and slow process of\ngermination\u201d in the air of vitriol from pyrites for not just experimental,\nbut theoretical reasons.105 Lister believed the atmospheric exhalations\nof vitriol\u2019s volatile salts were connected with chemical, geological, and\nmeteorological reactions, and in his hypotheses we have seen he was in\ngood company among early modern chemists and physicians. One of\nthe fellows of the Royal Society, Daniel Coxe, was especially interested\nin palingenesis, and the production of volatile salts from plants via their\ncalcinations. Given Lister\u2019s interest in botany and chemistry, Oldenburg\nmade special mention of Coxe\u2019s work to Lister in correspondence in\n1674. In a 1673 letter to Oldenburg, Lister himself already was \u201ccon\u0003dent from a passage in Mr. Boile, yt he & others are masters of ye\nway of Extracting ye volatile salts out of all plants\u201d; Lister also mentioned he had been performing such chemical extractions \u201chere this\n12 yeares.\u201d106 Coxe\u2019s work on palingenics and the \u201cplentifull\u201d nature of\npyrite salts in particular also convinced Tancred Robinson that \u201ctheir\nfermentations, breathings, emanations, and changes . . . send[ing] forth\ntheir secret ef\u0002uviums\u201d could produce many \u201cfruitful\u201d effects.107\nFor Lister, one of these effects of these volatile salts in the atmosphere\nwas the production of fossils. Past scholarship has noted the debate that\nLister had with John Ray about the nature of fossils, Ray believing\nthey were remnants of past animal and plant life, and Lister convinced\nthat fossils were not always mineralized remains of living creatures, but\ncould be minerals created spontaneously by nature; as he put it, some\nlittle fossilized shells could \u201cspring from rocks and others are actual\nSeventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979): 191\u2013214. For Lister\u2019s distrust\nof Simpson, see Oldenburg to Lister, 4 September 1675, in The Correspondence of Henry\nOldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 486\u20137.\n105\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 59. [Vitriolum assidua & lenta germinatione persici, experimenta\nsupra posita appello, ergo non ulla corrosione momento nasci.]\n106\n\u201cOldenburg to Lister, 20 June 1674,\u201d The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, vol. 11,\npp. 35\u201336. \u201cI believe, you have seen ere this, what Dr. Daniel Coxe . . . hath published\nin n. 101 and n. 103 of ye Transactions, concerning this way of Extracting a Volatil\nSalt and Spirit out of all sorts of vegetables . . .\u201d \u201cLister to Oldenburg 12 March\n1673/4,\u201d in The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, vol. 11, p. 303.\n107\nRobinson, \u201cSome Observations on Boyling Fountains,\u201d p. 925.\n\nPages 93:\n76\nchapter three\nliving shelled creatures.\u201d108 But there has been little discussion of the\nmechanism by which the mineralized fossils were created.\nIn his \u201cMethod for the History of Iron,\u201d Lister mentioned that\npyrites not only were found near mineral baths, but often occurred in\nYorkshire limestone and were mineralized with fossils. He thus believed\nall fossils contained iron marcasites, proven by running a magnet over\nthem, and that pyrites could be detected in a like manner. Further, in\nDe Fontibus, Lister claimed that \u201ccalcarious nitre, both when it is springing into being and when it is mature, and likewise of . . . imperfectly\nformed vitriol,\u201d is the \u201cunique cause of petri\u0003cation in every case.\u201d109\nVan Helmont argued that in the case of fossils, a petrifying and germinating seed in mineral waters produced shells \u201cclothed in a crust as\na result of rancid material from the depths.\u201d110 But as we have seen,\nLister denied Van Helmont\u2019s belief that water was the source of all\nother matter through the seminal power of speci\u0003c seeds implanted in\nit. Instead, Lister claimed that the seed of fossils, is\npropagated not so much by sexual union [of the seeds] as by the actual\nrancidity from the depths. . . . The layers of rock are produced under the\nearth from rancid stink arising from the rocks. I am not here enquiring\nhow layers of rock are produced, but if we suppose that they have existed\nfrom the creation of the world the question is posed as to the source of\nthe petri\u0003cation of plants, animals and now even the rocks themselves. I\ndeclare that we are generally deceived by what has a similar appearance\nto certain germinating rocks, as though all other kinds of rocks were\nproduced today from one and the same cause as was once the case. Yet\nas far as I have been able to observe everything that petri\u0003es is either\npyrites or some kind of limestone and nothing else. These two petri\u0003ers\nproduced by the continual germination of salt are after their own fashion volatile, and when admitted into intermediary substances, dead as\nwell as alive, they combine and are compacted of their own nature, and\ngenerally even preserve the shapes of the animals, and their qualities, at\nleast to some extent.111\nIn other words, the \u201cstink\u201d coming from the rocks was the sulphureous\nvapour arising from the \u201ccontinual germination\u201d of salts of vitriol from\nthe pyrites and calcarious nitre arising from the limestone. These vola108\nLister, De Fontibus, part two, p. 78. Each of the two parts of Lister\u2019s work is\nseparately paginated. I will indicate if part two is providing the quotation in subsequent endnotes.\n109\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 71.\n110\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 77.\n111\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 76.\n\nPages 94:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n77\ntile salts combined with intermediary substances, which could be dead\nplants or animals, or just dead neighboring substances to form different petri\u0003ed shapes. Just as Glauber believed his sal mirabile, sodium\nsulphate, was involved in the petri\u0003cation of wood, Lister thought\nthat \u201cwhat the vitriol does to the iron is pure petri\u0003cation.\u201d112 Another\nsulphurous compound was responsible for petri\u0003cation of all inorganic\nand organic matter.\nLister also apparently thought there were other \u201cfruitful effects\u201d of\nthe emanations of the vitriolic salts from pyrites, in his De Fontibus\nclaiming these salty emanations were the cause of the heating of\nmineral springs, and the production of rainstorms, earthquakes, and\nvolcanoes. In chapter nine of the De Fontibus, Lister hypothesized \u0003rst\nthat the cause of heat of hot springs was \u201cderived from salts produced\nby pyrites . . . or activated by pyrites itself.\u201d113 As nitrum calcarium was also\nproduced from limestone via exposure to the air, much in the same way\nas vitriolic salts from pyrites, he thought lime salts could also contribute\nheating vapours to hot springs. The abundance of limestone around\npyrite minerals, as well as mists around the springs also led him to this\nconclusion.114\nIn asserting the centrality of pyrites in heating mineral springs, Lister\n\u0003rst claimed that the warm sulphurous gases produced by vitriolic salts\nfrom pyrites was evidenced by mine explosions in which gases would\naccumulate, and the fact that mineshafts and underground tunnels of\nhot springs were \u201cvery warm\u201d in the \u201cwhole of winter.\u201d115 There was\nalso no other substance prevalent around mineral springs that he knew\nof apart from volatile salts from pyrites and limestone that gave off a\n112\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 72.\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 76. [Thermarum ratio, e salibus Pyritae et lapidis Calcarii nascentibus,\nsive ipsae Pyritis et lapide Calcario vegetantibus deducitur.]\n114\nOn page 79 of the De Fontibus, Lister wrote: \u201cI can prove that a warm gas is\nproduced in like manner from active limestone in the following way. Almost all springs\nand wells (for most of them are considered medicinal to the extent to which they\ncontain this or that salt) are especially warm at times of fairly severe frost, and are\nparticularly noticeable for the way in which they give off an exhalation consisting of\na very dense moist vapour, just like hot springs.\u201d [Halitum quoque calidum a lapide calcario\nVegetante, similiter ferri, sic probo. Universos fere Fontes, puteosque (nam plerique, eatenus medicati\nexistimati sunt, quatenus hoc vel ille sale, copiosius imbuuntur) praecipue vehementioris gelu tempore\ntepidos esse, atque admodum copiose etiam conspicuos, densissimo vapore humido, Thermarum instar,\nhalitus emittere.]\n115\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 77. [Item illud universo consensus testantur Metallarii, puteos subterraneos, tota hyeme, geluque praecipue tempore, admodum tepidos esse.]\n113\n\nPages 95:\n78\nchapter three\ngaseous vapour.116 Lister also believed that in \u201cwet, moist and chilly\nplaces,\u201d the activation of pyrite salts was \u201cparticularly promoted,\u201d\nprobably due to his observation of the increased oxidation of pyrites in\nhumid and oxygen-rich air.117 Lister was likely in\u0002uenced by the early\nmodern concept of \u201cwitterung,\u201d described by Christian Berward in his\nInterpres Phraseologiae Metullarugicae (Frankfurt 1684) as the \u201cvapour or\nexhalation which at times rises out of the earth from rich [ore] veins,\u201d\nespecially at the time of rain storms, and as we have seen, it was associated by Glauber with sulphurous vapors.118 As has been well-established,\nthe early modern period saw an in\u0002ux of German mining engineers\nand entrepreneurs into England; Lister himself referred to Glauber and\nGeorg Agricola extensively in his manuscript and published works.119\nLister\u2019s connection of volatile salts from pyrites and limestone with the\nheating of mineral waters was also in\u0002uenced by the Du Clos\u2019 Observations. In speculating about the effects of spa waters, Du Clos had written\nthat \u201cit may be that some Mineral Vapours or Exhalations do mix with\ncommon Waters . . . and that these Waters are impregnated with their\nQualities, and of some other Volatile Salts not Concrete, elevated in\nthese dry Exhalations of humid Vapours.\u201d120 Du Clos also argued that\n116\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 80. [At praeter Pyriten et lapidem Calcarium nihil, quod scio, halituosum\nemittit vaporem: atque adeo vel ambobus, vel eorum altero iste halitus calefactionis attribuendus est.]\n117\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 83. \u201cIn order to prove that the activation of pyrites . . . involves vapour I shall add to these arguments that in wet, moist and chilly places the\nactivation of those salts is particularly promoted.\u201d [His addo, ut Pyritae & lapidis Calcarii\nvegitationem halituosam esse probem: nimirum, in udis & humidis, algidisque locis Salium eorum\nvegitationem maxime promoveri.]\n118\nChristian Berward, Interpres phraseologi\u00e6\u00e6 metallurgic\u00e6\u00e6. Oder, Erkl\u00e4\u00e4rung der f\u00fc\u00fcrnembsten\nTerminorum und Redearten, welche bey den Bergleuten, Puchern, Schmetlzern, Probirern und M\u00fc\u00fcntzmeistern, &c. in Benennung ihrer Profession Sachen, Gezeugs, Geb\u00e4\u00e4ude, Werckschafft, und Jnstrumenten gebr\u00e4\u00e4uchlich sind, wie nemlich solche nach gemeinem Deutschen zu verstehn . . . (Frankfurt,\n1684), as quoted in Adams, Birth and Development, p. 301.\n119\nRoger Burt, \u201cThe international diffusion of technology in the early modern\nperiod: the case of the British non ferrous mining industry,\u201d Economic History Review,\nXLIV, 2 (1991), pp. 249\u2013271, on pp. 249\u2013251. Burt actually takes issue with traditional historiography that argues that German experts introduced any unknown or\nradically improved techniques for the mining of non-ferrous metallic ores, but he does\nacknowledge they were \u201cworld leaders in the arts of the industry,\u201d and had extensive\ntechnological in\u0002uence in the copper industry. In chapter six of his manuscript, \u201cOn\nthe Method of the History of Iron,\u201d which is devoted to pyrites (pp. 43\u201347), Lister\nrefers repeatedly to Glauber\u2019s A description of new philosophical furnaces, or, A new art of\ndistilling divided into \u0002ve parts: whereunto is added a description of the Tincture of gold or The true\naurum potabile: also the \u0002rst part of the Mineral work, set forth and published for the sakes of them\nthat are studious of the truth (London: T. Williams, 1651).\n120\nDu Clos, Observations on the Mineral Waters of France, p. 4.\n\nPages 96:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n79\nhot springs grew warm speci\u0003cally from hot moist vapours volatilizing\nfrom substances like pyritic vitriol, and not from the substances being\ncombusted themselves.121 Paraphrasing Du Clos, Lister continued in\nthe De Fontibus: \u201cThe water of the hot springs, when placed on a \u0003re,\nalso required the same time to boil as ordinary cold water: from this\nit is clear that the hot springs were not heated by some underground\n\u0003re.\u201d122 Additionally, Lister also cited Du Clos\u2019 conclusion that when\nwater from hot springs was\ntaken into the mouth they do not burn it as much as ordinary water which\nhas been heated over a stove to the same degree of heat. This seems to\nbe due to the thinness of the substance [the exhalations] by which hot\nsprings are heated; just as the \u0002ame produced by brandy does not burn\nthe hand as much as a burning coal placed on it.123\nLister then turned to proving the activation of pyrites in the presence\nof moisture by analyzing their role in the cause of rainstorms. According to the De Fontibus, thunderstorms occurred not only because of\nthe evaporation of the waters by sunlight, but primarily because of a\npartnership between moist vapours engendered by animal and plant\nbreath and sulphurous exhalations from the volatile salts of pyrites\nand limestone.\nTo understand this mechanism of thunderstorms more thoroughly, it\nis necessary to examine what Lister believed about the breath of plants\nand animals. Although the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus\nclaimed that plants only had an insensitive Vegetative soul, and thus only\n121\nDu Clos, Observations on the Mineral Waters of France, pp. 115\u2013116; Lister, De Fontibus, p. 80.\n122\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 81. [Quod Thermarum aqua in ignem imposita, idem temporis\nspatium ad effvescendum requiret, ac ipsa aqua communi frigida: unde liquet Thermas ab igne aliquo\nsubterraneo non callefactas fuisse.] Du Clos, Observations on the mineral waters of France, pp.\n118\u2013119. Du Clos writes \u201cThat Hot Mineral Waters have no more Disposition to\nBoyl on the Fire than Common Cold Waters, there being as much time requir\u2019d to\ncause the one to boyl as the other. Which clearly shews that the Heat which Mineral\nWaters contract in the Earth, proceeds not from a Motion of their Particles excited\nby any Subterraneous Fire.\u201d\n123\nLister, De Fontibus, 81. [Quod in os sumptae, haud aeque id adurunt, ac aqua communis,\nad eundem claoris gradum igne culinari calefacta: Id quod a materiae tenuitate, a qua Thermae\nincalescunt, oriri videtur; Siquidem Spiritus Vini dicti \u0003amma, manum haud aeque adurit, ac pruna\nei imposita.] Du Clos writes in the Observations: \u201cThat these hot Mineral waters burn\nnot the Mouth and tongue of those who drink of them at their coming forth from\ntheir Springs, as Common Water heated by Fire to a like Degree would do. Which\nseems to proceed from the Subtilty of the Subtances which produceth this Heat in\nthe Water\u201d (p. 117).\n\nPages 97:\n80\nchapter three\nexhibited passive responses of nutrition and reproduction, Lister, like\nother investigators of plant sensitivity, believed that plants were more\nanalogous to animals physiologically.124 Inspired by the work on the\ncirculation of the blood by William Harvey (1578\u20131657) and Marcello\nMalphigi\u2019s (1628\u20131694) experiments with capillaries, in a series of\narticles for the Philosophical Transactions, Lister hypothesized that plants\nshared a similar circulatory system, complete with veins and arteries.125 While natural philosophers \u201chad not yet here discover(ed) any\nuniting of veins into one common trunk,\u201d Lister was sure that further\nanatomical research would mean that \u201cthe analogie betwixt plants and\nanimals be in all things else, as well as the motion of their juice, fully\ncleared.\u201d126 As plants and animals both had similar circulatory systems,\nLister speculated that they both bled and breathed; in an article in the\nPhilosophical Transactions, Lister wrote in an article about grafting, it was\n\u201cindeed true, there are many sorts of English Plants, which will bleed\nin Winter; but not also, that such Plants never refuse to do so at any\ntime of the year, not more than a Man, who many bleed a vein wh\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 78 to page 97 out of a total of 312. 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{"result":["[Summary from page 98 to page 117 out of a total of 312:\nPages 98:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n81\nIn the De Fontibus, Lister then mentioned, \u201cas plants live they breathe\njust like animals.\u201d128 As support, he cited a June 1669 experiment on\nplant transpiration performed by John Wills, a fellow of Trinity College, Oxford in which botanical specimens were placed in glass vials\n\u201cin order to \u0003nd in what measure Herbs might perspire.\u201d129 Convinced\nthat plants \u201cexpired\u201d a good deal of moist breath, Lister then went on\nto claim their breath was also responsible for wind. In an essay in the\nPhilosophical Transactions, Lister wrote,\nAmong the known Sea Plants the Sargosse or Lenticula Marina [Sea\nLentil] is not to be forgot; this grows in vast quantities from 36 to 18\ndegrees Northern Latitude, and elsewhere upon the deepest Seas. And I\n128\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 88.\nLister speci\u0003cally cited Dr. Robert Plot\u2019s The Natural History of Oxfordshire, Being\nan Essay toward the natural History of England (Oxford: The Theater, 1677), pp. 254\u20135.\nPlot (1640\u201396), of Magdalen College, Oxford, and Secretary of the Royal Society in\n1682, described it as follows: \u201cHe [Wills] took two glass Vials with narrow necks, each\nholding one pound 8 ounces, and 2 drachms or water . . . into one of these glasses \u0003lled\nwith water, he put a sprig of \u0002ourishing Mint (which before had grown in the water)\nweighing one ounce: the other glass he also \u0003ll\u2019d with water, and exposed them both in\na window to the Sun. After ten days time, he found in the bottle where the mint was,\nonly \u0003ve ounces and four drachms of water remaining, and no more so that there was\none pound two ounces and six drachms spent, the mint weighting scarce two drachms\nmore than at \u0003rst. From the other Glass, where water was put of the same weight,\nand no mint, he found the Sun had exhaled near one ounce of water, and therefore\nconcluded it drew but so much out of the \u0003rst glass, at least no more: So that allowing one ounce for what the Sun had exhaled, there was in those ten days spent by the\nmint, one pound one ounce six drachms of water; and the mint being increased in\nweight only two drachms, \u2018twas plain the mint had purely expired in those two days,\none pound one ounce and four drachms, that is, each day above an ounce and half,\nwhich is more than the weight of the whole mint. Whence he concluded that what\nMalphigius so wonders at in his Book De Bombyce, viz. that those Animals will sometimes eat in one day, more than the weight of their bodies, is out-done by every sprig\nof mint, and most other Herbs in the Field, which every summers day attract more\nnourishment than their own weight amounts too. Which the same ingenious person at\nleast questions not (and therefore wishes trials may be made) of the Tithymali, Esulae,\nand especially of Pinguicula and Ros Solis, which last sucks up moisture faster than the\nSun can exhale it, and is bedewed all over at Noon-day, notwithstanding its power: Nor\ndoubts he but that Wormwood, and all other Plants that are very hot, and of strong\nsmells, expire as much, if not more than the Mint.\u201d All of the plants (except Wormwood) mentioned by Plot produce liquids that could be interpreted as dew. Ros Solis\nwas Drosera rotundifolia, or Sun-Dew, a carnivorous plant noted for its dew on its leaves\nthat intensi\u0003ed with the sun; Pinguicula was known as butterwort, another carnivorous\nplant with mucilage drops on its leaves to catch insects, apparently interpreted by Plot\nas dew. Tithymali and esulae are species of spurge that produces a milky latex from roots\nand stems when injured. For descriptions of these plants, see John Gerard, Herball or\nGeneral Historie of Plantes (1613) (New York: Dover Publications, 1975).\n129\n\nPages 99:\n82\nchapter three\nthink . . . from the daily and constant breath of that Plant, the Trade or\nTropic Winds do in great part arise.130\nHe also hypothesized that plant breath was also primarily moist; Lister\nused as evidence that night dews and mists from springs, rivers, and the\nsea also arose \u201clargely from the condensed breath of plants.\u201d131 And the\nmoisture of plant breath combined with Pyrites created rain. Although\nLister acknowledged that rains were \u201cexhaled as a result of the heat of\nthe Sun\u201d on the ocean, he considered the condensations of the moist\n\u201cvapour both of Pyrites and limestone\u201d found underground in mines\nas well as that from \u201cespecially the vegetation growing on Pyrites and\nlimestone\u201d to be the \u201cgreatest material for rain.\u201d132 Lister further commented that violent rain occurred when the vapour of pyrites and their\nvitriolic salts were mixed\n130\nLister, \u201cCertain Observations,\u201d p. 494. Sea Lentil or Sargasso weed, is a proli\u0003c\nbrown seaweed of the genus Sargassum, and was described in the Philosophical Transactions\nby Hans Sloane (1660\u20131753). This lush plant covers an area of Sargasso Sea that is\nat the heart of the Bermuda Triangle, often having \u0002oating layers 1\u20132 feet thick. The\nplant has small bladders in the form of empty sea pods that allow it to \u0002oat on the\nsea surface \u201cSargasso Sea,\u201d Bermuda-Triangle.org, p. 1, online. http://www.bermudatriangle.org/500_Leagues_of_Sea/Sargasso_Sea /sargasso_sea.html, accessed 9 August\n2002. For a seventeenth-century description of the plant, please see Gerard, Herball or\nGeneral Historie of Plantes, 1614\u201315. Hans Sloane, \u201cAn Account of Four Sorts of Strange\nBeans, Frequently Cast on Shoar on the Orkney Isles, with Some Conjectures about\nthe Way of Their Being Brought Thither from Jamaica, where Three Sorts of Them\nGrow,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 19 (1695\u20131697), pp. 298\u2013300, on p. 300. The mounted\nspecimens of the Sargasso weed or the Lenticula Marina that Hans Sloane collected during his voyages to Jamaica (1687\u20131689) can be seen in the Sir Hans Sloane Jamaican\nBotanical Collection, Natural History Museum London, online http://internt.nhm.\nac.uk/cgi-bin/botany/sloane/detail.dsml?ID=1046, accessed 9 August 2002. Although\nLister seems to be saying the physical breathing of plants causes the trade winds, it\nmay be possible that he thought the volatile salts contained in plant breath may have\nbeen behind the production of winds. Sargasso weed was very salty in taste, which\nalso may have some bearing on Lister\u2019s theory.\n131\nLister, De Fontibus, pp. 87, pp. 89\u201390. In these pages, Lister\u2019s idea that plant breath\nwas responsible for dews led him to consider the use of it for water puri\u0003cation at\nsea, a much-debated problem in the seventeenth-century English navy. Because Lister\nbelieved the condensation of plant breath produced water, he did an experiment in\nwhich he placed sea weed, some with roots, some adhering to stones, in a \u201cglass bodie\u201d;\nthe \u201cglass bodie being full, I put thereon a head with a Beck, and adapted a Receiver\nthereto . . . from these Plants did distill dayly . . . a fresh, very sweet and potable water.\u201d\nAfter urging further experimentation and how his discovery \u201cmay well prove most\ndesirable and useful for sailors,\u201d Lister then went on to speculate that sea water was\nthe only \u201celement of water created\u201d in Genesis before any Animal or Vegetable was\ncreated, or the Sun itself;\u201d over time the \u201cvapours of Plants and the Breath of Animals\nand the Exhalations raised by the Sun\u201d created the fresh water in Rivers.\u201d\n132\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 90. [At forte longe maxima pluviarum material a salibus Metallorum\nsubterraneis, & praecipue Pyritae & lapidis Calcarii vegetantibus oritur.]\n\nPages 100:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n83\nin tiny amounts with some moist vapour, then if at any time and for\nany reason it happens to be set on \u0003re [by lightening or friction] little\ndroplets of water are necessarily forced together and thrown down, when\nthe draught by whose movement and stirring alone they are borne up\ninto the atmosphere is driven away.133\nIn other words, the force of sparked vapor pushed water droplets\ntogether and downwards.\nLister also believed thunder and lightning \u201cowed their matter from\nthe sole [sulphurous] breath of the Pyrites.\u201d134 In the De Fontibus, as\nsupport for his assertions, Lister cited Pliny\u2019s Natural History: \u201cPliny says\nthat thunder and lightening burn with sulphur, and the actual light they\nproduce is sulphurous.\u201d135 Lightning does small of sulphur, sulphur is\nin fact an excellent insulator, and static electricity accumulated on it\ndischarges in electrical sparks towards proximate objects, effects which\nmay have given Lister his idea. Further, in early modern German mining\nliterature, ore exhalations due to witterung were implicated in meteorological effects such as thunder and lightening.136 Referring to an article\nhe wrote in the Philosophical Transactions, Lister also enumerated several\nrecorded instances by Aristotelian scholar Julius Scaliger (1484\u20131558)\nand author of \u201cbooks of secrets\u201d Giordano Cardano (1501\u201376) of \u201cIron\nto have fallen in great masses, and also in powder after the manner of\nrain, out of the Air\u201d indicating by analogy that because iron pyrites\nwere involved in meteor showers, they would be involved in rain showers\nas well.137 Lister then remarked that according to William Gilbert\u2019s De\nMagnete (1600) that presumably these pyrite-rich meteors, which were\n133\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 83. [Cum autem id vapore aliquo humido per minia miscetur, si\nquando quacunque de causa, incendi contingat aqueas particulas simul cogi, dejicique necesse est;\nscilicet Spiritu, cuius solius motu & agitatione in aura feruntur, exploso.]\n134\nMartin Lyster [Lister], \u201cThe Third Paper of the Same Person, Concerning\nThunder and Lightening being from the Pyrites,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 14 (1684),\npp. 517\u201319, on p. 518.\n135\nLister, De Fontibus, p. 79. Pliny, Natural History, 35.50, passim. Lister had high\nregard for Pliny; in a letter to John Ray, he wrote: \u201cI remember you once took away\nthe prejudice I had against Pliny, and I have ever since looked upon him as a great\ntreasure of learning.\u201d See Ray, \u201cMr. Lister to Mr. Wray, 22 December, 1669,\u201d in The\nCorrespondence of John Ray, pp. 48\u20139.\n136\nOlaus Magnus, Historia Oali Magni Gothi Archiepiscopi Upsalensis de Gentium Septentrionalium varris conditionibus &c (Basel, 1567), book 6, chapter 11, as quoted in Adams,\nBirth and Development, p. 303.\n137\nMartin Lyster [ Lister], \u201cThe Third Paper,\u201d p. 518. For information about Giordano Cardano and Julius Scalinger, please see William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of\nNature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture (Princeton: Princeton University\nPress, 1994), pp. 278\u201381.\n\nPages 101:\n84\nchapter three\n\u201cvery hard and of the color of iron,\u201d were never accompanied by\nshowers of \u201cgold or silver ore, or tin or Lead\u201d; therefore this \u201cferrum\nwere composed of the breath of pyrites.\u201d138 His interest in the effects\nof the emanations of iron pyrites also led him to do a systematic survey\nof iron deposits in England and magnetism, contained in both the De\nFontibus and in his \u201cMethod of the History of Iron.\u201d139\nLister claimed iron pyrites were involved in rainstorms because\n\u201clightening was magnetic.\u201d140 He again cited an article in the Philosophical Transactions, in which an Irish sea-captain on a voyage to Bermuda\nfound himself caught in a storm in which a \u201cterrible clap of Thunder\ntore his sayles, and did some damage to his rigging.\u201d141 The lightening\napparently magnetized his compass, \u201cthe North and South points having changed positions . . . which strange and sudden accident he could\nimpute to nothing else but the operation of the Lightning or Thunder\nnewly mentioned.\u201d142 Lister\u2019s opinion about lightening and thunder was\napparently somewhat in\u0002uential, as \u0003fty years later, Benjamin Franklin\nwrote about it in the Pennsylvania Gazette in December 1737: \u201cDr. Lister\nis of the opinion, that the material cause of thunder, lightening, and\nearthquakes, is one and the same. Viz. the in\u0002ammable breath of the\npyrites, which is a substantial sulphur, and takes \u0003re in itself.\u201d143\nIn the De Fontibus, Lister also brie\u0002y mentioned that earthquakes were\nprimarily due to the \u0003ring of the \u201cin\u0002ammable breath of Pyrites . . . underground,\u201d and earthquakes could occur \u201cif by chance the \u0003re [from\npyrites] is contained in subterranean hollows, and hot springs\u201d or \u201cif\nit is transported in abundance among water channels, even if it is not\n138\nLister, \u201cThe Third Paper,\u201d pp. 518\u201319.\nLister\u2019s connection of magnetism and chemistry will be the subject of a future\npaper.\n140\nLister, \u201cThe Third Paper,\u201d p. 519. In fact, Lister is correct that lightening can\nmagnetize a ship; a lightning strike can magnetize a keel or other metal \u0003ttings, rendering one\u2019s compass useless.\n141\nAnonymous, \u201cAn extract of a Letter written from Dublin to the Publisher . . . viz.\nA narrative of a strange effect of Thunder upon a Magnetick Sea-card,\u201d Philosophical\nTransactions, 11 (1676), pp. 647\u2013653, on p. 648.\n142\n\u201cAn extract of a Letter,\u201d p. 648.\n143\nSee Alfred Owen Aldridge, \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and Earthquakes,\u201d Isis 41 (1950): 162\u20134, on p. 162. Franklin may also have seen\nLister\u2019s \u201cThree Papers of Martyn Lister, the \u0003rst of the Nature of Earth-quakes; more\nparticularly of the Origine of the matter of them, from the Pyrites alone,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 14 (1684), pp. 517\u201319, in which Lister states in the \u0003rst paragraph on\np. 517: \u201cThe material cause of Thunder and Lightening, and of Earthquakes is one\nand the same; viz, The in\u0002ammable breath of the Pyrites, the difference is, that one\nis \u0003red in the Air; the other under ground.\u201d\n139\n\nPages 102:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n85\nset on \u0003re.\u201d144 The possible involvement of pyrites in earthquakes also\ncontinued to provide fodder for Royal Society experiments by Stephen\nHales (1677\u20131761) into the 1750s. Hales wrote Vegetable Staticks (1727)\nin which he measured the rate of plant transpiration, so it would not\nbe surprising if he were familiar with Lister\u2019s works.145 As Cohen has\nnoted, the antiquarian and biographer of Newton, Reverend William\nStuckley (1687\u20131785) took notes on some papers presented in the Royal\nSociety in 1752, in which Hales:\ngives an experiment of putting some pyrites stone, with some aqua fortis\n[concentrated nitric acid (HNO3)], into a vessel set in water, and covered\nwith a large glass, whose mouth must be immersed in the water. A brisk\nfermentation arises, a black cloud, and a destruction of some quantity\nof air . . . Then suddenly taking up the glass out of the water, and letting\nin fresh air, a new ebullition arises . . . From this experiment the doctor\napprehends that the cause of earthquakes is much illustrated. He says\nsulphureous vapour arises out of the earth generated probably by the\npyrites abounding therein . . . through cracks and chinks of the gaping\nearth. The vapours \u0002y into the upper regions of the air, where they meet\nwith pure and uncorrupted air, clouds intervening like as in the glass\nreceiver, they ingage with violence . . . through the clouds, and cause a\nprodigious tumult above . . . These concussions in the air act upon the\nsurface of the earth and cause earthquakes.146\n144\nLister, De Fontibus, pp. 78\u20139. [Pyritae autem halitus effectus sunt Fulmina et Fulgura, si\nin caelo accendatur; Terrae motus, si forte cavis subterraneis accensus contineatur: Thermae si per\naquarum ductus subterraneos copiose feratur, etiamsi non accendatur.]\n145\nD.N.B., c.v. \u201cStephen Hales,\u201d 1937\u20139 ed. Stuckley and Hales became friends when\nHales was a fellow at Corpus Christi, Cambridge; according to Hales\u2019 entry in D.N.B.,\n\u201cboth \u2018perambulated\u2019 Cambridgeshire in search of [ John] Ray\u2019s plants.\u201d Since Lister\nalso contributed specimens to Ray\u2019s plant catalogue, it is most likely that Hales knew\nof Lister\u2019s work. Please also see D.G.C. Allan and Robert E. Scho\u0003eld, Stephen Hales:\nScientist and Philanthropist (London: Scolar Press, 1980); Peter J. James, \u201cStephen Hales\u2019\n\u201cStatical way,\u201d Pubblicazioni della Stazione zoologica di Napoli. II, History and philosophy of\nthe life sciences 7, 2 (1985), pp. 287\u2013299.\n146\nFamily memoirs of the Rev. William Stuckley (Publications of the Surtees Society,\n1882\u20137) vol. 2, pp. 378\u20139, as quoted in I. Bernard Cohen, \u201cNeglected Sources for the\nLife of Stephen Gray (1666 of 1667\u20131736)\u201d Isis 45, 1 (May 1954), pp. 41\u201350, on pp.\n44\u20135. Hales indeed would have observed an exothermic reaction (brisk fermentation).\nThe sulphurous vapours he reported were most likely sulphur dioxide produced from\nthe reaction of pyrites with oxygen: 4 FeS2 + 1102 o\u0003 2Fe2O3 + 8 SO2, or just the\nproduction of free sulphur, as enumerated below. The reaction that Hale described was\nlikely (assuming some pyrites were iron-copper pyrites, as he does not distinguish):\nCuFeS2 + 4 HNO3 = Cu(NO3)2 + Fe(NO3)2 + 2 H+ + 2 S(solid) OR in word form:\nIron-copper pyrites + nitric acid = Copper nitrate and iron nitrate and hydrogen\nions with solid sulphur.\n\nPages 103:\n86\nchapter three\nIn a like fashion, Lister also mentioned in an article in the Philosophical\nTransactions that volcanoes were \u201cMountains made up in great part\nof Pyrites\u201d because of the \u201cquantities of Sulphure thence sublimed,\nand the Application of the Load-stone to the ejected Cinder.\u201d147 He\nmay have received this notion from The Vulcanoes (1669), which was an\nEnglish summary of Athanasius Kircher\u2019s Mundus Subterraneous. Kircher\nexplained, \u201csulphureous . . . spirits, which lodged there [in subterranean\ncaves] . . . at length ends in a new food and nourishment of the \u0003re.\u201d148\nKircher also claimed that \u201csulphur . . . insinuated into the pores of the\nCalx [limestone] or Calcined Lime\u201d where it \u201cadministers that perpetual\nand everlasting fuel and food of Fire\u201d; he also speculated that vitriol and\nsal ammoniac might play a role in the production of lava.149 We have seen\nearlier that Lister thought limestone might play a role in concert with\npyrites in producing the heat of hot springs; his concern with \u201ccaukestone,\u201d which he termed \u201ca very odd mineral,\u201d may have been suggested\nby Kircher\u2019s speculations.150 Finally, to answer objections that England\nhad a good quantity of pyrites, but little volcanic activity, Lister claimed\nthat in areas such as Mount Vesuvius experienced more volcanic eruptions because \u201cthe Pyrites of the Vulcano\u2019s or burning Mountains may\nbe more Sulphurious then ours. And indeed it is plain, that some of\nours in England are very lean.\u201d151\nIn the frontispiece of his De Fontibus, Lister included a quote from\nPliny\u2019s Natural History: Tales sunt aquae, qualis terra per quam \u0003uunt, or waters\ntake their nature from the strata through which they \u0002ow. Understanding\nthe chemical nature of the waters subject to the chemical in\u0002uence of\npyrites was indeed crucial for Lister, and subsequent natural philosophers\nto comprehend meteorological and geological change. Despite the \u201cvery\nlean\u201d nature of English pyrites, Lister himself seemed to regard their\ninvestigation as particularly important. Not only did the production of\nSome metallic copper impurities in the pyrite could have reacted further with nitric\nacid to create nitrogen dioxide, a brownish gas which may have been the \u201cblack gas\u201d\nthat Hales observed:\nCu(s) + 4 H + (aq) + 2 NO3\u2013(aq) o\u0003Cu2 + (aq) + 2 NO2(g) + 2 H2O(l)\n147\nLister, \u201cThe Second Paper of the Same Person Concerning the Spontaneous\nFiring of the Pyrites,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 14 (1684), pp. 515\u2013517, on p. 516.\n148\nThe Vulcano\u2019s: Or, Burning and Fire-vomiting Mountains, famous in the World . . . Collected\nfor the Most Part out of Kircher\u2019s Subterraneous World (London: J. Darby, 1669), p. 56.\n149\nThe Vulcano\u2019s, p. 57, p. 60.\n150\nFor Lister\u2019s description of limestone, please see \u201cLister to Oldenburg, 20 November\n1674,\u201d Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, vol. 11, pp. 132\u20133.\n151\nLister, \u201cThe Second Paper,\u201d p. 514.\n\nPages 104:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n87\nthe vitriolic varnish of pyrites convince him of the superiority of exhalation theory over aqueous mechanisms for the formation of minerals,\nbut these minerals\u2019 sulphurous vapours provided a fertile explanation\nfor many natural phenomena.\nPlants and Salts: The Work of Nehemiah Grew\nIn chapter two, we saw that salts were thought to provide an elemental\nstructure to living things. This belief, informed by a reaction to Helmontian chymistry within the Royal Society, characterized the botanical work\nof Nehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712). Grew was botanist and secretary to\nthe Royal Society, has been subject to extensive scholarly analysis, ranging from the patronage required for the publication of his magisterial\nAnatomy of Plants (1682), to his cataloguing of the Royal Society collections, to his philosophy of vitalism.152 However, other than his role in\nthe discovery of Epsom salts and his promotion of nitre for fertilizer,\nhis contributions to chymistry have received less scholarly attention.\nAfter receiving his B.A. from Cambridge in 1661\u20131662, Grew went\nonto receive his medical degree from Leiden, studying under Sylvius\nand writing a dissertation on the liquors of the nervous system, utilizing\nSylvius\u2019 well-known acid-alkali iatrochymistry as the basis for his analysis.153 Grew\u2019s continued devotion to chemical research was applied to his\nbotanical work. As Bolan has shown, in his Anatomy, Grew thought it\nwas necessary to perform \u201ca chemical analysis of the contents of plants\n152\nBrian Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712),\u201d British Journal of the History of Science 36, 1 (March 2003), pp. 63\u201381;\nMichael Hunter, \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0003c Research: Nethemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry Oldenburg,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 36, 2 (February 1982), pp. 189\u2013209;\nJeanne Bolam, \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712),\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 27, 2 (February 1973), pp. 219\u2013231; Conrad\nZirtle, \u201cIntroduction,\u201d in Nehemiah Grew, The Anatomy of Plants. Sources of Science,\nno. 2 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1965); A. Sakula, \u201cDoctor Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Epsom salts,\u201d Clio Medica 19, 1\u20132 (1984), pp. 1\u201321; William\nLefanu, Nehemiah Grew: a Study and Bibliography of his Writings (Detroit 1990); J.R.\nParthington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols. (London, Macmillan, 1961\u20131970), vol. 2,\npp. 567\u20138 on Grew.\n153\nNehemiah Grew, Disputatio Medico-Physica, inauguralis, de liquore nervosa . . . pro\ngradu doctorates . . . subjicit Nehemiah Grew, e. com Warwickensi, die 14 Julii. Ph.D. diss (University\nof Leiden, 6 July 1671). This work was published by Elsevir in 1671, and the original\ncan be found in the National Library of Medicine and the British Library. The author\nplans to issue a translation with commentary in future.\n\nPages 105:\n88\nchapter three\nboth air and liquid, their colors, tastes, smells . . . all to be examined\nby agitation, frigifaction, infusion, digestion, decoction, distillation,\ncalcination, and all the armoury of seventeenth-century analysis.\u201d154\nGrew attempted such analyses in a series of lectures appended to the\nAnatomy; like the Anatomy, the chemical papers were subsidized by the\nRoyal Society\u2019s general fund.155\nIn his work, Grew concentrated particularly on the salt chymistry\nof plants, following an established tradition in early modern chymistry.\nAs we have seen, there was a running controversy over \u0003re analysis in\nthe early modern period, with Van Helmont claiming salt was not a\ntrue chymical principle, but rather produced by the heat of analysis.\nTherefore, Van Helmont questioned earlier alchemical claims of palingenics that authors such as Duchesne made in his Ad veritatem hermeticae\nmedicinae (1604)\u2014in the case of burning plants to ash, Van Helmont\ndenied that \u0003xed salts pre-existed in plants, and believed they were\nproduced, not extracted, by the \u0003re. The idea of preformation of salts\ncontinued to be a prevalent topic in seventeenth-century chymistry.156\nNicholas L\u00e9mery (1645\u20131715), a French corpuscularian and writer of\nthe popular French chemistry textbook, translated into English as the\nCourse of Chymistry (1698), wrote:\nSeveral modern philosophers want to persuade us that it is uncertain\nwhether the substances we obtain from the mixts and which we have\ncalled Principles of Chemistry are present effectively and naturally in the\nmixts; they say that in rarifying matter in the distillations, \u0003re is capable\nof imparting to matter subsequently an arrangement that is quite different from the one it had previously and to form the salt, oil and other\nthings obtained.157\n154\nBolam, \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712),\u201d p. 225.\nHunter, \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0003c Research: Nethemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry Oldenburg,\u201d p. 201.\n156\nFor an overview of preformation theory, see Eduard Farber, \u201cVariants of\nPreformation Theory in the History of Chemistry,\u201d Isis 54,4 (December 1963): pp.\n443\u2013460.\n157\nNicolas L\u00e9mery, A Course of Chymistry Containing an easie Method of Preparing those\nChymical Medicines Which are Used in Physik (London: W. Kettilby, 1698), p. 7. According\nto the Dictionary of Scienti\u0002c Biography (p. 1329), \u201cL\u00e9mery introduced his explanations of\nchemical reactions in terms of particle shape and movement on an ad hoc basis. Thus\nthe best way to explain the nature of salts is to attribute shapes to their constituent\nparticles. Acid salts must have sharp pointed particles because of their sharp taste and,\neven more convincingly, because they solidify in the form of sharp pointed crystals.\nContrariwise, alkalis are composed of earthy solid particles whose interstitial pores are\n155\n\nPages 106:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n89\nFor his part, L\u00e9mery argued that for volatile alkali salts (primarily ammonia), \u201cit is obvious that \u0003re has done something to this salt, because\nwhen it was in the plant it had not odor similar to that acquired by\nthe distillation.\u201d158\nBoyle\u2019s prot\u00e9g\u00e9, Daniel Coxe, also engaged in this debate in his publications in the Royal Society Transactions, publications that apparently\nreached a wide audience. Herman Boerhaave cited Coxe\u2019s papers in\nwhich Coxe described that he took a plant, bruised and burnt it, and\nthen calcinated its ashes, extracting from it a volatile salt. He then made\na compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat; arising from\nthe ashes were salt crystals which resembled a stem, leaves and \u0002owers,\nan apparition of the plant which had been submitted to combustion.159\nCoxe also burned plants to ash, and percolated water through the ashes\nto obtain the lixivial or alkaline salts in an attempt to classify vegetative\nsalts and to illustrate a Van Helmontian principle. As these \u201calkalies\nwere also salts, questions regarding their production led directly to the\nquestion of whether or not they preexisted in combustible bodies.\u201d160\nAntonio Clericuzio has noted that Coxe denied that \u201c\u0003xed salts praeexisted in vegetables,\u201d thinking they were \u201cproduced, not extracted, by\nthe \u0003re. The salts alkali result from the combination of combination or\nunion of the saline and of the sulphureous principles.\u201d161 We not only\nsee this assertion in Coxe\u2019s published works in the Philosophical Transactions, but in a letter he wrote in 1666 to Boyle, when he states \u201cThat\nAlcalies, or \u0003xd salts made by incineration or Calcination seem not to\nhave been Such ea formac in the Concretes which afforded them by as\nso shaped as to admit entry of the spike particles of acid. L\u00e9mery postulated that, for\nreaction to take place between a particular acid and alkali, there must be an appropriate relationship between the size of the acid spikes and alkaline pores.\u201d\n158\nL\u00e9mery, Course of Chymistry, p. 20.\n159\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse, Begun Numb. 107.\nTouching the Identity of All Volatile Salts\u201d Philosophical Transactions 9 (1674): 169\u2013182,\non pp. 174\u2013175. Boerhaave cited Coxe\u2019s work when describing the putrefaction of\nvegetables in his Elements of Chemistry. See Dr. Boerhaave\u2019s Elements of Chemistry, Faithfully\nAbridg\u2019d . . . by Edward Strother, M.D., second edition (London: C. Rivington, 1737), part\nII, p. 95. L\u00e9mery and Stahl also supported the idea that the \u0003xed alkali in the vegetable\nis produced by burning. See Parthington, History of Chemistry, vol. II, p. 539.\n160\nWilliam R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey,\nBoyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002), p. 84.\n161\nAntonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry in the Seventeenth Century (Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers,\n2001), p. 161.\n\nPages 107:\n90\nchapter three\nAlcalies borne to bee the product of the Fire they not being Pruducible\nbut by Calcination.\u201d162 Hence, by denying an inherent salt principle,\nCoxe was challenging the Paracelsian tria prima. While admitting that\nhe did get palingenic apparitions of plants via isolating salts, after\nconsulting with Royal Society fellow Robert Moray, who as we have\nseen had his own interests in salt chymistry, Coxe also argued that\nhis results were a \u201cmeer Phantasme, or a fortuitous Colation of Salt\nto such pretty \u0003gures\u201d to show that there was no saline principle that\ncould recreate the essence of a vegetable.163 Much for the same reason,\nCoxe also concluded from his researches that the \u201c\u0003xed salts extracted\nfrom the ashes of plants do not differ from one another\u201d again denying\nthere was any essential salt unique to each plant.164\nAlthough Grew followed a similar chemical procedure, he utilized\nhis botanical chymistry and microscopic expertise honed researching\nhis Anatomy of Plants to elaborate and question some of Coxe\u2019s, Boyle\u2019s,\nand hence Van Helmont\u2019s ideas about principles of matter.165 In his\nwork with plants, Grew believed \u0003rst that \u201cno principle was made\nby the \u0003re: all Principles being unalterable,\u201d and it was necessary\nto distinguish between elemental salt, or salt in its substantial form,\nwhich he did believe existed, and its \u201cmixture with other principles;\nfrom whence it may receive different Shapes and Names.\u201d166 Grew\nacknowledged that calcinations of a body, or its fermentation \u201cafter\nthe manner shewed by the curious Improver of chemical knowledge,\nDr. Daniel Cox . . . yieldeth some kind of Salt,\u201d and a \u201cLixivial Salt,\nqua Lixivial\u201d could be made by combustion. But, he then stressed:\n\u201cAll which Salts are made, not by making the Saline principle, but\nonly by its being differently mixed, by those several ways of the Solution of Bodies with other Principles; from which its different mixture,\nit receives the different denominations of Marine, Nitrous, Volatile, or\n162\nDaniel Coxe to Robert Boyle 19 January 1666, in Robert Boyle, The Correspondence\nof Robert Boyle, vol. 3, pp. 30\u201343, on p. 34.\n163\nCoxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse, Begun Numb. 107.\nTouching the Identity of All Volatile Salts\u201d p. 178.\n164\nClericuzio, Elements, Principles and Corpuscles, p. 161.\n165\nNehemiah Grew, The Anatomy of Plants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of\nPlants, and Several other Lectures Read before the Royal Society (London: W. Rawlins, 1682).\nThis is the edition that will be used throughout.\n166\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse Read before the Royal Society December 10, 1674 Concerning the Nature, Causes, and Power of Mixture,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants, p. 227. Clericuzio\nalso brie\u0002y notes Grew disagreed with Coxe in Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles, p. 162,\nbut does not elaborate the basis of Grew\u2019s logic.\n\nPages 108:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n91\nLixivial.\u201d167 For Grew, though mixtures of different salts interacted in\na unique manner to produce various plant species, salts made by the\n\u0003re did not contain elemental salt. However, he did allow for the possibility that salts created by the air were elemental salts containing the\nvital essence of a plant, and he believed he had created a process to\nextract such salts from vegetables. Grew took as his inspiration work\ndone by contemporaries that indicated volatile salts in the air, such\nas aerial nitre, possessed vitalizing and elemental principles. He also\nutilized the results of his chemical research to draw conclusions about\nplant structure and color, and like Lister, applied his results to other\nareas in natural history such as meteorology.\nSalts and Plant Structure\nGrew\u2019s extensive macroscopic and microscopic researches and the series\nof plates he drew in the Anatomy revealed to him that plants had a\nfundamental geometrical structure. In his studies, Grew concluded that\nthe \u201cleaves of most Plants, have a Regular Figure, and this Regularity,\nboth in Length and Circuit,\u201d is always de\u0003nable in terms of the arcs of\ncircles.168 At the microscopic level, leaves also had a mathematical\npattern of \u0003bres that underlay its structure, leading Grew to ask what was\nthe fundamental principle from which \u201cNature seems to draw her \u0003rst\nStrokes.\u201d169 For him, the key to the plant\u2019s regular structure lay in the\nSaline Principle \u201cunder which divers species were comprehended\u201d;\n\u201cwhether Alkaline, Acid, or of any other Kind . . . the Salts are, as it\nwere, the Bones\u201d of the plant.170 Grew\u2019s statement was likely in\u0002uenced\nby Paracelsian chemistry, as we have seen in chapter two that in the\n\u201cParacelsian scheme of the tria prima salt is the directive for matter to\nassume solidity and bodily shape.\u201d171\nGrew sought to prove this principle by \u0003rst noting that fertilizers that\nnourished plants contained salt. This suggested by analogy that plants\n167\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse Read before the Royal Society December 10, 1674 Concerning the Nature, Causes, and Power of Mixture,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants, p. 227.\n168\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 150.\n169\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 157.\n170\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\n171\nWalter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen: Paracelsianism in Storm and Stress (Basel and Munich:\nKarger, 1984), p. 37.\n\nPages 109:\n92\nchapter three\nwere also made of saline substances.172 In order to better understand\nhow salts combined to form the leaf structure, he then sought to classify\nthe types of vegetative salts. In the Producibleness of Chemical Principles\n(1681), Boyle had replaced the usual division of salts into acid and\nalkali with a tripartite division of salts into acid, alkaline, and urinous\nor volatile, (the latter category including nitre), a classi\u0003cation that Coxe\nwould also follow.173 However, Grew argued instead that vegetative\nsalts should be classi\u0003ed into four types\u2014nitrous, acid, alkaline, and\nmarine\u2014claiming \u201call the four salts have a share in the formation of\na leaf, or other part of a plant.\u201d174 Grew did acknowledge that lixiviating plants via \u0003re revealed that they contained a \u0003xed as well as a\nvolatile alkali; \u201cthe former in the ashes, the latter in the Soot\u201d; because\nplants yielded acid juices in distillation in a sand furnace, this testi\u0003ed\nto the presence of an acidic salt within them.175 But where did the\nfourth marine salt come from? Grew claimed he could produce a salt\nquite outside of the tripartite classi\u0003cation, \u201canother kind of salt . . . an\nessential salt,\u201d via the action of the air upon lixivial alkaline plant salts.\nThis essential salt would in turn, shoot another marine salt, showing\nthe air was \u201cnature\u2019s grand menstruum, which goes sometimes greater\nthan the Fire itself.\u201d176\nThough Grew does not speci\u0003cally state from where his idea of the\nair being a creative principle stemmed, it is likely his assertion may\nhave been a modi\u0003ed expression of a prevalent early modern belief in\nwitterung. Another stronger possibility is the work of William Harvey\u2019s\nstudent, Francis Glisson (1599\u20131677). Grew\u2019s microscopic work on plants\nbegan after his half-brother Henry Sampson mentioned a passage in\n172\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 275. See also Antonio Clericuzio,\n\u201cA rede\u0003nition of Boyle\u2019s chemistry and corpuscular philosophy,\u201d Annals of Science, 47\n(1990), pp. 561\u2013589, esp. pp. 588\u2013589. Robert Boyle, The Producibleness of Chymical\nPrinciples published as an appendix to The Skeptical Chymist, second edition (London,\n1681), pp. 9\u201310. As Clericuzio has indicated, Boyle was dissatis\u0003ed by the information\ngiven by using the color indicators syrup of violets or lignum nephriticum to determine\nalkalinity or acidity. This was because these tests only indicated if a salt was acid or\nnot, but one would not know if it was urinous or alkaline. Thus, \u201cBoyle suggested a\ntrail by the color non-acid salts showed when they were combined with sublimate dissolved in fair water.\u201d Lixivial salts, produced an \u201corange tawny precipitate, and urinous\nones white and milky.\u201d See Clericuzio, \u201cA rede\u0003nition,\u201d p. 588.\n174\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n175\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\n176\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse Concerning the Essential and Marine Salts of Plants, Read\nBefore the Royal Society, December 21, 1676,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 261.\n173\n\nPages 110:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n93\nGlisson\u2019s Anatome Hepatis, that drew comparisons between plant and\nanimal anatomy, something which Grew developed.177 Later in the\nHepatis, Glisson also wrote that \u201cevery plant has his peculiar spirit,\u201d\nwhich were made by \u201ceminent impressions\u201d of the atmosphere; Glisson also claimed these plant spirits were physico-chemical going on to\nnote that they may \u201cbe mixed with salt or subtle sulphur.\u201d178 And of\ncourse, the long-established tradition voiced by Paracelsus about a vital\nnitrous salt in the air, subsequently modi\u0003ed by Van Helmont in his\ntheory of human breath, may have also played a role.\nIn the case of plant salts, followers of Helmont and Boyle, like\nDaniel Coxe would argue that the salts in the air would interact with\n\u0003xed salts extracted from the ashes of plants, which Coxe believed\nwere all uniform irregardless of plant species. The air would make\n\u201ccorrupted\u201d compound salts that would fool the unwary chymist into\nthinking they were different chemical species.179 This claim of Coxe\u2019s\nwas the one that Grew desired to challenge, as he believed each plant\nhad a unique essential salt.\nGrew performed chemical experiments to prove his assertions. He\ntook an alkaline lixivial solution of the salt of Fern (likely chosen as\nCoxe often utilized it), placed it an earthen pan, and exposed it to the\nair on a windowsill. He noted in nine days that amongst a cremor that\nformed on the service, an essential salt began to shoot that was ambercolored, mild-tasting, and neither sour nor sharp; this result indicated\nto Grew that it was not acidic or alkali [see Figure 4].\nThe fact that this essential salt also did not react with alkalis or acids\nmeant it was clearly not \u201ctartar or tartareous salt\u201d which \u201cmakes a\n[e]bullition with alkaline salts.\u201d180 Grew was particularly interested in\ndemonstrating this salt was not tartar (potassium bitartrate) for a few\nreasons. First, Coxe had claimed tartars were formed by the \u0003re, stating \u201cmost Vegetables, whether Woods or Herbs, if burnt whilst they\nare green, and with a smothering \u0003re, yield Salts which are far enough\nfrom Alcalisate; being either Neutral or Acid; or to speak more properly,\n177\nBolam, \u201cBotanical Works,\u201d p. 220; Garret, \u201cVitalism and teleology,\u201d p. 68.\nFrancis Glisson, Anatome Hepatis (The Anatomy of the Liver), 1654, ed. Andrew\nCunningham. Cambridge Wellcome Texts and Documents, number 3 (Cambridge:\nWellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, 1993), p. 32, as quoted in Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology,\u201d p. 68.\n179\nCoxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse, Begun Numb. 107.\nTouching the Identity of All Volatile Salts\u201d pp. 172\u20133.\n180\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n178\n\nPages 111:\n94\nchapter three\nTartareous.\u201d181 Secondly, the calcination of tartar by heat was a crucial\nexperiment that Van Helmont used to produce an alkaline salt of tartar\n(potassium carbonate). Not only did Van Helmont demonstrate in his\nexperiment that alkali salts were made by \u0003re, but he showed that in\nan open vessel, a smaller amount of tartar was produced than in a\nclosed vessel.182 Grew however stressed that the crystals he produced\nwere \u201cno sort of Tartar, or Tartareous Salt. As is plain, from the manner\nof their Generation; Tartar being still bred in close Vessels; these never, but\nby exposing the Liquor to the Aer.\u201d183 He therefore thought the salt he\nhad discovered was a unique essential salt of the plant, \u201cdifferent in\nNature from all other Salts hitherto known, or a new Species added\nto the inventory of Nature.\u201d184\nThis essential salt of Fern was then allowed to continue to crystallize,\nand after two weeks, began to shoot another salt that in its microscopic\nshape and taste led Grew to conclude it was a \u201cmarine salt produced\nby art in the imitation of nature.\u201d185 This Marine Salt, cuboidal and\n\u201cof greater Bulk,\u201d was considered by Grew to be the foundation\nof the leaves\u2019 skeleton; here Grew alluded to the idea that the cube\namong the Platonic solids was considered the most stable, and thus\nit was appropriate to be the basis of a structure.186 The \u0003bers which\ndetermined the shape of the leaf were, as Grew\u2019s microscopic observations showed, \u201cgoverned by air vessels;\u201d the generation of these vessells\nwas \u201cdetermined by the . . . Salts according to their several Angles.\u201d187\nMarine salts produced right angles, and alkaline salts were square at\none end, and pointed at the other; placed ended to end, alkaline salts\nwould form oblique angles. Acid salts had a more crooked nature, and\nby \u201capplying the lesser Side of one to the greater Side of another,\u201d\nwould form circular or Spiral lines.188 Combinations of the various\nsalts would thus produce a variety of differently-shaped air vessels and\nshapes of leaves [Figure 5].\n181\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 151.\n182\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy tried in the Fire, p. 87.\n183\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n184\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n185\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n186\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n187\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n188\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n\nPages 112:\nFigure 4. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LXXXIII,\u201d in The Anatomy\nof Plants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several other Lectures Read before the Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins,\n1682, p. 270. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nFigure 5. Nehemiah Grew, \u201cTable LIII,\u201d in The Anatomy of\nPlants. With an Idea of a Philosophical History of Plants, and Several\nother Lectures Read before the Royal Society. London: W. Rawlins,\n1682, p. 240. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n95\n\nPages 113:\n96\nchapter three\nAnd, as each species of plant had it own unique shape and structure, it would seem that the marine and essential salts produced from\nexposure of lixivial salts to the air were unique to each species of\nplant. To prove his assertion, Grew of course \u0003rst had to \u201cremove an\nOpinion standing in my way,\u201d namely the assertion that all alkaline salts\nfrom plants were the same as they were uniformly created by the \u0003re,\nas \u201csome Learned men have thought,\u201d an oblique reference to Boyle\nand Coxe.189 To allow the largest degree of impartiality possible, Grew\nhad salts prepared \u201cwith great care herein\u201d by an outside apothecary,\none John Blackstone, who stated in print that \u201call the lixivial salts\nmentioned in this and foregoing Discourse except that of Firne, were\nfaithfully prepared by me\u201d signing his name underneath his statement;\nBlackstone\u2019s more lowly social status as an apothecary would mean he\nhad to commit to a printed oath so his assertion would be accepted as\ntrue.190 Grew dissolved these lixivial alkaline salts from different plants\ninto water, and he argued that each solution had a distinctive and\nunique taste. In an earlier 1674 paper for the Philosophical Transactions\nCoxe had intimated that the different tastes for the salts were due to\nsome of the plant\u2019s oils contaminating the salts, so having Blackstone\nmake the careful preparations was important for Grew to assure saline\npurity.191 Then Grew let each solution be exposed to the air to produce\nthe different essential salts of each plant. Microscopic observation also\nillustrated that each essential salt had a unique structure and color,\narguing for their species-speci\u0003c nature [Figure 4]. Grew therefore\naccomplished what was in his eyes a truer type of plant palingenesis\nvia the medium of air rather than Coxe\u2019s use of \u0003re, and he thought\nthat he recreated the plant\u2019s essential saline structure.\n189\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 264.\nAs Steven Shapin has illustrated in A Social History of Truth, standards for epistemological truth in seventeenth-century science had their origin in gentlemen\u2019s codes of\nhonor. There was an equation between gentility, honor, and truth-telling that extended\nto empirical observation; the observations of Robert Boyle would be trusted more than\nthose by an artisan. Gentlemen, by virtue of their social status, were considered more\ncompetent sensory agents, and hence they were more likely to be leaders of opinion\nin the scienti\u0003c community. Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in\nSeventeenth-Century England (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994).\n191\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 155.\n190\n\nPages 114:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n97\n\u201cNature\u2019s Art of Painting,\u201d Salts and the colors of plants and \u0003owers\nIn addition to his studies of crystalline structure, Grew\u2019s theory of plant\nand \u0002ower color also drew from the idea that speci\u0003c salts in the air\ncaused a myriad of effects in the natural world. In a paper, \u201cA Discourse\nof the Colors of Plants,\u201d read before the Royal Society in 1677,\nGrew stated that the green color of leaves was a chemical precipitate\nthat formed when the acidic salts and sulphurs that plants contained\nmixed with volatile alkali salts in the air.192 Similar chemical reactions\ncontrolled the colors of \u0002owers. Like early Paracelsian chymists, Grew\nwas attributing color to salts.\nGrew \u0003rst isolated the chemical substances within plants that he\nbelieved caused the green color of leaves. He poured sulphuric and\nnitric acid on \u201cseveral parts of vegetables,\u201d \u0003nding they made less of\na chemical reaction than acids poured on parts of animals. This led\nhim to conclude that in \u201cmost Plants, the Preadominant Principle is\nan Acid,\u201d particularly in the parenchyma, whereas animal substances\ncontained more alkalis.193 Grew also argued that plants contained\nsulphur, especially in the wood, as there was a large amount of resinous sap in the wood\u2019s lympheducts, the sap having the same oily and\n\u0002ammable properties of sulphureous substances. He then performed a\nseries of experiments in which he dropped the alkali spirit of hartshorn\n(aqueous solution of ammonia) or sal ammoniac on tinctures of \u0002owers and on leaves. Spirit of Hartshorn on tinctures of borage \u0002ower\nturned them \u201cverdigreese Green,\u201d and when it was dropped on green\nleaves, the color did not change at all, leading him to postulate that\nthere was some alkaline \u201cor like salt in the Air, which is predominant\nin the production of Green in the Leavs of Plants.\u201d194 According to\nhis reasoning, roots of most plants were white because they were not\nexposed to the volatile alkaline salts in the air, noting that the upper\nparts of roots, \u201cwhen they happen to stand naked about the Ground,\u201d\nwere colored by the air, such as in red sorrel roots or purple radish\ntops.195 Transverse cuts of plant stalks showed a white bark parenchyma,\n192\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse of the Colors of Plants,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 271.\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort of the Luctation Arising from the Affusion of\nSeveral Menstruums upon all Sorts of Bodies, Exhibited to the Royal Society, April\n13, and June 1, 1676,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants, p. 240.\n194\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 276.\n195\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 270.\n193\n\nPages 115:\n98\nchapter three\nbut sap vessels which admitted the aerial volatile salts were as \u201cgreen as\nthe skin itself because they stand close to the Aer-Vessels.\u201d196 Flowers\nin bud also tended to be whitish until exposed to the alkaline salts in\nthe air.\nThe colors of \u0002owers were produced by differing combinations of\nvolatile alkaline salts and substances within the plant. Grew tested\nputting spirit of sulphur (sulphuric acid) on plant leaves, \u0003nding that\ndropped on green leaves, it turned the leaves yellow, but had no effect\nwhen dropped on yellow \u0002owers. He concluded therefore that \u201cin\nall yellow [\u0002owers] the sulphureous acids and the alkaline parts are\nall more equal.\u201d197 Spirit of Sulphur dropped into tincture of violets\nturned this Ph indicator from blue to crimson, and likewise when spirit\nof sulphur was dropped onto a tincture of clove-july \u0002owers it made\nthem bright blood red, and also heightened the red of roses. Thus, as\n\u201calkalis are predominant in Greens,\u201d acids dominated in red \u0002owering\nplants.198 From these and other chemical experiments, Grew formulated\nthe following rules:\n1. When sulphur and aerial saline principles \u201conly swam together\u201d but\nwere not united chemically, no color was produced, as was the case\nin roots.\n2. When sulphur and alkaline salts were united, they produced green\ncolors.\n3. When sulphur, alkaline, and acid salts were in equal proportions and\nreacting with each other, a yellow \u0002ower was produced.\n4. When the sulphur predominated, and the acid and alkaline were\nequal, there \u201cwas a blew.\u201d\n5. If the sulphur was most predominant to the \u201calkaline and acid,\u201d\n\u0002owers were scarlet.\n6. Variegated colors were the \u201cover proportion of the Lympheducts to\nthe Aer-Vessels,\u201d [in different parts of the \u0002ower and leaves], and\ntherefore the dominion of the Sulphure over the Air therein.\u201d199\nGrew postulated that yellow and green \u0002owers and leaves suffered less\nloss of color when dried because the volatile salts in \u201cthe Aer being\n196\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 270.\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 276.\n198\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 276.\n199\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 272. All of his scheme for color and proportions of different chemicals are on this page.\n197\n\nPages 116:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n99\npredominant in their Production, they are the less liable to suffer from\nit afterwards.\u201d200 Red plants, however, no longer had the production of\nsulphur in their lympheducts to counter the effects of the salts in the\nair, so they would fade to purples and blues.\nHe did anticipate objection from other chemists on this point, as it was\nknown for some time that blood on exposure to air deepened rather\nthan faded in its color, turning bright red. For example, in 1674, John\nMayow (1640\u20131679) in his Tractatus Quinque Medico-Physici, claimed that\nair was composed of a \u201csmall proportion of highly reactive particles\nwhich he identi\u0003ed as a nitro-aerial spirit\u201d; like oxygen, \u201cthese particles\nalone made air suitable for respiration, and when absorbed through the\nlungs they imparted the bright red color to arterial blood.\u201d201 As we\nhave seen in the work of Lister, many early modern natural philosophers thought that respiration and anatomy in plants and animals was\ndirectly analogous. Marcello Malphigi (1628\u20131694), who submitted his\nown manuscript on plant anatomy to the Royal Society approximately\nat the same time as it had agreed to publish Grew\u2019s work The Anatomy\nof Vegetables (1671), asserted that the venation of leaves was analogous\nto the system of capillaries in animals.202 Because the pith of plant\nstems was enclosed, Malphigi also compared it with the heart and brain\nof animals, and wood with animal bones and teeth.203 Grew himself\nthought the root was similar to mouth into which entered a solution\nof nutrients and water, as well as air.204 However, Grew also realized\nthat animal circulation of the blood required valves, whereas no such\nvalves could be found when he traced the movement of plant sap.205\nThus, despite the arguments of his peers that circulation in plants and\nanimals, and thus chemical reactions in blood and sap were directly\n200\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 272.\nHenry Guerlac, \u201cThe Poet\u2019s Nitre,\u201d Isis 45, 3 (September 1954): pp. 243\u2013255,\non p. 243.\n202\nAgnes Arber, \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694):\nAn Essay in Comparison,\u201d Isis, 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316, on p. 13.\n203\nArber, \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison,\u201d p. 13.\n204\nC.A. Browne, \u201cA Source Book of Agricultural Chymistry,\u201d Chronica Botanica 8, 1\n(1943), pp. 1\u2013290, on p. 101.\n205\nBrian Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah\nGrew,\u201d p. 72. The details of their disagreement may be examined in the British\nLibrary, Sloane 1929, \u201cMr. Lister\u2019s Animadversions upon my [Dr. N. Grew] last book\nconsidered,\u201d ff. 1\u20133. and \u201cDr. Grew\u2019s Answer to Mr. Lister\u2019s 2d paper, directed to Mr.\nOldenburg,\u201d 1673. ff. 4\u201311.\n201\n\nPages 117:\n100\nchapter three\nanalogous, Grew claimed a distinction between plant and animal substances, stating \u201cI am not now speaking of Animal, but of Vegetable\nbodies; the same Aer which hightens the Color of Blood one way, may\ndeepen that of a Flower another.\u201d206\nGrew also thought such knowledge of the salt chymistry of plants\ncould be used to control plant coloration. His suggestion was to start\nwith the \u201ctender and Virgin seed,\u201d which because of its small size and\nwould be more affected by the tinctures of the soil, claiming all the\n\u201cstrange varieties in . . . Tulips\u201d were made this way; in Holland in the\n1630s, \u201ctulip fever\u201d arose for striped or variegated blooms in which\nscandalous sums were paid for a prized bulb, making this topic one\nof timely concern for the Royal Society\u2019s efforts.207 Changing the soil,\nor transplanting seeds from one bed to another would also lead the\nplant to be \u201csuperimpregnated with several Tinctures.\u201d208 Lastly, mixing\nsoil with differing salts that \u201cwould concur with the Aer, to strike or\nprecipitate their Sulphur into so many several colors,\u201d would \u201cbring\neven Natures Art of Painting, in a great part, into our own power.\u201d209\nEarly chymistry had \u201clong preserved the very recipes for pigments\nthat were the daily bread of those who composed their own painting\nmedia\u201d; Grew\u2019s methods were another means for the chemist to be an\nartist of nature.210\nAlong with color, Grew believed the tastes of plants were also based\nupon saline chymistry, and could also be manipulated. Grew \u0003rst postulated that plants that had a pungent taste did so because after the\nsaliva dissolved their juices, their biting or nitrous salts remained on the\ntongue.211 He hence concluded that Arum, which had a bitter nitrous\ntaste, would thus grow best under a hedge, as the ground was not\n206\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 272.\nGrew, \u201cThe Colors of Plants,\u201d p. 278. For the tulip craze, see Mike Dash, Tulipomania: The Story of the World\u2019s Most Coveted Flower & the Extraordinary Passions It Aroused.\n(New York: Three Rivers Press, 1999). The reason for the striping is the tulip bulb\nbecomes infected with Mosaic Virus; the striping is thus not hereditary, leading to the\ncrash in prices for these bulbs in the 1630s. The Dutch government declared it would\nnot honor tulip contracts created before 1636, considering them gambling debts.\n208\nGrew\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 98 to page 117 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 118 to page 140 out of a total of 312:\nPages 118:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n101\nexposed to sun, but only to the air, \u201clike those rooms in houses, which\nare covered is impregnated with a greater quantity of Nitrous salt.\u201d212\nGrew here was likely observing the formation of potassium carbonate\nor saltpetre crystals on walls that had been whitened by limestone, similar to the formation of nitre crystals in limestone saltpeter caves. The\npure nitre of Arum entered into the concavity of the nervous \u0003bers of\nthe tongue, and \u201cso being lodged there, is little affected or stirred, by\nthe Motion of the Blood, but only when the Tongue itself is moved,\nat which time it contains a kind of pricking Taste.\u201d213 Aquatic plants\nalso tended to be biting, because \u201cwater being, though it self cold,\nyet the Menstruum by which all Salts are imbibed most easily, and in\nlater states of Commixture with other Principles.\u201d214 If the plant was\nhot in taste, it was because the \u0002ammable sulphur in the lympheducts\nof the plant, the particles of which \u201cbeing spherick and bored with\nholes,\u201d contained salts.215 Grew resorted to the mechanical action of\nmatter to explain the sense of taste, explaining that the salt\u2019s angular\nstructure within the sulphur meant that they \u201ctore\u201d the \u0003bres of the\ntongue as they interacted with them, and in suf\u0003cient quality would\nraise a blister.\nSalts, their solubility, and barometric pressure\nThe structure of plant salts, as well as the varieties of lixivial salts that\nGrew \u201cdiscovered,\u201d led him to be interested in their relative degree\nof solubility. In a paper entitled, \u201cExperiments in Consort upon the\nSolution of Salts in Water\u201d read before the Royal Society in January\n1676/7, Grew wrote,\nit was mentioned, as a thing asserted by some Phylosophers, That Water\nhaving been fully impregnated with one kind of Salt, so as to bear no\nmore of that kind; it would yet bear, or dissolve some portion of another,\n212\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse of the Diversities and Causes of Tasts Chie\u0002y in Plants: Read\nbefore the Royal Society, March 25, 1675,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 287.\n213\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse of the Diversities and Causes of Tasts Chie\u0002y in Plants: Read\nbefore the Royal Society, March 25, 1675,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 287.\n214\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse of the Diversities and Causes of Tasts Chie\u0002y in Plants: Read\nbefore the Royal Society, March 25, 1675,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 287.\n215\nGrew, \u201cA Discourse of the Diversities and Causes of Tasts Chie\u0002y in Plants: Read\nbefore the Royal Society, March 25, 1675,\u201d Anatomy of Plants, p. 287.\n\nPages 119:\n102\nchapter three\nand so of a third. And it was referred to Me by this Honourable Chair,\nto examine and produce the Experiment. The doing whereof brought\ninto my mind divers other Experiments hereunto relating.216\nWhen performing experiments where he supersaturated water with\nthree salts at once\u2014common salt, nitre and sal ammoniac\u2014Grew noted\nthat the different salts had different solubility. This led him to conclude\nthat not only the \u201cvisible crystals, but the very Atomes of the Salt . . .\nhave a different Figure one from another . . . because if they were all\nof one Figure, there would be no Superimpregnation.\u201d217 The differing\n\u201csuperimpregnation\u201d of salts in water also had medical implications,\nas although compounded infusions could be prepared, the physician\ncould not \u201cinfuse all manner of Ingredients in any proportion,\u201d as some\nwould precipitate out; adding more of a solute than a solution could\nbear would be unnecessary to the ef\u0003cacy of its healing properties.218\nGrew then wondered if \u201cby dissolving of a Salt in Water, there by\nany space gained, or not;\u201d in other words, would the level of the water\nin a \u0002ask be greater before or after the salt in it was fully dissolved?219\nAfter a series of experiments in which Grew \u0003lled a bolt head (globular\n\u0002ask with a long cylindrical neck, used in distillation) with a pint of\nwater, marked the level on the stem, and then put in salt, Grew found\nthe water level decreased. This led him to speculate that there were\nvacuities in water in which the salts lodged, but much to his surprise,\nthere was not always a direct relationship between the \u201cspaces gained\nby the several Salts\u201d and their solubility. He concluded that there were\ndifferent vacuities in water: \u201csome salts, more dissoluble, increasing the\nBulk of the Water less, and others less dissoluble,\u201d increasing it more.220\nHe continued, \u201cI say, that this difference dependeth not only on the\ndifferent Figures of the Atomes of Salts: because then every Salt which\nis more dissoluble, would quantity for quantity take less room in the\n216\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 296.\n217\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 297.\n218\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 299.\n219\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 300.\n220\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 300.\n\nPages 120:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n103\nWater, which is contrary to the experiment.\u201d221 Grew also thought that\nalthough salts he tested were all different \u201c\u0003gures,\u201d water was a \u0002uid, its\natoms were hard and consistent, and unalterable. Just as Grew believed\nthat the elemental saline principle could not be altered by the \u0003re, so it\nseems he believed that elemental water itself was unchangeable. This\nmay have been a challenge to Boyle\u2019s corpuscular beliefs which were\nagainst \u201cthe idea of \u0003xed chemical species\u201d and that promoted substances \u201clike alkali salts could be made by various agents into anything\nand converted by various agents into anything.\u201d222\nGrew then asked, \u201cwhat that just space might be, which any Salt\ngaineth upon Dissolution, with respect to its own Bulk, or the Bulk\nof the Water?\u201d223 Because water and spirit of wine dissolved salts so\ncompletely \u201cwhereby the observation of the true Bulk of the Salt,\u201d and\n\u201cconsequently of the just space it gaineth by the Dissolution is lost,\u201d\nGrew did not use these substances as his solvents, but rather utilized oil\nof turpentine.224 Placing the oil in a bolt head, he then put in different\nsalts to measure the oil\u2019s ascent, claiming that the space in which the oil\nascended was a true measure of the salt\u2019s bulk. Taking that \u0003gure of the\nascent of oil, and subtracting from it the level which the salts attained\nin being dissolved in water, would leave him \u201cthe space which the same\nSalts take up upon Dissolution.\u201d225 From this technique, Grew claimed\none could \u0003nd the speci\u0003c gravity of salts, and noted their gravity was\ndirectly proportional to their \u0003xity, and inversely to their volatility; in\nhis experimental trials, common salt was revealed to be the heaviest\nand also the most chemically inert, followed by nitre \u201csomewhat less\n\u0003xed . . . [and] somewhat lighter,\u201d alum, and then sal ammoniac which\nwas wholly volatile and the \u201clightest of all Salts mentioned.\u201d226\nFrom these conclusions, Grew ended his paper with a practical application of his results\u2014namely with an argument that barometric variations were not due \u201cnot so much with the meer Weight of the air,\u201d but\n221\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n222\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 278.\n223\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 300.\n224\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n225\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n226\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 302.\n\nPages 121:\n104\nchapter three\nwere affected by the changing concentrations of saline bodies which\naffected atmospheric pressure.227 Mercury rose in the barometer for\nseveral days before a snowstorm or rainstorm, and this was because\n\u201cthe Aer is crowded with more and more Saline parts, which by the\nWinds, or otherwise, are carried into it; and so causeth it to press\nupon the Mercury in the Box.\u201d228 But a day or so before the storm,\nthe mercury fell; if the weight of the air were the only explanation for\nthe barometer\u2019s behavior, Grew thought the mercury would fall as the\nstorm actually occurred. Instead it fell before the front passed through.\nTo explain this phenomenon, Grew argued that more volatile salts in\nthe atmosphere would take up less space in the air when dissolved in\nthe watery parts of the atmosphere than when they were undissolved.\nThus, as the storm approached, the\nSalts are dissolved or incorporated into the Aqueous Parts of the Aer, as\nin Rain or Snow; so soon as that is done, there is some Space gained;\nand so before any Weather falleth, the Aer is less crowded, and presseth\nless upon the Mercury in the Box, which gives way to its descent in the\ncylinder.229\nGrew therefore posited an entirely chemical explanation for Boyle\u2019s\n\u201cspring of the air.\u201d This was something which Boyle was hesitant to do via\nhis corpuscularian philosophy as he often displayed ambivalence between\nchemical and mechanical explanations for natural phenomena.230\nGrew also believed that nitre\u2019s ability to chill substances meant that\nit was more prevalent in cold winds than warm, explaining why the\nmercury rose higher with cold winds as the nitre took up more space\nin the air and increased barometric pressure. The same mechanism\nexplained while the mercury rose higher before a snowstorm than a\nrainstorm, as in the production of snow, \u201cthe Aer is crowded with a\ngreater quantity of Nitre, or some other like Salts; which before they\n227\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 303.\n228\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 303.\n229\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 304.\n230\nFor Boyle\u2019s reticence to explain the \u201cspring of the air,\u201d see Steven Shapin and\nSimon Schaffer. Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life, Including\na Translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus Physicus De Natura Aeris (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985). Also see Antonio Clericuzio, \u201cA rede\u0003nition of Boyle\u2019s\nchemistry and corpuscular philosophy,\u201d Annals of Science, 47 (1990), pp. 561\u2013589 for\nBoyle\u2019s ambivalence between chemical and mechanical explanations.\n\nPages 122:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n105\nare dissolved, take up so much the more space; and afterwards so much\nthe less, even before the snow falls.\u201d231\nGrew\u2019s fundamental belief that the crystalline nature of salts underlay\nnatural structures also extended to his analysis of snow. As mentioned\nearlier, increasing emphasis on microscopic analysis of salts to demonstrate their status as exemplars of form, was carried to many objects\nin the natural world. Microscopic examination of snow was a focus of\nmuch research in the Royal Society in the latter part of the seventeenth\ncentury; John Beale, Robert Hooke, and Grew all did observations in\nreaction to the initial \u0003ndings of Ren\u00e9 Descartes about ice crystallization. The crystalline form of snow was compared by Grew to \u201cregular\n\u0003gures as we see in divers other bodies.\u201d232 In particularly, the single\nshoots of snow, \u201cas so many short slender Cylinders\u201d were \u201clike those\nof Nitre . . . Nitre is formed, as is commonly known into long Cylindrical\nshoots, as also all Lixivial Salts for the most part; resembling, though\nnot perfectly, the several points of each Starry Icicle of Snow.\u201d233 Some\nof their ideas may have been suggested by Paracelsus who \u201crepeatedly\nexplained thunder and lightening in terms of an aerial nitre\u201d and who\nalso claimed that as \u201csnow grows in the heavens, so salniter and other\nthings grow out of the \u0003re;\u201d Glauber and Duchesne and John Mayow\nalso expressed such ideas, and we saw Lister believed vitriolic salts had\nthe same effect.234 Though Grew acknowledged that other volatile salts\nsuch as sal ammoniac or salts of hartshorn, \u201cbesides their main and\nlonger shoots, have others, shorte branched out from them; resembling\nas those the main, so these the Collateral points of Snow,\u201d the \u201cicicles of\nUrine [ Nitre] are still more near.\u201d235 Grew believed that every drop of\nrain had spirituous particles, their presence evident as rain was thought\nto volatilize faster than water. The spirits in the rain combined with the\nsaline elements in the air, \u201cpartly nitrous, but chie\u0002y urinous, or of an\nacido-salinous nature\u201d which \u0003xed the snow\u0002ake.236 The regular shape\nof the \u0002ake was due to the energy of spirit of the rain which acted as\n231\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 304.\n232\nGrew, \u201cSome Observations Touching the Nature of Snow, Presented to the Royal\nSociety,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 8 (1673): pp. 5193\u20135196, on p. 5195.\n233\nGrew, \u201cSome Observations Touching the Nature of Snow,\u201d p. 5195.\n234\nA.G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp. 43\u201361,\non p. 46.\n235\nGrew, \u201cSome Observations Touching the Nature of Snow,\u201d p. 5195.\n236\nGrew, \u201cSome Observations Touching the Nature of Snow,\u201d p. 5196.\n\nPages 123:\n106\nchapter three\nthe \u201cpencil,\u201d and the saline parts as the \u201cruler,\u201d \u0003guring it \u201cinto a little\nStar.\u201d237 Nitre could also act as a pencil to \u201cdraw\u201d other substances, as\nGrew then went onto comment that the structure of Feathers was also\nlike nitre crystals because birds had no organ for the evacuation of\nurine, so \u201cthe urinous parts of their blood were evacuated by the habit\nor skin, where they produce and nourish feathers.\u201d238\nIn later publications, Grew continued to assert that alkaline salts were\nnot made by the \u0003re and elemental salts existed. In his 1695 treatise\nconcerning his discovery of Epsom or \u201cpurging salts,\u201d which was based\non unpublished lectures he gave at the Royal Society in 1679, he argued\nthat the \u201cbeing\u201d or essential nature of the salts, and their ability to\nchange the color of syrup of violets were \u201cnot wholly and altogether\ndepend[ant] on the Fire.\u201d239 The bitter taste of the Epsom salts was\nalso not created by the \u0003re, but rather augmented by it, which showed\nthe \u201c\u0003xedness of its principles.\u201d240 Further, before the Purging salt had\n\u201cfelt the Fire,\u201d it was alkaline, \u201cbut when it was well burnt, it was in\nsome sort Lixivial albeit we may not so properly call it Lixivial, nor\nperhaps by any other Name which Use hath approved: for the Furniture\nof Words is in nothing more scanty.\u201d241 Grew\u2019s comment not only have\nre\u0002ected the traditional \u201cnullius in verbo\u201d thrust of the Royal Society, but\nalso may have illustrated the growing primacy of saline chymistry as\nconceptualized by Van Helmont, and subsequently Boyle whose use of\nchemical names would become more and more \u201capproved.\u201d\nIf words proved unsatisfactory to describe his chemical research,\nGrew\u2019s admiration for nature\u2019s ability to \u201cdraw\u201d or \u201cpaint\u201d the varieties of plants and \u0002owers was not, showing his commitment to \u201cthe\nidenti\u0003cation of nature with art.\u201d242 Nature used salts to \u201cdraw\u201d and\nform the beauty and intricacy he saw in his observations of plants at\nthe macroscopic and microscopic levels as well as to \u201cpaint\u201d \u0002owers and\nleaves with chemical pigments; in 82 plates in the Anatomy of Plants he\n237\nGrew, \u201cSome Observations Touching the Nature of Snow,\u201d p. 5196.\nGrew, \u201cSome Observations Touching the Nature of Snow,\u201d p. 5196.\n239\nGrew, A Treatise of the Nature and Use of the Bitter Purging Salt. Easily known from all\nCounterfeits by its Bitter Taste (London: John Darby, 1697), p. 13. See Sakula, \u201cDr. Nehemiah\nGrew and the Epson Salts,\u201d p. 10, and pp. 17\u201318 for the chronology of Grew\u2019s papers\nand publications concerning the Epsom Salts.\n240\nGrew, A Treatise of the Nature and Use of the Bitter Purging Salt, p. 11.\n241\nGrew, A Treatise of the Nature and Use of the Bitter Purging Salt, p. 14.\n242\nBrian Garrett, \u201cVitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah\nGrew,\u201d p. 66.\n238\n\nPages 124:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n107\nhimself imitated nature and directed other chemical practitioners how\nto use salt chymistry in soils to make their own horticultural creations.\nIt was little wonder then that in a 1775 Harveian Oration at the Royal\nCollege of Physicians, Grew was described as discussing \u201cin the best\npossible way the nature of juices and salts in plants and their taste and\ncolor.\u201d243 One could certainly agree that his combination of chemical\nmechanism with a belief in essential salts of plants, used to control\nbotanical characteristics, was a unique contribution to early modern\nchymistry. Grew\u2019s work, as well as the natural philosophy of Philipot,\nMoray, and Lister demonstrated chymistry\u2019s status as both creative art\nand science, the tensions between early modern conceptions of matter\nthat stressed chemical mechanism as well as vital principles, and the\ndiffering conceptions of elemental principles.\n243\nD. Munro, Praelectiones Medicae, contains Harveian Oration of Royal College of Physicians 1775 (London, 1776), pp. 183\u20134, quoted in Sakula, \u201cNehemiah Grew and the\nEpsom Salts,\u201d p. 6.\n\nPages 125:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nFROM SALTS TO SALINE SPIRITS\u2014THE RISE OF ACIDS\nIn the last chapter, it was demonstrated that Van Helmont\u2019s notion of a\nvolatile salt comprising a vitalizing spirit was in\u0002uential among English\nHelmontians in studies of meteorology and natural history. This chapter\nwill demonstrate that at the end of the seventeenth century however,\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who\nsettled in Chapel Street in London, a chymist and an English Helmontian who was representative of this shift from salts to saline spirits.\nSimpson\u2019s father was a brewer, and he himself has been described as\nan experimentalist more comfortable in the laboratory than the study.3\nSimpson\u2019s concept of the fermentation of saline spirits or acids in the\natmosphere and the body, discussed in his Zymologia Physica (1675) owed\nsome of its premises to Van Helmont, some to the Iatrochymical School,\nparticularly the works of Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius and Tachenius, and some\n1\nRobert P. Multhauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift: A History of Common Salt. John Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978),\np. 130.\n2\nNorma Emerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,\n1984), p. 184.\n3\nNoel Coley, \u201cCures without Care: Chymical Physicians and Mineral Waters in\nSeventeenth Century English Medicine,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214, on\np. 201.\n\nPages 126:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n109\nto the chymistry of Isaac Newton [Figure 6]. The nature of Simpson\u2019s\ntheories of fermentation has been largely neglected in scholarly analysis,\na state of affairs likely due to focus upon his disagreement with both\nMartin Lister (see chapter three) and Robert Wittie, another chymist\nand analyst of spa waters. The dispute centered upon about the role of\nsalts and saline spirits in the spa waters and metallogenesis. Dr. Robert\nWittie published Scarborough Spaw in 1660 which advocated the waters\nas a cure for all ills, recommending that the waters were best drunk\nmid-May to mid-September and inadvertently initiating the summer\nseason in spa towns. In his Hydrologica Chymica (1669) Simpson refuted\nWittie\u2019s claims made for the mineral spring waters, and the medical\ndebate spread beyond local boundaries to the Royal Society in London.4\nBut there was more to Simpson than his role in this debate. When we\nturn to Simpson\u2019s tracts on fermentation, we will also see that although\nit is generally true Newtonianism caused the decline of Van Helmontian\nmedicine and chemistry in England, that Simpson was an important\ntransitional \u0003gure combining Newtonian ideas about acidic fermentation with Helmontian ideas about volatile salts.5\nWe will then subsequently analyze the role of saline chymistry in the\ntreatises of early eighteenth-century Newtonian physicians after Simpson. It has been well documented by Guerrini that Newtonian physicians\nsuch as Bryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Archibald Pitcairne (1652\u20131713),\nGeorge Cheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) posited\na \u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the premises in the Principia, as\nwell as queries in Newton\u2019s Opticks (1704\u201322) and the De Natura Acidorum (1710).6 Her emphasis however was primarily in the application\nof Newtonian physics and conceptions of the aether to medicine; I\nwill concentrate in this chapter instead upon Newton\u2019s chemical works\nabout salts and acids and their in\u0002uence in the medical community in\nBritain and Ireland.\n4\nWilliam Simpson, Hydrologia chymica, or, The chymical anatomy of the Scarbrough, and\nother spaws in York-Shire: wherein are interspersed, some animadversions upon Dr. Wittie\u2019s lately\npublished treatise of the Scarbrough Spaw . . . (London: W.G., 1669). See Coley, \u201cCures\nwithout Care,\u201d pp. 201\u2013204.\n5\nAntonio Clericuzio, \u201cFrom Van Helmont to Boyle: A Study of the Transmission\nof Helmontian Chemical and Medical Theories in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d\nBritish Journal of the History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u201334, on p. 334.\n6\nAnita Guerrini, \u201cThe Tory Newtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne, and their Circle,\u201d\nJournal of British Studies, 25 (1986), pp. 288\u2013311; Anita Guerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne\nand Newtonian Medicine,\u201d Medical History, 31 (1987), pp. 70\u201383; Obesity and Depression\nin the Enlightenment: The Life and Times of George Cheyne (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000).\n\nPages 127:\n110\nchapter four\nFigure 6. The title page to William Simpson\u2019s work on fermentation. William\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica. London: T.R. and N.T., 1675. Courtesy of the\nThomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto.\n\nPages 128:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n111\nAcids and Alkalies:\nThe work of Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius, Tachenius, and its in\u0003uence on William Simpson\nMuch of the work on acids and alkalis stemmed from investigations into\nsalt chymistry. We have seen that, under the in\u0002uence of Van Helmont,\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.\nVan Helmont\u2019s work also in\u0002uenced theories on acids and alkalis by\nFranciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius or Sylvius. Sylvius, a professor at Leiden,\nhad students from a number of countries, including England, and several of his tracts were translated into English in the second half of the\nseventeenth century, or modi\u0003ed in chymical textbooks. Some of these\nworks included his treatise on children\u2019s diseases and rickets, as well\nas excerpts in William Salmon\u2019s Systema Medicinale (1684), and Nicolas\nL\u00e9mery\u2019s popular A Course of Chymistry (1686) was based on Sylvius\u2019\niatrochymistry.8 Sylvius believed that the functions of an organism\nwere determined by ferments or effervescences arising from the acidic\nor alkali character of bodily \u0002uids; Like Van Helmont, Sylvius used\n7\nWilliam Newman and Lawrence Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle,\nand the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), pp.\n275\u20136.\n8\nFranciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius, Of Children\u2019s Diseases . . . As Also a Treatise of the Rickets,\ntrans. by R.G. (London: George Downs, 1684); William Salmon, Systema Medicinale\n(London: T. Passinger, 1686); Nicolas L\u00e9mery, A Course of Chymistry. Containing an easy\nMethod of Preparing those Chymical Medicines which are Used in Physick . . . trans. W. Harris\n(London, 1686); See Rina Knoeff, Herman Boerhaave (1668\u20131738) Calvinist chemist and\nphysician (Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, 2002),\npp. 14\u201315 for a brief discussion of L\u00e9mery.\n\nPages 129:\n112\nchapter four\nthe concepts of fermentation to explain physiological processes in the\nbody, but differed in his applications. Van Helmont believed matter\nwas created by water and ferment, or seminal origin; \u201cthe ferment is\nan indwelling formative energy which disposes . . . water so that a seed\nis produced and life, and the mass develops into a stone, plant, or animal.\u201d9 In the body, the \u201cinternal ef\u0003cient cause\u201d or life force was called\nthe Archeus, and Van Helmont believed its seat was in the stomach,\nthough archei also existed in the liver and other parts of the body. In\nthese organs, ferments via chemical processes occurred to bring about\ndigestion and other changes in physiology. Though Sylvius believed\nthat ferments occurred, he generally rejected the Archeus in favor of\nexplanations that relied on a purely chymical basis such as fermentations of the neutral saliva, acid pancreatic juice and alkaline bile.10\nBile had alkaline lixivial salt, pancreatic juice had acid and a volatile\nspirit, and chyle had lixivial salt, water and some acid.11 Alkalis and\nacids mixed together would effervesce and usually produced heat, just\nas oil of vitriol (sulphuric acid) reacts with volatile alkali (ammonium\ncarbonate); unnatural effervescence resulting from too much acidity or\nalkalinity (which he termed acridity) caused disease.12 The cure was\nproviding a medicament of the opposite Ph.13 As Parthington stated,\nSylvius believed that most disease was caused by corrosive acids, fever\nby an excess of alkalinity, and plague was due to volatile salts in the\nblood which gave it \u201can abnormal \u0002uidity opposing its coagulation; this\nis proved by injecting a solution of the volatile salt into the veins, when\nthe symptoms of plague are produced and hence an acid is used as a\nremedy.\u201d14 The atmosphere itself could also in\u0002uence bodily processes\nsuch as respiration; Sylvius wrote,\nBy what power, or in what manner and way the inspired air so alters the\nblood is not equally clear. I for my part think that it is brought about by\nreason of there being dispersed in the air nitrous and subacid particles\n9\nJ.B. Van Helmont, Ortus Medicinae . . . (Amsterdam; Elzevir, 1648), pp. 29, 86, 90,\n428, as quoted in J.R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols. (London: Macmillan,\n1961), vol. 2, p. 236.\n10\nPartington, A History of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 285.\n11\nPartington, A History of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 285.\n12\nPartington, A History of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 284.\n13\nPartington, A History of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 284.\n14\nPartington, A History of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 287.\n\nPages 130:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n113\nable to condense the rare\u0003ed and boiling blood and so gently to restrain\nits ebullition.15\nSylvius also believed that the atmosphere had nitric acid (acidum nitrosum)\nand volatile alkali (ammonia). The nitric acid was brought\nby the north wind from the north, where it is expelled into the air from\nsubterranean \u0003res; the second is brought by the south wind. When the\ntwo mix, cold is produced, as when sal ammoniac dissolves in water;\ngreater cold is produced when the north wind carries common salt, and\nvery intense cold when it brings volatile alkaline salt.16\nThe heat of the heart resulted from the fermentation of the acid chyle\nand the alkaline blood, and that the vapours emitted \u201cin this effervescence are expelled with the expired air.\u201d17\nAs Frank has shown, Sylvius\u2019 idea of acid-alkaline fermentation and\nebullition was extremely in\u0002uential among English iatrochymists and\nphysicians of the seventeenth century, particularly the Oxford physiologists in the 1650s.18 Their inquiries were given impetus by Thomas\nWillis\u2019s idea of fermentation in the Diatribae duae medico-philosophicae\n(1658). The Diatribae was the English work responsible for introducing\niatromechanism to medicine, and had been readily accepted by the\nCollege of Physicians because it successfully combined an innovative\nexplanation of fever as due to mechanical action and reaction between\ncorpuscles of chemical matter with traditional Galenic treatments of\nvomits and purges that members of the college favored and the patients\nanticipated.19 Willis\u2019s theory of fermentation was thus likewise in\u0002uential. Willis believed that there was a nitro-sulphurous ferment in the\nheart which caused bodily heat and propelled the blood throughout the\nbody. This ferment represented the vital \u0002ame responsible for animal\n15\nDele Bo\u00eb Sylvius, Disputationum Medicarum Decas Primarias Corporis Humani Functiones\nNaturalise Nec non Febrium Naturam (Amsterdam, 1663), p. 69 as quoted in Partington,\np. 288.\n16\nDele B\u00f6e Sylvius, De Affectus Epidemii Anno 1669 Leidensem Civitem depopulantia in\nOpera Medica, ed J. Merian (Geneva: de Tournes, 1698), pp. 56\u201358 as quoted in Partington, p. 289.\n17\nPartington, History of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 287.\n18\nRobert G. Frank Jr., Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas\n(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980).\n19\nTheodore Brown, \u201cThe College of Physicians and the Acceptance of Iatromechanism in England, 1665\u20131695,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 44 (1970), pp.\n12\u201330, on p. 21.\n\nPages 131:\n114\nchapter four\nlife, and it was \u201ccontinually nourished by sulphur from food and nitre\nfrom the air.\u201d20\nAnother thinker in\u0002uenced by this work on fermentation was William\nSimpson, a self-described chemical physician. One of Simpson\u2019s Two\nSmall Treatises made an analogy between blood and wine that was quite\nreminiscent of Willis\u2019 discourse on the \u201cinkindling of the blood,\u201d which\nalso drew a comparison between blood circulation and \u201cWine and other\nliquors agitated into Fermentation.\u201d21 Simpson was also an author of\nseveral treatises on spa waters and one of the main adversaries in one\nof the most famous seventeenth-century medical debates engendered by\nDr. Robert Wittie\u2019s (1613\u20131684) Scarbrough spaw (1660) a work in which\nhe advocated the mineral waters at Scarborough as a cure-all.22 This\n\u201cquarrel\u201d was not only about the formation of minerals, but a debate\namong English physicians in the latter part of the seventeenth century\nabout which particular salt was the most effective active ingredient in\nhealing. Simpson believed the main active ingredients in the waters\nwas nitre; Wittie proposed that along with alum, vitriol was a major\ncomponent of the waters, along with nitre and iron.\nAs the result of these debates prompted by Simpson\u2019s publications,\nMartin Lister himself apparently took a personal dislike to Simpson\nand related his qualms about Simpson\u2019s character to Henry Oldenburg\nin a 1675 letter. Though Simpson was nominated as a Royal Society\nfellow that year, he dedicated his Zymologia Physica to that scienti\u0003c body,\nand it was reviewed extensively and sympathetically in the Philosophical\nTransactions, he was never elected.23\nLister\u2019s dislike of Simpson may have been related to Simpson\u2019s contrary\ntheories about the role of fermentation in blood, as well as Simpson\u2019s\nthoughts about spa waters. In his De Humoribus, Lister denied there\nwas fermentation in the blood, as nitre or any other acid was not suf\u0003ciently volatile to exist in the air to engender fermentation. Lister also\n20\nJan Golinski, \u201cA Noble Spectacle: Phosphorus and the Public Cultures of Science\nin the Early Royal Society,\u201d Isis 80, 1 (March 1989), pp. 11\u201339.\n21\nWilliam Simpson, Two Small Treatises (London: E. Wyer, 1678); Thomas Willis, Dr.\nWillis\u2019s Practice of Physick, trans. S.P. (London: T. Dring, et al., 1681), p. 25.\n22\nRobert Wittie, Scarbrough spaw; or, A description of the nature and vertues of the spaw at\nScarbrough Also a treatise of the nature and use of water (London: Charles Tyus and Richard\nLambert, 1660).\n23\nFor Lister\u2019s distrust of Simpson, see Oldenburg to Lister, 4 September 1675, in\nThe Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, ed. Marie and Rupert Hall (Madison: University\nof Wisconsin Press, 1965\u201377), 11 vols, vol. 11, pp. 486\u20137. For the review of Simpson\u2019s\nwork, see Philosophical Transactions, 10, 117 (1675\u201376), pp. 410\u2013416.\n\nPages 132:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n115\nthought a violent ferment in the body would be felt; digestive function\nwas perceptible, yet the circulatory system was relatively quiescent, the\nheartbeat alone enough to propel the animal spirits throughout the\nbody.24 Chapter 12 of Lister\u2019s De Fontibus (see chapter three) also strongly\nargued against the in\u0002uence of alum in mineral waters, which Simpson\npromoted as a key ingredient. Simpson also rejected others of Lister\u2019s\nand Wittie\u2019s hypotheses in his Hydrologica Chymica (1669). First, Simpson\ndeclared, contrary to Lister, that it was impossible for any metal or salt\nto release vapors to water and heat it. Only the sun could \u201cresolve the\nVitriol into a vapour,\u201d and \u201cthat Vitriol may dissolve in simple Water,\nwe have before granted, but that it should give a vapour to the Water, I\nunderstand not.\u201d25 Rejecting the principle of witterung, another major\nhypothesis in Lister\u2019s De Fontibus, Simpson also thought that an acid\nessurine or universal salt dissolved in water, met with copper not iron,\nproducing vitriol in its reaction. Given Lister\u2019s emphasis on the role of\niron in natural phenomena, this was a major challenge.\nAs a Helmontian, Simpson generally thought that water was the\nsource of metallogenesis and general matter formation. Speci\u0003cally,\nafter the acidity of the salt was \u201ccoagulated on the metalline dissolv\u2019d\nparts . . . and so both together become dissolv\u2019d in the solitary Spring\nWater, in an almost indissolvable texture, then, and not till then, is the\naction of that Essurine acidity terminated.\u201d26 The acidity of the essurine\nsaline spirit thus exhausted, if it met with a vein of iron, no further\nreaction or production of vitriol would occur. As Simpson stated, \u201cMars\ncannot be dissolved and appear in the form of a liquor, without a dissolvent; but this dissolvent . . . the Essurine acidity, being already . . . turned\ninto a Vitriol . . . is not at leisure to make another of them.\u201d27 He\nspeculated in the epilogue that this \u201cessurine Salt, which I call the\nEssence of Scarborough Spaw, is a kind of alumino-nitrous Salt, or\nSal hermeticum.\u201d28 Much in the tradition of the past tradition of the\naerial nitre, Simpson proclaimed his salt was not common nitre, but\n\u201ctruly Magnetical of the Universal spirit\u201d a universal nitric acid.\n24\nMartin Lister, Dissertatio de Humoribus (London, 1709), Chapter XXVI, \u201cAn Sanguis\nFermentescit? Negatur. [Does the blood ferment?, no], pp. 278\u2013289.\n25\nSimpson, Hydrologia Chymica, p. 8.\n26\nSimpson, Hydrologia Chymica, p. 3.\n27\nSimpson, Hydrologia Chymica, p. 4.\n28\nSimpson, Hydrologia Chymica, p. 365.\n\nPages 133:\n116\nchapter four\nSimpson\u2019s belief that ferment between this acid nitrous salt and the\nmetal caused the production of vitriol however also pointed to his\ngeneral interest in fermentation as a basis of natural and physiological\nprocesses. The basic conception of fermentation in chymistry was a\nbroad and common one, from the Latin fervere, to boil or ferment, referring to a substance changing its properties via an internal process as\nwell as to the action of leavening; the OED cites many examples from\nthe seventeenth century, in context with generation, vegetation, or\nputrefaction.29 Simpson\u2019s conception of fermentation however was more\nprecisely stated. In his Zymologia Physica (1675), Simpson took some\nof his ideas about fermentation from one of Sylvius\u2019s followers, Otto\nTachenius (still living in Venice in 1699). Tachenius, born in Westphalia,\nintroduced the principles of the Sylvius\u2019 acids and alkalis to Italy, and he\nprofessed to \u0003nd these acid-alkali principles in Hippocratic and Galenic\nwritings \u201cin which, he said, \u0003re=acid and water=alkali.\u201d30 Tachenius\nextended this theory to cover all natural phenomena. Simpson wrote\nin the preface to the Zymologia,\n. . . I began to look about me, and to consider on which of the Philosophers\nside I was . . . I could not tell of a good while, till at length I considered,\nthat the great Hypocrates himself has given touches thereof . . . viz . . . All\nthings are made of Fire and Water; and that these two are suf\u0003cient for all\ngenerations: so he adds, that Fire gives motion, and Water nutrition.31\nIn the margins next to this statement, both Tachenius and Hippocrates\nwere cited. For Simpson, Tachenius\u2019 and Hippocrates\u2019 ideas suggested to\nhim that the \u0003re \u201chid in bodies\u201d in the form of sulphur fermented with\nacidic saline spirits in water. Because Simpson was also a Helmontian,\nhe also believed that water was the source of all matter and material\nchange, and that\nFermentation in our sense, is the same with [Helmont\u2019s] Spiritus impetum\nfaciens . . . Fire hid in bodies, its also the same with that Aetherial matter,\nthe Panspermion of other abstruse Philosophers, that divinioris aurae particula\nimplanted by God in Water; which from seminal originals, produce, by\na genuine expansion, all concrete bodies; its likewise the same which the\nnoble Helmont calles semina rerum.32\n29\nBetty Jo Teeter Dobbs, \u201cNewton\u2019s Alchemy and His Theory of Matter,\u201d Isis 73,\n4 (Dec. 1982), pp. 511\u2013528, on p. 525.\n30\nPartington, History of Chemistry, vol II, p. 292.\n31\nSimpson, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Zymologia Physica (London: W. Cooper, 1675), fol. A4.\n32\nSimpson, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Zymologia Physica, fol. A5.\n\nPages 134:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n117\nSimpson therefore combined Tachenius and Helmont to produce his\nunique idea that acidic spirits in water reacted with sulphureous and\n\u0003ery components of matter to ferment and produce \u201cthe formations\nand transformations of Bodies.\u201d33 Simpson proposed there \u201cwere no\nconcretions of Bodies, as they assume their birth from the legitimate\nbroodings of nature in all seeds and seminal offsprings, without the\nconcurrent ef\u0003cients and principles of Fermentation.\u201d34 As Clericuzio\nhas noted, Simpson saw the Helmontian semina as \u201ccorpuscles containing a spiritual formative principle.\u201d35\nFermentation and its manifestations in nature\nSimpson then analyzed how all natural phenomena could occur due\nto fermentation, postulating that:\n1. Hot baths get their heat from fermentation of mineral juices, and\n\u201cthere is no hot bath without Sulphur.\u201d Hot baths differ in their\nqualities because of differences in their sulphurs.\n2. An acid colliding with sulphurs is required in all \u201cmineral fermentations\u201d or metallogenesis.\n3. Fire and light were due to the collision of acid and sulphur set into\nmotion by the air, which imbibes moisture. Volcanoes, earthquakes\nand lightening resulted from these collisions as well.\n4. The matter of animals, vegetables, and minerals differed due to a\nvariety of saline acids.\nIn discussing how spa waters were heated, Simpson began his analysis\nby addressing his inspiration, and to some degree, his opposition, namely\nTachenius. Though Simpson acknowledged that acids and alkalies\nmixed together could product ebullition and heat, he claimed it was\ndue primarily to acids meeting with \u201cthe Sulphur close bound up with\nthe Acid and Urinous Spirit or Salt in the Compages of the Alcali.\u201d36\nSimpson also claimed there was a greater variety and proportion of\n33\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 3.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 5.\n35\nAntonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chemistry in the Seventeenth Century (International Archives of the History of Ideas/Archives\ninternationales d\u2019histoire des id\u00e9es) (Dordrecht: Kluwer, 2000), p. 154.\n36\nReview of Zymologia Chymica in Philosophical Transactions, 10, 117 (1675\u201376), pp.\n410\u2013416, on p. 414.\n34\n\nPages 135:\n118\nchapter four\ncorrosive acids within material bodies then lixivial alkalies, which he\nsaw as primarily created by the \u0003re rather than inherent to matter;\nhere, Simpson agreed with Van Helmont. Therefore,\nTachenius his Hypothesis of acids and alcalies, will not do our work, as\nbeing too narrow in the foundation to raise so large a structure of Philosophy upon, as genuinely to solve the various Phaenomena of nature,\nand particularly in this appearance of hot Baths.37\nSimpson \u0003rst argued that hot baths are sulphureous in nature by listing observations of natural philosophers about its presence in spas. He\nincluded Fallopius\u2019 accounts of baths in Padua, and the observations\nof Dr. Edward Browne, a fellow of the Royal Society, whose silver coat\nbuttons turned yellow near the baths at Baden due to its sulphureous\nemanations. Browne decided to do an experiment \u201changing money\nover the Bath at a distance, or at a greater, and found it colored in a\nminutes time, and that which was nearer in half a minute.\u201d38 Simpson\nthen discoursed upon the different sorts of Sulphurs that baths could\ncontain, such as antimony, bitumen, or vitriol, and he suggested that\nthe differences in their fermentative power produced \u201cdifferent degrees\nof heat in Baths.\u201d39 The location of the fermentation involving sulphur\nand acid also was important. The deeper in the earth it occurred, the\nmore precipitated the Sulphur became, \u201cleft in the colander or \u0003lter of\nSand, through which its passeth, and the acidum thereby so dinted as\nto become very Languid.\u201d40 Surface baths were thus more chemically\npotent and hotter then those below ground.\nThe fermentation process producing heat in the baths of course required\nspring water, and the transformation of sulphurous vitriol into oil of\nvitriol (sulphuric acid) via arti\u0003cial distillation or the natural mixture of\nvitriol and sulphur in spring water to produce oil of vitriol illustrated\nthis principle. If water was added again to oil of vitriol, a violent Fermentation occurred, the exothermic reaction producing violent heat.41\nCognizant of past work which made extensive claims for the generative\npower of salts alone, Simpson was quite \u0003rm in denying that dry salts\nalone or those \u201cmixed and sublimed together\u201d would produce any fer-\n37\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 8.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 11.\n39\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 13.\n40\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 14.\n41\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 18.\n38\n\nPages 136:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n119\nmentation or generative processes without moisture. Salts had to be in\nthe form of saline spirits or acids to have fermentative effect; powerful\nchemistry took place in solution whether in nature or in the laboratory,\nnot merely by the application of \u0003re.\nHaving showed that acid and sulphur were the chief ingredients of\nhot baths, Simpson then further wished to prove that their fermentation\nproduced the heat in the baths by performing a series of experiments\nin which he prepared the sulphur of antimony, a common chymical\noperation. The Paracelsian tria prima postulated that sulphur was one of\nthe elemental substances. By isolating it, chymical physicians believed\nthat it could serve as a potent medicine, and with proper chymical\nprocessing, sulphur could be free of side effects that often occurred in\nuncompounded substances.42 Isolating the sulphurs also was a means\nfor chymists such as Simpson to attain insights into elemental chymical\nreactions. Simpson did experiments mixing an infusion of aqua regia upon\nantimony, apparently following a method advocated by Angelus Sala\nin his Anatomia antimonii (1617). As Principe has noted, Sala\u2019s method\ntreated antimony with a strong acid. The acid was prepared by dissolving sal ammoniac and saltpeter in nitric acid, and distilling it. When\nantimony was combined with this strong acid, the chymist would see a\n\u201cvigorous effervescence\u201d which left an \u201cantimonial residue that is then\nto be extracted with a boiling solution (or lixivium) of salt of tartar. . . .\nThis extract is then evaporated to dryness, and the antimonial Sulphur\nsublimed thereupon.\u201d43 Indeed, in the Zymologia, Simpson wrote:\nin the affusion of Aqua Regis upon Antimony . . . where the acidum of the\nmenstruum acting upon and struggling with the crude sulphur of crude\nsolitary Antimony . . . doth cause a very strong Fermentation, where the\nSulphur by the assaults of those corrosive acid Spirits grows so high in\nits Fermentation, as that is almost takes \u0002ame, passing off with a strong\nsti\u0002ing and incoracible arsenical vapour, by the former of which prepared\nwith common Salt, my ingenious Friend Mr. Wilkinson and my self have\nafter Fermentation separated a Sulphur out of Antimony.44\nSimpson then went on to claim that the fermentation in this experiment\nis not \u201cfrom the salts in the sublimate (as some might urge), mixing with\nthe acidum in the menstruum,\u201d because \u201cthe same menstruum poured\nupon the same salts, while incorporated in the Mercury in the form\n42\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 101.\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 102.\n44\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 30.\n43\n\nPages 137:\n120\nchapter four\nof Sublimate\u201d caused no fermentation.45 In other words, he is again\ndenying that salts alone are reactive enough to engender fermentation.\nIn his claim, Simpson also shows himself a true Helmontian. Helmont\nclaimed in his \u201cProgymnasma meteori,\u201d in his Ortus Humanum that acidic\ncorrosives, like the aqua regia in Sala\u2019s process, acted upon the sulphur\npresent in metals, driving it outward and freeing it from the Mercurial\npart \u201cwith which it had been associated and allowing the lixivium then\nto extract it.\u201d46 In Simpson\u2019s words, \u201cbut is it not rather the Sulphur\nin the metal, and the acidum of the menstruum, for the sake of which\nSulphur the mercurial part is also broken into pieces, and the whole\nby that Fermentative motion dissolv\u2019d.\u201d47\nThe incessant nature of metallogenesis via the fermentation of seeds\nin underground springs and caverns and the resultant heat that existed\nwithin the mines also was proof to Simpson that the heat of baths\nwas due to fermentation: \u201cfor where once begun, they [the minerals]\ncease not to perpetuate their offspring . . . the constant ef\u0002ux of waters\nkeeping the fermentative principles in constant motion\u201d48 Just as metals grew in the mines via fermentative processes producing \u201cmines so\nhot, they [the miners] can hardly touch them,\u201d so was the heat of the\nsprings produced.49 Simpson\u2019s idea was in direct contrast to Martin\nLister who as we saw in the last chapter, believed the vitriolic salt\nexposed to the air produced heat. Not surprisingly, Simpson postulated\nthat earthquakes and volcanoes resulted from the interaction of sulphur\nwith \u201ca fermenting acidum in the bowels of the Earth, in some narrow\npassages, where, when that elasticity and explosiveness of Sulphur by\na supervening acid is excited . . . forceth and presseth on all hand upon\nthe adjacent bulkes.\u201d50 Simpson\u2019s experiments mixing brimstone and\naqua regia were a close approximation to the processes he saw occurring\nunder the earth\u2019s surface. Simpson\u2019s idea that metallogenesis involved\nacids was also determined in the laboratory, as metals could be chymically analyzed and shown to have acids within them. Simpson not only\nseparated acid from Brimstone, but from Lead, Antimony, and Alum,\nand he distilled nitric acid and hydrochloric acids from Salt and Nitre.\n45\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 31.\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 102.\n47\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 29.\n48\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 38.\n49\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 39.\n50\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 41.\n46\n\nPages 138:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n121\nA research collaborator by the name of Mr. Fisher separated acid out\nof bitumen (a term referring to an amorphous grouping of resinous\nand petroleum products such as crude oil, amber, asphaltum, and coal),\ntaken from lead mines in the Peak District in Derbyshire.51\nThe resulting fermentation between the acids and sulphurs accounted\nfor the continual generation of minerals and metals; the earth was a\nvital womb due to the operations of chemical fermentation, which\nmeant that salt peter mines replenished themselves, as did the tin in\nCornwall \u201cbreed\u201d after it was mined.\nSimpson\u2019s ideas about metallogenesis also informed his thought about\nthe production of heat and light. Simpson \u0003rst was hesitant to postulate\nabout the causes of \u201cheat and light in that great and inexhaustible Fountain thereof, the Sun,\u201d as it may have a \u201cparticular Fermentation of its\nown, set a work by the divine Fiat.\u201d52 Aiming for more humble ends, he\ndecided to analyze \u201cthat which is most obvious, viz. culinary \u0003re and\nthen examine how Light is produced therefrom.\u201d53 He believed that acid\nand sulphur inherent in any combustible substance were worked upon\nby the air. Much as Simpson claimed dry salts mixed together would\nnot chemically react with each other without the addition of water, he\nclaimed the moisture of the Air was necessary for \u201cignition and \u0002agration\u201d of substances.54 Here, Simpson may have been in\u0002uenced by\nBoyle, whom he cited in several instances in the Zymologia, particularly\nBoyle\u2019s discussion of light in the case of a diamond that shone in the\ndark. Boyle speculated that \u201call shining substances depended upon air\nto some extent and speculated that the air had a role in producing the\nagitation that generates light.\u201d55 Due to its \u201cspongy nature,\u201d Simpson\nspeculated that air imbibed moisture,\nwheeling off from other bodies in their incessant Fermentation, and\nthereby becomes quali\u0003ed for keeping other Fermentations afoot, and then\nby its other quality of penetration . . . it becomes truly capable of assisting\nthe principles of Acidum and Sulphur in their furious combating.56\nAfter the moisture insinuated itself in the acid and sulphur particles and\ncombustion occurred, there would be left some ashes in which there\n51\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 25.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 48.\n53\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 108.\n54\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 109.\n55\nGolinski, \u201cPhosphorus and the Royal Society,\u201d Isis, p. 22.\n56\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 109.\n52\n\nPages 139:\n122\nchapter four\nwas some salt, but eventually all things combusted were reduced to\nwater. Simpson wrote,\nAnd although Fire moistens no bodies put thereto, yet doth it really go\noff, not only in a liquid, but humid form, witness the condenc\u2019d steam of\nmineral Sulphur, or Brimstone, burning under a Glass campane (distillation apparatus) is sav\u2019d in an acid Liquor, also Spirit of Wine, \u0003red and\ncondensed by such an arti\u0003ce, appears in an insipid water.57\nAgain, in his return to a water principle, Simpson shows the basis of\nhis work is Van Helmontian.\nFrom these observations, Simpson concluded that rapid fermentation\nbetween acid and sulphur, with air, produced \u0003re, and \u201c\u0003re of ignition\ngives Light by a continual winding off in luminous rays.\u201d58 His study of\noptics convinced Simpson that light makes its exit in right lines from\n\u201cthe source of their Fermentative motion.\u201d59 According to his scheme,\nthe light then would collide with water atoms in the atmosphere. This\ncollision between light and atmospheric moisture meant the light was\ntaken from its 90 degree path, and became refracted, re\u0002ected, and\nmultiplied which produced the diaphanous quality of \u0003re and accounted\nfor the illuminating property of \u0002ames. The acid of steel and the\nsulphur in \u0002ints or pyrites when struck also \u201cset into a rapid Fermentation whence ariseth \u0003re.\u201d60 Just as \u0002int struck steel to make sparks,\nlightening was caused by the falling of one cloud upon another, each\ncloud containing acids and sulphurs which collided and produced the\nsudden \u0002ash. Simpson\u2019s theory was a modi\u0003cation of Martin Lister\u2019s\nmechanism which solely involved the volatile and sulphureous exhalations of pyrites; in Simpson\u2019s theory, acids were a necessity.\nSimpson believed a similar mechanism was behind a variety of other\nnatural phenomena, including static electricity (due to fermentation of\nthe acids and \u201chighly volatilized\u201d sulphurs in the animal spirits interacting with the moisture in the atmosphere), the shining light arising from\nrotting wood or \u0003sh, and the production of luminous meteors. Meteors\noccurred due to the acid and sulphureous particles that emanated\nfrom underground generation of minerals and metals into the \u201c\u0002uid\n57\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 110.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 113.\n59\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 111.\n60\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 115.\n58\n\nPages 140:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n123\nmenstruum\u201d of the earth\u2019s atmosphere producing these \u201cshort-lived\nluminous textures.\u201d61\nIn the last chapter of the Zymologia, Simpson then analyzed how the\nprinciples of acid and sulphur\n\u201ccontracted into seedlings\u201d are interspers\u2019d in the seminals of all things, when\nby such kind of Fermentation . . . all things vegetate, come to their acme\nand decline; yea from which the whole Scene of visible concretions are\nby a certain struggling form their central \u0003res, brought into action.62\nTo support his assertion, Simpson \u0003rst cited a number of authorities,\nincluding Tachenius and Oleus Borrichius. Tachenius in his Hippocrates\nChimicus (1666) claimed that no fermentation, creation or decay of\nanimals and plants could occur without acids.63 Olaus Borrichius in his\nDe Hermetica Aegyptiorum vetere et Paracelsiorum Nova Medicina (Helmstadt,\n1648), likewise stated that acids and sulphurs formed an intrinsic part\nof all animals.\nAcids were thus claimed to be differently composed to make up the\nmodi\u0003cations of bodies, and classi\u0003ed as actively fermenting and \u0002uid,\nor passive and consistent of matter: \u201cFrom which succlency of Acids\ntogether with intermediate coagulations and hardenings, perform\u2019d at\ndue seasons, all concrete bodies in the threefold Kingdoms of nature are\nproduc\u2019d.\u201d64 As an example, Simpson showed how acids and sulphurs\naccounted for plant growth. Though as Van Helmont postulated, the\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,\nthat water should be form\u2019d coagulated, and put on the shape of an Oak,\nAsh, etc., that is wholly ascribable to the intrinsick agents or intestine\nprinciples of Acid and Sulphur, set in the seedling into a Fermentative\nmotion, displayed into that \u0003gure by the manuduction and evolution\nof the contracted and shut up Seed, carried up and conveyed by their\nproper Vessels, whether by the names of veins, arteries, etc., with their\naccompanying Air Vessels according to . . . our countryman Dr. Grew.65\n61\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 121.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 134.\n63\nOtto Tachenius, Hippocrates Chimicus (Venice, 1666), 90\u201391, as cited by Simpson,\nZymologia Chimicus, p. 135. Tachenius wrote, \u201cit is agreed, that as animals and plants\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d\n(sponte accessit, sicut et reliq\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 118 to page 140 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 141 to page 163 out of a total of 312:\nPages 141:\n124\nchapter four\nAcids \u201cwoven and condensed\u201d together formed stalks, leaves, and husks\nof plants, and fruit was \u201ccoagulations of acids, sweetened by their sulphurs, thereby brought on to maturity, and thence made \u0003t for other\nFermentations, in order to [create] potable liquors.\u201d66\nTherefore, though Grew believed salts were the \u201cbones of the plants,\u201d\nSimpson thought acids were at the heart of living structures, making\nnot only vegetation, but \u0002esh and muscular parts. Acids were also the\ncause of tumors, which were \u201cswellings from acids of some badly cured\nDisease\u201d producing \u201cspurious ferment\u201d as well as gall stones, \u201csulphureous parts bound up by the vinculum of an acid.\u201d67 Again, Simpson\nwas departing from Paracelsian chymistry which postulated gall stones\nwere concreted salts. Rather all salts such as \u201csal marine, vitriol, alum\u201d\nwere \u201cconcreted acid juices.\u201d68\nSimpson and Newton\nSimpson\u2019s search for a vital agent in the process of fermentation, as\nwell as his assertions about acids and sulphurs in the Zymologia has some\nstriking parallels with Newton\u2019s thought.69 In his early 1670s manuscript,\n\u201cOn the Vegetation of Metals,\u201d Newton discoursed about the role of a\nsubtle active matter and the fermentation of vital processes in nature:\n\u201cThis is the subtle spirit. This is Natures universall agent, her secret \u0003re,\nye onely ferment & principle of all vegetation. The material soule of\nall matter . . .\u201d70 Newton echoed this premise again in the Portsmouth\nmanuscripts, where he claimed that ferments were \u201cthe true parents of\nall forms.\u201d71 When discussing the forces that moved matter in the last\nQuery in the Opticks, Newton classi\u0003ed them as inertia, gravity, cohesion\nof bodies, and \u201cactive principles\u201d which \u201ccauses Fermentation\u201d ranking\nthem all as \u201coccult qualities\u201d who principles should be discovered \u201cto\n66\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 139.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 140.\n68\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 140.\n69\nPartington in his entry on Simpson also notes the similarities. See Partington,\nHistory of Chemistry, vol. 2, p. 484.\n70\n\u201cOf Natures obvious laws & processes in vegetation,\u201d Burndy MS 16, fol. 5r,\nSmithsonian Institution, as quoted in John Henry, \u201cOccult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy,\u201d History of Science xxiv (1986), pp. 335\u201381, on p. 343.\n71\nIsaac Newton, Portsmouth Collection Add. MS. 3975, Cambridge University\nLibrary, Cambridge University, fol. 110r.\n67\n\nPages 142:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n125\nthe Improvement of Natural Philosophy.\u201d72 Newton\u2019s Index chemicus,\na topical index of his readings in alchemy, also contains references\nto works by Michael Sendivogius, George Starkey, and John Mayow\nthat discuss fermentation, atmospheric acids and aerial nitre.73 In the\n1690s, Newton also acted as a patron to William Y-worth, a distillation\nchemist from Rotterdam, and Newton took notes between December\n1692 and June 1693 on a series of experiments in fermentation he was\ncarrying out. As Mandelbrote has stated, Newton\u2019s annotations drew on\nhis wide reading in alchemy, which would have made Newton realize\nthe analogy between chemical reactions and distillations to make wine\nand beer. In December 1692, Newton\u2019s notes began with an account\nof the production and virtue of barm, which was a fermenting malt\nliquor. Newton subsequently noted that via the process of fermentation, \u201cmetals could be made ready for transmutation.\u201d74 Debus has also\nremarked upon Newton\u2019s preoccupation with fermentation, postulating\n72\nSir Isaac Newton, Opticks, or a Treatise of the Re\u0003ections, Refractions, In\u0003ections and\nColors of Light based on the Fourth Edition London, 1730 (New York: Dover Publications,\nInc., 1979), Book III, Part One, p. 401.\n73\nRichard Westfall, \u201cIsaac Newton\u2019s Index Chemicus,\u201d Ambix 22 (1975), pp. 174\u201385.\nThe author recognizes the historiographic controversy surrounding the sources of\nNewton\u2019s chymical musings, as well as the exact nature of his debt to alchemy, but\nNewton\u2019s belief in the importance of atmospheric acids is self-evident. Michael\nSendivogius\u2019 (1566\u20131636) Novum Lumen Chymicum (1604), which had over thirty editions\nprinted until the end of the eighteenth century, identi\u0003ed the importance of nitre and\nnitric acid\u2019s presence in the air for respiration and its use as a universal fertilizer and\nprinciple of life. Sendivogius believed that nitre acted \u201clike calcined tartar (anhydrous\npotassium carbonate) in attracting fertilizing humidity\u201d into the soil from the heavens\ncelestial rays; In 1674, John Mayow (1640\u20131679) in his Tractatus Quinque Medico-Physici,\nclaimed that air was composed of a \u201csmall proportion of highly reactive particles\nwhich he identi\u0003ed as a nitro-aerial spirit.\u201d Like oxygen, \u201cthese particles alone made\nair suitable for respiration, and when absorbed through the lungs they imparted the\nbright red color to arterial blood; the nitro-aerial particles explained the necessity of\nair for combustion.\u201d See Henry Guerlac, \u201cThe Poet\u2019s Nitre,\u201d Isis 45, 3 (September\n1954), pp. 243\u2013255, on p. 243.\n74\nScott Mandelbrote, \u201cMaking Sense of Motion,\u201d in Footprints of the Lion, exhibition\nat Cambridge University Library, http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/Exhibitions/Footprints_\nof_the_Lion/ p. 40. Accessed 20 November 2006. Figala and Petzold have also noted\nthat in 1701/2 Newton purchased a wide variety of French alchemical works, including\nworks by Duchesne which concerned fermentation. Newton also was in correspondence\nwith Y-Worth, including helping him with the writing of the Processus mysterii magni philosophicus, which later became published as Mercury\u2019s Caducean Rod. See Karin Figala and\nUlrich Petzold, \u201cAlchemy in the Newtonian Circle,\u201d Renaissance and Revolution: Humanists,\nScholars, Craftsmen, and Natural Philosophers in Early Modern Europe ed. J.V. Field and Frank\nA.J.L. James (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 173\u2013192.\n\nPages 143:\n126\nchapter four\nthat it stemmed from Van Helmont\u2019s concept of the Blas, or a universal\nmotive power, as Newton had taken notes on Helmont\u2019s Opera omnia.75\nThe Blas (more speci\u0003cally the blas meteoron) was responsible not only\nfor meteorological effects, but also the motive power governing organic\nlife (blas humanum).\nAs Simpson was a Helmontian, his work may thus have been\nappealing to Newton as he speculated about the source of the motion\nof matter and its natural effects. Certainly in query 31 of the 1717\nOpticks, Newton \u201clinked active principles with the \u2018great and violent\u2019\nprocesses of chymistry, questioning the reducibility of chemistry to\nthe passive Laws of Motion.\u201d76 In query 31, Newton claimed in a\nmechanism quite reminiscent of Simpson\u2019s discussion of meteorology\nin the Zymologia that\nsome sulphureous steams . . . ascending into the air, ferment there with\nnitrous acids, and sometimes taking \u0003re cause lightening and thunder,\nand \u0003ery meteors. For the air abounds with acid vapours \u0003t to promote\nfermentation. . . . in Fermentations the Particles of Bodies which almost\nrest, are put into new Motions by a very potent Principle, which acts upon\nthem only when they approach one another, and causes them to meet\nand clash with great violence, and grow hot with the motion, and dash\none another to pieces, and vanish into Air, and Vapour, and Flame.77\nQuery 8 in the Opticks also asked, \u201cand do not all Bodies which abound\nwith terrestrial parts, and especially with sulphureous ones, emit Light\nas often as those parts are suf\u0003ciently agitated?\u201d78\nNewton also wrote the De Natura acidorum in 1692, which was sent\nto the physician Archibald Pitcairne and published by John Harris in\nthe Lexicon Technicum: A Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (1704\u201310).\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but\nsmaller than earthy ones, and were endowed with a \u201cgreat attractive\nforce.\u201d79 As the acids rushed \u201ctowards the Particles of bodies,\u201d they\n75\nAllen Debus, \u201cMotion in Renaissance Chemistry,\u201d Isis 64, 1 (March 1973), pp.\n4\u201317, on p. 15.\n76\nP.M. Heimann, \u201cEther and imponderables,\u201d Conceptions of ether: Studies in the history\nof ether theories, eds. G.N. Cantor and M.J.S. Hodge (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1981), pp. 61\u201385, on p. 66.\n77\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 31, p. 380.\n78\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 8, p. 340.\n79\nIsaac Newton, \u201cDe Natura Acidorum\u201d Lexicon Technicum: Or, an Universal English\nDictionary of Arts and Sciences, ed. John Harris (London: D. Brown, et al. 1736), vol. 1,\nfol. E2 recto.\n\nPages 144:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n127\n\u201cexcite Heat; and they shake asunder some Particles,\u201d which was the\n\u201creason for all violent Fermentation, and in all Fermentation there is an\nAcid latent or suppressed.\u201d80 Acids attracted water as much as they did\nparticles of bodies, putting matter into solution. Newton also postulated\nthat acids were also crucial components of sulphurs and fats; because\nacids were of such attractive qualities, they were \u201cclosely retain\u2019d\u201d by\nother particles when mixed with them, \u201cquite suppressed and hidden\nas it were by them; so that they neither stimulate the organ of sense,\nnor attract water, but compose Bodies which are not Acid ie Fat and\nFusible Bodies.\u201d81 The attractive force in these suppressed acid particles\n\u201cin sulphureous bodies\u201d accounted for their in\u0002ammable nature; when\nsulphurs met with other materials, the acids within it \u201cby more strongly\nattracting the Particles of other Bodies (earthly ones for Instance) than\nits own, promotes a gentle Fermentation, produces and cherishes Natural\nHeat, and carries it on . . .\u201d82 Clearly for Newton and for Simpson,\nacids and sulphurs were behind fermentation.\nNewton then postulated that if the fermentation progressed to its\nultimate end, the compound putre\u0003ed, and a new mixture or compound\nwas created; as he expressed in the Opticks, nature \u201cseems delighted with\ntransmutations.\u201d83 In the Propositions in the Burndy MS 16, Newton\nalso asserted that \u201cNothing can be changed from what it is without\nputrefaction . . . nothing can be generated or nourished (but of putri\u0003ed\nmatter).\u201d84 Newton therefore believed that acids with their sulphurs\nwere behind organic creation and decay. Simpson likewise when discussing the putrefaction of animals in the Zymologia stated that when\nthe principles of acid and sulphur in the animal tissue interacted with\nthe air and underwent a\nputrefactive Fermentation, the sulphur by those retrograde motions,\nbecome more volatilized and by gentle touches from its inbred Acid,\nwinds off in a luminous \u0002ame . . . to which may be added, that in their\nputrefactive reductions, a mucilage be made to appear, which is the\nreceptacle, as it were sperme . . .85\n80\nNewton, \u201cDe Natura Acidorum,\u201d p. E2 verso.\nNewton, \u201cDe Natura Acidorum,\u201d p. F1 recto.\n82\nNewton, \u201cDe Natura Acidorum,\u201d p. F1 recto.\n83\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 30, p. 375.\n84\nNewton, Burndy MS 16, fol. 5r, as quoted in Dobbs, \u201cNewton\u2019s Alchemy,\u201d\np. 519.\n85\nSimpson, Zymologia, p. 119.\n81\n\nPages 145:\n128\nchapter four\nThis \u201csperme\u201d would then generate new substances. Van Helmont had\nalso suggested that bird\u2019s eggs putri\u0003ed before the formation of a chick\nand \u201clife is in those putri\u0003ed things.\u201d86\nSimpson postulated that the putrefying matter could also emit light,\nas in the case of rotting \u0003sh. This is also reminiscent of Newtonian\nthought. As Dobbs stated, Newton believed:\nIn rarefaction . . . fermentation worked against the force of cohesion,\nagitating the particles so violently that they broke away from the control\nof the cohesive force and came under the in\u0002uence of the force of repulsion. In processes of solution, for example, when particles rush together\nso violently that they grow hot, the . . . large composite particles of \u201cair,\nvapours, and exhalations\u201d may be expelled, or very small particles given\noff as light. Putrid vapours may likewise \u201cshine from the agitation due\nto putrefaction.\u201d87\nIn the only surviving letter Newton wrote to Robert Boyle, composed\non 28 February 1679, Newton further speculated the role that acids had\nin the density and af\u0003nity of matter.88 The letter opens with Newton\u2019s\nspeculations on the aether, a rari\u0003ed substance like air. The aether was\nmore subtle than air, was \u201ccapable of contraction and dilation\u201d and\n\u201cstrongly elastic.\u201d Not only did the \u201cintermingling of rarer with denser\naether at the edges of opaque bodies\u201d allow Newton to explain the\nrefraction of light, but he also thought it \u201cmight explain the attraction\nand repulsion between bodies,\u201d as well as chemical reactions.89\nThe aether pervaded all bodies, \u201cbut yet so as to land rare in their\npores then in free spaces, and so much the rarer, as their pores are less.\u201d90\nHis evidence for this assertion was that when objects were placed in a\nvacuum, only the aether remained, accounting for such phenomena as\nthe cohesion of two pieces of metals or marble discs in a vacuum; the\n\u0003ne aether in the pores of the metals or marble produced an attractive\nforce. And, the further one went to the interior of bodies, the rarer\nthe aether became, as it was more and more dif\u0003cult for the aether to\n86\nVan Helmont, \u201cImage of Ferments,\u201d Van Helmont\u2019s Works, p. 113.\nDobbs, \u201cNewton\u2019s Alchemy,\u201d p. 525.\n88\nIsaac Newton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d Isaac Newton: Philosophical\nWritings, ed. Andrew Janiak, Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 2004). http://www.cup.cam.ac.uk/us/catalogue/catalogue.\nasp?isbn=9780521831222 &ss=exc. Accessed 20 Feburary 2007.\n89\nScott Mandelbrote, \u201cMaking Sense of Motion,\u201d in Footprints of the Lion, p. 98.\n90\nIsaac Newton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d p. 1.\n87\n\nPages 146:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n129\nFigure 7. Newton\u2019s explanation of Grimaldi\u2019s theory of refraction using the\naether model. Newton to Robert Boyle, Cambridge, 28 February 1678/9 in\nIsaac Newton: Philosophical Writings, ed Andrew Janiak (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 2004), p. 2. With permission from Cambridge University Press.\npenetrate the inside of bodies. That conclusion explained to Newton\nFrancesca Maria Grimaldi\u2019s light diffraction experiment, in which light\n\u201cpassing by the edge of a knife, or other opaque body, is turned aside\nand refracted, and by that refraction makes several colors.\u201d91 [Figure 7].\nAs one can see, dependent on the aether gradient, the light is diffracted\nat different angles.\n91\nGrimaldi\u2019s Physico-Mathesis de Lumine (Bologna 1665) is discussed at length in\nA. Rupert Hall\u2019s \u201cBeyond the Fringe: Diffraction as seen by Grimaldi, Fabri, Hooke,\nand Newton\u201d Notes and Records of the. Royal Society of London 44 (1990), pp. 13\u201323.\n\nPages 147:\n130\nchapter four\nNewton then postulated that when two bodies came near each other,\nthe aether between them grew \u201crarer\u201d then before as the distance\ndecreased. As the aether became rarer as the two bodies were almost\ntouching, they began to repel each other, \u201cbecause thereby they cause the\ninterjacent aether to rarefy more and more.\u201d92 As Newton explained,\nBut at length when they come so near together that the excess of pressure of the external aether which surrounds the bodies, above that of\nthe rare\u0003ed aether, which is between them, is so great as to overcome\nthe reluctance which the bodies have from being brought together, then\nwill that excess of pressure drive them with violence together, and make\nthem adhere stronger to each other.93\nThe rate of cohesion or repulsion, or chymically, the relative volatility\nand \u0003xedness of material bodies depended on a few other factors. First,\nthe sizes of matter particles determined their volatility, as greater heat or\nforce would be necessary to dissolve larger particles than smaller ones.\nSecond, the degree which the aether in the particles was rari\u0003ed determined volatility. If one had a really small particle, aether on its outside\ncould get in from all sides more easily, so there was not as much aether\ngradient between the interior and exterior of the particle. Larger particles had a more pronounced aether gradient, as aether on the exterior\nof the particle could not get to its interior as easily; the interior of large\nparticles were therefore more rari\u0003ed.\nFrom these speculations, Newton concluded\nthis may be the reason they why the small particles of vapours easily come\ntogether and are reduced back into water unless that which keeps them\nin agitation be so great as to dissipate them as fast they come together:\nbut the grosser particles of exhalations raised by fermentation keep their\naerial form more obstinately, because the aether within them is rarer.94\nIn the Hypotheses of Light, Newton asserted an \u201caetherial spirit may be\ncondensed in fermenting bodies.\u201d95 He also speculated that \u201ctrue permanent air\u201d or the heavier air in the atmosphere may be due to the\n92\nNewton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d Isaac Newton: Philosophical\nWritings, pp. 1\u201310, on p. 4.\n93\nNewton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d Isaac Newton: Philosophical\nWritings, pp. 1\u201310, on p. 4.\n94\nNewton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d Isaac Newton: Philosophical\nWritings, pp. 1\u201310, on p. 9.\n95\nNewton, \u201cAn Hypothesis explaining the Properties of Light,\u201d The History of the\nRoyal Society by Thomas Birch (London, 1757), vol. 3, pp. 247\u2013305, on p. 251.\n\nPages 148:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n131\n\u201cmetallic exhalations raised in the bowels of the earth by the action\nof acid menstruums,\u201d as metals were the densest of substances.96 The\nheavy air released by metallic fermentation \u201cbetrayed its ponderosity by\nmaking vapours ascend readily in it, but sustaining mist and clouds of\nsnow, and buoying up gross and ponderous smoke.\u201d97 Simpson in the\nZymologia also had postulated that the more brisk fermentation occurred,\nthe more dense the aerial products they produced; the variability of\nfermentation thus accounted for the different components of and effects\nin the atmosphere. Some of these acid-sulphur fermentations he believed\nwere visible as \u201csteams\u201d a little after sun rise, \u201cthe eye being somewhat\nelevated above the level of the ground.\u201d98 Both natural philosophers\ncertainly agreed that fermentation in the atmosphere produced components of the air with different densities.\nNewtonian physicians and saline spirits\nSimpson\u2019s and hence Newton\u2019s emphases on the role of saline spirits or\nacids in chymical processes also affected early modern medical and physiological theories and applications. This was particularly the case among\nthe Newtonian Physicians, a group of medical practitioners identi\u0003ed\nby Theodore Brown and Anita Guerrini. These physicians were primarily active between 1687 (publication of Newton\u2019s Principia) and 1713,\nthough there were still doctors utilizing Newtonian theory, such as Irish\nphysician Bryan Robinson, until the mid-eighteenth century.99 Scottish\nphysicians David Gregory (1659\u20131708), who became the Savilian chair of\nastronomy of Oxford, and Archibald Pitcairne (1652\u20131713), who was\nthe chair of medicine at Leyden, sought Newton\u2019s patronage and utilized his work to interpret human physiology. Pitcairne\u2019s students included Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) and George Cheyne (1671\u20131743),\nand Gregory\u2019s pupils James and John Keill and the English physician\n96\nNewton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d Isaac Newton: Philosophical\nWritings, pp. 1\u201310, on p. 10.\n97\nNewton, \u201cCorrespondence with Robert Boyle, 1679,\u201d Isaac Newton: Philosophical\nWritings, pp. 1\u201310, on p. 10.\n98\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 122.\n99\nGuerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne and Newtonian Medicine\u201d; Guerrini, \u201cThe Tory\nNewtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne, and their Circle\u201d; Theodore Brown, \u201cMedicine in the\nShadow of the Principia.\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 48 (1987), pp. 629\u201348.\n\nPages 149:\n132\nchapter four\nJohn Friend. These doctors also applied Newtonian theory to the\neffects of gravity on the body, or used calculus or geometry to interpret\nthe mechanics of \u0002uids through bodily vessels, along with analysis of\nattractions between matter.\nSome of the Newtonian physicians, such as Pitcairne, concentrated\non Newtonian \u201ciatromathematics\u201d applying purely mechanistic explanations from Newton\u2019s theory of matter in the Principia and De natura\nacidorum to human physiology. Pitcairne in particular concentrated\nupon \u201cthe analogy of the microcosm to the macrocosm, the possibility of limitless transmutation, and the inertness of matter, which was\nindependent of force and activity.\u201d100 As Guerrini has shown, Pitcairne\ndiscounted any explanation of the Helmontian iatrochymists, particularly any explanation which involved chemical ferments or short-range\nattractions between particles.101 Pitcairne thought that the size of particles, not their shapes, was the important consideration in a theory of\nsecretion and medical treatments; \u201cbodily secretions were classi\u0003ed into\ngrosser and thinner \u0002uids which passed through appropriately sized\nbodily ori\u0003ces.\u201d102 Proper circulation, and the pressure and secretion\nof \u0002uids in the vessels\u2014all \u201cmechanical, mathematizable . . . observable\nentities\u201d\u2014were the bases of health.103\nAs he wished to concentrate on observable entities, Pitcairne rejected\nNewton\u2019s explanation for heat of the blood involving fermentation. In\nthe Opticks, Newton noted, \u201cthe cause of fermentation . . . is an acid, by\nwhich the heart and blood of Animals are kept in Perpetual Motion and\nHeat.\u201d104 In a letter to the iatromechanical physician Archibald Pitcairne\n(1652\u20131713), Newton also noted that that \u201csulphur seems to be what is\ndeposited on the lungs from the air, and what is supplied from the air to\nmaintain \u0003re seems to be the same.\u201d105 In the de Natura Acidorum, Newton\nthen remarked that when alchemists said \u201csulphur,\u201d \u201cby sulphur they\n100\nAnita Guerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne,\u201d p. 74.\nGuerrini, \u201cIsaac Newton, George Cheyne and the \u201cPrincipia Medicinae,\u201d The\nmedical revolution of the seventeenth century, ed. Roger French and Andrew Wear (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 222\u2013245, on, pp. 224\u20135.\n102\nGuerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne,\u201d p. 77.\n103\nTheodore Brown, \u201cMedicine in the Shadow of the Principia,\u201d p. 632.\n104\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 30, p. 399.\n105\n\u201cPitcairne with Newton at Cambridge,\u201d March 2, 1691/2 in The Correspondence\nof Isaac Newton, ed. H.W. Turnbull (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961),\nvol. 3, p. 210.\n101\n\nPages 150:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n133\nmean acid.\u201d106 As Guerrini indicated, Pitcairne thought \u201cinnate heat\u201d\nwas caused not by a ferment but rather collision of blood particles with\neach other and with vascular walls. Animal heat was also\n. . . dependent upon the motion of the heart. As in much of Pitcairne\u2019s\nwork, the underlying metaphor came from astronomy: the heart causes\nlife . . . by its beat, as the sun causes motion in the universe via its\ngravity. He drew an analogy between gravity and the heartbeat, not as\nNewton had in De natura acidorum, between gravity and local short-range\nattractions.107\nPitcairne in his rigidly mechanistic account however was an exception\nin the circle of the Newtonian physicians, most of who were interested\nin fermentations of acidic saline spirits in bodily processes and did\nconsider the shapes of saline particles and their reactions in the body.\nThe Newtonian physician George Cheyne in his treatise of gout (1720)\ntraditionally attributed this malady to \u201cthe abundance of tartarous,\nurinous, or other salts, introduced into the Blood by the Food.\u201d108 Treatment could be by modifying diet to lessen the quantity of the salts,\nincreased exercise to expel salts in perspiration, or taking sulphureous\nmedicine. The sulphur which was \u201csmall and active\u201d would unite and\ndulcify the salts, \u201cespecially those of the acid kind,\u201d destroying their\nef\u0003cacy.109 Newton had discoursed in the Opticks about the permanency\nof salts, and in the De Natura Acidorum how the \u201cAcid that lies suppress\u2019d\nin sulphureous Bodies, by more strongly attracting the Particles of other\nBodies . . . promotes a gentle Fermentation . . . and carries on . . . to the\nPutrefaction of the Compound.\u201d110\nNewton also noted in the De Natura Acidorum how saline spirits or acids\n\u201ctore\u201d into the tongue or any \u201cexcoriated Part of the Body\u201d causing\na painful Sensation.111 Cheyne\u2019s The English Malady (1753) concerning\nnervous disorders likewise devoted an entire chapter to the \u201ceffects of\n106\nNewton, De Natura Acidorum, fol E2 verso. For a discussion of the possible in\u0002uence\nthe alchemist George Starkey\u2019s Pyrotechny had on the De Natura Acidorum see Newmann,\nGehennical Fire, 228\u2013243, passim.\n107\nGuerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne,\u201d pp. 79\u201380.\n108\nGeorge Cheyne, Observations Concerning the Nature and Due Method of Treating the Gout\n(London: G. Strahan, 1720), p. 3.\n109\nCheyne, Treatise of the Gout, p. 9 (for lessening quantity of salts); 14\u201315 (for perspiration); p. 13, for lessing salts via diet; p. 17 for diluting salts via spa waters; pp.\n32\u201337 for treatment of gout via sulphur.\n110\nNewton, De Natura Acidorum, fol. F1 recto.\n111\nNewton, De Natura Acidorum, fol. F1 verso.\n\nPages 151:\n134\nchapter four\nSalts\u201d upon \u201chuman bodies and constitutions.\u201d Cheyne stated how\n\u201ccorrosive animal salts,\u201d particularly acid caustics \u201cform themselves\ninto regular, and sharp, or angular Figures whereby they become more\npiercing and penetrating.\u201d112 The salts according to Cheyne became\ncongealed together via \u201cthe Actions of little Bodies,\u201d and to prove\nhis assertions, he then referred the reader to Newton\u2019s Opticks, Keill\u2019s\nexplanation of Newtonian physiology and the \u201cexplication of chymical\nappearances of Dr. Freind\u201d and the work of Richard Mead.113\nRichard Mead, who began as a dissenting physician in Stepney and\nended up physician to George II via Newtonian patronage, wrote several\nworks inspired by the Principia and Opticks. In his \u0003rst iatromechanical\nwork, A Mechanical Account of Poisons (1702), he argued that the nervous\nspirits or animal \u0002uids of the body that were the most susceptible to\npoison were made of a \u201cuniversal elastic matter\u201d \u0003rst postulated by \u201cour\ngreat philosopher, Sir Isaac Newton,\u201d referring the reader to queries\n23 and 24 or the Optics.114\nIn a separate essay on \u201cVenomous Exhalations\u201d in the Mechanical\nAccount, Mead speculated upon a \u201cvivifying matter from the air, which\npasses into the blood by the breath,\u201d and the effects upon this substance\nof subterranean emanations from \u201cla Grotta de Cani,\u201d a Neopolitan\ncave which emanated a \u201cthin, subtile warm fume\u201d which asphyxiated\npassers-by.115 The fume was a greenish color, leading Mead to postulate\nthat it was the \u201cphlegm of vitriol\u201d or sulphuric acid \u201craised by a subterraneous heat.\u201d116 He clamed that the acidic particles, quite in contrast\nto Newton\u2019s role for acids, had a \u201ccounteraction or repulsive force to\nthe elastic matter\u201d of the animal spirits causing it to lose its force in\nthe body. Mead continued:\nNeither must it seem strange, that the animal spirits should be so suddenly\ninterrupted in their action by the interposition of a ponderous \u0002uid, since\nwe see every day how instantaneously, on the other hand, their motion\nis quickened and revived by the application, to the nostrils of volatile\nsalts, and it may be observed, that these are always alkaline, that is, of a\n112\nGeorge Cheyne, The English Malady, ed. Roy Porter (London and New York:\nTavistock/Routledge, 1991), pp. 35\u201344.\n113\nCheyne, The English Malady, pp. 43\u201344.\n114\nRichard Mead, \u201cPreface\u201d to A Mechanical Account of Poisons in Several Essays in The\nMedical Worlds of Richard Mead, M.D. (Edinburgh: Alexander Donaldson and Charles\nElliot, 1775; New York: AMS Press, 1978), p. 7.\n115\nMead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons, pp. 101\u2013103.\n116\nMead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons, p. 103.\n\nPages 152:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n135\nnature quite opposite to vitriolic or acid spirits, so as readily to fall into\na con\u0002ict or fermentation with them.117\nJust as Pitcairne modi\u0003ed Newton\u2019s works to suit his own theories, Mead\nfollowed suit, combining Newtonian aether with Sylvius\u2019s acid-alkali\niatrochymistry. The basic tenets of Sylvius\u2019 theories were that effervescence was typical of physiology, and everything, including the bodily\nhumors, had acidic and basic qualities in addition to their cold, hot,\nmoist, and dry attributes.118 For instance, Sylvius compared the blood\u2019s\neffervescence with the reaction between acids and alkalis, and claimed\nthat \u201c[i]nspiration serves to temper this process by giving access\u201d to a\nvolatile salt in the air into the blood.119 Sylvius in particular believed\nthat \u201cacrimonious in\u0002uences were ascribed to speci\u0003c \u0002uids,\u201d including\nthe lymph and that \u201ccharacteristic diseases resulted from their acidic\nor alkaline natures.\u201d120 Too acidic conditions or alkaline conditions in\nbodily \u0002uids caused disease, a state to be countered with appropriate\nbasic or acidic medicaments to restore the balance of the humors.121\nHarold Cook has shown the simplistic division of all chymical substances\ninto acids and alkalis made this theory an extremely popular and often\nmisused medical treatment among the populace in the United Kingdom\nin the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.122\nMead also was not above using trendy vocabulary to boost his medical\npractice. As he later rather cynically advised another young physician,\nTimothy Vanbustle:\nShould you have an itching to make your name known by writing a book\non physic, yet so customary, I will advise you to choose the subject by\nwhich you think you will get most money, or that will bring you the most\ngeneral business . . . The method of writing, if in your frontispiece you\naddress not your book to some great man, is to club with some other\nphysicians; and thus by way of letters to commend each other\u2019s good\n117\nMead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons, p. 103.\nMarie Boas Hall, \u201cAcid and Alkali in Seventeenth-Century Chemistry,\u201d Archives\ninternationales d\u2019historie des sciences, 1956, 34: 13\u201328; Harold Cook, Trials of an Ordinary\nDoctor: Joannes Groenevelt in Seventeenth-Century London (Baltimore: John Hopkins University\nPress, 1994), p. 66.\n119\nSylvius [Franciscus de la B\u00f6e], Sylvii Opera medica tam hactenus inedita (A,sterdam:\nD. Elsevir and A. Wolfgang, 1679), 32; quoted in Walter Pagel, William Harvey\u2019s Biological Ideas: Selected Aspects and Historical Background (Basel and New York: S. Karger,\n1967), p. 194.\n120\nDebus, The Chymical Philosophy, vol. 2, p. 530.\n121\nCook, Trials of an Ordinary Doctor, p. 66.\n122\nCook, Trials of an Ordinary Doctor, p. 66.\n118\n\nPages 153:\n136\nchapter four\npractice and to support and make each other favour. But above all things,\ntake particular care, let the subject be what it will, that the words be well\nchosen, so to make up an elegant and fervid speech; since you have ten\nto one that mind the language more than the ideas.123\nIndeed, the prestige of the \u201celegant and fervid speech\u201d of Newtonianism along with acid-alkali iatrochymistry made the Mechanical Account a\nsuccessful publication, enough to gain Mead a position at St. Thomas\nHospital in Southwark and election to the Royal Society.124\nIn his English Malady, Cheyne also directed his audience to the \u201clate\ningenious Performance of Dr. Bryan Robinson,\u201d an Irish Newtonian\nphysician who extensively and more faithfully utilized Newtonian chymistry in his work than Pitcairne or Mead. In 1732, Robinson (1680\u2013\n1754) wrote his Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy, a work of physiological\nmechanism.125 Past scholarly analysis of the Oeconomy has portrayed\nRobinson\u2019s work in the context of two intellectual in\u0002uences\u2014\u0003rst,\nLeiden physician Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) emphasis on the\nhydraulics of bodily \u0002uids through the veins and arteries, as well his study\nof solids and their \u0003bers whose faults caused distempers, and second,\na \u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the queries on ether in Newton\u2019s\nOpticks.126 Robinson particularly attributed the \u201cmotion of muscles\nto the vibration of an ethereal \u0002uid pervading the animal body.\u201d127\nHeimann also noted how Robinson\u2019s Dissertation on the aether of Sir Isaac\n123\nJohn Nichols, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century . . . (London: Nichols, Son,\nand Bentley, 1812), 4:219 quoted in Kenneth Dewhurst, The Quicksilver Doctor: The Life\nand Times of Thomas Dover, Physician and Adventurer (Bristol: Wright, 1957), p. 123.\n124\nGuerrini, \u201cIsaac Newton, George Cheyne, and the Principia Medicinae,\u201d p. 230.\n125\nBryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy (Dublin: George Ewing, 1734).\nThis is the second edition of the work, to which I will refer throughout this paper.\nRobinson\u2019s book was reprinted in 1734, 1735, 1737 and 1738. The 1737 edition was\nre-titled A Continuation of a Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy.\n126\nFor Boerhaave\u2019s in\u0002uence, see Theodore Browne, \u201cThe Mechanical Philosophy\nand the \u2018Animal Oeconomy\u2019\u2014A Study in the Development of English Physiology in\nthe Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century.\u201d Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1968,\npp. 351\u201353. For Robinson and ether, see Arnold Thackray, Atoms and Powers: An Essay\non Newtonian Matter Theory and the Development of Chemistry (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970), pp. 135\u201341; J.R.R. Christie, \u201cEther and the Science of Chemistry:\n1740\u20131790,\u201d in Conceptions of Ether: Studies in the History of Ether Theories, 1740\u20131900\n(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 86\u2013110, on pp. 96\u201398. Christie\nsees Robinson primarily as an in\u0002uence on the Scottish chemist William Cullen.\n127\nD.N.B. s.v. \u201cBryan Robinson.\u201d For more on the identi\u0003cation of ether with nervous \u0002uid and muscular motion, see Anita Guerrini, \u201cEther Madness: Newtonianism,\nReligion, and Insanity in Eighteenth-Century England,\u201d in Action and Reaction: Proceedings\nof a Symposium to Commemorate the Tercentenary of Newton\u2019s Principia, ed. Paul Theerman\nand Adele F. Seeff (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993), p. 238.\n\nPages 154:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n137\nNewton (1732) had a \u201cconsiderable impact on the work of the electrical\ntheorists of the 1740\u2019s,\u201d particularly on Benjamin Wilson\u2019s (1721\u201388)\nidenti\u0003cation of ether with an electrical substance in 1746. There however has been little work analyzing Robinson\u2019s work on a universal acid\nor Newtonian chymistry in the context of respiratory physiology128\nRobinson graduated M.D. in 1711 from Trinity College, Dublin,\nwhere he later served as an anatomical lecturer in 1716\u201317, and as\nRegius Professor of Physic from 1745129 [Figure 8]. He also was thrice\npresident of the Kings and Queen\u2019s College of Physicians in Ireland,\nand of the Irish Royal College of Surgeons. He was the editor of his\ncolleague Richard Helsham\u2019s Course of Lectures in Natural Philosophy (1739)\nprinted at Trinity College; Helsham\u2019s work simpli\u0003ed and popularized\nthe discoveries and innovations in methodology of Bacon, Boyle, Descartes and Newton to university students, and parts of the work were\nreprinted until 1834.130 Robinson also authored an essay on money\nand coins that contained Newton\u2019s \u201crepresentation to the treasury as\nWarden of the Mint,\u201d and in fact was best known as a mathematical\nauthor before he wrote his medical treatises.131 Robinson\u2019s \u0003rst published work was a translation of Philippe de la Hire\u2019s New Elements on\nConic Sections in 1704, which \u201cwas dedicated to his \u2018best friend\u2019 John\n128\nP.M. Heimann, \u201cEther and Imponderables,\u201d in Conceptions of Ether, 61\u201383, quoted\non 70. Wilson was an English portrait painter and electrician who favored Newton\u2019s\ngravitational-optical ether theory of electricity over Benjamin Franklin\u2019s idea of positive\nand negative electricity. For an older discussion of eighteenth-century British theories of\nelectricity, Robinson, and Wilson, see R.W. Home, \u201cAepinus and the British Electricians:\nThe Dissemination of a Scienti\u0003c Theory,\u201d Isis 63, 2 ( June 1972), pp. 190\u2013204.\n129\nD.N.B., s.v. \u201cBryan Robinson.\u201d The website of the Medical School of Trinity College Dublin website lists all the Regius Professors of Physics, equivalent to the Headship\nof the Department of Clinical Medicine. The Regius Professors included Robinson and\nhis teacher Richard Helsham as well; Helsham was appointed in 1733. See http://www.\ntcd.ie/ClinicalMedicine/people/cmhead.html, p. 1. Accessed 25 July 2004.\n130\nJ.L. Heilbron, \u201cReview of Richard Helsham, A Course of Lectures in Natural Philosophy, published by Bryan Robinson, reprint of the fourth edition, 1767. With an\nintroduction by D. Wearie, P. Kelly, and D.A. Addis,\u201d History of Physics Newsletter 8\n(2001), p. 8. This reprint was published in Bristol by the Institute of Physics Publishing\nfor the Physics Department of Trinity College Dublin.\n131\nD.N.B., s.v. \u201cBryan Robinson;\u201d The Dictionary of Eighteenth-Century British Philosophers,\ns.v. \u201cRobinson Bryan (1680\u20131754), ed. John Yolton, John Price and John Stephens\n(London: Thoemmes Press, 1999); [Philippe de la Hire], New Elements of Conick Sections,\ntrans. Bryan Robinson (London: Dan Midwinter, 1704). Bryan Robinson, Essay upon\nCoin (London: W. Johnston, 1758). The \u0003rst edition of the Essay upon Money and Coins\nwas published posthumously in 1758 by Robinson\u2019s sons.\n\nPages 155:\n138\nchapter four\nFigure 8. Bryan Robinson (1680 \u201394), etching by Benjamin Wilson (1721\u20131788).\nWellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 156:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n139\nHarris.\u201d132 Harris gave public lectures on mathematics, and may have\ntutored Robinson; Harris also later translated and published Newton\u2019s\nDe Natura acidorum (1710) which likely was the reason for Robinson\u2019s\nemphasis upon Newtonian chymistry in the Animal Oeconomy.133\nIn the Animal Oeconomy, Robinson was particularly concerned with\nNewton\u2019s discussion of the effects of atmospheric acids and acidic salts\nupon the natural world, particularly on the bodily constitution. Robinson\npostulated that Newton\u2019s aether was permeated with \u201cacidic parts of\nthe air.\u201d134 These acids were necessary to respiration, \u201cpreserved the\nlife of animals,\u201d and his discussion demonstrated that Robinson had a\n\u201cglimmering of the nature\u201d of oxygen\u2019s role in respiration.135 Robinson stated in the twenty-fourth proposition of his Animal Oeconomy that\n\u201c[t]he life of animals is preserved by acid Parts of the Air, mixing with\nthe Blood in the Lungs: which parts dissolve or attenuate the Blood,\nand preserve its Heat; and by both these, keep up the Motion of the\nHeart.\u201d136 Robinson \u0003rst noted from the results of Robert Hooke\u2019s\n(1635\u20131703) air pump experiments that a constant supply of fresh\nair is necessary to preserve the Life of Animals, as well as to preserve\n\u201csulphureous and unctuous Substances when once they are kindled.\u201d137\nHe then referred to a chymical experiment done by physician Olaus\nBorrichius (1626\u20131690) in which spirit of nitre (nitric acid or HNO3)\nwas added to the unctuous oil of cloves (mostly eugenol C10H12O2), an\nexothermic reaction that results in the production of oxalic acid and\n\u201cin a burning \u0002ame\u201d that remained present even in a vacuum. Similar\nexperiments in which sulphur and nitric acid were mixed together and\nkindled, resulted in them burning \u201cunder Water, or in vacuo, as well\nas in the open Air.\u201d138 Robinson then concluded that \u0003re and \u0002ame\n\u201cmay both be produced and preserved in sulphureous and unctuous\nSubstances by acid Particles even without Air,\u201d and thus, \u201cthat Air\n132\nThe Dictionary of Eighteenth-Century British Philosophers, s.v. \u201cRobinson Bryan\n(1680\u20131754).\u201d Thackeray notes how Harris even \u201ccorrected the sheets\u201d to the Conic\nSections. See Thackray, Atoms and Powers, p. 136.\n133\nIsaac Newton, De Natura acidorum, fol. B2 recto.\n134\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 190.\n135\nD.N.B. s.v. \u201cBryan Robinson.\u201d\n136\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 190.\n137\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 194.\n138\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 195. A similar experiment was done by Boyle\nand Mayow in which they burned gunpowder under water. For a short discussion of\nRobinson\u2019s intellectual sources, see J.R. Parthington, \u201cSome Early Appraisals of the\nWork of John Mayow,\u201d Isis 50 (1959), pp. 211\u201326, esp. pp. 224\u201325.\n\nPages 157:\n140\nchapter four\npreserves Fire and Flame by means of acid Particles.\u201d139 Therefore, in\na neat syllogism, acid particles preserved the life of animals, as they\npreserved \u0002ame in vacuo.\nBut how would Robinson prove his Proposition that acid particles\nin the air were the chymical source of respiration? Noting past experiments by Dr. Richard Lower (1631\u20131691), Robinson realized that venal\nblood was deeper purple, and when exposed to air would turn bright\nred.140 Robinson concluded that the acid parts of the air caused this\nchange, and therefore there must be a \u201clike contact of these acid parts\nwith the blood in the lung.\u201d141 Ergo, \u201cthe life of animals is preserved by\nacid parts of the air mixing with the blood in the lungs.\u201d142\nRobinson then turned to Newton\u2019s Opticks to explain in more detail\nthe chymical interaction of the acid in the air with the blood, drawing\nupon Newton\u2019s work on color and chymistry. Robinson noted that:\nthe bright red Color acquired by the Blood in the Lungs, from its Purity\nand Intenseness, is the Red of the second Order of Colors in the Table\nof Sir Isaac Newton\u2019s Opticks, p. 206. But the blackish or deep purple\nColor of Venal Blood turns into this bright Red, without passing through\nthe Colors of Blue, Green, Yellow, and Orange; and therefore, must\narise from the indigo and Purple of the third Order, and not from the\nIndigo and Violet of the second. And consequently by that Table, the\ntinging Corpuscles of the Blood are lessened in the Lungs. Hence it\nappears, that the acid parts of the Air dissolve or attenuate the Blood\nin the Lungs.143\nWhat was this table referred to in the Opticks, and how did Robinson\ncome to this conclusion?\nIn the Opticks, Newton attempted to \u0003nd the sizes of the corpuscles\nof light that made up different colors in the spectrum with his experiments placing a plano-convex lens on a \u0002at glass surface, producing\n\u201cNewton\u2019s rings\u201d or colored and concentric interference rings seen when\nilluminated from above with monochromatic light. Although Newton\nbelieved in a corpuscular theory of light, Newton\u2019s rings result from the\ninterference between rays re\u0002ected by the top and bottom surfaces of\n139\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 195.\nRichard Lower, Tractatus de corde item de motu et colore sanguinis et chyli in eum transitu\n(London: J. Allestry, 1669), pp. 164\u201365. For an older, but still useful overview of respiratory theory, see Leonard G. Wilson, \u201cThe Transformation of Ancient Theories of\nRespiration in the Seventeenth Century,\u201d Isis 51 (1960), pp. 161\u201372.\n141\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 198.\n142\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 198.\n143\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 198\u201399.\n140\n\nPages 158:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n141\nthe air gap between the two pieces of glass. Because the gap (equivalent\nto a thin \u0003lm) increases in width from the central contact point out\nto the edges, the extra path length of the lower ray varies, and corresponds to constructive and destructive interference, which gives rise to\nthe series of bright and dark rings of color. After carefully measuring,\nNewton realized the thickness of this \u0003lm of air between the lens and\nthe glass corresponded to the spacing of the rings.144 He also realized\nthat the quantity of light re\u0002ected from the rings was \u201cmost copious\nfrom the \u0003rst or inmost, and in the exterior Rings became gradually less\nand less;\u201d in other words as Alan Shapiro has observed, Newton realized there was a periodicity in the intensity of the several colors into\nwhich he divided visible light.145 Newton subsequently ordered the\nintensity of the colored rings he saw, composing a table, \u201cwherein\nthe thickness of Air, Water, and Glass, at which each Color is most\nintense and speci\u0003c, is expressed in parts of an Inch divided into ten\nhundred thousand equal parts.\u201d146 This is the table to which Robinson\nreferred [Figure 9].\nAs Shapiro has noted, Newton also believed that the \u201ccorpuscles\nof bodies produce colors just as a thin \u0003lm or air gap of the same\nthickness and density does.\u201d147 Newton wrote,\nThe transparent part of bodies according to their several sizes must re\u0002ect\nrays of one color and transmit those of another, on the same grounds\nthat thin plates does re\u0002ect or transmit those rays. And this I take to be\nthe ground of all their colors. The parts of Bodies on which their colors\ndepend are denser than the Medium wch pervades their interstices.148\nAs Newton concluded in the Opticks, \u201cthe bigness of the parts of natural Bodies may be conjectured by their Colors.\u201d149 In other words, as\nShapiro has commented,\nall bodies are composed of invisible, transparent corpuscles that are\nin effect tiny fragments of a thin \u0003lm that produces the identical color in\n144\nSee Alan Shapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms: Physics, Method, and Chemistry and\nNewton\u2019s Theories of Colored Bodies and Fits of Easy Re\u0003ection (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), esp. ch. 2, \u201cNewton\u2019s Rings,\u201d for details on Newton\u2019s method.\n145\nNewton, Opticks, Book II, Part I, p. 222; Shapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms,\np. 117.\n146\nNewton, Opticks, Book II, Part II, p. 232.\n147\nShapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms, p. 117.\n148\nThomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London for Improving of Natural\nKnowledge. 4 vols. (London: A. Millar, 1756\u20131757), 3: pp. 299 and 300, as quoted in\nShapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms, p. 118.\n149\nNewton, Opticks, Book II, Part II, p. 232.\n\nPages 159:\nFigure 9. Table of Colors of Newton\u2019s Rings, Sir Isaac Newton, Opticks: or, A Treatise of the Re\u0003ections, Refractions, In\u0003ections\nand Colors of Light. London: Samuel Smith and Benjamin Walford, 1704, p. 37. Image courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board\nof Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\nFigure 10. Bryan Robinson\u2019s device for measuring the effects of\nmedicaments on the \u201canimal \u0003bres\u201d of hair. Bryan Robinson,\nA Treatise of the Animal Oeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions.\nDublin: S. Powell, 1734, p. 291. Image courtesy History of\nScience Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n142\nchapter four\n\nPages 160:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n143\nNewton\u2019s rings. . . . If the corpuscles were of the same optical density as\nwater or glass . . . their size was found from the color of the body by the table\nhe composed that gives the thickness of a \u0003lm producing that color.150\nBut Newton found it was dif\u0003cult to know of what order the color of\nany body was, and it had to be done by comparing the color of the\nbody with those observed in Newton\u2019s rings. Newton subsequently\nanalyzed the qualities of the various orders of each color, concluding from his table for example that blues and violets are the \u201cbest\u201d\nor most intense in the third order.151 As Shapiro remarked, Newton\nsupported his evidence with chymical experiments, using a chymical\nindicator test for acids and alkalis that he had learned from Boyle using\nthe syrup of violets.152 Newton wrote\nThus the color of violets seems to be of that [third] order, because their\nSyrup by acid liquors turnes red and by . . . alcalizate turns green. For\nsince it is the nature of acids to dissolve or attenuate . . . if the purple\ncolor of ye Syrup was of the second order, a acid liquor by attenuating\nits tinging corpuscles would change it to a red of the \u0003rst order.153\nShapiro continued,\nNewton\u2019s argument has a testable consequence. If it is assumed as he does\nthat chymical reactions involve only a change in the size of the corpuscles,\nand the colors of bodies are produced by those corpuscles just as in thin\n\u0003lms, then the sequence of color changes in a chymical reaction should\nfollow the order of the colors in Newton\u2019s Rings.154\nAs Newton explained in a published letter to Boyle:\nFor the colors of all natural bodies whatever seem to depend on nothing\nbut the various sizes and densities of their particles. . . . If the particles be\nvery small (a are those of salts, vitriols, and gums) they are transparent;\nand as they are supposed bigger and bigger, they put on these colors in\norder, black, white, yellow, red; violet, blue, pale green, yellow, orange, red;\npurple, blue green, yellow, orange, red, &c. as is discerned by the colors,\nwhich appear at the several thicknesses of very thin plates of transparent\nbodies. Whence, to know the causes of the changes of colors, which\n150\nShapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms, p. 119.\nAs Newton remarked, \u201cSo the Colors of the third Series all succeed in order;\n\u0003rst, the violet . . . then the blue and green which are less mix\u2019d with other Colors, and\nconsequently more lively than before.\u201d Opticks, Book II, Part II, pp. 229\u201330.\n152\nShapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms, p. 119.\n153\nBirch, History of the Royal Society, 3: 301, as quoted in Shapiro, Fits, Passions, and\nParoxysms, p. 120.\n154\nShapiro, Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms, pp. 120\u2013121.\n151\n\nPages 161:\n144\nchapter four\nare often made by the mixtures of several liquors, it is to be considered,\nhow the particles of any tincture may have their size or density altered\nby the infusion of another liquor.155\nHence, using Newton\u2019s logic, Robinson believed it was possible to argue\nfrom the color change observed by the exposure of blood to the air\nthat acid was involved. An atmospheric acid attenuated the color of the\nblood, changing it to the smaller corpuscles of red versus the larger violet\ncorpuscles of venous blood, just as acid liquors turned the indicator\nsyrup of violets a red color. And, because color changes in a chymical\nreaction must follow the order of colors in Newton\u2019s rings, Robinson\ncould demonstrate the degree of the attenuation of the color as well\nas size of blood corpuscles by observing the order of color that the\nblood displayed in a chymical reaction.\nIn response to critics of his chymical theories of physiology, Robinson\nfurther utilized Newton\u2019s ideas in the De Natura acidorum to prove the\nexistence of acids in the air.156 In his discussion of short-range attraction\nbetween corpuscles of matter, Newton postulated acids were \u201cendued\nwith a great Attractive Force . . . in which their Activity consists,\u201d and\nthat they \u201cwere of a middle Nature between [a more volatile Water]\nand Terrestrial Bodies\u201d attracting both. Salts were also supposed to\nbe composed of acids and earth elements \u201cunited by attraction.\u201d\nRobinson believed that the formation of nitre in the mortar of walls\nwas the result of the union of atmospheric acids and earthy elements.\nRobinson wrote:\n155\nNewton, \u201cNewton\u2019s Letter to Boyle,\u201d February 28, 1678\u20139, in Isaac Newton\u2019s Papers\nand Letters On Natural Philosophy, p. 251.\n156\nThese critics included Dr. Thomas Morgan, who in the Mechanical Practice of Physick objected to Robinson\u2019s hydraulic applications of Newtonian physics, and who was\nskeptical of Robinson\u2019s identi\u0003cation of acid as the life-giving principle of respiration,\nnoting that acid extinguished \u0003re and therefore could hardly preserve the heat of the\nheart. See Thomas Morgan, The Mechanical Practice of Physick (London: T. Woodward,\n1735). Since Morgan was a deist, writing tracts such as The Moral Philosopher (1737\u20131741)\nthat questioned the veracity of scripture, he was not disturbed by Robinson\u2019s heavy\nemphasis on iatromechamism and seeming deism. However, several authors in the 1730s\nfelt that the theories of \u201cNewton-struck\u201d physicians and Newtonian views on aether\ncould lead to deism or atheism, such as John Hutchinson (1674\u20131737). See John C.\nEnglish, \u201cJohn Hutchinson\u2019s Critique of Newtonian Heterodoxy,\u201d Church History 68, 3\n(September 1999), pp. 581\u201398; For other philosophers critical of Robinson and Newton see Geoffrey Cantor, \u201cAnti-Newton,\u201d in John Fauvel et al., Let Newton Be! (Oxford:\nOxford University Press, 1988), pp. 203\u2013221; Scho\u0003eld, Mechanism and Materialism, pp.\n122\u201328; Thackray, Atoms and Powers, pp. 244\u201352.\n\nPages 162:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n145\nWhence it follows, that the Formation of Nitre on the Sides of plaistered\nWalls and on the Mortar of Brick Walls defended from Rain and Sun,\nmust be owing to acid Parts of the Air uniting with the earthy alcalious\nparts of the Lime, by the strong Attractions which intercedes them: And\ntherefore the Air abounds with Acid Particles.157\nMost likely Robinson was observing the formation of potassium carbonate or saltpetre crystals on walls that had been whitened by limestone,\nsimilar to the formation of nitre crystals in limestone saltpeter caves;\nbecause nitre will not form in areas of excess humidity, we have seen\nthat many early modern chemists believed something in the air was\nthe source of a generative power to create nitre.158\nRobinson also utilized chymical examples from query 31 of Newton\u2019s\nOpticks to demonstrate that \u201cit is the Nature of Acids to dissolve Bodies\nwith Heat,\u201d and that atmospheric acids were ultimately responsible for\nmaintaining the motion of the heart. In his speculations about the source\nof attractive powers of magnetism, electricity, and gravity, Newton\nspeculated upon close-range forces between individual corpuscles of\nmatter, and utilized several chymical examples involving vitriol. Just as\nthe formation of nitre was believed by early modern English chemists\nsuch as Lister (see chapter three) to be evidence of a formative power\nin the air, so was the formation of vitriol from the exposure of iron or\ncopper pyrites to the atmosphere. Vitriol was thought to be consisted\nof an \u201cinsipid\u201d earth called ocher, some iron metal, mineral sulphur,\nan acid salt, and some small portion of a volatile aerial salt, and was\nsometimes identi\u0003ed as a \u201cuniversal salt\u201d responsible for generating\nother minerals.159 Spirit of vitriol was vitriolic acid (likely sulphuric\nacid). Robinson quoted from the Opticks:\n157\nBryan Robinson, A Letter to Dr. Cheyne, containing an account of the motion of Water\nthrough Ori\u0002ces and Pipes; and an Answer to Dr. Morgan\u2019s Remarks on Dr. Robinson\u2019s Treatise\nof the Animal Oeconomy (Dublin: S. Powell, 1735), p. 50. This treatise was appended to\nthe Oeconomy.\n158\nRoos, \u201cMartin Lister and Fool\u2019s Gold,\u201d 28\u201329. A. Rupert Hall has analyzed\nNewton\u2019s ideas about the role of nitre in the composition and effects of \u201csubtile matter\u201d in \u201cIsaac Newton and the Aerial Nitre,\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of\nLondon 52 (1998), pp. 51\u201361.\n159\n[Anonymous], \u201cSome observations and Experiments about Vitriol, Tending to\nFind out the Nature of that Substance, and to Give Further Light in the Inquiry after\nthe Principles and Properties of Other Minerals: Communicated by a Fellow of the\nRoyal Society, Who Maketh Use of Chymistry Chie\u0002y as Subservient to Physiology,\u201d\nPhilosophical Transactions 9, no. 103 (1674), pp. 41\u201347, on p. 41.\n\nPages 163:\n146\nchapter four\nAnd when . . . spirit of vitriol poured upon \u0003lings of iron dissolves the \u0003lings with a great heat and ebullition, is not this heat and ebullition effect\nby a violent motion of the parts, and does not that motion argue that\nthe acid particles of the liquor rush towards the parts of the \u0003lings with\na violence . . . And when the acid particles, which alone would distill with\nan easy heat, will not separate from the particles of the metal without a\nvery violent heat, does not this con\u0003rm the attraction between them?160\nOn the basis of these queries, Robinson speculated that the acid of the\nair applied to \u201csulphureous\u201d or \u201cunctuous\u201d substances continued to\ndissolve them with heat.161 Since it was therefore \u201cthe nature of acids\nto dissolve bodies with heat\u201d and the color changes in blood when\nexposed to atmospheric acids demonstrated the \u201cacid of the air dissolves\nthe blood,\u201d acidic acids must warm the blood at the same time they\ndissolved it.162 Robinson also noted that by emptying his lungs of air\nand stopping his breath, his pulse grew small and quick; he concluded\nthat the motion of his heart lessened immediately after being deprived\nof the Acid of the Air and (in a bit of circular reasoning) concluded\nit was acid in the atmosp\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 141 to page 163 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 164 to page 187 out of a total of 312:\nPages 164:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n147\nmore heat was lost. To maintain temperature equilibrium in the body,\nRobinson concluded that \u201cAir when it is cold abounds more with . . . Acid,\nthan when it is hot. And that it is does so, appears from Fire burning\nbest when the Air is coldest, and worst when it is hottest.\u201d164\nThis meant that in the winter with more acid in the air, that blood\nwas more dissolved or attenuated than in summer; the same was true\nfor cold countries versus hotter climes. Robinson then concluded that\nsince in hotter countries there was more malignant disease, an ancient\nproposition based on Galenic medicine and to be later bolstered by\nEnlightenment principles of geographic determinism, malignant disease was due to a \u201cwant of a suf\u0003cient Dissolution or Attenuation of\nthe Blood.\u201d165 To explain why the body experienced hypothermia in\nexcessive cold, Robinson proposed that when the air was very cold and\nsaturated with acid, \u201cthe mutual attraction of its [acidic] particles, arising from their closeness to one another, may hinder them from being\ndrawn into the Blood in as great a Quantity.\u201d166 This ensuing lack\nof acid in the blood would destroy its heat and \u0002uidity, which would\neventually stop the heart. As support for his assertions, Robinson again\nused examples of chymical reactions involving oil of vitriol, noting that\nstrong oil of vitriol would not dissolve metals as quickly as when it was\nweaker due to its higher concentrations of acid.\nIf want of acid in the blood caused disease, Robinson wished to know\nthe effects of the effects of acidic particles on the \u0003bers of the body in\norder to formulate practical medicaments to treat disease. Boerhaave\nbelieved that muscles, bones, blood, circulatory vessels, and nerves\nwere made of \u0003bers that could become either too elastic or too rigid\nand therefore cause disease. Lack of motion of bodily \u0002uids could also\ncause ailments.167 Under the in\u0002uence of the theories of Boerhaave,\n164\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 213.\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 213.\n166\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 215.\n167\nRobinson in fact devoted his Letter to Dr. Cheyne to a study of the hydraulics of\nbodily \u0002uids and disease. See Robinson, A Letter to Dr. Cheyne Containing an Account of the\nMotion of Water Through Ori\u0002ces and Pipes . . . (Dublin: S. Powell, 1735). Boerhaave is also\nknown for Boerhaave\u2019s syndrome, a spontaneous rupture of the esophagus following\nvomiting, as well as for his revival of the Hippocratic method of bedside instruction.\nSee Herman Boerhaave, A method of studying physick. 1st. English edition, London 1719,\nthe \u0003rst authorized \u201cEnglished\u201d version of his most famous treatise; R. Knoeff, Herman\nBoerhaave (1668\u20131738). Calvinist Chemist and Physician (London, 2002). For a surprisingly\nthorough biography of Boerhaave online see his entry on whonamedit.com, accessed\n25 July 2004.\n165\n\nPages 165:\n148\nchapter four\nRobinson assumed that these atmospheric acids chymically affected the\n\u201cspring\u201d of nervous \u0003bers\u2014as Roy Porter commented, \u201cthe nerves\nwere \u0003ne \u0003laments and when healthy, they possessed a proper degree\nof elasticity\u2014if out of condition, they became brittle.\u201d168 Robinson\nthen devised an elaborate experimental procedure to test the effects of\n\u201cvarious \u0002uids, of age, of different Kinds of Weather, and of Exercise\u201d\non the elasticity of nervous \u0003bers characterized by careful measurement\nand mathematical proof.\nSince nerves were in short supply for experiments, Robinson chose\nanother type of \u201canimal \u0003ber\u201d to work upon\u2014namely human hair.\nTaking the hair of a \u201chealthful young Woman 22 years of Age,\u201d he\nwet samples down with different types of chymical medicaments, and\nsaw how far the hair could be extended or stretched; the more the hair\ncould be stretched, the more elastic or healthy it was, and the more\nstrengthening the chymical medicament was of the animal \u0003bers.169\nHe measured the extensions of hairs via an apparatus he invented\n[Figure 10], and explained,\nHaving pass\u2019d one End of an Hair thro\u2019 the small Hole at R, and fasten\u2019d\nit by running the Screw o, I drew the other End by help of a small bearded\nWire through the Hole in the Cylinder r, and \u0003xed it by the Screw N, so\nas always to have an Interval of 10 Inches between those Screws. Then\non the Groove of the Brass pRq I hung a Scale with a Weight W, and\nobserved the encreased Length or Extension of the Hair when dry in two\nMinutes of Time, caused by the uniform Action of the given Weight of\n300 Grains, which was the sum of the Weights of the Scale, or W, and\nof the little Brass pRq.170\nThen he took the hair off the scale, \u201crub\u2019d with the given Fluid,\u201d and\nplaced it back on to measure its Extension, formulating elaborate tables\nof his results of the hair\u2019s extension and its corresponding strength and\nhealth [Figures 11 and 12].\nRobinson \u0003rst concluded that table two demonstrated\n1. Salt of Tartar per deliquium (anhydrous potassium carbonate\u007f\ndeliquescence was a property some crystalline substances had of\ndissolving spontaneously in liquid absorbed from air) strengthened\n168\nRoy Porter, \u201cIntroduction,\u201d in George Cheyne: The English Malady (1733) (London\nand New York: Tavistock and Routledge, 1991), p. xxi.\n169\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 290.\n170\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 293.\n\nPages 166:\nFigure 11. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table One of the elasticity\nof the animal \u0003bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal\nOeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell,\n1734, p. 296. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nFigure 12. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table Two of the elasticity\nof the animal \u0003bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal\nOeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell,\n1734, p. 296. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n149\n\nPages 167:\n150\nchapter four\nthe hairs more than a solution of that salt in water. This meant\nthat this salt drew something out of air besides water giving it its\nstrengthening quality.171\n2. Experiments by Newton in the Opticks demonstrated that salt of tartar\nper deliquium attracted Acids more strongly than any Metal.172\n3. By Robinson\u2019s proposition 24, the air abounded with acid particles,\nso the \u201cwatry Moisture imbibed from the air by this Salt when it\ndeliquates, must be strongly impregnated with acid particles.\u201d173\n4. Therefore, \u201cif the Acid of the Air be the sole Cause of the great\nExcess of the Strengthening Power of Salt of Tartar per deliquium\nabove that of the strongest Solution of the same Salt in Water,\u201d such\nas receive most of the Acid into their Blood will have the strongest\n\u0003bers.174 Animal \u0003bers would be strongest in \u201cfrosty weather,\u201d since\nthe air abounded more with acid particles then.\n5. Robinson concluded that animal \u0003bers and \u0002uids had their strengthening powers from the acid of the Air, \u201cunited with their component\nparticles by virtue of its strong attraction.\u201d175\nRobinson then turned to the effects of oils and alkalis on animal\n\u0003bers, noting from his experiments that the data in table one revealed\nthat \u201cOils, ardent Spirits, and all Liquors abounding with oily Parts\nstrengthen Animal Fibres, and warm Water and alcalious Spirits weaken\nthem.\u201d176 He observed that alkalious intestinal gall mixed with animal\noils lessened the strength of hairs, concluding that gall in the intestines\n\u201clessens the strengthening power of the oil part of the aliment in its\npassage thro them.\u201d177 Yet, the fats of animals were more strengthening to animal \u0003bers than olive oil, which showed that the oily part\nof the animal fats regains \u201cin the blood that part of its strengthening\npower which it loses in the Intestines by being mixed with the Gall.\u201d178\nRobinson postulated that animal fat regained that strengthening power\nby being exposed to the acid of the air, as the blood of animals has\n171\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 301; Ecklund, Incomplete Chymist, s.v. \u201cdeliquescence.\u201d\n172\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 302\u2013303.\n173\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 303\u2013304.\n174\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 304.\n175\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 304.\n176\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 343.\n177\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 305.\n178\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 305\u2013306.\n\nPages 168:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n151\na constant supply of this acid by means of respiration. Therefore\nthe atmospheric acids also seemed to be the immediate cause of the\nstrengthening power of oils and all \u0002uids abounding with oily parts.\nOn the other hand if an alkali like sal ammoniac (likely ammonium\nchloride or NH4Cl though the term was sometimes used for other\nammonium salts) was applied to hair continuously, the \u0003ber grew less\nand less elastic or \u201cweaker\u201d over time.179 Robinson then noted that\nanimal \u0003bers like hair contained an \u201cacid in their composition, forasmuch as they contained salt\u201d; according to Newton\u2019s Opticks, salt was\ncomposed of acid and earth united by attraction.180 Therefore, alkalis\nlike sal ammoniac lessened the strength of animal \u0003bers by drawing off\ntheir acids from their earthy parts, \u201cupon which acid the strength of\n\u0003bres depends.\u201d181 To further support his assertion, Robinson referred\nto the work of Stephen Hales, particularly his Vegetable Staticks (1727).\nHales was a \u201cdisciple of Boyle, Mayow and Newton,\u201d and his Staticks\nwas \u201cself consciously\u201d written in the \u201cstyle of Newton\u2019s Opticks.\u201d182\n\u201cIn\u0002uenced by some of Newton\u2019s ideas on the chymical role of air,\u201d\nHales demonstrated that air could unite with other substances such as\nsal ammoniac.183 Hales postulated that upon such union air lost elasticity,\nand thought this decrease was due to the air\u2019s \u201c\u0003xation by acid . . . fumes\nraised with that air.\u201d184 In other words, just as air lost elasticity by having sal ammoniac drawing off its acid, sal ammoniac applied to animal\n\u0003bers also weakened them by the same mechanism.\nIn Section V of the Animal Oeconomy, Robinson then did a series of\nexperiments in which he demonstrated that the same chymical substances that strengthened and weakened animal \u0003bers had the same\neffects upon the blood by increasing or decreasing its viscosity. For\ninstance, spirit of hartshorn (a strong solution of ammonia produced\nby the distillation of hartshorn [NH4O4]) as an alkali weakened the\nblood \u201cwhen taken in too large a quantity,\u201d causing blood thinness and\nhemorrhaging, whereas blood coagulated by animal venom became \u0002uid\n179\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 307\u2013308.\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 309.\n181\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 309.\n182\nMilton Kerker, \u201cHerman Boerhaave and the Development of Pneumatic\nChemistry,\u201d Isis 46 (1955), pp. 36\u201349, on 39; Brown, \u201cMedicine in the Shadow of\nthe Principia,\u201d p. 645.\n183\nKerker, \u201cHerman Boerhaave,\u201d p. 39.\n184\nKerker, \u201cHerman Boerhaave,\u201d p. 39.\n180\n\nPages 169:\n152\nchapter four\nby \u201clarge doses of alcalious spirits.\u201d185 To explain blood chymistry and\nits interaction with the acids of the air, Robinson wrote:\nthe acid of the air, after it is taken into the blood, unites with its Salts,\nand thereby renders them grosser and less volatile . . . in like Manner\nas Spirit of Sea-salt which is an acid spirit [most likely hydrochloric\nacid] and Spirit of Soot which is a volatile alcalious spirit, being mixed\ntogether unite and compose the Particles of Sal Ammoniac, which are\ngrosser and less volatile than before: But volatile alcalious Spirits, which\nare composed of volatile alcalious Salts and Water, attenuate and thin the\nBlood. . . . And therefore the Acid of the Air, by channeling the Salts of\nthe Blood and become volatile by Heat or Putrefaction in to a Kind of\nSal-armoniac . . . keeps up a Tenacity in the Blood. Hence the blood will\nbe apt to abound with volatile Salt, when it is not suf\u0003ciently impregnated\nwith this Acid.186\nRobinson then explained that a lack of acid in the blood was most\nlikely to happen in hot weather, when the air contained less acid. This\nwas because there were more sulphureous steams and volatile salts in\nthe atmosphere that were raised from the earth in hot weather. Salts\nalso arose from putrid substances of vegetables and animals in warmer\nclimes, and the heat meant people were likely more inactive or had\nmore putrid fevers, and their blood and breath tended to abound with\nvolatile salts.\nRobinson\u2019s theory at its basis had its origin in the work of van\nHelmont, who we have seen originated the study of volatile salts in\na primarily iatrochymical and medical context. In his analysis of the\nchemistry of the blood, van Helmont claimed that venous blood, having given nourishment to the organs of the body, was made volatile\nand converted into gas that was breathed out.187 It thus seems that\nRobinson again dovetailed older Helmontian beliefs in a vital volatile\nsalt, \u0003t them into a Newtonian chymical construct which emphasized\n185\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, 344. It is possible here that Robinson was affected\nby his contemporary Dr. Richard Mead\u2019s work on poisons, which advised much the\nsame type of medicaments. See Richard Mead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons in Several\nEssays in The Medical Works of Richard Mead, M.D. (Edinburgh: Alexander Donaldson\nand Charles Elliot, 1775; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1978).\n186\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 344\u201345.\n187\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 88\u201390. The material about acids, alkalis and\nvan Helmont and Sylvius is taken from Anna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine:\nRichard Mead, James Gibbs and Solar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in\nEarly Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on\npp. 452\u201353.\n\nPages 170:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n153\nthe importance of atmospheric acids, yet drew from Boerhaave in his\nemphasis on \u0003bers in diagnosing disease.\nFrom these principles, Robinson developed a series of acidic and\nalkali medicaments to affect the elasticity and health of the animal\n\u0003bers. As we have seen, the basis for his treatments was an extension\nof the acids-alkali theory of the humors which had its origin in the\n1660s among iatrochymists on the Continent in\u0002uenced by van Helmont\nand Sylvius.188\nInstead of using acids or alkalis to \u201crestore the balance of the humors,\u201d\nRobinson utilized these popular medicaments to appropriately strengthen\nor weaken the animal \u0003bers and blood to attain bodily balance and treat\ndisease. To treat fevers in \u201cwhich the Salts of the Blood are rendered too\nvolatile by Heat or Putrefaction,\u201d such as child-bed fever, Robinson\nprescribed \u201csweating with acidulated Drinks,\u201d as sweating would carry\noff part of the volatile Salts and the acids would restore balance in a\nover-alcalious blood.189 Drinks impregnated with acids were also more\ncooling, and treatment would continue until there were signs of \u201cconcoction\u201d in the urine, signaling a growing tenacity of the blood and\nbodily \u0003bers.190 (Concoction referred to the ripening of morbi\u0003c matter\nto perfection, making it \u0003t for elimination from the body; by concoction,\nnoxious humors were separated from sound ones).191 In other ailments,\nsuch as in an \u201cphthisis\u201d (tuberculosis), where there was an putrid fever\nand the blood abounded with volatile salts, Robinson prescribed riding,\nparticularly in cold air by which the blood was \u201cplentifully\u201d supplied\nwith atmospheric acids.192 The pulmonary lesions in tuberculosis were\nlikely evidence to Robinson of hemorrhaging, which was a signal of the\n\u201cdissolution\u201d and acrimony of the blood due to its high concentration\nof alkali salts. On the other hand, in\u0002ammatory Fevers, frequent \u201cin\ncold frosty Weather in which the Air abounds most with acid Particles,\u201d\n188\nAllen G. Debus, The Chymical Philosophy: Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth\nand Seventeenth Centuries. 2 vols. (New York: Science History Publications, 1977), vol. 2,\npp. 519\u201331. Other authors have illustrated that Sylvius\u2019s theory of acids and alkalis\nmay have had its origins in the theories of van Helmont. See Antonio Clericuzio,\n\u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle: A Study of the Transmission of Helmontian Chymical\nand Medical Theories in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d British Journal for the History\nof Science, 26 (1993), pp. 303\u2013334 on p. 330.\n189\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 466.\n190\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 474.\n191\nOnline OED, s.v. \u201cconcoction,\u201d accessed 25 July 2004. Concoction could also\nrefer to bodily digestion and secretion in a more general sense.\n192\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 346.\n\nPages 171:\n154\nchapter four\nand caused by blood saturated with acid, were more frequent among\n\u201cPersons who used much Exercise.\u201d193 They were treated by \u201calcalious\nPowders and Spirits\u201d to weaken the bodily \u0003bers and to attenuate the\nblood by their warmth.194\nIn a general Scholium concluding the Animal Oeconomy, Robinson\nconcluded, probably much to his satisfaction, that he knew \u201chow to\nincrease or lessen the Strength of the Fibres, and Tenacity of the\nFluids,\u201d resulting in a \u201cproper Method of conducting chronical Diseases.\u201d195 Taking his cue from Newton\u2019s non \u0002ngo hypotheses, he believed\nhe had \u201cAvoided Hypotheses,\u201d explaining \u201cthe Laws which obtain in\nHuman Bodies by Reason and Experiment,\u201d and acknowledged that\nto Newton he was \u201cchie\u0002y indebted for what . . . [he] had delivered.\u201d196\nIronically, in his reliance upon Newton in formulating his medical\nprinciples, Robinson relied heavily on the hypothetical queries in the\nOpticks and the De Natura acidorum. As Brown has commented, in the\nOeconomy it was \u201cexperimental method, not mathematical reasoning,\nwhich dominated the work, and experiment steadily gave way to speculation.\u201d197 Although Robinson\u2019s hypotheses were dressed in the guise of\nNewtonian physiology, his work ultimately had its basis in an older and\nmore empirical chymical tradition of atmospheric salts composing a\nlife-giving principle, a tradition that contributed to the early modern\nunderstanding of respiratory physiology.\n193\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 349.\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 349.\n195\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 489 and p. 491.\n196\nRobinson, \u201cPreface\u201d to the Animal Oeconomy, pp. iii\u2013iv.\n197\nBrown, \u201cMedicine in the Shadow of the Principia,\u201d p. 645.\n194\n\nPages 172:\nCHAPTER FIVE\nSALTS AND SALINE SPIRITS IN THE MEDICAL\nMARKETPLACE AND LITERATURE:\nPATENT MEDICINES AND CHYMICAL SATIRE\nIn the last chapter, we observed that by the beginning of the eighteenth century, saline spirits or acids had largely replaced purely saline\nsubstances as the vital element in human physiology and natural history among natural philosophers and elite physicians. The advent of\nacid-alkali iatrochymistry and the in\u0002uence of Newtonianism lessened\nthe in\u0002uence of Helmontian chymistry with its emphasis on vital salts.\nThis chapter, in contrast, will analyze the continuing in\u0002uence that salt\nchymistry had in wider society. We will concentrate on two areas, both\nhaving to do with the perceived \u201clegitimacy\u201d of salt iatrochymistry\nin medical treatment. First we will analyze the use of salts in patent\nmedicines and popular medicaments, and secondly, we will examine\nthe role that salt chymistry played in popular literature, primarily that\nwhich satirized alchemy and chymical medicine. Though much has\nbeen written by Rattansi, Webster, and Cook about chymical medicine\namong elites, including the attempt at the formation of a Society of\nChymical Physicians in 1665, iatrochymistry at the popular medical\nlevel is something which necessitates more analysis.1 Likewise, there\nhas been work about satire leveled at alchemists in general, but little\nabout literature that took its inspiration from Helmontian salt chymistry,\ndespite its pervasive in\u0002uence among natural philosophers and physicians. As the work of Nummedal on chymists of the Holy Roman\n1\nHarold Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (Ithaca: Cornell\nUniversity Press, 1986); Trials of an Ordinary Doctor: Johannes Groenevelt in SeventeenthCentury London (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); P.M. Rattansi, \u201cThe\nHelmontian-Galenist Controversy in Restoration England,\u201d Ambix 12 (1964), pp. 1\u201323;\n\u201cParacelsus and the Puritan Revolution,\u201d Ambix 11 (1963), pp. 24\u201332; Charles Webster,\n\u201cEnglish Medical Reformers of the Puritan Revolution: A Background to the \u201cSociety\nof Chymical Physitians,\u201d Ambix 14 (1967), pp. 16\u201341; Charles Webster, From Paracelsus to\nNewton: Magic and the Making of Modern Science (New York: Dover, 2005); Charles Webster,\nThe Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626\u20131660 (London: Duckworth, 1975);\nCharles Webster, ed. Utopian Planning and the Puritan Revolution: Gabriel Plattes, Samuel Hartlib\nand Macaria (Oxford: Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, 1979).\n\nPages 173:\n156\nchapter five\nEmpire has shown, the question of legitimacy in chymical practice is\nalso something of current historiographic interest.2\nSalts, Patent Medicine and Astrology\nAs many studies of early modern history of medicine have demonstrated, the medical marketplace in England was a diverse one, with\napothecaries, barber-surgeons, licensed and unlicensed physicians, and\nchymical empirics competing for business. The general lack of effectiveness of most remedies, as well as the high cost of licensed medical care\nmeant that patients were likely to seek several alternatives. From the\nhousewife making herbal remedies to treat her children, to the valetudinarian Robert Boyle\u2019s preoccupation with various nostrums, medical\nknowledge was of great concern to the larger population.3\nBy the mid seventeenth century, proprietary medicines or mass-marketed \u201cquack remedies\u201d emerged in the English medical marketplace. As\none of the editors of the early eighteenth-century London newspaper\nThe British Apollo opined, any \u201cNostrum of some Never-born Doctor . . . if\nexpos\u2019d to Sale at Tower-Hill, Lincolns-Inn or Moore-Fields, twill yield\na Summ of Money as soon as any other valuable commodity.\u201d4 Previously, as Cook has mentioned, more \u201corthodox\u201d physicians, beginning\nin the seventeenth century, avoided charges of quackery and \u0002ogging\ntheir wares by refraining from using broadsheets; rather they would write\nshort pamphlets about their medicaments which were more respectable.5\nAdvertisements in the late-seventeenth and early eighteenth-century\n2\nTara E. Nummedal, \u201cAlchemical Reproduction and the Career of Anna Maria\nZieglerin,\u201d Ambix, 48 (2001), pp. 56\u201368; Tara E. Nummedal, \u201cThe Problem with Fraud\nin Early Modern Alchemy,\u201d in Shell Games: Studies in Scams, Frauds, and Deceits (1300\u20131650),\ned. Mark Crane, Richard Raiswell, and Margaret Reeves (Essays and Studies, number 4)\n(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies.\n2004), pp. 1\u201323. See also Pamela H. Smith, The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture\nin the Holy Roman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).\n3\nBarbara Beigun Kaplan, \u2018Divulging of Useful Truths in Physick.\u2019 The Medical. Agenda\nof Robert Boyle (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1993); For information on the\nmedical marketplace, see Roy Porter, \u201cThe patient in England, 1660\u20131800,\u201d Medicine\nin Society: Historical Essays, ed. Andrew Wear (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,\n1992), pp. 91\u2013118.\n4\nBritish Apollo, or curious amusements for the ingenious, Vol. III, no. 42, Friday June 30th\nto Monday July 3, 1710, p. 2.\n5\nWilliam Newman, Gehennical Fire, p. 196; Harold Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical\nRegime in Stuart London (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), p. 43.\n\nPages 174:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n157\n\u201cquestion-and-answer\u201d newspapers The Athenian Mercury and the British Apollo also were a means to reach an audience without resorting to\nhawking ones wares on the street. The Apollo for instance carried notices\nof Dr. Tyson\u2019s Apoplectick Snuff whose tendency to induce sneezing\nwas credited with clearing any extra mercury taken for venereal disease\nthat was lodged in the body, as well as clearing sight and removing\ndrowsiness.6 Some of these \u201cmore respectable\u201d medical pamphlets and\nadvertisements which speci\u0003cally described iatrochymical medicines,\nparticularly those by George Starkey and his rival Richard Matthew,\nhave been analyzed by Newman.7 Pamphlet wars and rivalries to corner\nthe market in arti\u0003cial spa waters which involved saline chymistry have\nalso been delineated by Coley.8\nThe connection however between medicaments involving salt chymistry and popular medical beliefs in astrological medicine in the work\nof both orthodox and \u201cquack\u201d physicians is still a relatively unexplored\narea. Though it is true, as I have shown in other publications, that elites\nlargely disavowed most astrological medicine by the end of the seventeenth century, at the popular level, there was still a pervasive belief that\nthe planets affected and caused bodily illness.9 Physicians looking for a\nmeans to sell medicaments were apparently well aware of this, and as\nthis chapter will show, used the language of saline iatrochymistry as a\nmarketing tool to promote \u201cinnovative\u201d medicines within a framework\nof medical theory which was entirely traditional. In this chapter, I will\npresent two case studies to analyze the interactions between saline\nchymistry and popular astrological medicine. First, we shall analyze the\nwork of James Gibbs, a provincial \u201corthodox\u201d physician who published\n6\nFor Dr. Tyson\u2019s snuff, see British Apollo, or Curious Amusements for the Ingenious, Friday\nJuly 28th to Monday July 31st, 1710, p. 4. For more information on science and medicine in the these newspapers, please see, Helen Berry, Gender, Society and Print Culture in\nLate-Stuart England. The Cultural World of the Athenian Mercury. (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003);\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cPolite Society and Perceptions of the Sun and the Moon in the\nAthenian Mercury and the British Apollo, 1691\u20131711,\u201d Didactic Literature in England,\n1500\u20131800: Expertise Constructed (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), pp. 79\u201398.\n7\nWilliam Newman, Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an American Alchemist in\nthe Scienti\u0002c Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994).\n8\nNoel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in\nSeventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214.\n9\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and\nSolar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in Early Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of the\nHistory of Medicine, 74, 3, (Fall 2000), pp. 433\u2013457; see also \u201cAstrology, the Academy and\nthe Early Modern English Newspaper,\u201d in Astrology and the Academy, ed. Patrick Curry,\nNick Campion, and Michael York (Bristol: Cinnabar Books, 2004).\n\nPages 175:\n158\nchapter five\na tract about scrofula, salt chymistry, and solar and lunar in\u0002uences.\nSecondly, we will examine the work of seventeenth-century London\nand Dublin \u201cquacks\u201d Lionel Lockyer and Timothy By\u0003eld, and their\nconnections between salts and sunlight.\nSaline chymistry, solar and lunar astrological medicine, and scrofula\nJames Gibbs was the son of the vicar of Gorran in Cornwall, and\na student of Exeter College, Oxford. Although he spent part of his\nprofessional career as a poet, attempting to promote a new metrical\nversion of the Psalms (published in 1701), he became better known\nfor his work as a physician.10 In 1712, he wrote a treatise on scrofula,\nor the king\u2019s evil, which is the \u201ctubercular in\u0002ammation of the lymph\nglands of the neck,\u201d although the term was \u201cemployed more loosely\nto comprehend a wide variety of complaints affecting the heat, neck\nand eyes, particularly swollen lips, tumors, sores and blisters\u201d as well as\ncataracts.11 Gibbs was motivated to publish for legal and commercial\nreasons. He had apparently cured a youth from Plymouth of scrofula\nin 1706 that had been unsuccessfully treated with mercury. However,\nGibbs had not been paid for his pains and thus \u201ccommenced an\n[legal] action against [the boy\u2019s] Father, for the sum he promised\u201d at\nLaunceston and subsequently received his fee.12 Because the father\ncontinued to maintain that Gibbs had not truly healed his son, which\nresulted in some other unspeci\u0003ed \u201cvarious discourses concernying this\nTryal,\u201d Gibbs \u201cthought \u0003t to publish\u201d his treatise in vindication of the\ncourt\u2019s judgment and his course of treatment, and his reputation as\na physician.13 Gibbs\u2019 medicament, based on acid-alkali iatrochymistry\nand mechanism combined with older beliefs about astrological medicine was also suf\u0003ciently different from the usual cures for scrofula via\n10\nDNB, 1937\u201339 ed., s.v. \u201cGibbs, James.\u201d; James Gibbs, The First Fifteen Psalms of\nDavid, translated into Lyric Verse, propos\u2019d as an essay, supplying the Perspicuity and Coherence\naccording to the Modern Art of Poetry (London: J. Matthews, 1701).\n11\nKeith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Charles Scribner\u2019s\nSons, 1971), p. 192.\n12\nGibbs, \u201cPreface,\u201d in Observations of various eminent cures of scrophulous distempers, commonly called the king\u2019s evil: . . . To which is added. An essay, concerning the animal spirits, and the\ncure of convulsions (London: Ralph Simpson, and W. Innys; Exeter: Philip Yeo, 1712),\npp. 1\u20132.\n13\nGibbs, \u201cPreface,\u201d in Observations of various eminent cures, p. 2.\n\nPages 176:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n159\nmercury or the royal touch to be advertised as an innovative cure in\nthe medical marketplace.\nTraditionally, the moon\u2019s control over watery humors made it the\nmorbi\u0003cant planet in scrofula, which as seventeenth-century astrological physician Richard Saunders claimed, \u201ccomes under the chin\nlike a swelling, and it doth increase and decrease with the moon.\u201d14\nCures were usually effected by the king\u2019s touch; Charles II gave a\nspecially-stamped piece of gold to the sufferer to be worn about the\nneck, which was \u201cwidely regarded as a talisman in which the curative\npower was deposited.\u201d15 While it is likely, as Thomas has claimed, that\nthe monarch\u2019s innate personal power and consecration as king was\nan important reason that people felt his touch was effective, the cure\nmay have to do with even more basic associations. Anne Geneva has\nillustrated that the analogy of the monarch with the sun was pervasive\nin early modern England.16 Further, astrological physicians often prescribed solar astrological amulets made of gold, which via antipathy\nwould protect against lunar diseases, like scrofula. Therefore, it is possible the amulet given by the monarch to the sufferer was associated at\nsome level as an antipathetic astrological preventative. Indeed, if it was\nnot possible to visit the king or afford a gold talisman, one astrological\nphysician of the late seventeenth century recommended \u201cthree solary\nherbs to wear . . . haveing a vertue agreeing with the nature of Gold,\nand serveth instead of Gold, as Gold is under the dominion of the\nSun as being a Metal.\u201d17\n14\nRichard Saunders, The astrological judgment and practice of physick (London: Langely\nCurtis, 1677), p. 198.\n15\nThomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 196. In the iconographic collection of\nthe Wellcome Institute in London, there are pictures of these amulets issued by Charles\nII. Although before the Restoration, the scrofula talisman was a real gold coin, called\nan \u2018angel\u2019 with the impression of St. George slaying the dragon, the medal issued by\nCharles illustrates a hand coming out of the illuminated heavens touching the heads of\na group of sufferers. The slogan reads: \u201cHe toucheth them, and they weare healed,\u201d\na clear and politically astute allusion to the divinity of the monarch and perhaps to\nthe healing powers of the heavens themselves. See Front and reverse of four coin-like objects\nknown as \u2018royal touch pieces\u2019 which were given by royal personages to people suffering from the king\u2019s\nevil (scrofula) (London: John Churchill, n.p.d., Wellcome Institute for the History of\nMedicine, London, BRN number 18475, ICV number 51428).\n16\nAnne Geneva, Astrology and the Seventeenth-Century Mind: William Lilly and the Language\nof the Stars (New York: St. Martin\u2019s Press, 1995), p. 267.\n17\nJoseph Blagrave, Blagrave\u2019s astrological practice of physick (London: S.G. and B.G.,\n1671), pp. 114\u20135.\n\nPages 177:\n160\nchapter five\nThough Gibbs did not use amulets in treatment, as he found previous \u201cnotions of [scrofula] to be of little use, and very few accounts\nof their success in curing disorders of this nature,\u201d he did believe that\nscrofula was due to lunar in\u0002uence.18 First, Gibbs explained that the\nfull moon re\u0002ected all the light which it received from the sun to the\nearth, and he believed that these\nre\u0002ected rays of the Moon, passing by the earth on all sides of it, tho\u2019\nnot equally, cannot but obstruct the Beams in some Measure, which are\ndirected from the Sun to the Earth; and consequently the in\u0002uence of\nthe Sun on the Earth is diminished.19\nThe lunar beams thus met and obstructed the sunbeams, and \u201cconsequently the Motion and Heat which the Sun communicates to the\nEarth will be lessen\u2019d, and the natural Effect hereof will manifest it self\nin some Constitutions.\u201d20\nThe source of the subsequent effect of the lack of sunlight on the\nbody was explained by the traditional connection between the vital\nanimal spirits and the sun. Aristotle\u2019s linkage of life with the generative\nsun and motion inherent in the soul-principle\u2014the pneuma\u2014also meant\nthat he considered the motion of the heart as indicative that it was the\nseat of the soul.21 The sun was thus often associated by early modern\nEnglish writers with the animal spirits and the circulatory system.22 In\nthe Anatomy of Melancholy, Robert Burton said of the middle region of\nthe body that \u201cthe principal part is the heart, which is the seat and\nfountain of life, or heat, of spirits, of pulse and respiration, the sun of\nour body, the king and sole commander of it, the seat and organ of all\npassions and affections.\u201d23 William Harvey thought the blood was the\nbest example of the animal spirits, writing that \u201cfor us physicians, spirit\nis . . . namely that whatsoever attempts anything by its own endeavour\n18\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, p. 3.\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, p. 58.\n20\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, p. 59.\n21\nSpeci\u0003cally, Aristotle said that the heart produced the pneuma \u201cwhich is continually\ncreated and renewed inside the body so long as there is heat and life. It is the vehicle\nof the soul, and as such is responsible for reproduction and movement.\u201d Galen, Galen\non Respiration and the Arteries, trans. David J. Furley and J.S. Wilkie (Princeton: Princeton\nUniversity Press, 1984), p. 19.\n22\nWalter Pagel, \u201cMedieval and Renaissance Contributions to Knowledge of the\nBrain and its Functions,\u201d in The History of the Brain and its Functions, ed. F.N.L. Poynter\n(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958), p. 108.\n23\nRobert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy, ed. Holbrook Jackson, 3 vols. (London:\nJ.M. Dent, 1932), vol. 1, p. 153.\n19\n\nPages 178:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n161\nand arouses any motion with agility and vehemence, or initiates any\naction.\u201d24 Harvey also believed that the blood had a celestial nature\nas it was \u201canalogous to the element of the stars,\u201d and the heart in the\nbody was as the sun was in the solar system, in the midst of the body\nand giving life.25 Further, although the works of Paracelsus that in\u0002uenced many seventeenth-century English astrological physicians were\nanti-Aristotelian, they expressly placed the central soul in the heart, and\nstated that the heart corresponded to the Sun.26 As a medical treatise\npublished at about the same time as Mead\u2019s indicated,\na [celestial] Body or its particles are said to Warm, when by their motion\nthey greatly, move, stir, or agitate the Animal tactile Spirits . . . coldness is\ncaused by diminishing, retarding, or putting a stop to the natural motion\nof the animal Spirits. Thus some bodies cause a coldness by repelling,\nbaiting back, or crowding together the said Spirits.27\nGibbs then put a mechanical gloss on this traditional explanation. Like\nMead, in his discussion of how his treatments affected the body, he\nwanted to avoid \u201cPhilosophical Cant.\u201d Gibbs, disavowing the \u201coccult\nNotions of Expression\u201d of the Peripatetics demonstrated \u201cMechanically\nthe Operation of such Medicines . . . explaining their Forms and Qualities by which they are dispos\u2019d and enabled to perform such effects.\u201d28\nSpeci\u0003cally, Gibbs utilized the acids-alkali theory of the humours and\nsaline iatrochymistry.\nGibbs\u2019 work may have been more directly in\u0002uenced by the wellknown treatise by English physician John Browne, entitled Adenochoiradelogia (1684) in which the acid-alkali theory is a basis for treatment, and\nin which Browne speculates about lunar in\u0002uences in scrofula.29 Browne\nfelt that the \u201cTydes . . . [were] . . . the presages of Sickness as well as of\nHealth, of Recovery or Death\u201d; therefore \u201cproper Conjectures\u201d were\nnecessary to explain how the cycles of the \u201cPlenilunaries\u201d regulated\n24\nWilliam Harvey, Disputations Touching the Generation of Animals, trans. G. Whitteridge\n(Oxford and Boston: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 374, 378\u20139.\n25\nHarvey, Disputations Touching the Generation of Animals, p. 379.\n26\nPagel, \u201cMedieval and Renaissance Contributions to Knowledge of the Brain,\u201d p. 108.\n27\nGideon Harvey, The Third Edition of the Vanities of Philosophy and Physick Enlarged to more\nthan double the number of sheets (London: A. Roper and R. Bassett, 1702), pp. 129\u201330.\n28\nGibbs, \u201cAn Essay Concerning the Animal Spirits and the Cure of Convulsions,\u201d\nin Observations of various eminent cures, p. 1.\n29\nJohn Browne, Adenochoiradelogia or, an Anatomick-Chirurgical Treatise of Glandules &\nStrumaes, or Kings Evil Swellings. Together with the Royal gift of Healing, Or Cure thereof by\nContact or Impression of Hands, performed for above 640 Years by our Kings of England (London:\nT.N., 1684).\n\nPages 179:\n162\nchapter five\nthe amount of the acidic substances which ran \u201cby the loose \u0003brous\nContextures\u201d of the lymphatic glands, and hence controlled the severity\nof the scrofular outbreak.30\nIn his application of acid-alkali theory to scrofula and discussion\nof lunar in\u0002uences, Gibbs provides these \u201cproper Conjectures.\u201d Gibbs\nasserted that because the sunshine would mechanically cause the particles of the spirits to expand or \u201celastically ferment,\u201d a loss of sunshine\nduring a full moon would cause the spirits to be sluggish, leading to\n\u201cturgescence in the humours.\u201d31 The excessive in\u0002uence of the moon\ncompounded this humoral turgidity, as the lunar in\u0002uences cooled,\ncompressed, and restrained the spirituous particles.32 Usually the solution\nto humoral turgidity was evacuation of the excess humours, but Gibbs\nbelieved that the suppression of the animal spirits caused an decrease\nin alkalinity and thus an excessively acid condition in the lymphatic\nducts. The lymph as a result coagulated much as \u201cmilk is coagulable\nby vinegar\u201d; the acid\u2019s coagulative effects were produced by particles\nwhich are long and sharp pointed, and can be no otherwise dispos\u2019d for\nCoagulation, which is a trans\u0003xing, and it were a Nailing together; and\nby that means accumulating the sulphurs of the lymph into a curd-like\nmass.33\nAnd, it was this turgescence and coagulation of the lymph in the lymphatic ducts caused the glandular swellings of scrofula, and the blockage\nof the optic nerve by these excess scrophulous humours caused the sore\neyes and blindness associated with the \u201cking\u2019s evil.\u201d\nGibbs\u2019 remedy was administration of volatile salts or alkalis that\nwould decoagulate the tumors and cure the disease by acting as a chemical substitution for the traditional vitalizing in\u0002uence of sunshine on the\nbody. In this course of treatment, Gibbs displays some in\u0002uence from\nEnglish Helmontians who, making the traditional associations between\nthe vital spirits and the heart, would administer volatile alkaline salts\ndistilled from blood to restore the weakened vital spirits or archaeus of\nthe body. Robert Boyle himself also attempted to distill the spirit of\n30\nBrowne, \u2018Preface\u2019, in Adenochoiradelogia, fol. D4 verso.\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, p. 59.\n32\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, p. 61.\n33\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, p. 34.\n31\n\nPages 180:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n163\nblood which he believed was \u201cfully satiated with saline and spirituous\nparts,\u201d and thus had the therapeutic quality of a restorative.34\nIf Gibbs would not have written well after Newton\u2019s work, his\ncombination of Helmontianism with iatrochymistry would have been\ntypical of natural philosophy, chymistry and medicine that were immediately pre-Newtonian, paralleling the ideas of many chemical physicians in London right after the Restoration.35 Indeed, because Gibbs\nwas educated at Oxford during the heyday of iatrochymistry and van\nHelmont, he may have adhered to that medical tradition, and seemingly was not yet affected by the \u201cestablishment of Newtonianism which\nbrought about the decline of van Helmont\u2019s chymistry and medicine\nin England.\u201d36 After all, Gibbs was from more conservative Cornwall,\nfar removed from the College of Physicians, the Royal Society, and\nthe latest penchant for medical applications of Newtonian theory.\nIndeed, the manner in which Gibbs used the tides to support his idea\nof sunshine causing ferment in the body and in the air indicates that\nhe either did not know of, or did not believe in gravitational forces.\nRather, in a manner reminiscent of Philipot (see chapter three), Gibbs\nbelieved that the sunbeam\u2019s \u201celastic ferment\u201d of the particles of the air\nwas the cause of the tides. When the moon passed over a part of the\nsea, she obstructed and damped the elastic ferment of the atmosphere,\ncausing the waters to ebb. However, when the moon passed and the\nsun took over again, the renewed elasticity of the atmosphere upon\nthe waters caused them to \u0002ow.37\nTimothy By\u0002eld, the Sal Volatile Oleosum, and Lockyer\u2019s Pill\nTimothy By\u0003eld was less isolated geographically than Gibbs, but more\nmarginally placed in the profession. An Irishman and a former dissenting minister, By\u0003eld had his practice in London; although he claimed\nto be an MD and a fellow of the College of Physicians in Dublin, he\napparently did not graduate from an English university.38 He primarily\n34\nClericuzio, \u201cFrom Van Helmont to Boyle,\u201d p. 333.\nSee Clericuzio, \u201cFrom Van Helmont to Boyle,\u201d pp. 326\u2013334 for further information on how English chemical physicians combined Helmontian chymistry with\ncorpuscular theories.\n36\nClericuzio, \u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle,\u201d p. 334.\n37\nGibbs, Observations of various eminent cures, pp. 63\u20134.\n38\nWilliam Berkin, \u201cThe Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth\nand Eighteenth Centuries,\u201d Medical History 39 (1995), 197\u2013218, on p. 217. David Haycock,\n35\n\nPages 181:\n164\nchapter five\nassayed spa waters for their saline contents and sold arti\u0003cial waters\nthat imitated those that came out of the springs, publishing his achievements in works such as The Arti\u0002cial Spaw or Mineral Waters to Drink:\nImitating the German Spaw-Waters in its Delightful and Medicinal Operations\non Humane Bodies (1684).39 In 1711, his \u201ctrue Sal Volatile Oleosum\u201d\nwas the \u0003rst compound medicine to receive a letter patent under the\nact of 1624.40\nIn his Horae Subjectivae, or Some Long-Vacation House Redeem\u2019d for the Discovery of the True Sal Volatile Oleosum (1715), By\u0003eld asserted that sunlight\nwas made of sulphureo-saline exhalations. These lightbeams \u201cincircled\nwith radical Moisture\u201d from cloud vapours were \u201cSpiritual Nourishment.\u201d Along with this spiritual essence, we also needed food so\nthat the natural Spirits may be recruited, which do continually slide\nforth thro\u2019 the Pores; for thus we must maintain a successive repair of\nthe loss of Nature. Our nourishing Juices are made by the more succulent substance of our Meat, whereby the Parts and Humours of the\nBody are reinforc\u2019d. The radical Moisture is renewed out of the purer\nParticles of Blood, with the celestial In\u0002uences intermingling with \u2018em\nby Respiration. Thus the natural ferment of Man\u2019s Body, as well from\nhis spiritual as his corporeal Diet, seems to consist in a Sulphuro-Saline\nTemperament, which Vital Union becomes more imbodied in oleose\nSalts, and then assumes a greater Corporeity.41\nBy\u0003eld believed that nitrous salts in the air were bound up with sulphurs, as sulphur\u2019s oily qualities were similar to oily sperm and thus\nnear \u201cthe Principles of life\u2019; since sulphureous oils often appeared red,\nso he thought they gave blood its red tincture.42 Volatile salts were\nalso plentiful in bodily \u0002uids like sweat and urine, so it was evident\nthey were important components of the humors as well. By\u0003eld thus\nclaimed that via chymical art he drew down \u201cfrom the Sun and Air\nplenty of illuminated Sulphurs,\u201d combining them with volatile salts to\nmake his medicament.\n\u201cMedicine within the Market: proprietary medicines in seventeenth-century England,\u201d\nLondon School of Economics History Seminars, http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/\neconomicHistory/seminars/Haycockpaper.pdf, p. 5. Accessed 18 October 2006.\n39\nNoel Coley, \u201cCures without Care,\u201d p. 205. T. By\u0003eld, The Arti\u0002cial Spaw or Mineral\nWaters to Drink: Imitating the German Spaw-Waters in its Delightful and Medicinal Operations on\nHumane Bodies (London: James Rawlins, 1684).\n40\nHaycock, \u201cMedicine within the Market,\u201d p. 5.\n41\nT. By\u0003eld, Horae Subsecivae: Or, Some Long-Vacation Hours Redeem\u2019d for the Discovery of\nthe True Sal Volatile Oleosum (London: J. Whitlock, 1715), pp. 3\u20134.\n42\nBy\u0003eld, Horae Subsecivae, pp. 6, 8.\n\nPages 182:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n165\nThus far, By\u0003eld is adhering to older ideas about the aerial nitre, as\nwell as Paracelsian followers such as Peter Severinus, English chymist\nRobert Bostocke, and Gerard Dorn who associated nitre with the vital\nsulphur, ens astrale or summa vitalis. As we have seen, the association of\nthe sun with vitalizing qualities was also quite traditional in astrological medicine. But like Gibbs, By\u0003eld then appended acid-alkali iatrochymistry to his medicine, claiming in typical fashion that excess acid\n\u201cpreyed upon\u201d the sulphureity in the blood, fermenting it, transmuting\nits juices into a \u201cvitriolick tartness,\u201d and taking away its vital force.43\nHis medicine restored the sulphureous content in the blood, as well as\nneutralizing excess acids; the sulphureo-saline volatiles also loosened\nfood in the stomach \u201cprecipitated and hardened by Acids.\u201d Although\nBy\u0003eld\u2019s medicine was a very panacea, remedying \u201call aguish Distempers, Rheumatisms, Dropsies, Jaundices, etc.,\u201d he was aware that if\nhe \u201cenumerated Diseases at this rate . . . \u2019Tis so rank Quackish.\u201d44 He\nwas selling a patent medicine, but he still wished to retain some sense\nof respectability.\nNot so for his colleague Lionel Lockyer. Lockyer (1600\u20131672) widely\npublicized a secret preparation \u201ccalled Pilulae Radiis Solis Extractae\u201d\npurported to be a medicine of a \u201csolar nature, dispelling of those causes\nin our Bodies, which continued, would not only darken the Lustre, but\nextinguish the Light of Our Microcosmical Sun.\u201d45 The microcosmical\nsun was considered to be the heart, as it animated the body with the\nanimal spirits, much as the sun animated the earth with its rays. Much\nlike Gibbs or By\u0003eld\u2019s claims for volatile salts, Lockyer\u2019s pill quickened\nthe vital spirits. The composition of the pill was mostly glass of antimony, or vitrum antimonii, a transparent glass created from a preparation\nof antimony; glass of antimony was a common medicament and an\nextremely strong emetic, usually administered in wine, and popularly\nthought to work, according to the London newspaper the British Apollo\ndue to the \u201csaline and sulphureous particles of the antimony, who subtile ef\u0002uvia thus impregnated the wine with the aforesaid virtue.\u201d46 The\n43\nBy\u0003eld, Horae Subsecivae, p. 10.\nBy\u0003eld, Horae Subsecivae, p. 29.\n45\nLionel Lockyer, An Advertisement Concerning those Most Excellent Pills Called Pilulae\nRadiis Solis Extractae. Being an Universal Medicine (London: s.n., 1665), fol A2r. For another\nanalysis of Lockyer, see A.S. Hargreaves, \u201cLionel Lockyer (1600\u201372) and his Pillulae\nRadiis Solis Extractae, Pharmaceutical Historian 29, 4 (1999), pp. 55\u201363, and William\nNewman, Gehennical Fire, pp. 195\u2013200.\n46\nThe British Apollo, Or Curious Amusements for the Ingenious, Volume 11 (1711), p. 489.\n44\n\nPages 183:\n166\nchapter five\ncomposition of the pill was realized by chymist George Starkey who\nwas a rival with his own medicaments, as well as the chymist George\nWilson.47 In his Compleat Course of Chymistry. Wilson gave the recipe for\nthe pill claiming, \u201cthis is what Mr. Lockyer aimed at in the Composition of his Pill, by which he got a good estate:\nTake of Antimony Six Ounces, of Nitre Ten Ounces, of Common Salt\none Ounce and an half, and of Charcole an Ounce: Let them all be made\ninto Fine Powder, and well mixt, and be put into a red-hot Crucible by\nhalf a spoonful at a time, continue the Fire a quarter of an Hour after;\nthen either pour it into a Cone, or let it cool in the Crucible, and you\nwill \u0003nd Three Substances, viz. In the Bottom a little Regulus; above that\na compact Matter, something like the Liver of Antimony, and upon the\nSurface, a more Spungy Mass: separate them from one from another,\nand put by the Regulus; Powder the other two, and wash them apart,\ntill they have no Taste of the Salts; dry them gently, and keep for use.\nThe uppermost Substance is counted the best, and is of a \u0003ne Golden\nColor, when \u2019tis washt.48\nThe medicament was thus prepared from volatile salts, with a \u0003xed\nsalt to bind it, and its golden color also implied its \u201csolar\u201d origins.\nIn a handbill, Lockyer also advertised the medicament, showing him\nusing a burning mirror to make the pills, implying its solar nature.49\n[Figure 13].\nBecause the pill was composed of the simple volatile salts of antimony and nitre, Haycock has estimated his mark up was 64 times;\none-quarter ounce of medicament, or 100 pills which lasted 20 days,\ncost 4 shillings. Lockyer\u2019s will revealed he left \u201calmost, \u00a31900 in cash\nbequests . . . the leases on four properties, and a quarter share in the ship\nBatchelour of London.\u201d50 He was careful to include in all his advertisement a recognizable ef\u0003gy portrait to ensure patients were getting\nthe \u201cauthentic\u201d pill, as well as a coat of arms\u2014a chevron between\nthree boar\u2019s heads, though Lockyer had no right to arms by grant or\ndescent.51 One advertisement proclaimed, \u201cThe true ef\u0003gy here you may\nbehold, of him, for who avoiding others ill, hath Given a medicine far\n47\nNewman, Gehennical Fire, p. 198.\nGeorge Wilson, A Compleat Course of Chymistry (London: W. Turner and R. Bassett,\n1700), pp. 103\u20134, as cited by Hargreaves, \u201cLionel Lockyer,\u201d p. 59.\n49\nBroadsheet advertising L. Lockyer\u2019s patent medicine, Historical Images Collection,\n#L0002420, Wellcome Library, London. Hargreaves also noted this handbill \u201cLionel\nLockyer,\u201d p. 59.\n50\nHaycock, \u201cMedicine within the Market,\u201d p. 2.\n51\nHargreaves, \u201cLionel Lockyer,\u201d p. 57.\n48\n\nPages 184:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n167\nFigure 13. Broadsheet advertising Lionel Lockyer\u2019s patent medicine. London.\nWellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 185:\n168\nchapter five\nexceeding Gold, and known to all the world for Lockyer\u2019s Pill.\u201d52 His\ngrave in Southwark Cathedral has the same ef\u0003gy life size in marble,\nwith another advertising-like rhyme as its epitaph:\nHere Lockyer: lies interr\u2019d enough: his name\nSpeakes one hath few competitors in fame:\nA name soe Great, soe Generall\u2019t may scorne\nInscriptions whch doe vulgar tombs adorne.\nA diminution \u2019tis to write in verse\nHis eulogies whch most mens mouths rehearse.\nHis virtues & his PILLS are soe well known . . .\nThat envy can\u2019t con\u0003ne them vnder stone.\nBut they\u2019ll surviue his dust and not expire\nTill all things else at th\u2019universall \u0003re.\nThis verse is lost, his PILL Embalmes him safe\nTo future times without an Epitaph\nJohann Heinrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750), Salt Iatrochymistry, and Theories of\nLongevity in his Satire, Hermippus Redivivus (1742)\nWith such predominant quackery as Lockyer\u2019s, it was little wonder that\nalchemy and chymical medicine became foci for satire. In his literary\nanalysis, Linden argues that in England, Geoffrey Chaucer began a long\ntradition of alchemical satire that was interrupted by a new tradition of\nspiritual alchemy in the poetry of Donne and Herbert, and others, before\na return in the work of Samuel Butler to the earlier satirical tradition at\nthe turn of the eighteenth century.53 One of the most prevalent writers\nof this revived genre was Johann Heinrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750) a\nphysician and well-known author in the Germanies and France, and\nin England, where his works were widely translated and disseminated\n[Figure 14]. The Hermippus, as well as Cohausen\u2019s other books, were listed\nin a number of eighteenth-century English book and auction catalogues,\nindicating a reasonably wide distribution; his works were also present\nin the Royal College of Physician\u2019s Library, as well as in the library\n54\nof Martin Folkes, who served as the President of the Royal Society.\n52\nLionel Lockyer, An Advertisement Concerning those Most Excellent Pills Called Pilulae\nRadiis Solis Extractae. Being an Universal Medicine (London: W. Nicoll, 1783), frontispiece.\nWellcome Library, London.\n53\nStanton J. Linden, Darke Hierogliphicks: Alchemy in English Literature from Chaucer to the\nRestoration, (Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press, 1996).\n54\nSee for example, Samuel Baker, A catalogue of the entire and valuable library of Martin\nFolkes . . . which will be sold by auction by Samuel Baker . . . on Monday February 2, 1756 (London:\n\nPages 186:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n169\nFigure 14. Portrait of Johann Henrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750). Wellcome\nLibrary, London.\n\nPages 187:\n170\nchapter five\nHe was best known for medical satire such as the Pica Nasi, a Latin\nparody on snuff in which Apollo ordered Mercury to con\u0003scate the\nnoses of snuff takers. When the satyrs returned them, the desperate\nvictims grabbed the wrong noses and were unrecognizable55 [Figure 15].\nCohausen\u2019s last and most famous medical satire however was his Hermippus Redivivus (1742), a treatise on salt chymistry and the prolongation of life. Studies of Cohausen and the Hermippus have been largely\nantiquarian; the only scholarly works a French dissertation concerning\nhis medical biography done in 1900 and a short German bibliographic\nstudy.56 Because Cohausen has been primarily known for medical satire,\nhis large numbers of serious treatises on iatrochymistry and medicine\nwhich served as the basis for his more humorous works have been\nlargely unexamined. Cohausen\u2019s Hermippus and its comedic presentation of longevity had a profound reliance on earlier scholarly works\nhe composed which analyzed the theories of van Helmont. Cohausen\nutilized van Helmont\u2019s belief that volatile salts composed the vital spirit\nor the breath of both animals and plants; it was these volatile salts in\nthe breath, more prevalent in the young, which Cohausen argued would\nextend life\u2019s duration.57 Cohausen also was in\u0002uenced by Sanctorius\u2019\n(1561\u20131636) studies of ambient air and bodily secretions to formulate his\ns.n., 1756), p. 40; Thomas Egerton, A catalogue of a general collection of books . . . (London:\ns.n., 1798), p. 230; Thomas King, A catalogue of books, including, among others, the library\nof the late Mr. Anthony Purver . . . will begin selling February 1, 1786 (London: s.n., 1786),\nfol. T1 recto; Thomas Lowndes, A new catalogue of Lownd\u2019s circulating library, consisting of\nabove ten thousand volumes (London: s.n., 1758), p. 72; Paul Vaillant, Catalogu librorum apud\nPaulum Viallant, Bibliopolam . . . or a catalogue \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 164 to page 187 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Pages 188:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n171\nFigure 15. Frontispiece from Johann Cohausen, Dissertatios atyrica physico-medicomoralis de pica nasi, sive tabaci sternutatorii. Amsterdam, J. Oosterwyk, 1760. Wellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 189:\n172\nchapter five\nideas in the Hermippus, as well as to a lesser degree by Leiden physician\nHerman Boerhaave (1668\u20131738). These theories of van Helmont and\nSanctorius would have been recognizable to English natural philosophers and doctors who read Cohausen\u2019s work, and Cohausen\u2019s skillful\nuse of their medical and chymical ideas may have contributed to the\npopularity of his satire in that country.\nAlthough Cohausen\u2019s scholarly treatises demonstrated he was committed to chymical medicine in his own practice, he could still with\ntrenchant wit poke fun at the pursuit of immortality. Cohausen admitted at the end of the Hermippus that he wrote it in a humorous vein\nfor his own enjoyment (and likely in hopes of book sales), but he also\nknew that the basis of his work was recently-accepted medical beliefs\nand applications which made his satire all the more effective. Cohausen\nsimply modi\u0003ed the traditional literary conceit of satirizing the search\nfor the philosophers\u2019 stone with a humorous treatment of more current\niatrochymical analyses of respiration and longevity, taking these ideas\nto outrageous conclusions. Ironically, because of Cohausen\u2019s skillfulness\nin presenting medical concepts in the Hermippus, further analyzing the\nintellectual context of his ironic treatise is also an aid to our understanding of early modern theories of longevity and iatrochymistry.\nThe Basis for the Hermippus\nThe title of the Hermippus Redivivus was likely based upon two references. Hermippus was an ancient one-eyed comic active during the\nPeloponnesian War who parodied Homer and wrote satiric verse, a\ngenre of which Cohausen was fond.58 In the Hermippus, the reader was\ntreated to a \u201credivivus\u201d or redux of such humor, so Cohausen in his\ntitle was thus indicating to his audience his satiric intent. Cohausen also\nclaimed that the title was based upon an ancient and most certainly\nnot genuine inscription said to have been found in the seventeenth\ncentury in Rome. Being an amateur classicist himself, the physician\ncorrectly claimed the inscription was included in Thomas Reinesius\u2019s\nmagisterial Syntagma Inscriptionum (1682) [Figure 16]. But Cohausen\n58\nWikipedia. http://www.wikipedia.org.s.v. \u201cHermippus\u201d. Accessed 13 October\n2005; Oskar Seyffert, Dictionary of Classical Antiquity (1894) http://www.ancientlibrary.\ncom/seyffert/index.html. s.v. \u2018Hermippus.\u2019 Accessed 2 October 2005. An exhaustive\nsearch for sources for the name of Hermippus only revealed one other possibility\u2014that\nof St. Hermippus, an obscure Christian martyr.\n\nPages 190:\nFigure 16. The inscription and its subsequent disclaimer of its authenticity in Thomas Reinsius and James Gruter, Syntagma\ninscriptionum antiquarum cumprimis Rom\u00e6 veteris . . . Leipzig and Frankfurt: Johann Fritschens Erben, 1682, p. 156. With permission\nfrom the Harris Manchester College Library, Harris Manchester College, University of Oxford.\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n173\n\nPages 191:\n174\nchapter five\nconveniently did not mention that Reinesius commented from its philology that it was likely a fraud, and not worthy of any serious concern\nfrom classicists.59 The inscription in question was therefore well suited\nfor satire, and it read:\nOesculapio et Santitati\nL. Clodius Hermippus\nQui vixit annos CXV. Dies V. ejus\nPuellarum anhelitu\nQuod etiam post mortem\nNon parum mirantur Physici\nJam posteri sic vitam ducite.60\nTranslated, it described one L. Clodius Hermippus who lived 115 years\nand 5 days via imbibing the breath of young women which had liferestoring qualities. In his work, Cohausen speculated about Hermippus\u2019\nlife, surmising that he was the prefect and teacher in an orphanage or\nschool for girls sponsored by the Roman government.61 He described\nin detail how Hermippus spent most of the day in the rooms of the\norphanage with the children telling them stories designed to promote\nvirtue and playing and joking with them. A large \u0003re was built in the\nmorning to rarify the air before the children arrived, so he would get\nthe most bene\u0003t out of the little girl\u2019s breath, and in damp weather, the\nrooms were perfumed so malicious smells would not enter; there also\nwas a garden surrounding the orphanage with plants which quickened\n59\nJohannes Henrico Cohausen, \u2018Preface\u2019, to Hermippus Redivivus, Sive Exercitatio PhysicoMedica Curiosa de Methodo Rara ad CXV Annos Progoandae Senectutis per Anhelitum Puellarum,\nex Veteri Monumento Deprompta, Nunc Artis Medicae Fundamentis Stabilita, Et Rationibus Atque\nExemplis, Hic Non Singulari Chymiae Philosophicae Paradoxo (Frankfurt-on-the-Oder: John\nBenjamin Andrae and Henry Hort, 1742), pp. 1\u20132. This is the original edition which\nwill be referenced throughout this paper. Thomas Reinsius and James Gruter, Syntagma\ninscriptionum antiquarum cumprimis Rom\u00e6 veteris, quarum omissa est recensio in vasto Jani Gruteri\nopere cujus isthoc dici possit Supplementum: opus posthumum . . . cum commentariis absolutissimis\net instructissimis indicibus nunc prim um editum (Leipzig and Frankfurt, Johann Fritschens\nErben, 1682), p. 156. Reinsius says of the inscription, \u201cit is laughable, and unworthy\nof any concern, from one who understands the pagan world.\u201d [Jocularia est, et indigna\ncuiusquam cura, sapitque seculum semibarbarum.]\n60\nCohausen, \u2018Preface\u2019, to Hermippus Redivivus, p. 4. Literally, \u201cL. Clodius Hermippus\ndedicates this to Aesculapius and to health, who lived 115 years and 5 days on the\nbreath of girls, which after his death, astonishes physicians. Those of you who follow,\nextend your life in a similar way.\u201d\n61\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 25. [Conjicio itaque eum in Orphanotrophio Romano\npuellari seu Gymasio quodem Virgineo.174 . . .]\n\nPages 192:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n175\nthe vital spirit and prolonged life with their odors.62 In an eighteenthcentury German edition of the work, the engraving on the frontispiece\nlikewise illustrated Hermippus surrounded by a classroom of children,\none little boy sitting on his right knee reading a book63 [Figure 17].\nThe Hermippus was a commercial success, mentioned by the Journal de Scavans, and translated in 1743 into English by John Campbell\n(1708\u20131775), a Scottish historian and political writer. Campbell\u2019s text\nwas re-translated into French by M. de la Place in 1789, and \u201cit is\nthis that is known and considered by many people as the work of the\nGerman physician\u201d; some later readers even thought the Hermippus\nwas authored by Campbell in its entirety.64 Dr. Johnson said of it that\nit was a \u201cvery entertaining account of the hermetic philosophy and as\nfurnishing a curious history of the extravagances of the human mind.\u201d65\nThe Hermippus was also reviewed in The World, a popular weekly better\nknown for essays by Lord Chester\u0003eld acknowledging the achievement\nof Johnson\u2019s Dictionary.66 Isaac D\u2019Israeli described Campbell\u2019s book\nas a \u201ccurious banter on the hermetic philosophy and the universal\nmedicine; the grave irony is so closely kept up, that it deceived for a\n62\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, pp. 47\u201348. [Adjacebat Paedatrophio hortus amoenissimus,\nin quo \u0003orum herbarumque, quae magnam vitae longiori praestant subsidium gratissimis odoribus\nSpiritus vitales recreantes, et quibus etiam indies conclave exornabant puellae solertiores, uberrimus\nerat proventus. In hunc quotidie serenius arridente aura cum universo juvencularum grege secedebat\net exspaciabatur Hermippus, comitantibus singulas suis pupis inter quas sine cura degebat, ne unam\nquidem hanc curam fumens, qua solicitus curaret, qua potissimum diligentia curas effugeret. Sine quo\nuno tanquam omnium praesidiorum vita, omnia ad producendam vitam ad hibita emori cum Platonicis\nindicabat. Hi cum puellis jocabatur, laudebat, saltabat, cantillabat, et ludiera puerilia exercebat vere\nrepuerascens.]\n63\nJohannes Henrico Cohausen, \u2018Frontispiece\u2019, in Der wieder lebende Hermippus, oder\ncurioese physicalisch-medicinische Abhandlung von der seltenen Art sein Leben durch das Anhauchen\nJunger-Ma\u00ccgdchen bis auf 115. Jahr zu verla\u00ccngern . . . aus dem Lateinischen u\u00ccbersetzt, Sorau,\n1753.\n64\nBeauvois, pp. 89\u201390; William Godwin, in the preface to his novel St. Leon,\nbelieved the Hermippus was authored by Campbell. See William Godwin, \u2018Preface\u2019,\nto St. Leon: a tale of the sixteenth century. By William Godwin. In two volumes . . . (Dublin,\nP. Wogan, G. Burnet, P. Byrne, W. Porter, W. Jones, 1800), vol. 1, p. 1; J.H. Cohausen\nand John Campbell, Hermippus Redivivus, or, the Sage\u2019s Triumph over Old Age and the Grave,\nWherein a Method is laid down for Prolonging the Life and vigour of Man including A Commentary\nupon an Antient Inscription, in which this great Secret is revealed; supported by numerous Authorities\n(London, J. Nourse, 1744).\n65\nJames Boswell, The Life of Johnson (London, J.M. Dent and Sons, Ltd., 1933), vol. 1,\np. 258.\n66\nAdam Fitz-Adam [Edward Moore] ed, The world. By Adam Fitz-Adam . . . A new edition\nVol. 3, 4 vols. (London, 1772), no. 110, Saturday, 6 February 1755, p. 38. The World\nwas later reprinted in Harrison\u2019s British classicks. Vol. VII. Containing The World, and Lord\nLyttelton\u2019s Dialogues of the Dead (London: Harris and Co., 1787), Vol. 7, p. 250.\n\nPages 193:\n176\nchapter five\nFigure 17. Frontispiece from J.H. Cohausen, Der wieder lebende Hermippus . . .\nSorau, 1753. \u00a9 The British Library Board. All Rights Reserved (shelfmark\n1167.a.60).\n\nPages 194:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n177\nlength of time the most learned. Campbell assured a friend it was a\nmere jeu-d\u2019-esprit.\u201d67 William Godwin (1756\u20131836) later mentioned that\nthe Hermippus was the inspiration for his novel about a count to who\nwas revealed the secret of the philosophers\u2019 stone, the St. Leon: a tale of\nthe sixteenth century (1800).68 According to Osler, the book \u201chad a rapid\nsale and induced many people to adopt the notion of prolonging life\nby inhaling the breath of young persons. A physician took lodgings in\na boarding-school after having read the essay.\u201d69\nHowever, in its attempts to be entertaining, Campbell\u2019s translation\nadded even more ludicrous claims and content to Cohausen\u2019s original\nwork, augmenting it with legends of longevity from the medieval period,\ndeleting passages that may have offended the sensibilities of female\nreaders, and embellishing it even more in a 1749 edition where it sold\nwidely in England.70 These additions were not surprising, for Campbell\nwas well known to be skillful at \u0003ctitious autobiography and satire, writing for instance \u2018The Travels and Adventures of Edward Brown, Esq., formerly\na merchant in London\u2019, in 1739; the \u201cdescription given in it by three Arab\nbrothers . . . of a strayed camel, which they had never seen, may have\nsuggested to Voltaire the similarly constructive description of the dog\nand horse of the queen and king of Babylon in \u2018Zadig.\u2019 \u201d71 Dr. Johnson\nalso remarked that \u201cCampbell is not always rigidly careful of truth . . . he\nonce told me that he drank thirteen bottles of port at a sitting . . . [and]\nyou could not entirely depend on any thing he told you in conversation.\u201d72 Whether aided by port or not, Campbell did his translation\nof Cohausen\u2019s Hermippus quite loosely, transforming Cohausen\u2019s more\n67\nIsaac D\u2019Israeli, Curiosities of Literature, 6 vols. (London, Moxon, 1834), vol. 2, p. 102.\nIsaac was the father of the politician Benjamin D\u2019Israeli.\n68\nWilliam Godwin, \u201cPreface\u201d, to St. Leon: a tale of the sixteenth century, vol. 1, p. 1. In\nGodwin\u2019s moralistic tale, the main character, the Count St. Leon, who suffers from a\ngambling addiction, learns the secret of the philosophers\u2019 stone from a stranger. His\nimmortality and wealth causes him to lose his wife, suffer from a case of mistaken\nidentity, and to be estranged from his son, nearly leading him to \u0003ght a duel against\nhim in the end.\n69\nSir William Osler, Bibliotheca Osleriana\u2014A catalogue of books illustrating the history of\nmedicine and science collected, arranged, and annotated by Sir William Osler (Oxford, Clarendon\nPress, 1929), p. 215.\n70\nBeauvois, pp. 89\u201390.\n71\nD.N.B., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), CD-Rom version, s.v. \u201cJohn\nCampbell, LLD.\u201d John Campbell, The travels and adventures of Edward Brown, esq; formerly\na merchant in London, London, 1739.\n72\nBoswell, Life of Johnson, vol. 1, p. 176. Johnson however did say that Campbell\nnever \u201clied with pen and ink,\u201d though \u201cyou could not entirely depend on any thing\nhe told you in conversation.\u201d\n\nPages 195:\n178\nchapter five\nsubtle medical satire, which contained a number of serious examinations\nof theories of longevity, into a completely outrageous \u0002ight of fancy\ndesigned to maximize pro\u0003ts at the booksellers.73\nCohausen\u2019s Theories of Longevity: the Iatrochymical In\u0003uence of van Helmont\nCampbell\u2019s reinvention of the Hermippus also overshadowed Cohausen\u2019s\nearlier and entirely scholarly treatises on longevity and iatrochymistry\nsuch as the Decas Tentaminum Curiosa (1698), written in response to\nthe publication of a rival physician. Born in Hildesheim in Lower\nSaxony, Cohausen studied medicine in Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and\nbecame physician to the Bishop of Munster in 1717, retiring to private\npractice in Vreden.74 In 1693, when Cohausen established his medical practice near Munster after his studies in Frankfurt-on-the-Oder,\nConrad Berthod Behrens, a physician in Hildesheim and member of\nthe Ac\u00e1d\u00e8mie Cesareo-Leopoldine, composed a treatise on longevity.75\nIt was dedicated to the prime minister of the bishop of Munster in\nhopes of patronage. However, after much anticipation and excitement\nin the Bishop of Munster\u2019s court about the secrets that the book would\nreveal, there was a bit of disappointment. Behrens argued that God\ndetermined there was a \u0003xed lifespan for humans and that prolonging life was not possible, leading to his subsequent exile from court.76\nHoping to make a name for himself, Cohausen penned his own work\non longevity, the Decas Tentaninum curiosa, and presented it to Frederick\nChristian, Bishop of Munster.77 This opportunistic work made his career,\nas the bishop subsequently showed him great favor, making him his\nprimary physician and a provincial physician for the jurisdictions of\nAhaus and Horstmar.78 Ensuring he would not have the fate of Behrens,\n73\nAccording to his D.N.B. entry, Campbell was charging nearly 2 guineas a sheet to\nwrite the last of his published works, so his business strategy was successful indeed.\n74\nAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie, http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de. s.v. \u201cCohausen, Johann\nHeinrich\u201d; Accessed 3 October 2005, Dictionnaire d\u2019histoire de la medicine (Mons, 1778),\ns.v. \u201cCohausen, Jean-Henri.\u201d The relatively few biographical resources on this physician\nwere also noted by Beauvois, p. 1.\n75\nBeauvois, p. 23.\n76\nBeauvois, p. 24.\n77\nBeauvois, pp. 24, 26. The work to which Beauvois referred was J.H. Cohausen, Tentamium physico-medicorum decas de vita humana (Cosfeld: Johann-Bartholomeus Steinii, 1699).\nThis treatise was published at Cohausen\u2019s own expense indicating his desire for patronage.\n78\nJodocus Herman Nunning, Commercii litterarii dissertationes epistolic\u00e6 historico-physicocurios\u00e6 . . . J.H. Nunningii et J.H. Cohausen . . . cum utriusque historica bibliographie et pr\u00e6fatione\n\nPages 196:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n179\nCohausen warned his readers \u201cMay he who is preparing to read this\ntext not believe that I am rather presumptuous for promising him the\nextended age of Nestor.\u201d79 Rather, in ten chapters Cohausen analyzed\nthe different means of prolonging life, including animal, mineral, and\nvegetable preparations; his central tenet was that the tree of life was\nplaced in the terrestrial paradise by God, and that in our postlapsarian\nstate, it is possible to recover it via chemical medicine and the Arcanum\nor life elixir; as Sculakowska has demonstrated, the \u201ctree of life\u201d schematized \u201cthe means to obtain the philosophers\u2019 stone and its nature.\u201d80\nIn his approach in the Decas, Cohausen directly imitated the ideas of\nthe chymist and physician van Helmont, who in his own writings on\nthe extension of life wrote:\nArcanums . . . do exceed the Powers of Nature, even as Art doth very\noften overcome Nature: And that is not only true in Secrets which heal\nDiseases; but also in the Tree of Life, which restores defective Nature.\nTherefore the ordination of that Tree is the Preservation of Life, with a\ncertain kind of renewing of Youth.81\nAs we will see in the Hermippus, Cohausen would claim that the breath\nof young women was a very Arcanum, and propose that the vapour\nfrom their breath be collected in trumpets and subsequently distilled\nto produce an elixir of life. The Decas though not initially written for\npurposes of satire but of patronage, would provide a useful resource\nwhen Cohausen wrote the Hermippus forty-four years later.\nAlthough he would not publish another work on longevity until the\nHermippus, (he did have an extended version of the Decas in manuscript\nform), Cohausen continued to evince a strong interest in publishing\nsurvey works based on the medicine, iatrochymistry and alchemy of\nvan Helmont. We have seen in previous chapters that among English\nnatural philosophers in the latter part of the seventeenth century, van\nHelmontian chymistry provided an in\u0002uential theoretical basis. Cohausen apparently followed suit. In his work on fevers Archeus febrium faber et\nmedicus, (Amsterdam 1731), Cohausen remarked of van Helmont: \u201cVir\nepicritica S.E. Cohausen, 3 vols. (Francofurti ad Moenum, 1746\u201354), vol. 1, p. 123 as\nquoted by Beauvois, p. 26.\n79\nCohausen, \u2018Preface\u2019, to Tentaminum physico-medicorum, as quoted by Beauvois, p. 24.\n80\nBeauvois, pp. 24\u201325. Urszula Sculakowska, \u2018The Tree of Aristotle: Images of\nthe Philosophers\u2019 Stone and Their Transference to Alchemy from the Fifteenth to the\nTwentieth Century\u2019, Ambix, 33, 2 (November 1986), pp. 53\u201377, on p. 58.\n81\nJ.B. Van Helmont, Van Helmont\u2019s works: containing his most excellent philosophy, physick, chirurgery,\nanatomy. . ./Made English by J.C. [i.e. John Chandler] (London: Lodowick Lloyd, 1664), p. 753.\n\nPages 197:\n180\nchapter five\nad reformanda et exornanda artis documenda a Deo electus,\u201d or that he was a\nman sent by God for the enhancement of reformation of medicine.82\nIndeed Cohausen supported Helmont\u2019s theory of the irritation of the\narcheus or the \u201cinternal ef\u0003cient cause\u201d or life force of the body as\nthe cause of fever; the archeus was resident in the stomach, and when\nthe archeus perceived that the body was poisoned by disease, it became\nagitated and attempted to drive the cause of the illness via a fever.83 In\nvan Helmont\u2019s words, fever was thus a \u201cperturbation of the archeus of\nlife,\u201d or as the historian Walter Pagel said of Helmont\u2019s position, \u201cFever\nis not a disease, but a symptom that indicates the war waged by nature\nagainst disease.\u201d84 Thus in the Archeus febrium, Cohausen prescribed van\nHelmont\u2019s special diet regime of barley, oat, and rice gruel which was\neasy on the stomach and would help restore the archeus to its proper\norder.85 In his work, Cohausen may have also been following the ideas\nof the German physician Johannes Doleaus who in his popular Encyclopedia Medicinae Theoretico-Practicae (1684) adopted van Helmont\u2019s notion\nof the Archeus and fevers.86\nCohausen also wrote the Helmontius Ecstaticus, a survey of van\nHelmont\u2019s remedies, and an explication of an ecstatic vision that\nHelmont received. This vision comprised the frontispiece which illustrated van Helmont receiving the gemma rosae or the \u201cperfect ruby,\u201d\nthe philosophers\u2019 stone, as well as the alchemical mystery of the ignisaquae, the alkahest or the universal solvent from a messenger of God\n[Figure 18].87\nWe have seen in chapter two that salts, particularly volatile ones that\nwere reactive when heated or possessed a distinct odor, were usually\n82\nBeauvois, pp. 58\u201359.\nJohannes Henrico Cohausen, Archeus Febrium Faber Et Medicus (Amsterdam: Salomon Schouten, 1681), p. 2. [Archeum hunc in stomacho veluti throno residere credidit Helmont.\nIn eo namque veluti peculiari suo sensario omnium ingestorum, sive alimenta sive Medicamenta, sive\nvenena sint, utilitates atque noxas percipit et distinguit, suasque indignationes, furores, angorem, metum,\nvarisque morborum ideas, concipit, et mediante \u0003uidorum solidorumque mechanism regulares motus in\nirregulares et inordinatos commutando, varios morbos et febres ipsas concitat.] Also see Beauvois,\np. 68. As pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, Paracelsus was the \u0003rst physician to\ndiscuss the archeus, a concept which Van Helmont expanded.\n84\nPagel, Joan Baptista Van Helmont, p. 161.\n85\nTo read more about the archeus, see Van Helmont\u2019s Works, p. 1009.\n86\nJ. Dolaeus, Encyclopaedia Medicinae Theoretico-Practicae (Frankfurt, 1684), quoted in\nAntonio Clericuzio, Elements, Principles, and Corpuscle: a study of atomism and chemistry in the\nseventeenth century (Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic, 2000) p. 197.\n87\nJohannes Henrico Cohausen, Helmontius Ecstaticus (Amsterdam: Salomon Schouten,\n1731), p. 301.\n83\n\nPages 198:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n181\nFigure 18. Frontispiece from Cohausen\u2019s Helmontius Ecstaticus. Amsterdam:\nSalomon Schouten, 1731. \u00a9 The British Library Board. All Rights Reserved\n(shelfmark 1035.f.1).\n\nPages 199:\n182\nchapter five\ncandidates for the alkahest, a premise with which Cohausen agreed,\nstating: \u201cLiquori alkahest ex subjecto salino.\u201d88 Salts not only looked homogenous in their material form when visually examined, but the chemical\nreactivity of volatile salts made them seem candidates for the universal\nsolvent. However, van Helmont, realizing that the search for the alkahest\nwas dif\u0003cult, offered his followers an alternative, the volatilization of\n\u0003xed alkalies\u2014particularly salt of tartar [in modern terms, likely potassium carbonate or K2CO3], to produce a solvent with powers akin to,\nthough still inferior to those of the alkahest.89 Powerful alkalis indeed\ncan dissolve a good deal of substances via their corrosive nature, and\nare involved in saponi\u0003cation or soap-making. Cohausen again followed van Helmont\u2019s lead, and in an unpublished manuscript, the Sal\ntartari volatile intricassimum extricatum . . . de paraeparation alis tarati volatilsati,\nvice-alcahestini [The intricate extraction of the volatile salt of tartar, the\nvice-alkahest], he described his attempts to volatilize the rather nonevaporative potassium carbonate.90\nCohausen was interested in the volatilization of salts not only to\nproduce an alkahest, but because as we have seen, volatile salts in the\nblood were thought by van Helmont to \u201cbe the conserver of the body.\u201d91\nCohausen in the Hermippus, claiming \u201cthe most expert anatomists know\nfor certain that out of a [young and] sound body, a lively \u0002ying salt will\nbe breathed out, and this breath will have a vital strength and balsamic\ncapacity or at the least a powerful mechanical elasticity which communicates vigor, according to the precepts of the philosophers. . . .\u201d92 He\nthen stated, \u201cIt is true according to the opinion of Helmont . . . that the\nbreath penetrates the whole bodily system, even to the hairs, catching\nup volatile salts in its passage.\u201d93 Thus, because their blood circulation\n88\nCohausen, Helmontius Ecstaticus, p. 301.\nCohausen, Helmontius Ecstaticus, p. 137.\n90\nA list of Cohausen\u2019s unpublished manuscripts can be found in Jodocus Herman\nNunning, Commercii litterarii dissertationes epistolic\u00e6 historico-physico-curios\u00e6 J.H. Nunningii et\nJ.H. Cohausen cum utriusque historica bibliographie et pr\u00e6fatione epicritica S.E. Cohause, 3 vol.,\n(Francofurti ad Moenum, 1746\u201354), and a description of them is provided in Beauvois,\npp. 118\u2013133.\n91\nVan Helmont\u2019s works, p. 744.\n92\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 12. [Unde \u00e8 contrario dilucescit, si \u00e8 corpore sano, vivido\nsale volatili turgido remittatur, ipsamque, quo apud recentiores plerosque Anatomicos expertissimos hodie\ncertum est, massam sanguineam ab alio rursum inspiratus ingrediatur, vel virtutem balsamico\u2014vitalem\njuxta doctrinam Philosophorum, vel juxta principia mechanica saltem vim elasticam potentiorem, adeoque\nmotum vivaciorem alterius corporis sanguinis solidisque communicare.]\n93\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 12. [Si vera foret Francisci Mercurii Helmontii sententia Alphabet Nat. Colloq. 4 de occulta anhelitus circulatione in abdomine ceu centro corporis,\n89\n\nPages 200:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n183\nwas vigorous, the breath of youth brimmed with salts; when inhaled\nby the aged, this salty breath would prolong life.94 The breath was thus\na chemical Arcanum.\nIn his reliance on van Helmont in his satire, Cohausen was following\nthe theories of iatrochymical physicians and natural philosophers in\nEngland in the latter half of the seventeenth century.95 An addendum\nto Lewis Cornaro\u2019s treatise on longevity (1740) which Cohausen referenced in the Hermippus contained excerpts from Royal Society Transactions\nwritten in the seventeenth century that attributed life-giving properties\nto salts in the breath; this same excerpt was also published in a History of Cold Bathing (1715), so it must have been a reasonably pervasive\nanecdote. The excerpt related that there was a:\nMan in the North [of England] of an extream Age; he lay on a Pad on\nthe Ground in a dark smoaky tatter\u2019d Cottage . . . with a little Cow lying\nby him, chewing his Cud . . . I ask\u2019d him what that Cow serv\u2019d for, with\nher Mouth so near him? He answer\u2019d, for Refreshment; for, said he, the\nBreath of the Cow is a Cordial, and much refreshes me when I am faint.\nAs to being comforted with the Breath of the Cow, it is highly rational to\nbelieve it; for the breath was warm and must emit with it some volatile\nSalts, and fragrant Particles, analogous to our own Spirits. I have heard\nseveral Shepherds . . . say that in rousing of their Herds from their Rest\nin a Morning, the Steams not only of their Bodies, but even the Ef\u0002uvia\nand Scent of their Dung and Urine has been grateful and refreshing,\nfrom those salubrious volatile Salts that they draw in with their Breath\nin their Sheep Folds, and Cow-Houses, early in a morning before the\nBeams of Light and Heat exhale them, and rob them of the best NoseGay in the World.96\nomnibusque membris, ne capillis quidem exceptis, quis dubitet eundem de corporis universi proprietate\nparticipare.]\n94\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 12. [. . . et copia spirituum turgeant, sed et quod nonnulli praetendunt, adhuc initiis suis seminalibus proximiores plurimum balsami radicalis, quod tamen\nsingulis annorum periodis magis imminuatur, obtineant patet ef\u0003uvia ex illorum corpore emanantia\neiusdem plane esse conditionis.]\n95\nAntonio Clericuzio for instance has illustrated the importance of a vital saline spirit\nto seventeenth-century English physicians in his article, \u201cThe Internal Laboratory: The\nChemical Reinterpretation of Medical Spirits in England,\u201d Alchemy and Chymistry in the\nSixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Ed. Piyo Rattansi and Antonio Clericuzio (Dordrecht\nand Boston: Kluwer Academic, 1994), pp. 51\u201380.\n96\nLewis Cornaro, Sure and Certain Methods of attaining a Long and Healthful Life: With\nMeans of Correcting a Bad Constitution, etc. Made English by W. Jones, A.B (Dublin, Richard\nGunne, 1740), pp. 58\u201359. This account was also published in John Floyer and Edward\nBaynard, \u0002\u0003\u0004\u0005\u0006\u0007\u0006\u0003\b \u00b7 Or, the History of Cold Bathing, Both Ancient and Modern in Two\nParts (London: William Innys, 1715), pp. 409\u2013410.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 201 to page 222 out of a total of 312:\nPages 201:\n184\nchapter five\nThe Role of Insensible Perspiration in Longevity and Gendered Exhalations\nAfter his discussion of saline particles in the breath, Cohausen then\nexplained in the Hermippus how the exhalations and inhalations of\nbody played a role in prolonging life, particularly the emissions from\nthe pores of the skin. Van Helmont claimed that volatile salts were\nemitted through insensible perspiration, and Cohausen argued that the\npores were engaged continually in the aeration of the blood, inhaling\nand exhaling the surrounding atmosphere, taking up and discharging\natmospheric particles from the circulatory system; if the surrounding\natmosphere was healthy, the body would bene\u0003t, but if virulent, the body\ncould become diseased.97 Cohausen\u2019s assertion was of course a version\nof the miasma theory of disease, which natural philosophers such as\nRobert Boyle discoursed about the effects of ef\u0002uvia and the salubrity\nof the atmosphere on health.98 The Elementa chemiae of Leiden physician\nHerman Boerhaave also analyzed the virtue of plants diffused through\n97\nJoan Baptista van Helmont, Ortus Medicinae (Amsterdam: Elzevir, 1648; reprint,\nBrussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1966), pp. 178\u2013192; Cohausen, Hermippus Redivivus,\npp. 51\u201352. \u201cAccording to Hippocrates and other the nobles of Medicine, the human\nbody when healthy perspires through the open pores of the skin. [This is] because of\nthe incessant motion and the continuous circular course of the blood in which small\nparticles are incessantly emitted. Sanctorius weighed the mass of these excretions of\nthe body which bodies previously excreted . . . These ef\u0002uvia give out a scent through\ntranspiration and are of the nature of the body from which they are emitted, a sickening and harmful scent from those that are unhealthy, and a vigorous and sound scent\nfrom the youthful, and but when examined this emanation is humid and unctuous,\nand as one sweats it likewise condenses into a damp and fatty substance. Likewise the\nbreathing human body has pores and the absorbent vessels in the skin, through which\nlifeless bodies accept the outward animated corpuscles of exhalations. Undoubtedly,\nthe pores of the skin are engaged in the aeration of the blood, inhaling the surrounding atmosphere and then exhaling it again, reinforcing vital movements, or if the air\nis virulent, destroying life.\n[Corpus humanum juxta Hippocratem caeterosque Medicinae procures perspirabile est, quatenus per\nporos cutis in sanitate patulos ob continuum liquidorum motum sanguinis perpetua cirulatione attenuati\nparticulae sive ef\u0003uvia incessatur emittuntur, quae juxta staticen Sanctorii quascunque alias corporis\nexcretiones mole et aliquot librarum pondere . . . Ef\u0003uvia haec transpirata, seu per transpirationem emissa\ncorporum suorum redolent naturam; et uti ex aegrotantibus et cacochymicis insalubria et noxia, sic ex\njuvenilibus vegetis ac sanis non tantum vivida, sana et volatilia, sed et humido\u2014unctuosa excernuntur,\nquemadmodum et ipse sudor, qui ex transpiratis condensatis constat, humidus quoque et pinguis est.\nHumanum corpus inspirabile quoque est, idest habet poros et vasa absorbentia in cure . . . Indubitatem est\na\u00ebrum ef\u0003uviis resertum per cutis spiracula ingredi et sanguini ac succo nervosa se insinuare, motusque\nvitales aut roborare, aut etiam, si virulentus \u0002t, perfumdare.]\n98\nRobert Boyle, An Experimental Discourse of some causes of the Insalubrity or Salubrity\nof the Air (London: Samuel Smith, 1690), p. 169. Though he does not explicitly give\na reference to Van Helmont in this context, it is also possible Cohausen could have\nbeen in\u0002uenced by Helmontian writings on the weapon salve and magnetism, which\n\nPages 202:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n185\nthe air and their subsequent medicinal effects; for instance postulating\nthat the ef\u0002uvia of the Poppy procured sleep, and the vapor of the\nyew was thought to be deadly to those who slept under it; van Helmont\nin his discussion of human breath, proclaimed that odors were more\nef\u0003cacious than liquid medicines, \u201cseeing that the Spirit of our life, since\nit is a Gas, is most mightily and swiftly affected by any other gas, to\nwit, but reason of their immediate co-touchings.\u201d99 Cohausen reasoned\nif the smells of Vegetables had such high effects, animal odors in the\nform of breath and sweat should even have stronger results. Therefore,\none could also imbibe not only the breath of healthy young people, but\nalso be bene\u0003ted by their perspiration exhaled through the skin.\nTo continue the formulation of his argument, Cohausen utilized the\nwork of Sanctorius, (1561\u20131636), a Paduan physician, on insensible\nperspiration. Sanctorius, inspired by physicians of classical periods\nwho discoursed on suppressed or obstructed perspiration, wrote that\nperspiration was \u201cabsolutely necessary to the well being of a Human\nBody. [Its production was] occasion\u2019d by the constant Circulations of\nthe Animal Fluids, and the forcible Contractions and Attritions of the\nSolids.\u201d100 Those parts of the \u0002uids and solids that were not necessary\nfor the nourishment of the body, \u0002ew out of the body through the\npores of the skin and mouth, meaning that it was necessary there be\na \u201cproportionate Recruit by daily food.\u201d101 By measuring the amount\nof insensible perspiration in the body and regulating one\u2019s diet, and\nkeeping the out\u0002owing of sweat and consumption of food at a constant\nlevel, one could regulate and preserve one\u2019s health.102 Sanctorius then\nargued that as the body aged, the solids and \u0003bres of the body grew\nhard, contractions in the tissues slowed and stopped, perspiration halted,\nand death resulted. In other words, the bodily tissues would lose their\ntonic motion of tissues and relevant organs. Tonus was a wide-ranging\nconcept in early modern medicine originally postulated by the Stoics\npostulated an action-at-a-distance mechanism of disease. See Johann van Helmont, \u201cOf\nthe Magnetick or Attractive Curing of Wounds,\u201d Van Helmonts Works, pp. 756\u2013792.\n99\nVan Helmont\u2019s works, p. 110.\n100\nSanctorius, Medicina Statica: Being the Aphorisms of Sanctorius, Translated into English\nwith large Explanations by John Quincy (London: William Newton, 1712), p. 1. For the\nhistory of insensible perspiration, including its classical origins, see E.T. Renbourn,\n\u201cThe Natural History of Insensible Perspiration: A Forgotten Doctrine of Health and\nDisease,\u201d Medical History 4, 2 (April 1960), pp. 135\u2013152.\n101\nSanctorius, Medicina Statica, p. 1.\n102\nSanctorius, Medicina Statica, p. 1.\n\nPages 203:\n186\nchapter five\nand Galen, and held not only by Sanctorius but by other physicians\nsuch as Boerhaave and George Stahl.103 Tonic motion\nreferred to the mechanism in which the blood circulation that delivered\nharmful matters to the excretory organs, and . . . the colatory structure of\nthe organs that \u0003ltered out those matters. As the body\u2019s putrefaction [and\naging] continued, tonic motion worked to hold it in check.104\nCohausen agreed, writing in the Hermippus that \u201cThe body . . . is made of\nup \u0002uid and solid materials, and life depends on the incessant movement\nof the \u0002uids, especially the systole and diastole, but if the movement\nof \u0002uid stops, the body will die.\u201d105 However, Cohausen argued that\nthe bodily \u0002uids were constantly agitated not only through the blood\ncirculation, but by the operations of air currents which penetrated the\nbody through the pores and mouth. Although old age would mean\ngradual stoppage of \u0002uid movement and obstruction of the pores, if\nthe circulation of the \u0002uids was maintained by the infusion into the\npores and mouth of fresh vital forces in the air, such as from proximal\nyoung people, then life could be extended.106\n103\nJerome Bylebyl, \u201cThe Medical Side of Harvey\u2019s Discovery: The Normal and\nthe Abnormal,\u201d in William Harvey and his Age: The Professional and Social Context of the\nDiscovery of the Circulation, Henry E. Sigerist Supplements to the Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine, ed. Jerome J. Bylebyl (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1979), pp.\n40\u201341; See also Herman Boerhaave, Institutio in Physick . . . the Second Edition translated by\nJ. Browne (London: Jonas Browne, 1715), p. xvi; Boerhaave wrote \u201cTherefore these two\nkinds of Motion, viz. a Pulse which exerts its Power in the Vessels and the Heart, and\ndrives from the Centre to the Circumference, and the Tone which is seated in all the\nFibres, membranous and muscular Parts . . .; if these are in a right State and in due\nStrength, Equality and Temperment, the Blood is received into the Parts equally and\nwithout Impediment, and from the same, a due Quantity is expell\u2019d in due time, the\nSecretions naturally follow, and so the Business of Health is perform\u2019d.\u201d\n104\nKu-Ming (Kevin) Chang, \u201c \u2018Motus Tonicus\u2019: George Ernst Stahl\u2019s Formulation of\nTonic Motion and Early Modern Medical Thought\u201d, Bulletin of the History of Medicine\n78 (2004), pp. 767\u2013803, on p. 789.\n105\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 52. [Notum est corpus humanum esse machinam pnevmatico-hydraulicam ex \u0003uidis atque solidis contextam, euisque evexiam et vitam in horum continuo\nmotu atque circulo consistere, liquidorum autem motum \u00e0 solidorum motu tonico, systole atque diastole\nunice dependere, ita ut hisce integris ac salvis vita constet, cessantibus atque ablatis pereat.]\n106\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 52\u20133. [Certum porro \u0003uida corporis humani in se\nspectata, quatenus indies renovantur et per alimenta restaurantur, quam diutissime et vel ultra aevum\ndurare posse, eorum tamen motum tandem necessario imminui ac demum tolli duntaxat et vitio solidorum,\nquatenus haec tractu temporis, et longo annorum cursu paulatim indurantur, exarescunt, rigida sicque\nimmobilia evadunt, unde tono et motu cessante confetarium quoque est \u0003uida remorari et tandem penitus\nsubsistere. In qua \u0002brarum ariditate, duritie, in\u0003exilitate et ad vividum motum ineptitudine senectutis\nratio formalis consistit, quam proin veteres in siccitate et frigiditate collocarunt . . . Ex quibus demum\nconcludo, si quis posset solida in sua mollitie, \u0003exilitate ac consequenter justo tono ac motu conservare,\n\nPages 204:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n187\nOne way to keep the pores of the skin open and performing well\nto maintain tonus was via oil, a technique for longevity utilized by the\nancients. Cohausen related Pliny\u2019s account of Pollio, a soldier of the\nemperor of Augustus\u2014who when asked how he had managed to live\nover a hundred years replied: Melle intus, foris oleo, or \u201choney within,\noil without.\u201d107\nOther than anointing oneself on the outside, Cohausen felt it was\npossible to \u201coil\u201d the pores of the body from the inside by inhaling speci\u0003cally young female breath, as he claimed women were more oily or\nfatty than males. He utilized as his support the writings of the ancient\nMacrobius who claimed that in funeral piles it was important to lay\none fatty female body to six male bodies in a great pyre, as the male\nbodies would be more speedily consumed.108 After a facetious anecdote,\nwhere Cohausen claimed that the physician Fabricius knew of a lady\nwho emitted sparks when she combed her hair, he more seriously refers\nthe reader to his publication Lumen novum phosphoris accensum (1717) for\nevidence of the latent heat and \u0003re of women.109\nCohausen\u2019s Lumen was a serious scholarly effort submitted to the\nBordeaux Academy of Science (established in 1703) in competition for\na prize granted by the Duke of Force of 300 livres for the best answer\nto a proposed question. In this case, the prize committee requested an\nexplanation for the cause of light from phosphorus, a topic of much\ninterest in both continental and English natural philosophy; in 1674,\nBrandt of Hamburg \u0003rst obtained phosphorus from the \u201cMicrocosmic\neum quoque posse avertere senectutem, et sic vitam ultra centem pluresque annos facile protrahere.]\nCohausen refers the reader to his Decas for further discussion of tonus.\n107\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, pp. 53\u201354. [ . . . qui ut memorat Verulamius ad annum\ntricentesimum aetatem produxisse fertur seu ut alli referent Pollionis veterani militis apud Caesarem\nAugustum, qui centesimum annum longe excesserat. Qui rationem rogati, quomodo vigorem corporis\ntanto tempore conservarint, respondisse dicuntur: Melle intus, foris Oelo, Plinius 1.2. c 24.]\n108\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, pp. 54\u201355. [Corporis vero puellaris perspirabile non duntaxat humidem est, sed et unctuosum, idest ex aqua et oleo constans, ideoque naturam et vim obtinens\nhumectandi et emolliendi siccas rigidasque corporis senilis \u0002bras, quo diuturniori motui, contractioni\ndilationi, et \u0003uidorum impulsui suf\u0002ciant. . . . Dixi perspirabile corporis puellaris esse unctuosum, alii\nvapores oleosos seu halitus sulphureos appellant, quia corpora faeminea prae virilibus, et consequenter\netiam puellaria prae puerilibus majore scatent unctuositate, quod experientia antiquos quoque Romanos\ndocuerat, quibus ut scribat Macrobius cadavera comburendi ritum recensens, solenne erat senis virorum\ncadaveribus mulierbre adjicere, quia persuasum erat unius adjectu quasi natura \u0003ammei ceatera virorum\ncorpora rapidiori foco absumi].\n109\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, pp. 55\u201356. [ . . . et apud Jo. Fabri in Palladio Chymico\npuella inter pectendum \u00e8 capite ingremium ignis scintillas stellarum instar excutiens . . . Fiendi modum et\ncausam Lumen meum novum phosophoris accensum suf\u0002cientur detexit.] Joannes Henricus Cohausen, Lumen Novum Phosphoris Accensum (Amsterdam: Joannem Oosterwik, 1717).\n\nPages 205:\n188\nchapter five\nSalt\u201d a name given to phosphates from urine excreted from the microcosm of the body, and Robert Boyle also wrote two works about his\nearly experiments with phosphorus, entitled The Aerial Noctiluna (1680)\nand The Icy Noctiluna (1682).110 Though unsuccessful at winning the\nprize, Cohausen\u2019s Lumen was a compilation of all theories that were\nattempts to explain the phenomena of phosphorescence; the \u0003rst part\nof the work analyzed natural phosphors of the air, sea, and land, and\nthe second section compiled instances of luminescence of plants and\nanimals, such as in glowworms, as well as arti\u0003cial phosphors such as\nthe Bolonian stone. In the third section of the Lumen, Cohausen praised\nthe arti\u0003cial \u201chermetic phosphorus\u201d discovered in 1673 by Christolph\nAdolph Baldouin, a magistrate in Saxony; it was an impure calcium\nnitrate (perhaps containing some sulphur) made from chalk and nitric\nacid, believed to be a potential alkahest.111 In his attempts to explain\nluminescence, Cohausen remarked in the Lumen, \u201cthere is in all things\na certain salt, which is nothing other than potential \u0003re,\u201d and he\nincluded observations on the development of molecules of \u0003re that\nexisted in the human body, including descriptions of some cases of\nspontaneous combustion; he believed them most prevalent in women,\nsupposedly occurring after they imbibed large amounts of brandy or\nspirits.112 From ideas such as these, Cohausen af\u0003rmed in the Hermippus\n110\nE. Newton Harvey, A History of Luminescence: From the Earliest Times Until 1900, Vol.\n44 (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1957), pp. 151, 154. Beauvois, \u201cLes concours de Bordeaux,\u201d [The Bordeaux\nContest], pp. 43\u201351, passim. Robert Boyle, The Aerial Noctiluna or some New Phenomena and\nProcess of a Factitious Self-Shining Substance (London: Thomas Swaden, 1680).\n111\nHarvey, A History of Luminescence, p. 155 and p. 321.\n112\nCohausen, Lumen Novum Phosphoris Accensum, p. 25 as quoted in Harvey, A History\nof Luminescence, p. 155; Beauvois on p. 47 of his dissertation mentioned Cohausen\u2019s\nanecdote about brandy and spontaneous combustion in the Lumen novum. Anecdotes\nabout latent \u0003re in the body, and speculations as to their cause were prevalent in the\nseventeenth and eighteenth centuries. For instance, physician Thomas Willis related\nin his Practice of physick (1681), \u201cfor we have known in some endued with a hot, and\nvapourous blood, when they have put off their inner garments at night going to bed\nnear a \u0003re of Candle, a very thin and shining \u0002ame to have shewn itself, which hath\npossessed the whole inferiour region of the Body. The reason of which affection\nseems wholly the same, as when the evaporating fume of a Torch just put out is again\nin\u0002amed by a light inkindling, and manifestly argues that another \u0002ame, the root of this\nextrinsick one, lyes hid within the Body.\u201d Thomas Willis, Dr. Willis\u2019s Practice of Physick,\nBeing all the Medical Works of That Renowned and Famous Physician . . . (London: T. Dring,\nC. Harper, and J. Leigh, 1681), p. 32. As Clericuzio has indicated, Willis believed that\nheat was generated \u201cby the reaction of particles of nitre coming from the air and mixing\nwith sulphur contained in the blood.\u201d See Clericuzio, \u201cThe Internal Laboratory,\u201d pp.\n65\u201366. For a survey of early modern ideas of spontaneous combustion, please see Jan\nBondeson, A Cabinet of Medical Curiosities (London: B. Tauris), 1997, pp. 1\u201325.\n\nPages 206:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n189\nthat \u201cwith these examples it is suf\u0003ciently understood that latent \u0003re is\nplainly in superabundance in women\u2019s bodies bringing forth copious\nvital heat.\u201d113\nCohausen\u2019s comments were an interesting inversion of the Aristotelian premise of matter and spirit dualism between male and female.\nIn the pre-modern era, men were typically seen as hot, spirituous, the\ngivers of form to matter. On the other hand, Aristotle claimed that\nwomen, who were of moist and cold complexions, were shorter lived\nthan males, and that they were merely material and closer to the animal\nworld.114 As Guerrini has commented, \u201cThe ideal female of Vesalius, in\nimages which persisted for centuries, was literally more material than\nthe male, being \u0002eshy and voluptuous in contrast to the tautly muscled\nideal man.\u201d115 However, in Cohausen\u2019s medical work of the Enlightenment, the human body was less a vessel of Aristotelian humors than\na machine \u0003red by an internal chemical combustion engine; with this\nadvent of iatrochymistry and Cartesianism, Cohausen turned Aristotelian gendered assumptions on their heads, a not uncommon event in\nsatirical works which often invert accepted principles. Through their\nvery materiality, their fatty \u0002esh, women produced spirit, the ethereal\nvital breath.\nIndeed, whether he knew it or not, in his treatment of gender,\nCohausen was also in agreement with theories of insensible perspiration\nthat were modi\u0003ed by Newtonian physicians. As Newtonian physicians\nsuch as Pitcairne argued that the body was a hydraulic machine consisting of bodily \u0002uids, health would lie in the \u201cunobstructed circulation\nof bodily \u0002uids\u201d and in free perspiration and discharge of excreta.116\nIn the Emmenologia, a treatise on menstruation, John Friend asserted\nthe women discharged excreta through menstruation rather than via\n113\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 56. [Hoc loco saltem scire suf\u0002cit, quod lux illa veluti\ncalor summe attenuatus superabundantem in corporibus faemineis ignis vitalis copiam prodat.]\n114\nLynn Thorndike, \u201cTwo Other Passages De Complexiones\u201d, Isis, 54, 2 ( June 1963),\npp. 268\u2013269, on p. 269.\n115\nAnita Guerrini, \u201cThe Hungry Soul: George Cheyne and the Construction of\nFemininity,\u201d Eighteenth-Century Studies, 32, 3 (1999), pp. 279\u2013291, on p. 280; See also\nLonda Schiebinger, The Mind Has No Sex? (Cambridge: MA: Harvard University Press,\n1989), chap. 6, passim; Maryanne Cline Horowitz, \u201cAristotle and Women,\u201d Journal of\nthe History of Biology 9 (1976), pp. 183\u2013213; Joan Cadden, Meaning of Sex Differences in\nthe Middle Ages (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press), 1995.\n116\nLuica Dacome, \u201cLiving with the Chair: Private Excreta, Collective Health and\nMedical Authority in the Eighteenth Century,\u201d History of Science xxxix (2001), pp.\n468\u2013500, on p. 471.\n\nPages 207:\n190\nchapter five\ninsensible perspiration, and that the role of insensible perspiration was\nless crucial in females than in males. In fact,\nin women insensible perspiration was . . . naturally obstructed. This was\ndue to a combination of factors related to the circulation of blood and\nthe secretion of perspirable matter. As the pulse of women was more\n\u201clanguid\u201d than that of men . . . women\u2019s blood circulation was less strong\nand less powerful. This meant the ori\u0003ces of the vessels of the female\nbody were too small to convey substantial amounts of perspirable matter,\nand women skin was too skin, its pores too small, to all proper excretion\nof perspirable matter.117\nIn a re\u0003guration of the Aristotelian premise that women were a defective variation of the male body, the Newtonian physicians used Friend\u2019s\nreasoning to argue that \u201cwomen\u2019s bodies were more unbalanced than\nthose of men.\u201d Women were less effective bodily machines.\nIf their bodies were more unbalanced, so were women\u2019s emotions.\nGuerrini has commented that over the course of the eighteenth century,\n\u201cthe medical de\u0003nition of the female changed from being primarily\nphysical to being primarily emotional: from body to spirit.\u201d118 Cohausen\nwitnessed this transition and utilized it for his medical and satiric purposes. If women were perceived as more sensitive and less emotionally\nbalanced in their nature as the eighteenth century progressed, there\nwas the danger that the \u201csensitive were also sensual, and more given\nto the pleasures of the \u0002esh, conforming to the older view of women\nas animal-like.\u201d119 In the Hermippus, Cohausen adhered to this caution,\nnoting that it is not the breath of any woman that was ethereal and\nlife-giving, but only those women who were healthy, young and chaste;\nvirgins were particularly effective in their life-giving powers.120 In answer\nto an objection raised in his text by his colleague Bishop Nunning, who\nin his own attempt to add hilarity to the Hermippus exhorted Cohausen\nto explain why Solomon with all of his wives had not lived a long life,\nCohausen claimed it was because Solomon was surrounded by women\n117\nDacome, \u201cLiving with the Chair,\u201d pp. 475\u20136.\nGuerrini, \u201cThe Hungry Soul,\u201d p. 279.\n119\nGuerrini, \u201cThe Hungry Soul,\u201d p. 285.\n120\nHere Cohausen may have been in\u0002uenced by Roger Bacon\u2019s recommendation\nthat the touch of girls, beautiful song, and the sight of beauty could give longevity. See\nBruce Moran, Distilling Knowledge: Alchemy, Chymistry, and the Scienti\u0002c Revolution (Cambridge\nand London: Harvard University Press, 2005), pp. 23\u201324.\n118\n\nPages 208:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n191\nin a harem, and their breath was tainted by lustful relations.121 Cohausen\nalso entreated his readers never to marry an old woman, as she would\nabsorb all the vital principles from one\u2019s lungs. The young man who\nmarried a rich old spinster in hopes of gaining money would trade his\nlife, as she would become youthful, and he prematurely aged.122 Old\nwomen were \u201clike cats, whose breath is poisonous to life,\u201d a reference\nto the age-old connection of cats to crones, witchcraft and female\nsexuality.123 As Cohausen explained, as women aged and became more\nsere and dry, their breath and sweat became more noxious, and more\nrepresentative of their supposed animalistic natures.\nIn the midst of Cohausen\u2019s advice to bottle female breath, to marry\nyoung wives, as well as his admonition to schoolteachers not to smoke in\nthe classroom, as they were denying themselves the volatile salts in the\nbreath of their charges, it would be evident to most readers that they\nwere in the midst of an effective satire which utilized medical theories\nof the day to accomplish a humorous end. To continue the joke, much\nin the manner of Thomas More\u2019s Utopia, Cohausen used the satiric\ndevise of including a series of encomiums and letters praising the Hermippus. One letter was from his friend Bishop Nunning, who had earlier\ncritiqued Cohausen\u2019s work with his example of Solomon; another from\n121\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, chapter three, pp. 37\u201348 is entitled: [Resolvuntur\ngeminate autori ab Amico propositae Quaestiones: 1. Cur non longaevior fuerit Salomon, cui tot ex\nintegra puellarum legione singulis horis fuerunt Nympharum Aspirationes?] or Here some questions are solved which were proposed by a friend of the Author: 1. Why was it that\nSolomon did not have a long life, as every single hour he was surrounded by the breath\nof a legion of young women?\n122\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, pp. 61\u201362. Sic passim vetulis os oblinunt juvenes, ut aurea\nhaereditate potiantur. Interim vetulae, quibus putridus oris halitus, et impuri, exsucei squalidique corporis\nnequam est Spiritus, pravo contactu faedoque commercio maritos juvenes brevi tempore emarcere faciunt,\net in senium propero gradu praecipitant [Thus everywhere young man de\u0003le [themselves] with\nthe breath of their elderly wives to obtain a golden inheritance. Meanwhile the elderly\nwives, with their unclean breaths from their squalid bodies decay with their crooked\ntouch their youthful husbands in a short time, causing their precipitous aging.]\n123\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, pp. 63\u201364. [Tanta est cati domestici malignitas ex\noculis et ore spirans (nam et ejus cerebrum homini toxicum habetur) ut ex ejus familiaritate & accubitu plures in tabem ac hecticam immaturamque mortem inciderint. Sed nec\nminus periculum est, si quis uxorem vetulam concubinam habeat, quae juvenilis vitae\n\u0002amman satis reluctanem non quidem statim dif\u0002are et dissipare, paulatim tamen instar\ncati imminuere et extinguere potest]; Roger Chartier, \u201cTexts, Symbols, and Frenchness,\u201d\nThe Journal of Modern History, 57, 4 (December 1985), pp. 682\u2013695 has an analysis of\ncat symbols in the early modern period in its analysis of Robert Darnton\u2019s \u201cGreat Cat\nMassacre.\u201d See Robert Darnton, \u201cThe Great Cat Massacre, 1730,\u201d History Today, 34\n(Aug. 1984), pp. 7\u201315; Pierre Roudil, \u201cDieu ou Diable: Le Chat Dans L\u2019Histoire [God\nor devil? The cat in history],\u201d Histoire Magazine 36 (1983), pp. 66\u201373.\n\nPages 209:\n192\nchapter five\nhis eldest son, Bernard, also a physician of some note who published\na work on the chyle; and there was an concluding \u201cepigramma votivum\u201d\nfrom Salentinus Ernest Eugenius Cohausen, the nephew of our author,\ndoctor to the troops of the Elector Archbishop of Cologne, and active\ncorrespondent with scienti\u0003c societies.124\nAfter this extensive display of learned praise, Cohausen could not\nmaintain the pretense any longer, and \u0003nally admitted in the last few\npages that the premise of the Hermippus was a \u201clusus satryicus,\u201d Hermippus himself a \u0003ctional character. Cohausen launched his career\nby penning a work that did not promise any secrets to immortality,\nand ironically, he ended it in the same vein, no doubt disappointing\nhis more gullible readers much as the work by Dr. Behrens did to the\nmembers of the Bishop of Munster\u2019s court forty years earlier. Like\nBehrens, Cohausen proclaimed in a concluding verse that longevity\nwas not to be found in the breath of girls or the philosophers\u2019 stone,\nbut rather \u201cSed fato et Fortunae salutari, causis plerumque eventuum occultis\u201d\nor aging was due to the outcome of fortune, with unknown causes\nand outcomes.125\nIn the Helmontius Ecstaticus, Cohausen praised the hermetic vision of\nvan Helmont in which Helmont received the alkahest and the \u201cgemma\nrosae\u201d the perfect ruby or the philosophers\u2019 stone, and in the Decas, the\nphysician proclaimed it was humanity\u2019s purpose to search for the lost\ntree of life. Now, at the end of his own life, in his conclusion to the\nHermippus, Cohausen continued his verse satire with a poem dedicated\nto the Emerald Tablet of Hermes Trismegistus, which alchemists claimed\nheld the secret of the philosophers\u2019 stone and immortality.126 Pictorial\nrepresentations of the Emerald Tablet contained the Latin acrostic for\nthe volatile salt vitriol, as we have seen thought to be a possible source\nof the philosopher\u2019s stone: visita interiora terrae recti\u0002cando invenies occultum\nlapidem\u2014visit the interior of the earth, by rectifying you will \u0003nd the\nhidden stone. Cohausen\u2019s satiric reference to a volatile salt which supposedly held the secret of immortality could not be a more \u0003tting end\nto his work. Newman has noted that it was not until the beginning\nof the 1700s that alchemy was distinctly separated from chymistry,\n124\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 84. For a complete description of Cohausen\u2019s\nrelatives, see Beauvois, pp. 134\u2013139.\n125\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 90.\n126\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 86.\n\nPages 210:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n193\nand there still remained some overlap between the two disciplines.127\nDuring his career which ended in the early Enlightenment, Cohausen\nwitnessed and demonstrated in the Hermippus the gradual transformation\nof alchemical principles into chemical ones; what were formerly serious\nprecepts became subjects for humor and derision. As John Campbell\nwrote in the preface to his version of the Hermippus,\nThere is in this Dissertation such a mixture of serious Irony, as cannot but\nafford a very agreeable Entertainment to those who are proper Judges of\nSubjects of this Kind, and who are inclined to see how far the Strength\nof human Understanding can support philosophical Truths, against common Notions and vulgar Prejudices.128\nWe can only agree, for Cohausen\u2019s satire was worth its salt indeed.\n127\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, p. xiii.\nJohn Campbell, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Cohausen and Campbell, Hermippus Redivivus, or\nthe Sage\u2019s Triumph over Old Age, 1744 ed., p. iii. This is Campbell\u2019s preface to his loose\ntranslation of Cohausen\u2019s original work published in 1742.\n128\n\nPages 211:\nCONCLUSION\nFROM SALINE ACIDS TO ACIDIFYING OXYGEN\nIn his \u201cObservations on Respiration, and the Use of The Blood\u201d (1776),\nJoseph Priestley speculated upon the atmospheric substance necessary\nfor respiration, and provided a short summary of the history of past\nscienti\u0002c beliefs about the process of breathing. He wrote:\nOthers say, that the air itself is not admitted into the blood, but only some\nactive, spirituous, and ethereal particles; that this vital spirit passes from the\nlungs to the heart and arteries, and at length become the animal spirits,\nwhich are by this means generated from the air. Others, who do not admit\nthat the animal spirits are derived from the air, still say that some other\nvital principle comes from thence. This vital principle MALPHIGHIUS\nsupposes to be saline vapour; LISTER, a hot, in\u0003ammable, sulphureous\nspirit . . . and BRYAN ROBINSON, the aerial acid, which preserves the\nblood from putrefaction; preserves also its density, and strengthens the\nanimal \u0002bres. For this reason he supposes it is we feel ourselves refreshed\nin cold air, as it abounds with a more plentiful acid quality.1\nIn his summary, Priestley was referring to a long intellectual tradition\nin seventeenth and eighteenth-century chymistry, analyzed in this book,\nwhich attempted to identify the vital principles in the air responsible for\nrespiration with a particular reactive chymical substance. The purpose\nof this chapter is to ascertain brie\u0003y to what extent these concepts of\na vital salt or saline acidic spirit survived in the Enlightenment. To\naccomplish this task, we will analyze the role of saline spirits or acids\nin the chemical revolution of Lavoisier. While Lavoisier\u2019s discoveries\n\u201crevolutionized perceptions of space and caused the old theories of air\nto be discarded,\u201d to what extent did they stem from speci\u0002cally older\nbeliefs about salts from English iatrochymistry?2 In other words, to\nwhat extent did the saline spirit or atmospheric acid become oxygen,\nthe acidifying principle?\n1\nJoseph Priestley, \u201cObservations on Respiration, and the Use of the Blood,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 66 (1676), pp. 226\u2013248, on 229.\n2\nAlain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Leamington Spa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986), p. 139.\n\nPages 212:\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n195\nOur analysis will begin with the work of dissenting minister Stephen\nHales in the Vegetable Staticks (1727), an innovative work inspired by Newtonian chymistry on the production of airs (gases) in which he utilized\na pneumatic trough or a pedestal apparatus to measure the amount\nof air released in a chymical reaction. Hales believed that aerial acids\nand volatile salts contributed to the elasticity and \u0002xedness of the air,\nproduced or absorbed gases, and affected human respiration. We will\nalso examine Hales\u2019 Philosophical Experiments, a series of discourses about\nsurviving long voyages at sea (1739) in which he analyzes sea salts and\ntheir exhalations in the atmosphere. In turn, we will then demonstrate\nto what extent Lavoisier was in\u0003uenced by Hales and the Newtonian\nchymical tradition of acidic saline spirits in the atmosphere.\nStephen Hales, Aerial Acids and Salts\nStephen Hales (1677\u20131761) was a dissenting minister, physiologist and\nchymist who was awarded the Copley medal by the Royal Society in\n1739, and as we have seen in chapter four, in\u0003uenced the work of\nNewtonian physician Bryan Robinson. In his seminal work, Vegetable\nStaticks (1727), Hales applied Newtonian experimental method to plant\nphysiology, further developing the chymical queries in the Opticks. The\nStaticks primarily included analyses to show \u201chow great a proportion\nair is wrought into the composition of animal, vegetable and mineral\nsubstances.\u201d3 As Francis Darwin realized, the foundation of Hales\u2019 views\non the nutrition and presence of \u201cairs\u201d in plants was based upon a\npremise of Newton\u2019s in which he postulated if fermentation progressed\nto its ultimate end, the compound putre\u0002ed, and the dense bodies rari\u0002ed into several sorts of Air; this Air by fermentation, and sometimes\nwithout it, was then formed into new mixtures or compounds.4 As Hales\nwrote of Query 30 of the Opticks, Newton \u201cobserves of air that dense\n3\nStephen Hales, Vegetable Staticks, History of Science Library, ed. Michael Hoskin\n(London and New York: MacDonald and American Elsevier Inc., 1969; London,\n1727), p. 6.\n4\nSir Francis Darwin, \u201cStephen Hales, A Reply to Criticism,\u201d 14 (1915) New Phytologist,\npp. 27\u201329, on p. 27. Hales also adheres to this premise in his Philosophical Experiments Containing Useful, and Necessary Institutions for such as undertake long voyages at Sea (London: W. Innys and\nR. Manby, 1739). On p. 34, he wrote, \u201cBut Putrefaction, that most subtile of all Dissolvents, effectually disjoins and separates all the component parts of putrifying Bodies . . . after the Putrefaction ceases, [the bodies] are formed into new combinations.\u201d\n\nPages 213:\n196\nconclusion\nbodies by fermentation rarity into several sorts of air, and this air, by\nfermentation, and sometimes without, returns into dense bodies.\u201d5 On\nthis basis Hales formed his theory of vegetable nutrition, concluding\n\u201cthat particles of air in a \u0002xt state\u201d adhere to and \u201care wrought into\nthe substance\u201d of plants.6 Hales thought of \u0002xed air as a unifying and\nbinding principle \u201cgreatly contributing in \u0002xed state to the union and\n\u0002rm connection of the several constituent parts\u201d of living and non-living\nmatter.7 Non-\u0002xed air, or free air however was inherently elastic.\nAlthough in modern terms, Hales did prepare a wide variety of\ngases in his experimentation, he did not think that the differences in the\nproperties of the free or \u0002xed \u201cairs\u201d he collected were due to chemical\nidentities. As Ecklund has noted, Hales\nviewed the differences he found in the air obtained from different substances as being due to the presence of impurities, which he referred to as\n\u201cfumes\u201d or \u201cvapours.\u201d . . . Hales was led by his faith in Newtonian atomism\nto explain the differences of properties in terms of an intermixing of particles of the impurities with those of the one true elastic substance\u2014air.8\nAs air was capable of union with other substances, Hales believed that\nupon such union, the \u0002xed air lost that elastic property associated with\nits free state.\nTo accomplish his analyses of airs and their \u0002xation into plants and\nanimals, as well as their impurities, Hales used an apparatus to collect\ngases over water in vessels separate from those in which they were\ngenerated. The substance that Hales studied was placed in a retort\nand heated; the retort was connected to a receiver suspended in water.\nIf air was driven off on heating the retort, then the water level in the\nreceiver would drop. If air was absorbed by the water, the water level\nwould rise, so the change in water level was a measure of the amount\nof gases produced or absorbed [See Figure 19].\nHales however had a different explanation for the rise and fall of\nlevels. In experiment 76 in Vegetable Staticks, Hales concluded,\nA good part of the air thus raised from several bodies by the force of\n\u0002re, was apt gradually to lose its elasticity, in standing several days; the\n5\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 177.\nDarwin, \u201cSteven Hales\u201d, pp. 28.\n7\nMilton Kerker, \u201cHerman Boerhaave and the Development of Pneumatic Chemistry,\u201d Isis 46, 1 (March 1955), pp. 36\u201349, on p. 39.\n8\nJon Ecklund, \u201cOf a Spirit in the Water: Some Early Ideas on the Aerial Dimension,\u201d Isis 67,4 (December 1976), pp. 527\u2013550, on p. 540.\n6\n\nPages 214:\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n197\nFigure 19. Hales\u2019 initial apparatus for estimating the quantity of Air that arose\nfrom a material \u201cby distillation or fusion.\u201d Stephen Hales, Vegetable Staticks.\nLondon: J. and W. Innys, 1727, opposite p. 260. Image courtesy History of\nScience Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board\nof Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n\nPages 215:\n198\nconclusion\nreason of which . . . that the acid sulphureous fumes raised with the air,\ndid resorb and \u0002x the elastic particles.9\nIn other words the elastic pure air, in which the repulsive force dominates, was \u0002xed in bodies by combining with acids and sulphurs whose\nattractive particles destroyed its elasticity. To some extent, Hales here\nwas adhering to the chymistry of Newton in the Opticks, in which the\nair was \u201cimpregnated with subtle sulphur,\u201d as well as with acids; in the\nDe Natura Acidorum, Newton also discoursed about the extreme attractive\nqualities and chymical reactivity of acids. As Heinemann stated,\nHales considered that chemical processes were maintained by the production and absorption of gases by chemical substances, which he supposed\nbrought about by attractive and repulsive forces. Associating [free] \u201cair\u201d\nwith the alkali principle, he interpreted the interaction between acidic\nand alkaline substances in terms of the interactions between opposing\n[Newtonian] forces.10\nHales believed that the air lost its elasticity (decreased in volume) as the\nelastic particles of pure air were reabsorbed by the acid sulphureous\nfumes generated in the process. In other words, though \u201cmixtures do\nin fermentation generate elastick air . . . those which emit thick fumes,\ncharged with sulphur, resorb more than was generated in proportion to\nthe [acidulous] and sulphureousness and thickness of those fumes.\u201d11\nTherefore removing these acidic and sulphureous fumes would mean his\nair would not lose its elasticity.12 In their analyses of Hales\u2019 apparatus,\nParascandola and Ihde noted that Hales invented a method for solving\nthe problem of the loss of elasticity of the air:\nIn his attempting to remove the unwanted [acid and sulphureous fumes]\nfrom his air, Hales separated the generator from the collector and gave\nus the pneumatic trough. He was incidentally, successful to a large extent\nin his purpose of preventing the air generated from losing its elasticity,\nundoubtedly because in passing the air through water, most of the soluble\nfraction would be dissolved in the process. In Hale\u2019s previous device, the\n9\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 162.\nP. Heimann, \u201cEther and Imponderables,\u201d Conceptions of Ether: Studies in the history of\nether theories, 1740 \u20131900, eds. G.N. Cantor and M.J.S. Hodge (Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1981), pp. 61\u201384, on p. 66.\n11\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 176.\n12\nJohn Parascandola and Aaron J. Ihde, \u201cHistory of the Pneumatic Trough,\u201d Isis\n60, 3 (Autumn 1969), pp. 351\u2013361, on p. 355.\n10\n\nPages 216:\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n199\n\u201cair\u201d was generated over water, and then the soluble fraction slowly dissolved, causing the decrease in volume13 [See Figure 20].\nIn addition to his invention of the trough, Hales also improvised upon\nNewton\u2019s chymistry and postulated his own role for the role of acids\nin respiration. Unlike Robinson who believed in the ef\u0002cacy of aerial\nsaline acids for breathing, Hales believed that elastic free air necessary\nfor respiration was inherently alkali. In fact, the result of his pneumatic\ntrough experiments demonstrated to him that acids, and in particular,\ntoo large a presence of acid sulphureous fumes in the atmosphere, could\nbe fatal to animal respiration. Burning sulphur (brimstone) in particular\n\u0003aming brimstone absorbed \u201cmuch air,\u201d and when he re\u0003ected\non the great quantities of elastic air, which are destroyed by burning\nsulphur; it seems to me not improbably, that when an animal is killed by\nlightening . . . it may be done by the air\u2019s elasticity, being instantly destroyed\nby the sulphureous lightening near the animal, whereby the lungs will\nfall \u0003at, and cause sudden death.14\nOn the other hand, experiments with volatile alkali salts such as vitriolic\ngrowths on pyrites and sal tartar generated a good deal of air.15 So,\nalkali salts would be bene\u0002cial to aiding respiration as they seemed to\ndrive off air in the heating of the retort.\nThese conclusions led Hales to experiment with breathing apparatus\ncoated with salts that would aid respiration in places abounding with\nacid sulphureous fumes, such as in mines or grottos. Hales\nbored a hole in the side of a large wooden fosset, and glewed into it the\ngreat end of another fosset . . . covering the ori\u0002ce with a bladder valve.\nThen I \u0002tted a valve b i, to the ori\u0002ce of the iron siphon s s, \u0002xing the\nend of the siphon fast at B into the fosset a b: Then by means of narrow hoops I placed four diaphragms of \u0003annel at half an inch distance\nfrom each other, into the broad rim of a sieve, which was about 7 inches\ndiameter. The Sieve was \u0002xed to, and had a free communication with\nboth ori\u0002ces of the siphon, by means of two large bladders i i n n o.\u201d\nIn his instrument, expired air had to pass though the diaphragms before\nbeing inhaled. Hales then dipped the diaphragms in strong solutions\nof salt tartar, noting he could breathe through the apparatus twice to\nfour times as long with the salty diaphragms as with uncoated ones, sal\n13\nParascandola and Ihde, \u201cHistory of the Pneumatic Trough,\u201d p. 356.\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 147.\n15\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, pp. 101\u2013103.\n14\n\nPages 217:\n200\nconclusion\nFigure 20. Hales\u2019 Breathing Device. Stephen Hales, Vegetable Staticks. London:\nW. and J. Innys, 1721, opposite p. 262. Wellcome Library, London.\n\nPages 218:\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n201\ntartar being particularly effective.16 He speculated that it was the salt\u2019s\nchymical power of attraction to sulphureous and acid particles which\nallowed for longer respiration; salt would remove such particles from\nthe \u0002xed air, making it more elastic and wholesome for breathing. He\nalso believed that\nin several unwholesome trades, as the smelters of metals, the ceruss-makers, the plumbers, etc it might not unlikely be of good service to them\nin preserving them . . . from the noxious fumes of the materials they deal\nin by the use of such a salt-coated device.17\nThe power of air and its particulate components in \u201cchymical operations\u201d as well as in respiratory processes led Hales to conclude\nthe air is very instrumental in the production and growth of animals and\nvegetables, both by invigorating their several juices while in an elastic\nstate, and also by greatly contributing in a \u0002x\u2019d state to the union and\n\u0002rm connection of the several constituent parts of those bodies, viz,\ntheir water, salt, sulphur and earth. This band of union, in conjunction\nwith the external air, is also a very powerful agent in the dissolution\nand corruption of the same bodies, for it makes one in every fermenting mixture . . . elasticity is also not an essential immutable property of\nair particles; but they are, we see, easily changed from an elastick to a\n\u0002xt state, but the strong attraction of the acid, sulphureous, and saline\nparticles which abound in the air.18\nHales continued,\nsince this is the case, may we not with good reason adopt this now \u0002xt, now\nvolatile Proteus among the chymical principles, and that a very active one,\nas well as acid sulphur; notwithstanding it has hitherto been overlooked\nand rejected by Chymists, as no way intitled to that denomination?19\nAir, as well as the chymical fermentations between its atmospheric\nacids, sulphurs, and salts, was thus important to understand respiration\nas well as material change.\nHales\u2019 experiments with air in the Staticks and adherence to Newtonian principles led him to speculations about the source of the interactions between salts and the acidic sulphureous particles in the air\nin a later work, Philosophical Experiments Containing Useful, and Necessary\n16\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 150.\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, pp. 153\u201354.\n18\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 179.\n19\nHales, Vegetable Staticks, p. 180.\n17\n\nPages 219:\n202\nconclusion\nInstitutions for such as undertake long voyages at Sea (1739). Along with his\ninvention of a ventilators and breathing apparatus which improved\nsurvival rates when employed on ships, in hospitals and in prisons, Hales\nwas also concerned with water supplies on naval voyages. The desalination of water was also a predominant concern among the fellows of\nthe early Royal Society, a research question expressed in Hales\u2019 work.\nFirst, in his analysis of the puri\u0002cation of sea water, Hales came to\nthe conclusion that sea water consisted of common sea salt of a \u0002xed\nnature, and volatile salts, namely \u201cmore imperfect bittern salt and\nsulphureous bittern which last Principles promote Putrefaction, and\nare thereby Disjointed.\u201d20 Bittern traditionally was the mother water\nor lye which remains after the crystallization of common salt from sea\nwater; it contains sulphate and chloride of magnesium, bromine and\niodine. Distilling bittern salt resulted in the \u201csaline spirit\u201d of salt, in\nother words the saline acid. Hales\u2019 assertion that sea water consisted\nof \u0002xed and volatile salts is reminiscent of Thomas Philipot\u2019s theories\nof chymical models of tides (chapter three). Hales then speculated\nthat from the bittern salts that the \u201cuniversal salt arises, which as it\nhappens to fall on different earths, concretes and corrodes them, and\nthereby produces different types of salts . . . vitriol, alum, nitre . . . and sal\nammoniac.\u201d21 One of his supports for his assertion about bittern salts\nwas the fact that \u201cChymists observed that Nitre consists of an Oily\nSaline and Volatile Substance,\u201d so it was \u201cno wonder that Nitrous Salt\nshould be formed in the Bittern Salt and oily Bitumen of Sea-Water.\u201d22\nHe then concluded that because sea water had a good deal of nitrous\nsalts arising from bittern, seawater could not extinguish ships in \u0002res\nas well as fresh water, as nitre was exothermic and used in gunpowder.\nAnd, it was from the \u201cthe sulphurous Bitumen of the Sea, as raised by\nthe warmth of the sun, that subtle Sulphur form which the air, and\nits Waters, viz Dew and Rain are impregnated.\u201d23 He then concluded\nthat interactions between nitric acid arising from Bittern sea salts,\nand sulphur in the air from sea bitumen caused violent ferments in\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur\nfermentation again taken directly out of Newtonian chymistry. Hales\nconcluded from his analyses that puri\u0002cation of sea water was best\n20\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 34.\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 46.\n22\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 45\u201346.\n23\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 47.\n21\n\nPages 220:\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n203\ndone by letting it putrefy, releasing the more disjoined bittern and\nsulphureous salts into the atmosphere, and then distilling it, whereby\nthe \u0002xed salt left over would be left as a caput mortuum (dead head) or\nas a distillation dreg.24\nAcids in the air and Lavoisier\nHales\u2019 work on the pneumatic trough and the chemical role of air and\nits saline acids was in\u0003uential in Britain and in the continent, and as\nGuerlac has shown, he was cited by most pneumatic chemists including\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid\nwas also still common even until the 1770s; George Stahl, the inventor\nof the concept of phlogiston, mentioned the subject of acidi\u0002cation in\nhis treatise on salts. Stahl thought that vitriolic acid [sulphuric acid]\nwas the fundamental or \u201cuniversal acid\u201d and widespread in the atmosphere, an opinion shared by many eighteenth-century chemists.26 As\nCrosland has noted, the discovery of carbon dioxide or \u201c\u0002xed air\u201d by\nJoseph Black in 1754 provided the \u201cpossibility of a new direction to\nthe tradition\u2014the Swedish chemist Torbern Bergman suggested that\n\u201c\u0002xed air\u201d be called the \u201caerial acid.\u201d27 J.F. Meyer also postulated a\nuniversal acidum pingue a single acid, of which the other acids were later\nmodi\u0002cations, providing \u201can alternative explanation to that of Black of\nthe difference between mild and caustic (acidic) agents.\u201d28\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s\nbook, being impressed by his explanation that the gain in weight when\nmetals were calcined was due to the absorption of acidum pingue from\nthe \u0002re.29 Lavoisier also knew of J.F. Rozier\u2019s Observations sur la physique,\nin which Rozier postulated that air behaved in some ways like an\nacid. Rozier in 1772 wrote a treatise on wine in which experiments on\nfermentation were described; he suggested that the acidity of soured\n24\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 33.\nHenry Guerlac, \u201cThe Continental Reputation of Stephen Hales,\u201d Archives Internationales d\u2019Histoire des Sciences 15 (1951), pp. 393\u2013404.\n26\nMaurice Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d Isis 64, 3 (September 1973),\npp. 306\u2013325, on p. 309. Stahl believed nitric acid was a compound of this with phlogiston. See George Stahl, Fundamenta Chymiae Dogmaticae et experimentalis (Nurnberg:\nWolfgange Mauritius, 1723), p. 10 as quoted in Parthington, History of Chemistry,\nVolume 2, p. 679.\n27\nCrosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 309.\n28\nCrosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 309.\n29\nCrosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d pp. 309\u201310.\n25\n\nPages 221:\n204\nconclusion\nwine was not due the presence of tartar as traditionally described, but\nrather due to absorbed air.30 Rozier of course was following Newton\nand Hales, who proposed that air contained acids, and thus that air\ngave them their corrosive qualities.31 When doing experiments with the\n\u0002xation of air in the formation of phosphoric acid from phosphorus,\nin an unpublished manuscript (1773), Lavoisier noted,\nThe absorption of surplus air is the same in the formation of all the\nacids. In the fermentation of beer wort . . . it is observed that a very\ngreat abundance of air is released as soon as the spirituous fermentation\nbegins. But when in the progress of fermentation the liquor begins to\nturn to acid, soon all the air that was released is re-absorbed to enter\ninto the composition of this acid. M. Abbe Rosier in his treatise on wine\nwas the \u0002rst to be struck by this phenomenon . . . it is easy to sense that\nthese experiments must inevitably lead to a completely new theory of\nfermentation.32\nLavoisier thus was thinking at this point about a connection between\nair and acidi\u0002cation, a connection made more manifest as he became\naware of Joseph Priestley\u2019s work on airs in 1773. As Crosland noted,\nLavoisier read Priestley\u2019s observations on the \u201cacid air\u201d obtained from\nmuriatic acid, and upon doing his own investigations in 1774 speculated that\nmarine acid [hydrochloric acid] is nothing but water impregnated with\nmarine air. It is roughly the same kind of thing with nitrous acid. . . .\nThere is every likelihood that \u0002xed air is nothing else but an acid in the\nstate of a vapour.33\nLavoisier then did his famous experiment on nitric acid in 1776, in\nwhich he brought together fractions of \u201cnitrous air\u201d (obtained by dissolving mercury in nitric acid, heating the residue, and collecting the\ngases) and oxygen, reforming nitric acid. Lavoisier also claimed that\nin the Memoir of his work that the air of the atmosphere is an acid\ncomposite of nitre and pure air. He stated,\n30\nRobert E. Kohler, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s First Experiments on Combustion,\u201d Isis 63, 3\n(September 1972), pp. 349\u2013355, on p. 351.\n31\nKohler, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s First Experiments,\u201d p. 351.\n32\nF. Rozier, Memoire sur la meilleure mani\u00e8re de faire et de gouverner des vins de Provence . . .\n(Paris: Chez Le Vey, 1772), pp. 149\u2013150, as quoted in Kohler, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s First Experiments,\u201d p. 351.\n33\nM. Bertholet, La revolution chimique. Lavoisier (Paris: F. Alcan, 1890), p. 259, as quoted\nin Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 313.\n\nPages 222:\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n205\nI am now in a position to advance af\u0002rmatively that not only the air but\nhe purest part of the air enters into the composition of all acids without\nexception; that it is this substance which constitutes their acidity.34\nHence \u201cpure air\u201d was christened \u201coxygen\u201d or the acidifying principle,\nand Lavoisier would believe each acid was an oxygen compound.\nHis assumptions also in\u0003uenced the chemical nomenclature, published in the Methode de nomenclature chimique (1787), a joint effort between\nLavoisier, Francois de Fourcroy, Claude-Louis Bertholett, and Pierre\nJoseph Macquer. Lavoisier claimed that oxygen was an appropriate\nname for his pure air, as it suggested a fundamental relationship between\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories\nof beginners, who retain with dif\u0002culty a new word when it is absolutely\nempty of meaning.\u201d35 In his schema, salts were named in terms of the\nacids that they could become, and in his system he con\u0002dently named\n\u201ctwenty-two simple substances . . . not yet isolated, forming names from\nan individuating simple substance or radical and the relevant acid\u2014for\nexample\u2014\u201ccitric radical.\u201d36 The undiscovered bases of the undecomposed acids, he was sure would be readily uncovered now that the\nchemistry of oxygen was better understood. As he asserted,\nThat the number of the acids that one can form is again absolutely\nindeterminate, since one does not know all the substances that are likely\nto combine itself with the acidifying principle, and that one knows again\nless the means that one can employ to succeed in the combination.37\nIn this way, Lavoisier\u2019s nomenclature created a conceptual map to\nguide chemists through a terra incognita, a map that represented a new\nparadigm of the chemical revolution.\nAnd, even when oxygen was shown not to be a universal acidi\u0002er by\nBerthollet, Lavoisier\u2019s terminology stuck. As Weininger remarked, \u201cThe\n34\nLavoisier, \u201cMemoire sur l\u2019existence de l\u2019air dans l\u2019acide nitreux, et sur les moyens\nde d\u00e9composer et de recomposer cet acide,\u201d Oeuvres, vol. II, pp. 129\u2013138, as quoted\nin Croland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 314.\n35\nLavoisier, \u201cN\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de perfectionner la nomenclature de la chimie,\u201d in Guyton\nde Morveau, Lavoisier, Claude-Louis Berthollet, and Antoine Fran\u00e7ois de Fourcroy,\nM\u00e9thode de nomenclature chimique (Paris: Chez Cuchet, 1787), pp. 18\u201319.\n36\nJessica Riskin, \u201cRival Idioms for a Revolutionized Science and a Republican\nCitizenry,\u201d Isis 89,2 ( June 1998), pp. 203\u2013232, on pp. 215\u2013216.\n37\nLavoisier, \u201cConsid\u00e9rations g\u00e9n\u00e9rales sur la nature des acides et sur les principes\ndont ils sont compos\u00e9s,\u201d Oeuvres d\u2019Antoine Laurent Lavoisier (1743\u20131794) (Paris: Imprimerie\nimp\u00e9riale, 1862), vol. 1, p. 251. http://histsciences.univ-paris1.fr/i-corpus/lavoisier/\nindex.php. Accesse\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 201 to page 222 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\nSzulakowska, Urszula. \u2018The Tree of Aristotle: Images of the Philosophers\u2019 Stone and\nTheir Transference to Alchemy from the Fifteenth to the Twentieth Century.\u201d Ambix,\n33,2 (November 1986), pp. 53\u201377.\nTeeter-Dobbs, B. The Janus Faces of Genius: The Role of Alchemy in Newton\u2019s Thought.\nCambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cNewton\u2019s Alchemy and His Theory of Matter.\u201d Isis 73, 4 (Dec. 1982), pp.\n511\u2013528.\nTeeter-Doobs, B. and M.C. Jacob. Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism. New York:\nHumanities Press International Inc., 1995.\nThackray, Arnold. Atoms and Powers: An Essay on Newtonian Matter Theory and the Development of Chemistry. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970.\nThomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic. New York: Charles Scribner\u2019s Sons,\n1971.\nThorndike, Lynn. \u201cTwo Other Passages De Complexiones,\u201d Isis 54, 2 ( June 1963), pp.\n268\u2013269.\nTillyard, E.M.W. The Elizabethan World Picture. New York: Vintage Books, n. d.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nanimals, weather, and even celestial bodies.16\nSeventeenth-century writers, particular those of chemical textbooks, as\nwell as the iatrochymists, chemical physicians, and apothecaries who\nfollowed Paracelsus (1493\u20131541) also recognized the expansion of the\ntria prima\u2019s principles to include all bodies.\nHowever, Principe also argues that Paracelsus was not the chief of\nthe alchemists, and did not inform \u201call of alchemy or even a major\npart of it,\u201d and that understanding diverse schools of thought among\nearly modern alchemists is important.17 His point is well taken in the\ncase of theories of salt chymistry and natural history, which I also show\nin chapter three were more dominated by the thought of physician\nJohannes Baptista Van Helmont (1579\u20131644) rather than the theories of\nParacelsus. Van Helmont believed that volatile salts composed the vital\nspirit or the breath of both animals and plants which was \u201cresolved in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=37\nPages: 37,38\nalchemy and metempsychosis in renaissance medicine,\u201d Ambix 26, 2 ( July 1979), pp.\n81\u201399; A.G. Debus, The French Paracelsians (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,\n1991), pp. 159\u201361.\n37\nKathlenn Winnifred Fowler Ahonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of\nAnimism in Seventeenth-Century Chemistry,\u201d (Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan,\n1971), p. 91.\n38\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n39\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n40\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 verso.\n41\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, pp. 154\u2013155.\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n21\nThese discussions about salts\u2019 ability to be inherently generative\nrevealed Tymme\u2019s perceptions about their dual nature. As Renaissance\nNeo-Platonism proposed there was an imperfect physical, and a perfect\nspiritual reality, Tymme also believed that while there were imperfect\nmaterial salts that contributed tastes and color to material objects, there]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=209\nPages: 209,210\nto his work. Newman has noted that it was not until the beginning\nof the 1700s that alchemy was distinctly separated from chymistry,\n124\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 84. For a complete description of Cohausen\u2019s\nrelatives, see Beauvois, pp. 134\u2013139.\n125\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 90.\n126\nCohausen, Hermippus Redivivus, p. 86.\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n193\nand there still remained some overlap between the two disciplines.127\nDuring his career which ended in the early Enlightenment, Cohausen\nwitnessed and demonstrated in the Hermippus the gradual transformation\nof alchemical principles into chemical ones; what were formerly serious\nprecepts became subjects for humor and derision. As John Campbell\nwrote in the preface to his version of the Hermippus,\nThere is in this Dissertation such a mixture of serious Irony, as cannot but\nafford a very agreeable Entertainment to those who are proper Judges of\nSubjects of this Kind, and who are inclined to see how far the Strength]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=173\nPages: 173\nZieglerin,\u201d Ambix, 48 (2001), pp. 56\u201368; Tara E. Nummedal, \u201cThe Problem with Fraud\nin Early Modern Alchemy,\u201d in Shell Games: Studies in Scams, Frauds, and Deceits (1300\u20131650),\ned. Mark Crane, Richard Raiswell, and Margaret Reeves (Essays and Studies, number 4)\n(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies.\n2004), pp. 1\u201323. See also Pamela H. Smith, The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture\nin the Holy Roman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).\n3\nBarbara Beigun Kaplan, \u2018Divulging of Useful Truths in Physick.\u2019 The Medical. Agenda\nof Robert Boyle (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1993); For information on the\nmedical marketplace, see Roy Porter, \u201cThe patient in England, 1660\u20131800,\u201d Medicine\nin Society: Historical Essays, ed. Andrew Wear (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,\n1992), pp. 91\u2013118.\n4\nBritish Apollo, or curious amusements for the ingenious, Vol. III, no. 42, Friday June 30th\nto Monday July 3, 1710, p. 2.\n5]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128,129\n7\nWilliam Newman and Lawrence Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle,\nand the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), pp.\n275\u20136.\n8\nFranciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius, Of Children\u2019s Diseases . . . As Also a Treatise of the Rickets,\ntrans. by R.G. (London: George Downs, 1684); William Salmon, Systema Medicinale\n(London: T. Passinger, 1686); Nicolas L\u00e9mery, A Course of Chymistry. Containing an easy\nMethod of Preparing those Chymical Medicines which are Used in Physick . . . trans. W. Harris\n(London, 1686); See Rina Knoeff, Herman Boerhaave (1668\u20131738) Calvinist chemist and\nphysician (Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, 2002),\npp. 14\u201315 for a brief discussion of L\u00e9mery.\n112\nchapter four\nthe concepts of fermentation to explain physiological processes in the\nbody, but differed in his applications. Van Helmont believed matter\nwas created by water and ferment, or seminal origin; \u201cthe ferment is]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29,30\nTherapeusi (1604) to create the Practice of Chymicall and Hermeticall Physick\n6\nJ.T. Young\u2019s work, Faith, Medical Alchemy, and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen,\nReformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot and Brook\u0002eld, USA: Ashgate, 1998),\ndiscusses Morian\u2019s interactions with Glauber and the reception of some of Glauber\u2019s\nchymical ideas among the Hartlib circle.\n7\nAllen Debus, \u201cThe Pharmaceutical Revolution of the Renaissance,\u201d Clio Medica\n11, 4 (1976), pp. 307\u2013317, on p. 312.\n8\nDidier Kahn, \u201cInceste, Assassinat, Persecutions et Alchemie en France et a Geneve\n(1576\u20131596): Joseph Du Chesne et Mlle de Martinville [ Incest, assassination, persecutions, and alchemy in France and Geneva, 1576\u201396: Joseph Du Chesne and\nMademoiselle de Martinville],\u201d Bibliotheque d\u2019Humanisme et Renaissance 63, 2 (2001), pp.\n227\u2013259.\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n13\n(1605). In doing so, Tymme produced the \u0002rst treatise in England that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=133\nPages: 133,134\nchange, and that\nFermentation in our sense, is the same with [Helmont\u2019s] Spiritus impetum\nfaciens . . . Fire hid in bodies, its also the same with that Aetherial matter,\nthe Panspermion of other abstruse Philosophers, that divinioris aurae particula\nimplanted by God in Water; which from seminal originals, produce, by\na genuine expansion, all concrete bodies; its likewise the same which the\nnoble Helmont calles semina rerum.32\n29\nBetty Jo Teeter Dobbs, \u201cNewton\u2019s Alchemy and His Theory of Matter,\u201d Isis 73,\n4 (Dec. 1982), pp. 511\u2013528, on p. 525.\n30\nPartington, History of Chemistry, vol II, p. 292.\n31\nSimpson, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Zymologia Physica (London: W. Cooper, 1675), fol. A4.\n32\nSimpson, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Zymologia Physica, fol. A5.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n117\nSimpson therefore combined Tachenius and Helmont to produce his\nunique idea that acidic spirits in water reacted with sulphureous and\n\u0003ery components of matter to ferment and produce \u201cthe formations]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28\n\u0002re, he did feel that they were purely \u201cspiritual in nature and only crude\napproximations of the objects by which we call these names.\u201d4 And,\nwhen Paracelsus added the tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury, this\nsecond elementary system of matter, he failed to\nmake clear the relationship of the new triad to the traditional elements.\nVarying between spiritual and material interpretations, the elements and\nprinciples were often pictured as often inde\u0002nable aspects of a primal stuff\nthat had to exist as a basis for the more complex things of this world.5\nThis state of affairs meant that sixteenth- and seventeenth-century\nEnglish chymists integrated the Aristotelian and Paracelsian schemas\nas they saw necessary, coming up with different numbers of elements\nand principles to suit their needs. This chapter will explore how coexistence of elements and principles in\u0003uenced conceptions of the salt\nprinciple among Paracelsian chymists in England in the \u0002rst half of\nthe seventeenth century.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19\nof mineral qualities including crystallinity, salt became the formative\nprinciple par excellence.\u201d3 Some chymists, such as Joseph Duchesne\n(1544\u20131609), Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise La Febvre (1610 \u2013\n1669) claimed there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed\nto be responsible for minerallogenesis and the formation of matter, or\nperhaps a source of the alkahest or universal dissolvent.4 I will delineate\n1\nMy use of the term chymical and chymistry throughout this book is quite deliberate,\nas it is anachronistic practice to make clear distinctions between alchemy and chemistry\nin the seventeenth century. Early modern \u201cchymists\u201d attempted to transmute metals\ninto gold, considered an alchemical practice, yet also performed other experiments\ninvolving mass balance or crystallographic analysis that would be considered \u201cchemical.\u201d For further analysis of this historiographic problem, see L.M. Principe and W.R.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136,137\nupon the same salts, while incorporated in the Mercury in the form\n42\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 101.\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 102.\n44\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 30.\n43\n120\nchapter four\nof Sublimate\u201d caused no fermentation.45 In other words, he is again\ndenying that salts alone are reactive enough to engender fermentation.\nIn his claim, Simpson also shows himself a true Helmontian. Helmont\nclaimed in his \u201cProgymnasma meteori,\u201d in his Ortus Humanum that acidic\ncorrosives, like the aqua regia in Sala\u2019s process, acted upon the sulphur\npresent in metals, driving it outward and freeing it from the Mercurial\npart \u201cwith which it had been associated and allowing the lixivium then\nto extract it.\u201d46 In Simpson\u2019s words, \u201cbut is it not rather the Sulphur\nin the metal, and the acidum of the menstruum, for the sake of which\nSulphur the mercurial part is also broken into pieces, and the whole\nby that Fermentative motion dissolv\u2019d.\u201d47]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=109\nPages: 109\n172\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 158.\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 275. See also Antonio Clericuzio,\n\u201cA rede\u0003nition of Boyle\u2019s chemistry and corpuscular philosophy,\u201d Annals of Science, 47\n(1990), pp. 561\u2013589, esp. pp. 588\u2013589. Robert Boyle, The Producibleness of Chymical\nPrinciples published as an appendix to The Skeptical Chymist, second edition (London,\n1681), pp. 9\u201310. As Clericuzio has indicated, Boyle was dissatis\u0003ed by the information\ngiven by using the color indicators syrup of violets or lignum nephriticum to determine\nalkalinity or acidity. This was because these tests only indicated if a salt was acid or\nnot, but one would not know if it was urinous or alkaline. Thus, \u201cBoyle suggested a\ntrail by the color non-acid salts showed when they were combined with sublimate dissolved in fair water.\u201d Lixivial salts, produced an \u201corange tawny precipitate, and urinous\nones white and milky.\u201d See Clericuzio, \u201cA rede\u0003nition,\u201d p. 588.\n174]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae\nrelated not only to experimental philosophy, but to experimental history\nand natural history.15 In a similar manner, an exploration of natural\nhistory\u2019s intersection with chemical investigation in early modern England is a ripe area to explore the growing importance of the senses\nand experience as causes of intellectual change in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries.\nThe salt principle was also a fundamental alchemical tenet, and in\nchapter four I analyze to what extent the alchemical understanding of\nsalts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contribute to our comprehension of the early modern transition between\nalchemy and chymistry. As Principe has noted,\nin the Paracelsian triad [of salt, sulphur, and mercury] the largely analogical, relative, and \u0003uid categories of the Mercury and Sulphur of\nthe dyad are made more rigid so that the tria prima becomes universal,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36,37\nof a Tradition,\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n33\nParacelsus, Die 9 B\u00fccher de Natura rerum in the S\u00e4mitliche Werke, ed. Karl Sudhoof\nand Wilhelm Matthiessen, 15 vols. (Munich and Berline, 1922\u201333), vol. xi, p. 348, as\nquoted in Debus, Fire Analysis, p. 131.\n34\nDebus, Fire Analysis, p. 133.\n35\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fols. F3 recto and verso.\n36\nLewis Spence, Encyclopedia of Occultism (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books,\n1968), s.v. \u201cpalingenics.\u201d See William R. Newman, Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and\nthe Quest to Perfect Nature (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2004),\npp. 226\u2013232 for a discussion of palingenics. See also Francois Secret, \u201cPalingenesis,\n32\n20\nchapter two\nto ashes by heat, it still contained the original bodily structure of the\nplant, proving to Tymme that \u0002re did not modify essential principles of\nmatter. Tymme\u2019s interest in plant ashes also symbolized a general trend]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105\nSeveral modern philosophers want to persuade us that it is uncertain\nwhether the substances we obtain from the mixts and which we have\ncalled Principles of Chemistry are present effectively and naturally in the\nmixts; they say that in rarifying matter in the distillations, \u0003re is capable\nof imparting to matter subsequently an arrangement that is quite different from the one it had previously and to form the salt, oil and other\nthings obtained.157\n154\nBolam, \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712),\u201d p. 225.\nHunter, \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0003c Research: Nethemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry Oldenburg,\u201d p. 201.\n156\nFor an overview of preformation theory, see Eduard Farber, \u201cVariants of\nPreformation Theory in the History of Chemistry,\u201d Isis 54,4 (December 1963): pp.\n443\u2013460.\n157\nNicolas L\u00e9mery, A Course of Chymistry Containing an easie Method of Preparing those]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105\nof plants, following an established tradition in early modern chymistry.\nAs we have seen, there was a running controversy over \u0003re analysis in\nthe early modern period, with Van Helmont claiming salt was not a\ntrue chymical principle, but rather produced by the heat of analysis.\nTherefore, Van Helmont questioned earlier alchemical claims of palingenics that authors such as Duchesne made in his Ad veritatem hermeticae\nmedicinae (1604)\u2014in the case of burning plants to ash, Van Helmont\ndenied that \u0003xed salts pre-existed in plants, and believed they were\nproduced, not extracted, by the \u0003re. The idea of preformation of salts\ncontinued to be a prevalent topic in seventeenth-century chymistry.156\nNicholas L\u00e9mery (1645\u20131715), a French corpuscularian and writer of\nthe popular French chemistry textbook, translated into English as the\nCourse of Chymistry (1698), wrote:\nSeveral modern philosophers want to persuade us that it is uncertain]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=53\nPages: 53,54\nLiquor Alkahest,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76, 1 (2002), pp. 1\u201329, on p. 1.\n104\nAhonen, \u2018Johann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism in SeventeenthCentury Chemistry\u2019, p. 107, n. 59, as cited in Newman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in\nthe Fire, p. 242.\n105\nPorto, \u201cSummus atque felicssimus salium,\u201d p. 22. Boerhaave was also of the opinion\nthat Glauber\u2019s alkahest consisted of potassium carbonate. See Herman Boerhaave,\nElementa chemiae (Leyden, 1732), vol. I, pp. 848\u2013868.\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n37\nEssence, for this Liquor is nothing but a meer \u0002ery Water, by whose\nimmense and secret heat Vegetables, Animals, and Minerals, if they are\nput in to \u0002re a certain time, are forthwith purged, preened and made\nbetter. This Menstruum then, is nothing but igneous Liquor, prepared\nof urinous Salts.106\nThis alkahest was from related nitrous salts for\nNature is copious, and sets before our eyes many various Ingredients,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=142\nPages: 142,143\n74\nScott Mandelbrote, \u201cMaking Sense of Motion,\u201d in Footprints of the Lion, exhibition\nat Cambridge University Library, http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/Exhibitions/Footprints_\nof_the_Lion/ p. 40. Accessed 20 November 2006. Figala and Petzold have also noted\nthat in 1701/2 Newton purchased a wide variety of French alchemical works, including\nworks by Duchesne which concerned fermentation. Newton also was in correspondence\nwith Y-Worth, including helping him with the writing of the Processus mysterii magni philosophicus, which later became published as Mercury\u2019s Caducean Rod. See Karin Figala and\nUlrich Petzold, \u201cAlchemy in the Newtonian Circle,\u201d Renaissance and Revolution: Humanists,\nScholars, Craftsmen, and Natural Philosophers in Early Modern Europe ed. J.V. Field and Frank\nA.J.L. James (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 173\u2013192.\n126\nchapter four\nthat it stemmed from Van Helmont\u2019s concept of the Blas, or a universal]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=299\nPages: 299\nLondon: The College, 1878.\nNance, Brian. Turquet de Mayerne as Baroque Physician: The Art of Medical Portraiture.\nAmsterdam and New York: Rodopi, 2001.\nNewman, William R. Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an American Alchemist in\nthe Scienti\u0002c Revolution. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994.\n\u2014\u2014. Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and the Quest to Perfect Nature. Chicago and London:\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 2004.\nNewman, William R. and Lawrence M. Principe. Alchemy Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle,\nand the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry. Chicago and London: University of Chicago\nPress, 2002.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cAlchemy vs. chemistry: The etymological origins of a historiographic mistake.\u201d\nEarly Science and Medicine. 3 (1998), pp. 32\u201365.\nNummedal, Tara E. \u201cAlchemical Reproduction and the Career of Anna Maria\nZieglerin.\u201d Ambix 48 (2001), pp. 56\u201368.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Problem with Fraud in Early Modern Alchemy.\u201d Shell Games: Studies in Scams,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=26\nPages: 26,27\nalchemical beliefs, one of the key historiographic issues in the study of\nearly modern chymistry.25 Finally I hope that I will have answered my\nquestion, formulated a long time ago in Tuscany, about why salt was\nthought to be a vital element.\n25\nNewman and Principe, \u201cAlchemy vs. chymistry: The etymological origins of a\nhistoriographic mistake,\u201d passim.\nCHAPTER TWO\nPARACELSIAN CONCEPTS OF SALTS\nAristotelian analyses of the elements in his On the Heavens and Of\nMeteorology dominated conceptions of matter in late medieval natural\nphilosophy. The heavens above the moon were created of the ether, a\nperfect shining element whose natural motion was circular and perfect.\nBelow the moon, there were the corruptible earth, air, \u0002re and water\nelements composing the material world. Each element was classi\u0002ed as\neither being hot or cold, and wet or dry. The heavy earth element had a\nnatural motion downwards towards the center of the earth, as Aristotle]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 223 to page 245 out of a total of 312:\nPages 223:\n206\nconclusion\nLavoisian nomenclature has similarly been amended, revised, excused;\nyet its fundamental core is still with us.\u201d38\nLavoisier himself in creating his nomenclature also amended, revised,\nand excused a tradition of saline chemistry that lay behind it, whose\n\u201ccore is still with us.\u201d In other words, oxygen was not only a word that\ntriggered the \u201cmemory of beginners,\u201d but I would argue triggered the\nmemory of a much older chemical, chymical, and alchemical tradition of which Lavoisier, in his references to Newton and Hales was\naware.\nIn seventeenth and eighteenth-century England, we have seen that\nthe vitalist element in respiratory physiology and in natural history was\ntransformed from a volatile salt into a saline spirit or acid acting in the\natmosphere. From tidal motion to animal spirits, from metallogenesis to\nthe perceived key to longevity, salts and their acids played a persistent\nand predominant role in early modern natural philosophy and medicine.\nWe have seen that the study of saline spirits in the air and how they\naffected the animal oeconomy was a signi\u0002cant preoccupation for early\nmodern physiologists, leading them to regard salts as intrinsic to bodily\nprocesses. It seems that this tradition of chymistry also played a role in\nthe chemical revolution where the saline spirit became an \u201cacidifying\nprinciple.\u201d The concept of volatile salts as the vital element of life and\nmaterial change was therefore gradually modi\u0002ed into an understanding\nof respiration and combustion involving oxygen.\n38\nStephen Weininger, \u201cContemplating the Finger: Visuality and the Semiotics of\nChemistry,\u201d Hyle 4, 1 (1998), pp. 3\u201327, on p. 19.\n\nPages 224:\nAPPENDIX\nTRANSLATION FROM LATIN OF MARTIN LISTER\u2019S\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\nMartin Lister\u2019s Exercises on the Healing Springs of England is translated\nfrom the second edition.1 Lister\u2019s work met with great acclaim and was\nreviewed in the Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious, a publication in the\n\u201csame format as the French Journal des Scavans.\u201d2 The reviewer praised\nthe \u201cinquisitive and curious\u201d naturalist for his \u201cpiercing industry\u201d in\ncreating a history of \u201cEnglish Spaws,\u201d and in \u201cthe Discovery of such\nthings as relate to the natural Improvement of his own Country.\u201d3\nLister\u2019s thoughts on the chymistry of spa waters also had wider in\u0002uence in the Royal College of Physicians. As Lister\u2019s colleague Tancred\nRobinson wrote to him in 1682/3,\nsome are now very busy in the College of Physicians in experimenting\nupon minerall waters, as those of Northhall, Acton, Dulwich, Shooter\u2019s\nHill, Epsome, Tunbridge, Ashopp, etc for by chance yesterday I went into\nthe laboratory there, where I observ\u2019d all their furnaces, and instruments\nat work upon those tryalls, but I could not learn the design, though I\nsuspect Dr. Goodall, and Dr. Tyson to be the cheife undertakers; you\nhave laid them a good foundation to build upon.4\nAs we have seen in chapter three, Lister\u2019s crystallographic analysis of\nsalts in the spas, his survey of iron metals in England, and his discussion\nof metallogenesis involving aerial exhalations are especially notable.\nThe salts \u0003gure to which Lister refers in his text is reproduced as\nFigure 3, on page 71 of this work.\n1\nI would like to thank Dr. Tom Holland (a.k.a. Quintus), Head of Classics at\nthe Cheltenham Ladies College, Gloucestershire for his assistance in preparing this\ntranslation.\n2\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious (London: Henry Faithorne and John Kersey),\nno. 50, 15 January 1683/4, pp. 376\u201382; James Fieser, \u201cThe Eighteenth-Century Reviews\nof Hume\u2019s Writings,\u201d Journal for the History of Ideas 57 (Fall 1996), pp. 645\u2013657, on p. 646.\n3\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious, p. 376 and p. 382.\n4\nTancred Robinson (London) to Martin Lister, (Lendell Street, York) 15 March\n1682/3, MS Lister 35, Duke Humfrey Library, Bodleian, Oxford University, Letter\n29, fol. 89r. The references are to Edward Tyson (1651\u20131708), also a Royal Society\nFellow, who became a member of the Royal College of Physicians in 1683, and Charles\nGoodall (d. 1712).\n\nPages 225:\n208\nappendix\nMartin Lister, of the Royal Society of London, Exercises on the Healing\nSprings of England, New and Prior\nWaters take their nature from the strata through which they \u0002ow\u2014Pliny\nEdition revised by the author\nLondon: Walter Kettilby, 1684\nTranslator\u2019s Notes\n1. Italicized items in the text contained in italicised square brackets\nare translator\u2019s comments.\n2. \u201cFossilis\u201d literally means \u201cdug from the earth,\u201d but is applied in\nthis treatise to salts which are not invariably dug up but found, for\nexample, as ef\u0002orescences on walls. Fossils usually in this period refer\nto all minerals.\n3. \u201cMetallum\u201d in Latin can mean \u201cmetal\u201d in our sense, but also \u201canything mined,\u201d including non-metallic substances. It can also mean\nthe \u201cmine\u201d itself. Lister uses it indiscriminately to mean all of these,\nand also \u201core\u201d and even \u201cmineral.\u201d\n4. \u201cVena\u201d has been translated as \u201cvein\u201d (of metal, of course), but often\n\u201core\u201d seems to be more appropriate, and at times this word is utilized\n5. The word \u201catramentosus\u201d occurs regularly. It is translated as \u201cinkyblack,\u201d in line with the author\u2019s stated preference for this word over\n\u201cferruginous.\u201d\n6. I have numbered the pages in the preface, pp. i, ii, iii, etc for convenience, as they are not paginated.\nPreface page i\nTo the Reader\nGreetings\nHere, for what it is worth, you have my earlier treatise on the Mineral\nSprings of England. I have thought long and hard before publishing\nit, so many are the factors which have held me back. There is the very\nsubject matter, which has been handled by the majority of my fellowcountrymen in such a way that, if I were to write about it, it seemed\ninevitable that I would cause disputes and quarrels with them, and I have\na great dislike of such discourtesies.5 Indeed, as in my other writings,\n5\nThe discovery of several mineral water springs at Scarborough and Knaresborough\nin 1626, and early accounts of these springs by Michael Stanhope were followed by\n\nPages 226:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n209\nI have nothing further to af\u0003rm, and no intentions which go beyond\ngiving an account of a phenomenon. For that alone is my unwavering\ntruth: any other currently-held \u0003xed opinions of mine may in a short\ntime cease to have my support (even if they have it now!). To what end\nthen should I defend them in a determined manner, if they \u0003nd fail to\nimpress some churlish fellow?\nPreface page ii\nIndeed this great obstinacy in debate is, in my opinion, a plague and\ndishonour to the Republic of Letters. In addition although I undertook\nthis work for relaxation I have been unable to complete it in scarcely\nany part because of the claims of business. I have also been prevented\nby ill-health, as I understand it. Yet I was reluctant to allow any correct\narguments or discoveries, however incomplete they may be, to be lost.\nAlso there is the fact that my second and better treatise is hardly in\nthe planning stage yet, and I concluded that it could not be properly\nunderstood without continual application and a long-standing experience of the places mentioned. Yet it is scarcely justi\u0003able that anyone\nshould reject the whole wide \u0003eld of medicine and devote his life to\nthe investigation of certain salts and their related soils. Furthermore\nI did not personally visit a large number of the lesser mineral springs\nof England, but I had their waters brought to me for examination,\nor else I speak using the trustworthy words of men who are experts\nin waters of their kind.6 The philosophers of Paris followed the same\nthose of John French and Robert Wittie. Wittie\u2019s chymical analysis of the Scarborough\nspa began a debate over the mineral content of the waters. One of the disputants\nabout the gall test (to test iron) in the waters was William Simpson (see chapter three),\nwho referred the dispute to the Royal Society. This is the controversy Lister was most\nlikely complaining about here. For more analysis of this debate see chapter three\nand Allen G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy (New York: Dover, 2002), pp. 496\u20137. See\nalso Robert Wittie, Scarbrough spaw; or, A description of the nature and vertues of the spaw at\nScarbrough. Also a treatise of the nature and use of water (London: Charles Tyus and Richard\nLambert, 1660). An example of the debate in the Philosophical Transactions is: Nathaniel\nHighmore, \u201cSome Con\u0003derations Relating to D. Witties Defence of Scarborough Spaw\n(Abbreuiated in Numb. 51.) together with a Brief Accompt of a Less Considerable SaltSpring in Somersetshire; And of a Medical Spring in Dorsetshire; By the Learned Dr.\nHighmore in a Letter to Dr J. Beale at Yeavil in Somersetshire,\u201d Philosophical Transactions\n4, 51 (1669), pp. 1128\u20131131.\n6\nThis claim is borne out by Lister\u2019s vast correspondence about mineral waters and\nmineralogical specimens in MS Lister, Duke Humfrey Library, Bodleian, as well as in\nhis publications in the Philosophical Transactions, which are often letters to correspondents who have sent him mineral samples. Speci\u0003c examples will be enumerated in\nthe footnotes below.\n\nPages 227:\n210\nappendix\nprocedure, and they were also the very \u0003rst to complete an investigation of this kind.7\nPreface page iii\nAmongst my achievements the following is the most well-known, that I\nhave conducted an enquiry into iron and limestone (and I would certainly have done likewise in related \u0003elds if only I had had time) and\nacted on my own behalf in investigating their individual differences. It\nis my wish to distinguish between other materials found underground\nfollowing the precedent set in this way.\nHowever, in order to object to an assertion made by P. Guirius,8\nthe most recent writer on certain springs in France, I am not unduly\nimpressed by his salt of Alumen, about which he forcefully argues, after\nmaking a careful investigation of what D. Closeus had to say about the\nsame waters before the Philosophers of Paris.9 He should furthermore\nhave looked carefully at the shapes formed by crystalline salts of this\nkind, and he could not have done this from a few grains of some salt.\nLikewise in that author\u2019s works the ill-considered claim is made, contrary\nto the belief held by everybody else, that green vitriol, or, if you will,\n7\nHere Lister refers to the work by Samuel Cotreau Du Clos, the Observations on\nthe Mineral Waters of France, which was translated into English in 1684. Du Clos\u2019 work\nwas a systematic evaluation of the chemical content of all spa waters in France under\nthe auspices of the French Acad\u00e9mie Royale des Sciences, part of a larger project of\nchemical research which began in 1666 to \u201cdetermine rigorously the \u2018true principles\nof mixts [chemical compound]\u2019 by analyzing such bodies and by generating them and\nobserving their properties.\u201d See Samuel Cottereu Du Clos, Observations on the Mineral\nWaters of France, made in the Royal Academy of the Sciences . . . Now Made English (London:\nHenry Faithorne and John Kersey, 1684).\n8\nLister refers to Pierre le Givre, most likely to his Trait\u00e9 des eaux min\u00e9rales de Provins\nAvec le r\u00e9gime de vivre qu\u2019il faut observer en beuvant de ces eaux. (Paris: Chez Charles du Mesnil,\n1659). Le Givre also wrote a book on mineral acids, Le secret des eaux minerales acides,\nnouvellement d\u00e9couvert par le moyen des principes chymiques, qui combat l\u2019opinion commune. Avec les\nlettres de plusieurs doctes medecins sur ce sujet, et le r\u00e9ponses de l\u2019autheur. Seconde edition. Augment\u00e9e\nd\u2019une seconde partie (Paris: Jean Ribou, 1677). According to Alice Stroup, le Givre\u2019s book\non mineral acids was discussed by the Parisian Academy of Sciences in the 1670s, and\nsince Lister had travelled to France several times to Montpellier and to the Academy,\nit is possible this is how he knew of le Givre\u2019s works. See Alice Stroup, A Company of\nScientists, Botany, Patronage, and Community at the Seventeenth-Century Parisian Royal Academy of\nSciences (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), chapter 15, note 96. http://ark.\ncdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft587006gh/ Accessed on 22 September 2006.\n9\nOriginally, Samuel du Clos, Observations sur les Eaux minerales de plusieurs Provinces de\nFrance, faites en l\u2019Academie Royale des Sciences en l\u2019Ann\u00e9e 1670 & 1671. (Paris: de l\u2019Imprimerie\nRoyale, 1675).\n\nPages 228:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n211\nvitriol of Mars, is not produced, although absolutely no other kind is\nproduced naturally from Pyrites and Pyrites itself is nothing other than\niron in its pure metallic form. However an excellent response to his\nother claims (those, that is, which are at variance with my \u0003ndings) is\nmade in this very treatise,\nPreface page iv\nassuming that they require no fresh rebuttal.\nI have named those very springs which others call ferruginous, \u2018inky\nblack\u2019 [atramentosos], in a manner of speaking, from their appearance.\nThey have been called by others, who follow Pliny, after their taste, but\nby me after the effect they have when in contact with galls.10\nIndex page v\nIndex of Chapters\n1. The Shapes and Descriptions of the four better known fossil salts,\nnamely, salt of vitriol, alum, saltpetre and sea salt, and the \u0003fth less\nwell-known salt of lime.11\n2. Concerning Veins of Iron: wherein it is demonstrated that there\nis only type of pyrite in England, and this is entirely composed of\npure metallic iron.\n3. Concerning Limestone.\n4. A short description of certain mineral springs in England: wherein\nthe crystals of salts are all related simply to common salt and nitre of\nlime, but the soil on the ground is related to ochre and limestone.\n5. Concerning the origin of the substances found in the mineral springs\nof England.\n10\nGalls are the bulbous growths formed on the leaves and twigs of trees in response\nto attack by parasites. Galls are collected from oak, oak-apple and pistachio trees.\nTheir high concentration of tannic acid reacts with iron, changing from brown to\nblack. Iron gall ink was made from crushed galls, water, and iron II sulphate (vitriol)\nand gum arabic to keep the pigment suspended. The reference here is of course to\nNatural History. Galls were used in the early modern period in a color-change test for\nthe presence of iron in spa waters.\n11\nSalt of lime is calcium carbonate (CaCO3) precipitated from limewater (calcium\nhydroxide solution, Ca(OH)2) by a carbonate compound.\n\nPages 229:\n212\nappendix\nIndex page vi\n6. The generation of vitriol, as explained by Helmontius,12 is refuted;\nlikewise the other account given by the Philosophers of Paris and\nlikewise the account given by those who argue that vitriol is made\nby an arti\u0003cial process.\n7. Mature vitriol is found rarely, or never, in those of our waters to\nwhich we have referred. Pyrites is melted in the whole of its substance in inky-black waters.\n8. The manner in which some springs petrify.\n9. An explanation of hot springs is derived from the production of\nsalts of pyrites and limestone, or the enlivening of these salts by\nthe pyrites and limestone. Other opinions are rebutted.\n10. Concerning the origin and substance of rainwater.\n11. An explanation of springs which stink of sulphur.\n12. A brief examination of the various substances which the mineral\nsprings of England are said by our writers to contain.\nPage 1\n(1)\nConcerning\nThe mineral springs of England\nA treatise, the new one and the earlier one\nChapter 1\nThe shapes and descriptions of the four better known fossil salts, namely, salt of\nvitriol, alumen, saltpetre, as it is called, and sea salt, and the \u0003fth less well-known\none, that is, salt of lime.\nThe fossil salts found in a mature state which have thus far been\ndiscovered in our country and are better known are four: namely,\nvitriol, from pyrites, which is green, alumen, common salt, and nitre,\notherwise known as saltpetre.\nTo these however we must add a \u0003fth kind, although it is one of the\nless well-known types;\n12\nJohann van Helmont. See Chapter three for Lister\u2019s disputes with van Helmont\nover the generation of vitriol.\n\nPages 230:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n213\nPage 2\nyet because is is the most plentiful of all, it should rightly be categorized in the class of salts. It is of course salt, or nitre of lime (nitrum\ncalcarium).13\nSince however we have given an accurate description of all the shapes\nof all these salts, we shall, in my opinion, shortly establish with greater\ncertainty some things about the salts of mineral springs, by making a\ncomparison between the salts of each type.\nA description of vitriol\nTo resume, green vitriol is born from iron pyrites; when its crystals are\nmature and perfectly formed, they are invariably sharpened or pointed\nat either end, and consist of ten uneven and \u0002at sides.\nOne may see in the middle four \u0002at pentagonal sides, and they possess three \u0002at triangular surfaces at each of their pointed extremities,\nas represented in the \u0003rst \u0003gure.\nPage 3\nII. A description of alumen (alumen or alum).14 I have \u0003ltered lye from the\nmetallic form of alumen after burning it and then keeping it for a long\ntime and drying it. It produced white crystals shaped in the following\nmanner: their shape is a little compressed; on the one side, or, as one\n13\nAfter his classi\u0003cation of common salts, Lister turned to an analysis of salts in\nEnglish mineral waters, and concluded from isolation by dehydration and crystal analysis\nthat only two types were present: nitrum calcarium derived from limestone (calcium carbonate) and common sea salt. Lister thought that the presence of sea salts in English\nmineral springs was easily explained via the runoff of sea water inland. But nitre of\nlime, or what he called nitrum calcarium was a different case. Lister commented that\nnitrum calcarium was produced by the exposure of limestone to air. This was \u0003rst because\n\u201cwhere there is nitre of lime, there is always limestone to be found,\u201d and because Lister\nobserved that \u201cno salt whatever grows from limestone immediately after it has been\nslaked by the application of heat, but the same stone produces an abundance of salt,\nwhether it [ie. the stone] has been untreated or heated, whilst forming the walls or roof\nof some house; it then grows together to form crystals of its own kind.\u201d Most likely\nLister was observing the formation of potassium carbonate or saltpetre crystals on\nwalls that had been whitened by limestone, similar to the formation of nitre crystals\nin limestone saltpeter caves. Lister noted that nitrum calcarium could also not be formed\nby steeping limestone in water, and indeed nitrate crystals will not form in areas of\nexcess humidity.\n14\nMost likely aluminum sulphate (alum), though it could be alumen which was a\nmixed double salt of aluminum sulphate with potassium sodium or ammonium sulfate.\n(Potassium salt, when pure, was also commonly called \u201cAlum.\u201d). (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 K2SO4 \u0004\n24H2O); (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 (NH4)2SO4 \u0004 24H2O); (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 Na2SO4 \u0004 24H2O).\n\nPages 231:\n214\nappendix\nmight say, at its peak, it has a \u0002at hexagonal surface, whilst on the other\nopposite side it rests upon a \u0002at base which is similarly hexagonal. Its\nsides are bounded by three hexagonal \u0002at surfaces, interposed alternatively by two quandrangular \u0002at surfaces each, and so each whole crystal\nof alumen is made up of eleven \u0002at surfaces, that is, of \u0003ve hexagonal\n\u0002at surfaces and six quandrangular \u0002at surfaces. The particular crystal\nwhich I have described weighed about 50 grains. See Figure 2.\nN.B. The simple and basic development of all salts should be noted\nthoroughly and carefully. For where it is\nPage 4\n. . . advanced for a longer time, the crystals indeed appear to grow\nlarger. But this usually happens through a certain chance conjunction\nof several pure primary salts, from which confusion arises regarding\nthe true and natural shape of crystals.15\nA description of common salt III. If salt water is boiled to dryness, and\nthe salt is then once more dissolved in a little spring water, it produces\ncrystals which are truly cubic. See \u0003gure 3.\nYet in the central part of the upper side, or, if you will, \u0002at part, a\nsort of transparency can be observed, which is unblemished because\nof a lack of substance [within that part of the crystal], or emptiness. Yet\nthe remaining \u0003ve sides are solid and whitish.\nA solution of our so-called sal gemmae has displayed the same cubic\ncrystals to me.16\nI obtained the same results from common salt obtained by boiling\ndry salt water drawn from the inland regions of our island.\nPage 5\nFurthermore concerning the sea-salt made from sand in the estuary\nof the Lune [Lancastriensi],17 I have additionally noticed salt of this\nkind develop into a brilliant white \u0002uted mass while it is still in solution\nbefore it has been brought to dryness by heat, just as can be observed\n15\nHere we see Lister\u2019s interest in crystallinity as an indicator of chemical structure,\na common conceit of the time. See Norma Emerton, The Scienti\u0003c Reinterpretation of\nForm (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984) for an analysis of crystallinity in early\nmodern science.\n16\nSal gemmae is sodium chloride or \u201ccommon salt.\u201d\n17\nLancastriensi refers to Lancashire, as the Lune River \u0002ows down from the Pennines\nand Eastern Lane District towards Lancaster.\n\nPages 232:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n215\nin the case of fused antimony or a certain kind of stone of gypsum.\nYet this same mass is dissolved in spring water, and grows in its entirety\ninto crystals of a cubic shape, like other sea salts which I have already\nmentioned.\nSea salt differs completely from the salt of inland springs in kind, and\na clear distinction must be drawn in every respect between seawater\nand fresh water. For the crystals of seawater are cut short at each of\nthe corners, to form individual \u0002at triangles, on at least one side of the\nsquare, but the crystals formed from saltwater have undamaged corners.\nAs far as I aware I am the \u0003rst person to record this. See \u0003gure 8.\nPage 6\nA description of nitre. IV. Nitre, which some call saltpetre and halopetrum,\ndevelops into hexagonal crystals, which are thin, long and of unvarying width. These crystals, I say, have sides shaped like parallelograms.\nFurthermore they end, on one side only, in a sort of point or tip, which\nis sharpened in a pyramidical fashion owing of course to the varying\nposition of the two \u0002at sides. On the other side however the crystals\ndo not have a polished appearance, but invariably end as though they\nhad been broken off prematurely. I would give a warning here that\nnobody should be deceived about the shape of nitre, which I am the\n\u0003rst to sketch out and make known, but which I see has recently been\nincorrectly described by somebody else. See \u0003gure 4.\nIt should further be observed that this sharpened point, which we\nhave stated is shaped rather like a cone on the one side of each crystal\nof nitre, is formed from the very end of the prism,\nPage 7\nand that the body of the prism itself is to no extent made narrower. I\nam aware that many have dreamt this feature up and carelessly applied\nit to crystals of nitre.\nI am speaking however of the simple and primary growth of these\ncrystals: For this does appear at times to happen as a consequence of\na chance combination of several crystals.\nBut the following difference should be noted, that those which combine in this way by chance can also be ultimately restored to a perfect\nshape of their own type, if they are dissolved in water once more.\nApart from hexagonal crystals formed from a solution of saltpetre,\nyou will also \u0003nd not infrequently in the same solution (if the salt is\n\nPages 233:\n216\nappendix\ninadequately puri\u0003ed) other polygonal cubic crystals of some kind or\nother. If these are all gathered together separately and made into a\nfresh solution they either turn into the crystals of nitre described above\nor, if they are of a different source, they make their origin clear.\nPage 8\nFurthermore when the aforementioned saltpetre is placed on a \u0003re, it at\nonce catches light with a thin \u0002ame and is completely consumed with\na considerable noise, and leaves behind nothing of the death\u2019s head,18\nor, as the (al)chemists love to say, the colcothar.19\nV. There is in addition a certain kind of salt, which some call mural\nnitre [nitrum murale\u2014nitre found on walls] and which we call nitre of lime\n[nitrum calcarium], because it usually develops from limestone, whether\nuntreated or treated with heat on the very old walls of buildings.20 I shall\nnow be the \u0003rst, as far as I am aware, to give the shape and description\nof this lesser known salt (even though, at least in England, it is the most\ncommon of the salts which can be dug from the ground.)\nWell, the crystals of this salt are thin and long, and in the middle\nare four parallelogram-shaped sides, but these are usually of unequal\nsize. On the one side the point itself is formed from two \u0002at triangular\nsides:\nPage 9\nOn the other opposite side it has two \u0002at squares, which are placed so\nas to be constantly opposite the part described earlier. The larger of\nthese crystals are about half a \u0003nger long. See \u0003gure 5.\n18\nThe \u201cdead head\u201d; the nonvolatile residue left over in the bottom of a retort or\nalembic after distillation.\n19\nThe colcothar could be a \u201cdead head\u201d but it usually referred more speci\u0003cally to\nresidue produced by roasting copper sulfate; it is composed mostly of copper oxide.\nThe residue from the roasting of iron vitriol (ferrous sulfate) is also called colcothar\nand is composed of iron oxides. Please see William Newman, \u201cAlchemical Glossary\u201d\nin \u201cThe Chymistry of Isaac Newton.\u201d http://webapp1.dlib.indiana.edu/newton/reference/glossary. Accessed 22 August 2006.\n20\nBefore industrialization, a major source of nitre was the deposits crystallizing from\ncave walls or privies, or other organic matter that was decomposing. Ammonia from\nthe decomposition of urea in dung heaps would produce nitrate, and nitre-beds were\ncultivated in the early modern period by mixing manure and ashes, along with straw\nto create a compost pile; the compost pile was periodically kept moist with urine and\nleached with water. The liquid containing the nitrates was then converted with ashes\nto potassium nitrates which were re\u0003ned into gunpowder.\n\nPages 234:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n217\nThere are several other varieties of this salt, because some have \u0003ve\nsides in the middle, etc, individual examples are described with their\nparticular shapes in the table.\nThis salt also grows entirely into the crystals already described when\nit is once more dissolved, even though you may obtain only a few\nundamaged and perfect crystals at each attempt.\nIt is also a feature of the nature of this salt of lime that if placed on\na \u0003re it clari\u0003es without a \u0002ame and grows into bubbles, and grows hard\nlike deep white pumice, which is clearly after the fashion of alumen.\nPage 10\nChapter II\nConcerning veins of iron. It is af\u0003rmed that there is only one pyrite in England,\nand this and this is entirely composed of pure metallic iron.\nUp to this point we have described all our fossil salts, although certain soils are correctly considered as the parents, so to speak, of some\nof those salts. A ferrous vein is of course the parent of green vitriol,\nand limestone of salt of lime; it will be my intention to give a brief\nexplanation of those underground substances. I shall however begin\nwith ferrous underground substances.\nI shall give an honest account of the accidentals and properties of\niron as far as I have understood them by personal inspection.\nIt is particularly true, as was once suggested by Pliny, namely, that of\nall the underground substances an abundant vein of ferrous material\ncertainly occurs nowhere in England\nPage 11\nBut I do not accept that distinction drawn by my fellow-countryman\nGilbert (On the Magnet Book 1, chapter 8) who distinguishes between\na metallic vein of iron and some kind of ferrous material, and so\nwould have it that a great part of our island of Britain is ferrous.21\nFor I consider it most certain that all loamy soil, or, if you will, every\nvein containing stone, which, either in its raw state or heat-treated\nand prepared in any way whatever, is attracted by a magnet, can be\n21\nA reference to William Gilbert, On the Magnet, \u0003rst ed. (London, 1600). Duane\nH.D. Roller, The De Magnete of William Gilbert (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger, 1959).\nNot all sources of iron ore are of course magnetic.\n\nPages 235:\n218\nappendix\nmelted down into iron. Accordingly, if some mistake is made in a furnace, either by supplying insuf\u0003cient heat or otherwise, it should not\nimmediately be blamed upon a metallic vein, as though it did not truly\nshare in the nature of iron.\nI have decided here to describe the proof of a metallic vein of iron\nin accordance with what Agricola says (Book 7, page 194).22 For the\nindividual ferrous substances to be named below have been carefully\ninvestigated in accordance with this procedure.\nPage 12\nWe prove (he says) a vein of iron in the forge of a blacksmith. It is\nheated, reduced, washed and dried. A magnet is placed on the scrapings collected by washing, which attracts the iron \u0003lings to itself. These\nare wiped off with a feather and collected in a crucible; the magnet is\ncontinually left on the scrapings collected by washing, and the \u0003lings\nare wiped off, until the magnet attracts what remains to itself. This is\nthen heated with saltpetre in the crucible until it lique\u0003es and from it\na little lump of iron melts from it. If the magnet quickly and easily\nattracts the \u0003lings to itself, then we conjecture that it is a rich vein of\niron, but if this happens slowly, we conjecture it is a poor one. If of\ncourse the magnet appears to want to have nothing to do with it, we\nconjecture that it contains either little or no iron.\nThe magnet \u00a7 1. The magnet is a very particular vein of iron. It is, I\ndeclare, the best metallic form of iron, and attracts to itself all other\nferrous substances, be they raw or heated, as has just been shown\nabove.\nPage 13\nThe magnet which I have obtained from land in the British county of\nDevon, is a blue-black color, and a little darker than polished iron\nitself. When it is broken up, its interior is like marble, and it attracts\n\u0003lings made from itself as though they were melted-down iron.23\n22\nLister is referring to Agricola, De Re Metallica. (Basel: J. Froben and N. Episopius,\n1556). For a fascinating exploration of the relationship between mining and movable\ntype, see Pamela O. Long, \u201cOf Mining, Smelting, and Printing: Agricola\u2019s De re metallica,\u201d Technology and Culture 44, 1 ( January 2003), pp. 97\u2013101.\n23\nMagnetite is often found in East Dartmoor in Devon, and pyrrotite, a slightly\nmagnetic iron pyrite, can be found in North Dartmoor.\n\nPages 236:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n219\nThe vein which \u0002ashes, like sandstone \u00a7 II. In the second place I submit for\nconsideration the red-colored vein of iron, which \u0002ashes like sandstone.\nThis, I declare, has a sort of purplish color, of a less intense blue-black.\nIt consists of unequal and sharp particles, like iron \u0003lings, one might\nsay. For in whatever manner you break it, it always has this appearance,\nand (to omit nothing of what I have observed about this substance)\nthis is considered the exact appearance of Swedish iron ore, which has\nalways quite deservedly been considered the best in Europe.24 But the\ncolor of the Swedish ore is less blue-black than almost green.\nPage 14\nAt least this is what all the examples sent to me from twelve diggings\nlook like without exception.25 Furthermore when it is crushed to the\npowder we spoke of but in a raw state and as yet untreated by \u0003re the\nmagnet still attracts it, but it does not follow the magnet as readily as\nthe ore from Sweden. When this is raw and unheated obeys the magnet\nas if it were pure iron. This is the most certain indication of the best\n24\nMagnetite is a main component of most igneous rocks and is often present as\nminute crystals. Large deposits are considered to be the result of magmatic segregation,\nas in the Urals, and Northern Sweden, in Kiruna and Gellivaare.\n25\nThe series of letters to and from Lister kept in the Duke Humfrey Library at the\nBodleian illustrate that Lister was receiving large amounts of mineral samples from\ncolleagues, some of which he passed onto the Royal Society Repository. MS Lister 34\nin particular shows that iron samples were being sent to him by Francis Jessop. For\ninstance in Letter 80, fol. 186r, Jessop wrote to Lister:\n. . . . I have gotten together some two pices of severall oares & that is all. I have\nsome pieces of my lord devonshires copper ore, a piece of Iron ore which I call\nIron mine of which they say they can make Iron with more ease than ordinary,\nif I be not mistaken (for it is a great while since I \u0003rst received it) they told me it\nwould melt downe into good Iron with the \u0003rst heat. I have some pieces of lead\nore with pebles sticking in such a manner in ye very body of the ore, that I am\napt to believe that lead ore doth grow in the earth & hathe growne about these\nstones. As also a piece of very pure ore wch they tell me yields 3/4 lead which\ngrowes betwixt a rock of gritstone on ye one side & a bed of fullers earth, as they\ncall it on the other which I take to be nothing but calke. The gritstone rock itselfe\nis mingled per minima with ore. two small pieces of Welsh ore, a little piece of\nnorthern ore, steel ore which is not easyly but they fancy it conteines much silver in\nit. That which you call ye ascyltos hath one quality which it may be you tooke no\nnotice of, being bruised small it turneth red ye dust of it coloreth things red.\nThe result of this correspondence was published in: \u201cAn Account of Two Uncommon\nMineral Substances, Found in Some Coal and Iron-Mines of England; as It Was Given\nby the Intelligent and Learned Mr. Jessop of Bromhal in York-Shire to the Ingenious\nMr. Lister, and by Him Communicated to the Publisher in a Letter of January 7.\n1673/74,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 8, 100 (1673), pp. 6179\u20136181.\n\nPages 237:\n220\nappendix\ntype of vein. Yet our type of vein is not entirely lacking in this property.\nFinally this stone of ours is very heavy, as are most of the ores from\nwhich iron is smelted. This stone is found near a ridge in the chalk hills\nof Yorkshire,26 not far from a little town called Warter.27\n\u00a7 III. In the same chalk hills surrounded by this enormous border\nanother red-colored vein of iron reveals itself in huge numbers of places.\nPage 15\nAt times it is quite soft, rather like a kind of clay, and at other times it\nis harder, and also traces red lines when it is pressed on paper. Unless it\nis well-heated it does not attract the magnet, but in this ore too, which\nis only moderately rich in iron, there are what I might call kernels or\nroundish knots of iron, like mustard seeds, but the size of a boy\u2019s head.\nThese are as hard as marble, and can easily be polished and smoothed\nso that they shine. If they are broken they reveal a smooth and \u0002at\nsurface, they have a reddish-black color. When held they do not stain\nthe \u0003ngers red. When they are crushed to \u0003ne powder, even in their\nraw state, a good magnet attracted them.\nLikewise in the same ore you will \u0003nd some softer stones made up\nof layers, which are also red.\nPage 16\nHaematite. \u00a7 IV. I move from cretaceous rocks to the lead-bearing limestone of Westmorland.28 These too are productive of several kinds\n26\nThe Yorkshire wolds\nWarter, is a parish in the wapentake of Harthill; 4 miles ENE. of Pocklington. In\nMS Lister 1, \u201cA Method for the History of Iron\u201d which served as a series of notes and\na draft for the De Fontibus, Lister wrote on folio 5: at Lawnesborough (Londesborough)\nin ye Woldes of Yorkshire in ye midle of ye Towne, there is discovered neer day ye\nsame red scar; wch is iron stone. But besides in this Vein are great quantities of certain\nblack knotts or of a dark-iron color; ye grain of ym when new breaks is smooth as\na \u0002int. But some of ym are full of little round and very small grains, or such of the\nsame metal; wch grains are as if wer inclosed in ye greater knots for when any of ym\nfall out, they leave spherical cells in ye stones. N.B. Those black knotts are ye best iron\nstone. I have not yet mett withal in England, for breake ym to a coarse powder and\nye Loadstone doth manifestly attract ym crude and before calcination, wch cannot be\nsaid of any else. Ye same vein appears again at Wighton alsoe above Pocklington, going\nup to Warter. Again yr same veine is pretie broad at spitere cliffe.\n28\nWestmorland, county in N. of England; bounded NW. and N. by Cumberland,\nNE. by Durham, E. by Yorkshire, and S. and SW. by Lancashire and Morecambe Bay.\nThere were many hematite mines in Westmorland during the Industrial Revolution, the\nhematite famous for staining the miners\u2019 skins and clothing deep red. Hematite contains\n27\n\nPages 238:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n221\nof ferrous substances, but they have a particular ore, which is called\nhaematite.\nThis stone too is found there with varying appearances. It therefore\nreceived various names from the ancients, and even our fellow-countrymen. At times, like fused antimony, it develops a long drop-like formations, which face some central point, at other times it resembles bunches\nof grapes so that it is called botrytes [Greek for \u2018bunches of grapes\u2019].\nAt times it exhibits a smoothness like pure silk, an extreme smoothness\nwhich is perceived by the \u0003ngers like a piece of lard. I have observed\nall of these accidentals within one and the same stone; so diverse is\nthe nature and in consequence the names of this ore.\nPage 17\nIn addition this same haematite is at times soft, like pure loam, and can be\nhandled just like clay. At times it is haematite of the purest kind, at other\ntimes it is mixed in very small quantities with lead-bearing limestone.\nYet all these ferrous ores, when rubbed on paper, freely trace a vivid\nred line, with a certain gleam, like that of some fused metal. In this\nrespect haematite (to pass an incidental observation) resembles that\nunnamed underground substance, which we Britons call black-lead,\nwhich as far as I know is found nowhere else in Europe except Westmorland, where haematite also greatly abounds.\nThis ferrous ore has its own particular excellence, that outstanding\niron is produced from it without any previous \u2018fusio in Regulum.\u201929 Even\nmere heating over a \u0003re is suf\u0003cient to harden it into iron with blows\nfrom a hammer.\nPage 18\nThere exists today in the aforesaid little town in Westmorland a furnace\nmade solely of this substance. But the stone itself is mined near Furness\nFell and elsewhere in the same county.\niron (III) oxide, Fe2O3. A more detailed account of this type of hematite can be found\nin \u201cExtracts of Some Letters from Mr. John Sturdie of Lancashire concerning Iron\nOre; and more Particularly of the Haematites, Wrought into Iron at Milthrop-Forge\nin That County. Communicated by Dr. Martin Lister, F. R. S.\u201d Philosophical Transactions\n17, 199 (1693), pp. 695\u2013699.\n29\nThe regulus is the pure form of the metal, so Lister is saying that the pure iron\ncould be made just by heating and condensing it, as the ore had little impurity.\n\nPages 239:\n222\nappendix\nBut the magnet fails to attract even this ore of iron to itself, even\nthough it is very rich, unless it is \u0003rst well-heated.\n\u00a7. Likewise I possess another type of haematite greatly praised by\nour metallurgists from Wales. This however has a noteworthy hardness\nand a color ranging from red to a suggestion of blue-black. With its red\nhue it shows a similarity to a kind of selenite,30 and likewise it does not\ntrace a red line, nor is it attracted by a magnet in its raw form. The\nturning of this stone too into iron is said to be easy.\nThe vein of iron in sand. \u00a7 V. The following veins of iron are nowhere\nfound in loose sand or sandstone.\nPage 19\nThese veins have an almost light blue-black color, which at times\napproaches a redness. The stones are sometimes \u0003ssile, or \u0002at; at times\nthey resemble a concave tile; from time to time they are solid smooth\nstones, whilst at other times they are mixed with the sand. If they are\nhard, they could in some way be used as substitutes for emery. At times\nthe same sandy veins are nothing but soft loam.\nAetite. Aetite is found in those stones which are concave, and contains\nwithin itself a whitish or yellow inner part.31 These stones however are\nnaturally uneven and rough, and a certain attractiveness is added to\nthem when they are polished.\nLoamy fossil ochre. In sand the metallic form of loamy ochre is not\ninfrequently found, as at Santon Sands in Lincolnshire, where once a\ngreat quantity was mined from a vein of the same substance.32\n30\nSelenite (chemical formula: CaSO4 \u0004 2H2O) is a hydrous calcium sulfate, meaning it is composed of oxygen, sulphur, hydrogen, calcium and water. It is basically a\nglassy, well-crystallized form of gypsum and is often referred to as satin spar. From\n\u201cSelenite\u201d in Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=\nSelenite&oldid=69916592. Accessed 22 August 2006. Iron oxide can add red tints to\nselenite, which is probably the phenomenon to which Lister referred.\n31\n\u201cAetites, also called Aquilaeus or eagle stone, is a stone said to have magical\nproperties, particularly connected to childbirth. It is mainly composed of iron oxide,\nwith some \u0002int and alumina, and is hollow with a loose nodule which rattles around\ninside. The stone was said to be found inside the stomach or neck of an eagle, or in\nits nest, hence its alternative name. It was said to heal epilepsy and prevent premature\nbirth. Worn on the arm it was said to prevent miscarriage and worn on the thigh\nit aided childbirth.\u201d See \u201cAetites,\u201d in Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.\nphp?title=Aetites& oldid =44547362. Accessed 22 August 2006. For more on the eaglestone, see A.A. Barb, \u201cThe Eagle-Stone,\u201d Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes,\nVol. 13, No. 3/4 (1950), pp. 316\u2013318.\n32\nHere Lister was most likely referring to iron ochre, a \u201cmixture of silica, clay, and\nvarious oxides of iron. In red ochre the oxide is simple Fe2O3; in yellow ochre it is\n\nPages 240:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n223\nThese veins also betray themselves by their weight. But unless they\nare well burned and subjected to much manipulation in \u0003re they are\nnot attracted by a magnet.\nPage 20\nBut when this is done, they yield wholly to the magnet.\nThis underground substance is found almost anywhere where sand\noccurs naturally. I could certainly name very many such places, but I\nam content with a few in Yorkshire, near Kirkham and Weston, where\na great many stones are to be had which resemble aetite, but are for the\nmost part solid.33 Likewise I found some from time to time near Wentbridge, where one vein has an outstanding purple hue, and certainly\nto the south of the little town on the very ridge of a hill.34\nMetallic iron in the neighbourhood of fossil coal from pure layers of rock, both\nsolid and widely spread. \u00a7. VI. The subterranean forms of iron, from which\niron is melted down in many localities in England, are by far the most\ncommon of all. Those veins which are found in the neighbourhood of,\nand between, fossil coals are wide-spreading, and form actual layers of\nrock, as of course one layer is cast over another.\nPage 21\nThis stone possesses the hardness of marble, and is of a kind that can\nbe polished. And in particular if some powered shells are mixed with\nit is greatly sought after by our fellow-countrymen for polishing.\nIt has a color ranging from dark blue to blackish, or a suggestion\nof blue-black.\nFrom these layers other solid subterranean types are found which\nextend to huge dimensions. Elsewhere there are others made of largish\nFe2O3. H2O.\u201d See John Ecklund, \u201ciron ochre,\u201d in J. Ecklund, \u201cSalt,\u201d in The Incompleat\nChymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century Chemist in His Laboratory, with a Dictionary\nof Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period, Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology,\nNumber 33 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1975).\n33\nLister was going on his geological expedition near Kirkham Abbey, Yorkshire, near\nwhat is now known as the River Derwent. The ruins of this twelfth-century Augustinian Abbey are situated close to the river. Weston is a parish town, also in Yorkshire in\nthe West Ridings, and by the nineteenth-century was the site of an old quarry, which\nmay have been the source of mineral wealth that Lister describes.\n34\nThis is Wentbridge, and Lister is describing the wearing of the Great North\nRoad, or Watling Street, the primary Roman Road. The water is the River Went.\nThe underlying geology of the site is Middle Coal Measures sandstone overlain with\nriver alluvium.\n\nPages 241:\n224\nappendix\nsquared stones, as though they were hand-made by some industrial\nprocess, which are joined together like paving stones. They are also\ncalled \u2018gallystones\u2019 by our well-diggers, for some reason or other.35\nSome small examples of these squared stones can be found in great\nquantities on a certain little farm called Kel\u0003eld near Pockley in the\nneighbourhood of Helmsley in Yorkshire; at all events it is the best\nsubterranean form of iron.36\nLikewise there are other roundish balls, which our fellow-countrymen call \u2018hareballs\u2019,\nPage 22\nwhich are all sizes ranging from the common nut to a millstone.37\nMany places in Yorkshire have gained a reputation from these veins,\nsuch as Bentley in the neighbourhood of Black Barnsley and Adderstone etc.\nThese ores however are smashed into tiny bits and heated before\nbeing melted, and in the melting are mixed with limestone,38 then the\nore is poured into the puri\u0003ed liquid and hardened into iron by many\nviolent hammer blows.\n35\nI have not been able to trace the source of the term \u201cgallystone.\u201d\nHelmsley is quite near Rievaulx Abbey, where the Cistercians made a good deal\nof pro\u0003t mining iron and lead. The Department of Archaeology at the University of\nBradford has done several site digs of bloomeries or iron furnaces in the area. According\nto their researchers, \u201cOver the last eight years ironworking sites in the Rievaulx and\nBilsdale area have been surveyed. Numerous early \u2018bloomery\u2019 sites have been identi\u0003ed;\nmany of these probably date from the medieval period. These bloomeries were small\nfurnaces, cylindrical in shape, about 0.5 m in diameter and probably less than 2m in\nheight. These furnaces were built of clay, fuelled by charcoal, used local ore and were\nblown by hand or foot bellows. There is evidence of continued ironworking after the\ndissolution of Rievaulx Abbey at Laskill in Bilsdale using \u2018high\u2019 bloomery, and later\ncharcoal blast furnace, technology. The blast furnace was built adjacent to the Abbey\nruins in 1570, and was closed circa 1670.\u201d See http://www.brad.ac.uk/archsci/depart/\nresgrp/amrg/NYM.HTM. Accessed 22 August 2006.\n37\nAlso known as \u201cball mine\u201d According to the OED, a kind of iron ore found in\nrounded lumps or nodules.\n38\nThere are many impurities present in iron ore, mainly sand (silicon dioxide,\nSiO2). This is removed by the limestone. When the limestone is heated in the furnace\nit decomposes to lime (calcium oxide) and oxygen. This calcium oxide reacts with the\nsand to produce slag, calcium silicate, CaSiO3, which \u0002ows away, allowing the iron to\nbe extracted from below.\n36\n\nPages 242:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n225\nLikewise if these ores are puri\u0003ed by repeated melting, they produce\na much more durable and excellent iron, as is proved by the iron workers near Kirkstall Abbey in Yorkshire.39\nIn the melting itself a certain green substance, which is truly glasslike, and no longer capable of being dissolved again, \u0002oats on top of\nthe metal itself.40\nBut the magnet shows no recognition of any of these ores, unless\nthey receive a thorough and long-lasting heating.\nPage 23\n\u00a7 VII. Ferrous ores found in marl. Ferrous ores found in Sussex,41 from\nwhich the King\u2019s artillery is cast, are as follows:\n1. The one which my fellow-countrymen call \u2018Ball-mine\u2019, that is, spheroid ore. It is found beneath a certain whitish clay. This stone however\nis like a whitish kernel covered by a red husk. These, although the best\nform of ferrous ore, are quite rare. When heated for a long period,\nthey become entirely red, and only then are attracted by a magnet.\n2. A red ore marked with white veins, lies about three feet under the\ntype described in note 1.\n3. A third type also reddish, lying the same depth below the second\ntype. It is called \u2018pettee mine\u2019 by our fellow-countrymen, possibly\n39\nKirkham Abbey, Yorkshire, is near what is now known as the River Derwent. The\nruins of this twelfth-century Augustinian Abbey are situated close to the river.\n40\nGreen glassy slag is typical of a furnace using limestone as a \u0002ux. See the Mining History Pages at http://www.people.ex.ac.uk/pfclaugh/mhinf/bp_iron.htm. See\nalso http://iron.wlu.edu/ or The Smelter\u2019s Art for iron production methods done with\nbloomeries and a discussion of slag.\n41\nIron production in Sussex centered about the Weald, hilly county south of London\nthat contains a band of iron ore which has high phosphorous content. The Romans\nbegan working iron there, supplying the metal for the army and northwest \u0002eet, and\niron production continued in the medieval and early modern period with iron bloomery\nand then blast furnaces. As Richard Cowen has noted, \u201cin 1242 the Archbishop of\nCanterbury was asked to provide 8000 horseshoes and 20,000 nails from his estates in\nthe Weald, to be delivered to Portsmouth, almost certainly for Henry III\u2019s campaign\nin France that year. The largest order for which we have records was in 1253, when\nthe Sheriff of Sussex had to provide 30,000 horseshoes and 60,000 nails.\u201d With the\nmilitary aggression of Henry VIII, \u201cby 1574 there were 110 furnaces and forges in\nthe area, producing several thousand tons of iron, including several hundred tons of\ncannon.\u201d By the seventeenth century, iron-production in the Weald declined due to\ncompetition from cheaper Swedish ore. See http://www-geology.ucdavis.edu/~cowen/\n~GEL115/115CH10.html. Accessed 23 August 2006.\n\nPages 243:\n226\nappendix\nbecause it has little whitish veins which are fewer in number and\ndarker. It also has red layers.\nPage 24\n4. The fourth and lowest ore: these last three are laid down like paving stones: the two earlier ones are softer, the last two are harder,\nand since they melt more easily they are more productive of iron.\nLikewise this fourth ore has red layers, interspersed with ochre here\nand there as is the case in certain sandy veins of iron. In addition\nthe last two are believed to be hot, and are more easily cast than the\nothers, no doubt on account of the sulphurous element of vitriol.\nYet if ever these ores are found in bluish marl, they are scarcely able\nto be processed. It is credible that this fault arises from an excess of\nvitriol. But in white marl they are of excellent quality.\nOchre which is turning red arises from pyrites. \u00a7 VIII. Ochre which is turning red or dark yellow is usually produced from pyrites, and is certainly\nfound in most inky-black mild acids, is pure metallic iron.\nPage 25\nAfter the requisite heating it is wholly attracted by a magnet.\n\u00a7 IX. Pyrites. One pyrite found in England is the very purest metallic\niron, and should be considered most productive when it forms a vein of\niron. It is distinguished from the other veins of iron because it is vitriolic\npar excellence, and almost gleams with a certain silver or golden shimmer.\nLikewise when it is struck by steel it produces sparks if it is hard. The\nmoderns call the stone marcasite after the Moors. It is found in mines\nof all metals and discovered in great variety. Some is gold, and some\nis silver, as far as color is concerned; it may be smooth, \u0002uted, soft,\nhard, of the utmost purity, and a unique ore, which is found mixed in\nvarying proportions, now very small, now fairly sparingly, with lead,\ntin, bronze and alumen ore.\nPage 26\nLikewise it is to be found with black \u0002int, fossil coal, limestone, chalk\nand many other underground substances. Some are without exception\ncube-shaped, others resemble layers of parchment. Some have tuberlike roots, others are like round hail-stones or balls of any size; some\n\nPages 244:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n227\nare polygonal, others like honeycomb.42 It would be an endless task\nto describe all their individual differences. Yet I should like to add a\nfew things about some of them which I have observed personally with\ncareful investigation.\n1. Pyrites can be found which are internally \u0002uted, roundish, tuber-like\non the outside and at times polygonal. Their \u0002utes point inwards\ntowards some central point, like fused antimony, or like the description we gave above about a certain haematite.\nAmong these however there are some which produce their own vitriol\nin plentiful quantities in moist places. They are found wherever cretaceous stone occurs, but usually\nPage 27\nin a scattered vein.\nThey are called \u2018rust balls\u2019 by our fellow-countrymen, at least in the\nquarries near Foulmore in Cambridgeshire, and likewise everywhere in\nthe Yorkshire Wolds. Concerning these Glauberus tells some amazing\nfacts in his own fashion.43\n2. Other pyrites of a golden color are found in the same locality, and\nespecially in lead bearing rocks and among fossil coals, which are\ncube-shaped and in some way full of corners.\n3. At times, especially where fossil coals abound, and elsewhere, huge\nlayers of rock are found consisting of nothing but pyrites; some are\nthin, but others are thick, a foot and a half and more, as I have\nobserved amongst other places near Bentley Hall, in the aforesaid\nvalley of Latherden, near Craven.\n42\nPyrites are a pale brass-yellow mineral, the bisul\u0003de of iron, FeS2. It occurs most\ncommonly in crystals (belonging to the isometric system and usually in the form of\ncubes and pyritohedrons) but is also found in massive, granular, and stalactite form. As\ndescribed in chapter three, it often has a vitriolic varnish, and was used in the production\nof sulphuric acid. Two pieces of iron pyrites, which, when struck together, throw off a\nshower of hot sparks that will last for at least a second. Iron pyrites and steel will also\ngive a hot spark. Pyrites were used as well as \u0002ints in early modern wheelock arms.\n43\nSee chapter two for an analysis of Glauber and his \u201cdiscovery\u201d of sal mirable and\nits relationship to pyrites and vitriol.\n\nPages 245:\n228\nappendix\nFurthermore in these layers of pyrites some stones are soft and fragile,\nbut others are very hard\nPage 28\nand clearly \u0002int, so that they can be pierced only with much dif\u0003culty,\nwhich causes great inconvenience to metal-workers, as is the case in\nthe coal mines near Colne in Lancashire.\n4. Likewise other pyrites are found in the shape of certain tiles among\nthe rocks in Derbyshire, where they are commonly called chertstones.44\n5. The pyrites found in tin-mines are called mundy45 and maxy46 by our\nmetal-workers, but they are none other than common pyrites, although\nthey are a metallic iron conspicuous for its golden or silver splendour.\n6. Likewise I have obtained other pyrites, which possess an elegant\nsilver sheen, in the coalmines not far from Wake\u0003eld.\n7. Likewise I have obtained golden pyrites mingled in the middle of black\n\u0002int. This stone is however only very rarely found in our chalk hills.\nPage 29\n8. Likewise I have obtained pyrites mixed in various ways with lead\nore. At times it is entirely covered with pyrites as though by a husk.\nAt times there is very little mixing between the substances, but in\nsuch a way that at times even to the naked eye the pyrites is inserted\nlike a knot in the other ore. At other times one can uncover this\nmixture only with the help of a magnet, and then only after the\nrequisite heating.\n9. The same conclusions should b\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 223 to page 245 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nor \u201csaline spirits,\u201d which were currently gaining increased importance\nin the laboratory as chemical reactions in solution gradually predominated over the old distillation processes.\u201d22 Natural philosophers such as\nDescartes, Boyle, and Newton identi\u0002ed the seminal power and vitalist generator of matter as a universal saline or acid spirit, a tradition\nbolstered by Boerhaave.\nTo examine this intellectual transition from a salt to an acidic \u201csaline\nspirit\u201d as a vitalist generator of matter in England, in chapter four, I\nwill examine the works of William Simpson, a Van Helmontian physician whose work on aerial acids has striking parallels with Newton\u2019s\nlater work on acids in the Opticks (1704\u201322) and De Natura Acidorum\n(1710). I also will analyze the writings of Newtonian physicians such as\nBryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Archibald Pitcairne (1652\u20131713), George\nCheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) who posited a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=169\nPages: 169,170\n187\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 88\u201390. The material about acids, alkalis and\nvan Helmont and Sylvius is taken from Anna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine:\nRichard Mead, James Gibbs and Solar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in\nEarly Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on\npp. 452\u201353.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n153\nthe importance of atmospheric acids, yet drew from Boerhaave in his\nemphasis on \u0003bers in diagnosing disease.\nFrom these principles, Robinson developed a series of acidic and\nalkali medicaments to affect the elasticity and health of the animal\n\u0003bers. As we have seen, the basis for his treatments was an extension\nof the acids-alkali theory of the humors which had its origin in the\n1660s among iatrochymists on the Continent in\u0002uenced by van Helmont\nand Sylvius.188\nInstead of using acids or alkalis to \u201crestore the balance of the humors,\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as\nthe fundamental movers in chymistry, natural processes and medicine\nin the \u0002rst half of the eighteenth century. As Ecklund commented,\n\u201cin the eighteenth century salts gradually became to be thought of in\nterms of process, as, for example, the product of the reaction between\nacids and bases, acids and other salts, or between two salts, etc. Some\nchemists regarded acids . . . themselves as salts or at least some saline\nsubstances.\u201d5 Indeed, Chambers Cyclopaedia (1728) de\u0002ned salt as a\n\u201csimple acid substance.\u201d6 In the early eighteenth century, the formative\nqualities of volatile salts were also thought to be an aid to longevity.\nBefore oxygen was \u201cdiscovered,\u201d acidic saline spirits were perceived to\nbe the source of life\u2019s breath, revealing not only the origins of the idea\nof smelling salts, but early theories of respiratory physiology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=125\nPages: 125\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=223\nPages: 223\naware.\nIn seventeenth and eighteenth-century England, we have seen that\nthe vitalist element in respiratory physiology and in natural history was\ntransformed from a volatile salt into a saline spirit or acid acting in the\natmosphere. From tidal motion to animal spirits, from metallogenesis to\nthe perceived key to longevity, salts and their acids played a persistent\nand predominant role in early modern natural philosophy and medicine.\nWe have seen that the study of saline spirits in the air and how they\naffected the animal oeconomy was a signi\u0002cant preoccupation for early\nmodern physiologists, leading them to regard salts as intrinsic to bodily\nprocesses. It seems that this tradition of chymistry also played a role in\nthe chemical revolution where the saline spirit became an \u201cacidifying\nprinciple.\u201d The concept of volatile salts as the vital element of life and\nmaterial change was therefore gradually modi\u0002ed into an understanding\nof respiration and combustion involving oxygen.\n38]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211\nwhich attempted to identify the vital principles in the air responsible for\nrespiration with a particular reactive chymical substance. The purpose\nof this chapter is to ascertain brie\u0003y to what extent these concepts of\na vital salt or saline acidic spirit survived in the Enlightenment. To\naccomplish this task, we will analyze the role of saline spirits or acids\nin the chemical revolution of Lavoisier. While Lavoisier\u2019s discoveries\n\u201crevolutionized perceptions of space and caused the old theories of air\nto be discarded,\u201d to what extent did they stem from speci\u0002cally older\nbeliefs about salts from English iatrochymistry?2 In other words, to\nwhat extent did the saline spirit or atmospheric acid become oxygen,\nthe acidifying principle?\n1\nJoseph Priestley, \u201cObservations on Respiration, and the Use of the Blood,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 66 (1676), pp. 226\u2013248, on 229.\n2]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28,29\nprinciple among Paracelsian chymists in England in the \u0002rst half of\nthe seventeenth century.\nIn this contextual chapter for our study of early modern saline chymistry, not only will we explore to what extent the material conception\n2\nRobert Grosseteste, Hexa\u00ebmeron, ed. Richard C. Dales and Servus Gieben (London:\nOxford University Press for British Academy, 1982), 5.21.2, lines 20\u201322; quoted in\nGrant, Planets, Stars, and Orbs, p. 452.\n3\nPagel however questions if there were medieval precedents to the Paracelsian\naddition of salts to the tria prima, postulating that terra or faex, a solid residue, was\nintroduced to provide the material basis for metals. See Walter Pagel, The Smiling Spleen:\nParacelsianism in Storm and Stress (Basel: Karger, 1985), pp. 40\u201341.\n4\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cFire Analysis and the Elements in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth\nCenturies,\u201d Annals of Science 23, 2 ( June 1967), pp. 127\u2013147, on p. 129.\n5\nDebus, \u201cFire Analysis,\u201d p. 129.\n12\nchapter two]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211,212\n2\nAlain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Leamington Spa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986), p. 139.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n195\nOur analysis will begin with the work of dissenting minister Stephen\nHales in the Vegetable Staticks (1727), an innovative work inspired by Newtonian chymistry on the production of airs (gases) in which he utilized\na pneumatic trough or a pedestal apparatus to measure the amount\nof air released in a chymical reaction. Hales believed that aerial acids\nand volatile salts contributed to the elasticity and \u0002xedness of the air,\nproduced or absorbed gases, and affected human respiration. We will\nalso examine Hales\u2019 Philosophical Experiments, a series of discourses about\nsurviving long voyages at sea (1739) in which he analyzes sea salts and\ntheir exhalations in the atmosphere. In turn, we will then demonstrate\nto what extent Lavoisier was in\u0003uenced by Hales and the Newtonian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=171\nPages: 171,172\nmore empirical chymical tradition of atmospheric salts composing a\nlife-giving principle, a tradition that contributed to the early modern\nunderstanding of respiratory physiology.\n193\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 349.\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 349.\n195\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 489 and p. 491.\n196\nRobinson, \u201cPreface\u201d to the Animal Oeconomy, pp. iii\u2013iv.\n197\nBrown, \u201cMedicine in the Shadow of the Principia,\u201d p. 645.\n194\nCHAPTER FIVE\nSALTS AND SALINE SPIRITS IN THE MEDICAL\nMARKETPLACE AND LITERATURE:\nPATENT MEDICINES AND CHYMICAL SATIRE\nIn the last chapter, we observed that by the beginning of the eighteenth century, saline spirits or acids had largely replaced purely saline\nsubstances as the vital element in human physiology and natural history among natural philosophers and elite physicians. The advent of\nacid-alkali iatrochymistry and the in\u0002uence of Newtonianism lessened\nthe in\u0002uence of Helmontian chymistry with its emphasis on vital salts.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nsciences in the early modern period. My exploration of natural history\u2019s\nintersection with chemical investigation in early modern England, particularly amongst early Royal Society members, proved a ripe area to\nexplore the growing importance of the senses and experience as causes\nof intellectual change in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While\nthe concept of the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury is\nimportant to consider in tracing the source of these ideas, I argue the\nwork of the physician Johann Van Helmont was at their base.\n3. Argue that analyzing to what extent the alchemical understanding of salts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries\nis crucial to our understanding of the transition between alchemy and\nchymistry. To accomplish this task, I will determine to what extent conceptions of volatile salts were modi\u0002ed by a diminishing of interest in\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=124\nPages: 124,125\nchymistry. Grew\u2019s work, as well as the natural philosophy of Philipot,\nMoray, and Lister demonstrated chymistry\u2019s status as both creative art\nand science, the tensions between early modern conceptions of matter\nthat stressed chemical mechanism as well as vital principles, and the\ndiffering conceptions of elemental principles.\n243\nD. Munro, Praelectiones Medicae, contains Harveian Oration of Royal College of Physicians 1775 (London, 1776), pp. 183\u20134, quoted in Sakula, \u201cNehemiah Grew and the\nEpsom Salts,\u201d p. 6.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nFROM SALTS TO SALINE SPIRITS\u2014THE RISE OF ACIDS\nIn the last chapter, it was demonstrated that Van Helmont\u2019s notion of a\nvolatile salt comprising a vitalizing spirit was in\u0002uential among English\nHelmontians in studies of meteorology and natural history. This chapter\nwill demonstrate that at the end of the seventeenth century however,\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=213\nPages: 213,215\n8\nJon Ecklund, \u201cOf a Spirit in the Water: Some Early Ideas on the Aerial Dimension,\u201d Isis 67,4 (December 1976), pp. 527\u2013550, on p. 540.\n6\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n197\nFigure 19. Hales\u2019 initial apparatus for estimating the quantity of Air that arose\nfrom a material \u201cby distillation or fusion.\u201d Stephen Hales, Vegetable Staticks.\nLondon: J. and W. Innys, 1727, opposite p. 260. Image courtesy History of\nScience Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board\nof Regents of the University of Oklahoma.\n198\nconclusion\nreason of which . . . that the acid sulphureous fumes raised with the air,\ndid resorb and \u0002x the elastic particles.9\nIn other words the elastic pure air, in which the repulsive force dominates, was \u0002xed in bodies by combining with acids and sulphurs whose\nattractive particles destroyed its elasticity. To some extent, Hales here\nwas adhering to the chymistry of Newton in the Opticks, in which the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152,151\n115\nMead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons, pp. 101\u2013103.\n116\nMead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons, p. 103.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n135\nnature quite opposite to vitriolic or acid spirits, so as readily to fall into\na con\u0002ict or fermentation with them.117\nJust as Pitcairne modi\u0003ed Newton\u2019s works to suit his own theories, Mead\nfollowed suit, combining Newtonian aether with Sylvius\u2019s acid-alkali\niatrochymistry. The basic tenets of Sylvius\u2019 theories were that effervescence was typical of physiology, and everything, including the bodily\nhumors, had acidic and basic qualities in addition to their cold, hot,\nmoist, and dry attributes.118 For instance, Sylvius compared the blood\u2019s\neffervescence with the reaction between acids and alkalis, and claimed\nthat \u201c[i]nspiration serves to temper this process by giving access\u201d to a\nvolatile salt in the air into the blood.119 Sylvius in particular believed\nthat \u201cacrimonious in\u0002uences were ascribed to speci\u0003c \u0002uids,\u201d including]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210,211\nSubjects of this Kind, and who are inclined to see how far the Strength\nof human Understanding can support philosophical Truths, against common Notions and vulgar Prejudices.128\nWe can only agree, for Cohausen\u2019s satire was worth its salt indeed.\n127\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, p. xiii.\nJohn Campbell, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Cohausen and Campbell, Hermippus Redivivus, or\nthe Sage\u2019s Triumph over Old Age, 1744 ed., p. iii. This is Campbell\u2019s preface to his loose\ntranslation of Cohausen\u2019s original work published in 1742.\n128\nCONCLUSION\nFROM SALINE ACIDS TO ACIDIFYING OXYGEN\nIn his \u201cObservations on Respiration, and the Use of The Blood\u201d (1776),\nJoseph Priestley speculated upon the atmospheric substance necessary\nfor respiration, and provided a short summary of the history of past\nscienti\u0002c beliefs about the process of breathing. He wrote:\nOthers say, that the air itself is not admitted into the blood, but only some\nactive, spirituous, and ethereal particles; that this vital spirit passes from the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=37\nPages: 37,38\nalchemy and metempsychosis in renaissance medicine,\u201d Ambix 26, 2 ( July 1979), pp.\n81\u201399; A.G. Debus, The French Paracelsians (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,\n1991), pp. 159\u201361.\n37\nKathlenn Winnifred Fowler Ahonen, \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of\nAnimism in Seventeenth-Century Chemistry,\u201d (Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan,\n1971), p. 91.\n38\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n39\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 recto.\n40\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. F4 verso.\n41\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, pp. 154\u2013155.\nparacelsian concepts of salts\n21\nThese discussions about salts\u2019 ability to be inherently generative\nrevealed Tymme\u2019s perceptions about their dual nature. As Renaissance\nNeo-Platonism proposed there was an imperfect physical, and a perfect\nspiritual reality, Tymme also believed that while there were imperfect\nmaterial salts that contributed tastes and color to material objects, there]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae\nrelated not only to experimental philosophy, but to experimental history\nand natural history.15 In a similar manner, an exploration of natural\nhistory\u2019s intersection with chemical investigation in early modern England is a ripe area to explore the growing importance of the senses\nand experience as causes of intellectual change in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries.\nThe salt principle was also a fundamental alchemical tenet, and in\nchapter four I analyze to what extent the alchemical understanding of\nsalts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contribute to our comprehension of the early modern transition between\nalchemy and chymistry. As Principe has noted,\nin the Paracelsian triad [of salt, sulphur, and mercury] the largely analogical, relative, and \u0003uid categories of the Mercury and Sulphur of\nthe dyad are made more rigid so that the tria prima becomes universal,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=296\nPages: 296,295\nModern Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.\nEcklund, Jon. The Incompleat Chymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century Chemist in\nHis Laboratory, with a Dictionary of Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period. Smithsonian\nStudies in History and Technology, Number 33. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian\nInstitute Press, 1975.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cOf a Spirit in the Water: Some Early Ideas on the Aerial Dimension.\u201d Isis 67,4\n(December 1976), pp. 527\u2013550.\nEddy, Matthew D. \u201cThe \u2018Doctrine of Salts\u2019 and Rev. John Walker\u2019s Analysis of a Scottish Spa (1749\u20131761).\u201d Ambix 48, 3 (November 2001), pp. 137\u2013160.\nbibliography\n279\nEllis, Richard. The Encyclopedia of the Sea. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2000.\nEmerton, Norma. The Scienti\u0002c Interpretation of Form. Ithaca: Cornell University Press,\n1984.\nThe Encyclopedia of Oceanography. Ed. Rhodes W. Fairbridge. Encyclopedia of Earth Sciences Series. vol. 1. New York: Reinhold Publishing Corporation, 1966.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=50\nPages: 50\nwas acetic acid).90\nHe also told patients to avoid venery, which \u201cstirred up salt humors\u201d\nand made the patient weak, again emphasizing the connection between\nsalt and generative principles.91 A sweet salt such as sugar of lead, which\nhe believed mitigated and sweetened the humors, could also abate\nvenereal desires by tempering the humors\u2019 saltiness.92\nGlauber, the nitrous alkahest, and the vitrioline sal mirabile\nIn the \u0002rst half of the seventeenth century, Paracelsian physicians and\nchemists thus utilized different combinations of Aristotelian elements\nand Paracelsian principles to suit their practical and philosophical\nbeliefs about saline chemistry. We have thus seen so far that salt was\nthought to be a primary component of physical matter, its chymical\ncomposition affected secondary qualities of matter such as taste and\ncolor. Its balance in the body was important; if too prevalent, salt would\ncoalesce into tarterous obstructions that could cause gout, arthritis, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219,220\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur\nfermentation again taken directly out of Newtonian chymistry. Hales\nconcluded from his analyses that puri\u0002cation of sea water was best\n20\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 34.\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 46.\n22\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 45\u201346.\n23\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 47.\n21\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n203\ndone by letting it putrefy, releasing the more disjoined bittern and\nsulphureous salts into the atmosphere, and then distilling it, whereby\nthe \u0002xed salt left over would be left as a caput mortuum (dead head) or\nas a distillation dreg.24\nAcids in the air and Lavoisier\nHales\u2019 work on the pneumatic trough and the chemical role of air and\nits saline acids was in\u0003uential in Britain and in the continent, and as\nGuerlac has shown, he was cited by most pneumatic chemists including\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73,74\nmechanism to the ability of volatile salts to agitate the animal spirits of the body.\nEnglish Helmontians in fact often \u201cadministered volatile alkaline salts distilled from\nblood to agitate restore the weakened vital spirits or archaeus of the body\u201d by their\nexpansion. Boyle himself attempted to distill the spirit of blood, which he believed was\n\u201cfully satiated with saline and spiritous parts,\u201d and thus had the therapeutic ability to\nrestore the vital spirits. See Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine,\u201d pp. 453\u201354.\n40\nBoyle, Suspicions about some hidden qualities in the air, p. 45.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n57\nor heat.\u201d41 Via a similar mechanism, Philipot proposed that the air\n\u201cascended up\u201d with the sea\u2019s \u0002ux, and \u201cupon closing and contracting\nits Face upon the Recess of those two great Luminaries, shrinks back\nagain, and with it pulls along, that mass of waters it before had elevated,]"]}

{"result":["[Pages 124:\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n107\nhimself imitated nature and directed other chemical practitioners how\nto use salt chymistry in soils to make their own horticultural creations.\nIt was little wonder then that in a 1775 Harveian Oration at the Royal\nCollege of Physicians, Grew was described as discussing \u201cin the best\npossible way the nature of juices and salts in plants and their taste and\ncolor.\u201d243 One could certainly agree that his combination of chemical\nmechanism with a belief in essential salts of plants, used to control\nbotanical characteristics, was a unique contribution to early modern\nchymistry. Grew\u2019s work, as well as the natural philosophy of Philipot,\nMoray, and Lister demonstrated chymistry\u2019s status as both creative art\nand science, the tensions between early modern conceptions of matter\nthat stressed chemical mechanism as well as vital principles, and the\ndiffering conceptions of elemental principles.\n243\nD. Munro, Praelectiones Medicae, contains Harveian Oration of Royal College of Physicians 1775 (London, 1776), pp. 183\u20134, quoted in Sakula, \u201cNehemiah Grew and the\nEpsom Salts,\u201d p. 6.\n\nPages 125:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nFROM SALTS TO SALINE SPIRITS\u2014THE RISE OF ACIDS\nIn the last chapter, it was demonstrated that Van Helmont\u2019s notion of a\nvolatile salt comprising a vitalizing spirit was in\u0002uential among English\nHelmontians in studies of meteorology and natural history. This chapter\nwill demonstrate that at the end of the seventeenth century however,\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who\nsettled in Chapel Street in London, a chymist and an English Helmontian who was representative of this shift from salts to saline spirits.\nSimpson\u2019s father was a brewer, and he himself has been described as\nan experimentalist more comfortable in the laboratory than the study.3\nSimpson\u2019s concept of the fermentation of saline spirits or acids in the\natmosphere and the body, discussed in his Zymologia Physica (1675) owed\nsome of its premises to Van Helmont, some to the Iatrochymical School,\nparticularly the works of Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius and Tachenius, and some\n1\nRobert P. Multhauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift: A History of Common Salt. John Hopkins Studies in the History of Technology (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978),\np. 130.\n2\nNorma Emerton, Scienti\u0002c Reinterpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,\n1984), p. 184.\n3\nNoel Coley, \u201cCures without Care: Chymical Physicians and Mineral Waters in\nSeventeenth Century English Medicine,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214, on\np. 201.\n\nPages 126:\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n109\nto the chymistry of Isaac Newton [Figure 6]. The nature of Simpson\u2019s\ntheories of fermentation has been largely neglected in scholarly analysis,\na state of affairs likely due to focus upon his disagreement with both\nMartin Lister (see chapter three) and Robert Wittie, another chymist\nand analyst of spa waters. The dispute centered upon about the role of\nsalts and saline spirits in the spa waters and metallogenesis. Dr. Robert\nWittie published Scarborough Spaw in 1660 which advocated the waters\nas a cure for all ills, recommending that the waters were best drunk\nmid-May to mid-September and inadvertently initiating the summer\nseason in spa towns. In his Hydrologica Chymica (1669) Simpson refuted\nWittie\u2019s claims made for the mineral spring waters, and the medical\ndebate spread beyond local boundaries to the Royal Society in London.4\nBut there was more to Simpson than his role in this debate. When we\nturn to Simpson\u2019s tracts on fermentation, we will also see that although\nit is generally true Newtonianism caused the decline of Van Helmontian\nmedicine and chemistry in England, that Simpson was an important\ntransitional \u0003gure combining Newtonian ideas about acidic fermentation with Helmontian ideas about volatile salts.5\nWe will then subsequently analyze the role of saline chymistry in the\ntreatises of early eighteenth-century Newtonian physicians after Simpson. It has been well documented by Guerrini that Newtonian physicians\nsuch as Bryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Archibald Pitcairne (1652\u20131713),\nGeorge Cheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) posited\na \u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the premises in the Principia, as\nwell as queries in Newton\u2019s Opticks (1704\u201322) and the De Natura Acidorum (1710).6 Her emphasis however was primarily in the application\nof Newtonian physics and conceptions of the aether to medicine; I\nwill concentrate in this chapter instead upon Newton\u2019s chemical works\nabout salts and acids and their in\u0002uence in the medical community in\nBritain and Ireland.\n4\nWilliam Simpson, Hydrologia chymica, or, The chymical anatomy of the Scarbrough, and\nother spaws in York-Shire: wherein are interspersed, some animadversions upon Dr. Wittie\u2019s lately\npublished treatise of the Scarbrough Spaw . . . (London: W.G., 1669). See Coley, \u201cCures\nwithout Care,\u201d pp. 201\u2013204.\n5\nAntonio Clericuzio, \u201cFrom Van Helmont to Boyle: A Study of the Transmission\nof Helmontian Chemical and Medical Theories in Seventeenth-Century England,\u201d\nBritish Journal of the History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u201334, on p. 334.\n6\nAnita Guerrini, \u201cThe Tory Newtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne, and their Circle,\u201d\nJournal of British Studies, 25 (1986), pp. 288\u2013311; Anita Guerrini, \u201cArchibald Pitcairne\nand Newtonian Medicine,\u201d Medical History, 31 (1987), pp. 70\u201383; Obesity and Depression\nin the Enlightenment: The Life and Times of George Cheyne (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000).\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 250 to page 273 out of a total of 312:\nPages 250:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n233\n3. A sort of white sand, and likewise the white deposit which adheres\nto the bottom of pitchers is deposited from them, especially if the\nwaters are boiled in iron vessels. This is also true of sea-water,\nwhenever it is similarly boiled down to salt. Yet neither sea water\nitself nor the inland wells at Droitwich produce any stony sand when\nthey dry out by themselves or are boiled in a leaden vessel.54\nN.B. If the white sand, which is deposited from the waters described\nabove in the course of boiling, is in some way soaked in rainwater and\nkept in a wet condition, after a few months it will produce new crystals\nfor you which closely resemble alumen. I have accurately drawn a most\nelegant example of these of the\nPage 37\ncorrect size and shape, see \u0003gure 7. The base of this is wholly \u0002at, and\nit also has a \u0002at vertex which is much broader. The circumference which\ncontains the whole is octagonal, but I could scarcely see the nature of\nthe \u0002at surfaces of which each side of it consisted. It has a salty-bitter\ntaste. Likewise if the crystals were pressed together in the month of\nJuly, then a few months later they entirely lost their shape and turned\nwithout interference into a white powder very like the soil or white sand\nfrom which they were produced. Yet when they were again dissolved in\nthe same water they again formed crystals, and again and again shortly\nafterwards turned into white sand. This happens individually only to\ncrystals of this kind, as far as I have been able to observe.\nII. Petrifying Springs which turn to stone. The most famous petrifying\nspring is near the town of Knaresborough, also in Yorkshire.55 The\ncrystals are of exactly the same kind as those we described above when\ndealing with calcarious salt.\n54\nAn extended discussion of this phenomena by Lister is discussed in his Philosophical Transactions article: \u201cCertain Observations of the Midland Salt-Springs of\nWorcester-Shire, Stafford-Shire and Cheshire. Of the Crude Salt, Which Grows from\nthe Stone-Powder Dejected by the Said Brines in Boyling. Of the Speci\u0003ck Difference\nbetwixt Sea Salt and Common Salt. A Way (Which Seems to be the True Method of\nNature) of Distilling Sweet and Fresh Water from Sea Water, by the Breath of Sea\nPlants Growing in It. That This Breath Probably is the Material Cause of the Trade\nor Tropick Winds. In a Letter to the Publisher from the Learned Martin Lister Dr. of\nPhysick of the University of Oxon,\u201d 14, 156 (1684), pp. 489\u2013495.\n55\nKnaresborough Spa was a rival to Harrogate, and both spas were in the same\nregion.\n\nPages 251:\n234\nappendix\nPage 38\nYet if the water of this spring is boiled dry by a violent heat thin layers of whitish limestone are produced in abundance. By chance this\nphenomenon became known to me in another way; I kept in my house\nsome glass jars of this spring-water from the month of August right\nup to the mid-winter. I saw no change in them until the glass vessels\nhad been broken by a hard ice. But then I noticed a very white stony\ndust in plentiful quantities had been deposited. This was a snowy white\npowder, more attractive than one could belief, and bereft of any salt.\nThat is because the powder, which is deposited without any external\nagent, is the same as the layers formed by boiling the water dry.\nFrom about sixty pounds of the water of this spring I obtained about\ntwo and a half ounces of powdered limestone, and about a drachm of\nsalt, so they were in a proportion of one to twenty.\nI then performed the experiment afresh with about 120 pounds of\nwater.\nPage 39\nI obtained about \u0003ve ounces of limestone, but at least two drachms\nof salt.\nI tried each again in mid-summer. I drew the former water from the\nspring itself, but took the latter water as it fell from the rock. We were\nable to discern no difference whatever in either, and I obtained a small\namount of salt in proportion to the lime. Some British writers loudly\ndeclare that this is not so, no doubt so that they can lend credibility to\nthe \u2018Corrosion of Helmontius.\u201956 But he is wrong.\nYet my good friend Frencius57 was right when he remarked that from\nthis water, when it is boiled dry, only some stony powder remains, and\n56\nHere Lister argues against the Helmontian belief analyzed in Helmont\u2019s Oriatrick,\nor Physick Re\u0003ned that vitriol and its acid, the \u201chungry\u201d \u201ccorrosive\u201d or \u201chermaphroditical\nsalt\u201d was the seminal consituent of mineral waters and metal ores. See chapter three\nfor an extended discussion of this issue.\n57\nFrencius is apparently the chymist John French, who wrote extensively on spa\nwaters in Knaresborough. See John French, The Yorkshire Spaw, or a treatise of four famous\nmedicinal wells . . . near Knaresbrough in Yorkshire, etc., (London: E. Dod and N. Ekins, 1652).\nFrench also was engaged in preparing arti\u0003cial mineral waters to mimic natural ones\nat Tunbridge and Epsom. See John French, The art of distillation; or a treatise of the choicest spagyricall preparations performed by way of distillation . . . etc. (London: E. Cotes, 1651).\nSee also Noel G. Coley, \u201cCures Without Care,\u201d pp. 191\u2013214 for a discussion of these\narti\u0003cial spa waters.\n\nPages 252:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n235\nomitted to mention any salt, for in a moderate quantity of water there\nappeared to be none.\nWhen milk is boiled it also coagulates, no doubt because of the\npresence of a little salt of nitre of lime. This too is heavier than common water.\nPage 40\n\u00a7 There is a certain spring of the same nature, and not so obscure, by\nthe banks of the river Ouse near Clifton, one milestone from York.\nBut its water does not become inky-black when galls are added. It does\nhowever produce salt of lime and likewise white powdered limestone.\n\u00a7 I experienced the same phenomenon in some well-water from my\nhouse, when I lived in the central street of York which is called Stonegate. When it was boiled slender slivers of limestone \u0002oated on top,\nand produced the same crystals on the \u0003nal evaporation.\n\u00a7 But, note well, there are some wells within this city which produce\ngenuine, combustible saltpetre along with the rest, but it is simply an\naccidental property, and is by no means a natural characteristic of\nwater, when saltpetre is produced from animal excrement.\nPage 41\nIII. Cold inky-black springs, which contain only one of these two salts, that is,\nsalt of lime. The mineral spring at Scarborough, which is inky-black\nand cold, contains only one salt, and that in large quantities, namely\ncalcarious salt.\nFurthermore the water of this spring produces both ochre and whitish\nlimestone. According to my good friend Wittius in every six pounds of\nwater from the Scarborough spring you will \u0003nd about three drachms\nof contained substances.58 And in my experiment I obtained about an\nounce and a half of content from sixteen pounds of boiled water.\n\u00a7 The inky-black water in the neighbourhood of Knaresborough\nnear Harrogate, which our fellow-countrymen commonly call \u2018the sweet\nspring\u2019, produces the same salt of lime, but only a few grains in very\nmany pounds of water. In 80 pounds of water 90 grains of content\n58\nAnother reference to Robert Wittie, Scarbrough spaw; or, A description of the nature and\nvertues of the spaw at Scarbrough Also a treatise of the nature and use of water (London: Charles\nTyus and Richard Lambert, 1660).\n\nPages 253:\n236\nappendix\nremained. (According to Frencius) the water is more powerful, owing\nto the spirit of metal ore,\nPage 42\nin the ice of winter, and likewise in summer more so in the morning\nthan at noon.\n\u00a7 In the inky-black spring near Malton in the same county the\nsame salt of lime is found. The same water also produces ochre and\nlimestone in abundance. Yet some British writers boldly assert the\nopposite. Yet they are wrong. Add to these a certain feather-like alumen.59\nIt is of course the same substance as one may from burned sulphur\nand pounded pyrites.\nFrom the results I obtained matters concerning the water of this\nspring were as follows. Ochre is of course the \u0003rst thing to be deposited\nfrom water when it is warmed. Shortly afterwards scales of limestone\nare deposited. But when the water is \u0003nally reduced to a tiny amount,\none may \u0003lter off something resembling a feather-like alumen. This\nis the genuine product of pyrites. Finally however crystals of nitre of\nlime develop.\nPage 43\nIf your progress is retarded by the confused combination of some\nsmall crystals, then rub a little vessel with a small amount of alumen;\nattractive and larger crystals will then form for you to see.\nThe crystals of this spring may be related to these illustrations (which\nwe have placed above in the table by N. 5) if they are counted individually, as I have taught while applying the greatest care.\nMost of them have four \u0002at sides which are long and quadrilateral;\nat one extremity they end in a point made up of two \u0002at quadrilaterals, whilst at the other they end in a sharp edge, also made up two\n\u0002at quadrilaterals but invariably placed the opposite way round to the\nearlier ones. It may be that a \u0003fth \u0002at surface can be seen between\n59\nThe italics were Lister\u2019s, and this is an explicit reference to William Simpson\u2019s\nHydrologica Chymica . . . (London: W.G., 1669), which contained a description of the spas\nat Malton and Knarsborough. On p. 135, Simpson asserted that the Malton Spa was\nthoroughly impregnated with an \u201cessurine alumenish salt\u201d which reacted with the\niron in the water. This was in direct contradiction to Lister\u2019s assertion there was no\nhermaphroditical or essurine salt which promoted chymical reactions in water.\n\nPages 254:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n237\nthem, although it is very narrow, and certainly not armed with a point,\nin fact it generally shrinks away.\nThere are other types, for which that \u0003fth side acts as an intermediate stage although it is by far the widest of all.\nPage 44\nThere is such great diversity regarding their extremities that some of\nthem appear to be different crystals from the ones they really are.\nI now come to those springs, in which both salts are to be found.\nThese are generally hot springs\nInky-black springs in which both salts exist. IV. There are furthermore a\nfew thermal springs, or hot springs, in England. By far the most famous\nare those inky-black ones which arise in the city of Bath in Somerset.\nThe British writers Jordan60 and Guidotius give the following account\nof these waters.\nThe salts of the hot springs of Bath are nitre and common salt\n(although, since this nitre is not combustible I have no doubt that it is\ncalcarious). There is twice as much common salt as nitre, ochre and\nlimestone in the water, but not even the smallest amount of the former\ncan be obtained from boiling, whilst the same process produces twice\nas much of the latter as all the other salts\nPage 45\nIt may be however that Guidotius is being over-clever is trying to distinguish between two types of limestone.\nWe must however listen to him in the case of what follows.\nEverything around the baths, especially the stones near the springs\nthemselves, are colored with the deep yellow of ochre. The writer\ncollected about a pound of this genuine ochre, and adds that it is\nprobable that a good part of it evaporates off when the water boils, as\nis observed in greater detail in its actual vapors.\nWhen the waters of hot springs heat up, they grow inky-black.\nLikewise these waters grow very hot, and continually produce steam.\n60\nEdward Jorden, A discourse of natural bathes and mineral waters wherein the origin of\nfountain in general is declared (London: George Sawbridge, 1631); Thomas Guildott, A\ncentury of observations, containing further discoveries of the nature of the hot waters at Bath (London: Henry Brome, 1676).\n\nPages 255:\n238\nappendix\nTheir heat is consistent in both summer and winter, and so these hot\nsprings must \u0002ow from deep down amid black loam.\nThe hot springs have a deeper color when it is freezing cold than can\nbe produced with galls when the sky is clear. Likewise if the waters are\nkept for long during a freezing cold period they retain their astringent\nqualities\nPage 46\nBut when the sky is clear they quickly lose this. If the same waters are\nkept in well-sealed vessels they dye them with galls after a few days.\nWhen the sandy deposit of these springs is lighted, it emits a \u0002ame\nin the dark like that of sulphur. The same should be assumed of the\nmuddy residue. The same result has been obtained from the residue\nleft by the waters after they have been boiled away.\nThe warm waters of Derbyshire, named after Buxton Wells.61 \u00a7 There are\nother hot springs in England to be found in Derbyshire. Of these I have\npersonally visited those commonly called Buxton Wells, and the waters\nare indeed warm. The spring itself is remarkable and \u0002ows with a large\nvolume of water. The spring itself is enclosed in an vault of adequate\nsize to render bathing more convenient, just as is the custom in those\nhottest regions which I have observed (I am speaking of Aix in Provence\nand other places abroad which I witnessed with my own eyes),\nPage 47\nbut certainly not in the open air, as is done elsewhere in England at\nthe risk of one\u2019s health. As one enters the vaulted area one feels the\nvery warm air, and if a window on the opposite side of the building\nwere not continually, or at least by day, kept open, then some would\nnot easily be able to tolerate the warmth of the place; where there is\nan opening in the wall to permit the water to \u0002ow out one can see the\nsteam, just like smoke, hovering over the surface of the water, even in\nthe days around the summer solstice. It is however true that nobody\n\u0003nds the water very warm when they \u0003rst immerse themselves; but\nafter a few moments you would be amazed that you did not perceive\n61\nBuxton Wells in Derbyshire has springs present where the local limestone rock\nmeets the grit stone, and the water is forced up and along \u0003ssures until it arrives at the\nsurface. Its thermal springs were known to the Romans, and it also possessed a Royal\nCrescent modelled on that of Bath.\n\nPages 256:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n239\nthe warmth previously, such is the pleasant warmth with which it \u0002ows\nround all your limbs. Likewise if you cast a bare foot over the bubbling\nwater (as happens in several places in the bath) you will clearly feel\nthe warmth. But it steams copiously for most of the year, especially\nin the winter.\nPage 48\nBesides this, the several springs surrounding the monument are also\nwarm, as are those erupting nearby; one of these is called St. Anne\u2019s\nWell, which if is drunk causes vomiting, depending how much is\nimbibed.62\nBut here inky-black fountains gush from broken stone63 under which\nthere are iron fossils; And indeed in the mountains even more distant\nthan a mile, some springs even now are dug out for use; But out of\nthese small neighbouring streams with their sloping banks you will\nagree consist of clear liquids.\nThese Fountains are most clear and drop hardly any clay, and are\nnot with the summer heat inky-black, and yet some people clearly taste\nsome metallic iron in the water.\nBut boiling 32 pounds of the fountains towards dryness, I have not\nfound a single scruple of salt, without the presence of the limestone.\nFor the most part, the salt of the springs, bound up with common salt,\nwas interposed between limestone crystals.\nPage 49\nChapter 5\nConcerning the origin of the substances contained in the medicinal springs of\nEngland.\nUp to this point we have discussed the salts of the individual medicinal springs, which are only two, namely nitre of lime [nitrum calcarium]\nand common salt: likewise we have discussed their native earth, namely\nochre, and equally limestone. In addition we shall now brie\u0002y discuss\nthe origin of all of these, or,\n62\n63\nTo this day, visitors to Buxton \u0003ll their bottles at St. Anne\u2019s Well.\nAgain, a reference to the springs arising from \u0003ssures in the limestone.\n\nPages 257:\n240\nappendix\nPage 50\nif you will, the means by which they are created.\nI shall begin however with sea, or common, salt, since its creation is\nthe simplest, and seems to be nothing other than mere melting, since\npure salt itself is a puri\u0003ed subterranean substance.\nAnd indeed in our native springs it is found for the most part without\nany, or with only a very little, residual earth.\nBut where there is nitre of lime, there is always limestone to be\nfound. And it is indeed corrosive that nitre of lime develops from its\nown type of stone. The way in which this development occurs must\nnow be explained.\nWe have explained above how salts, when dug-up, grows into crystals.\nBut there exists a second way in which these develop. If the former\noccurs in an instant, the latter occurs slowly and in stages, on the analogy of the method by which plants germinate.\nPage 51\nAlthough nitre of lime is produced in one and the same way as vitriol,\neven if this substance is nowhere to be found in a complete and perfect state in our medicinal springs, yet, because ochre is the breeding\nground, as it were, of this salt, (and we must enquire into this also in\nthis chapter), it will not be irrelevant to explain the origin of each at\none and the same time.64\nThe creation of vitriol makes the whole matter clear. Its \u0003rst eruption from pyrites is exceedingly premature, if it occurs in contact with\nair; but, as time proceeds, it becomes a little more mature. And yet\nfully-formed vitriol is not produced from any ferrous stone until after\nits due maturity which it \u0003nally reaches after a continuous period of\ndevelopment.\nNewly produced vitriol, I declare, is a kind of alum, that is, it is\nproduced from pyrites like strands of hair.65 When these strands are\ncreated, they are a whitish color, but when they are fully-formed the\nare green. Then these same strands\n64\nThis is nother example of the mechanism of witterung. See chapter three for more\nanalysis of Lister\u2019s belief in the germination of salts via the air.\n65\nLiterally, trichites\u2014this word derives from a Greek word meaning \u201chair.\u201d\n\nPages 258:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n241\nPage 52\nbecome thick and strong instead of being thin and weak. It is easy to\ntest this phenomenon by an experiment in the following manner, and\nindeed to make it occur.\nLet drops of spring water fall by design onto clods of ferrous pyrites.\nIf the experiment is performed with care and attention, and without\nallowing the water to turn inky black with galls, (which we must investigate next), it will produce a whitish salt which grows into crystals of\na cubic-rhomboid shape. See \u0003gure 6.\nThese crystals are formed at the \u0003rst solidi\u0003cation. For if they are\ntaken away and further drying takes place, it will produce salt of another\nkind, if any at all is to be had, one which is, of course, peculiar to its\nown spring; this must be carefully observed.\nYet if you were to allow the same water to drip onto the pyrites until\nit becomes inky black with galls, then it will reveal to you immature\nsalt, which will next solidify into many-sided crystals,\nPage 53\nafter the fashion of alum, and of a greenish hue.\nBut if you were to allow the same drops to be perfectly formed in\nrespect of color and consistency, (I have not yet investigated how many\nhours and days are required to accomplish this maturity) you will eventually obtain crystals of mature vitriol as described above.\nSo far we have discussed only the sprinkling of pyrites in air. If\nhowever it is kept perpetually under water I am not yet convinced that\nit will be productive of any salt. Certainly no vitriol whatever will be\ngenerated. Meanwhile certain gases, or, if you will, a subtle, sulphurous\nand in\u0002ammable vapour is produced and is continually resolved into\nits native ochre or metallic iron [metallum]. These are of course the\nresults of, as it were, a miscarriage in the attempt to activate or generate vitriol, or, if you will, unsuccessful attempts made under water. But\nI shall have more to say about this below.\nIn the second already mentioned process ochre is created,\nPage 54\nand furthermore it should be understood that it too is being particularly\nproduced in the dissolution of the pyrites under the water.\nAdd to this that before the actual activation of the vitriol it cannot\nbe elicited even by a violent chemical process [literally: \u2018by chemical\n\nPages 259:\n242\nappendix\ntorture\u2019]. As Borrichius says in the Doc. Met. page 44, \u2018If one were to\nfollow up the \u0003rst burning of the pyrites by immediately applying heat,\none would collect very little, if one may believe the words of those who\nwere in charge of this skill.\u201966 One must of course wait for it to grow,\nand this proceeds slowly.\nThe same phenomenon is con\u0003rmed again and again: for no salt\nwhatever grows from limestone immediately after it has been softened\n[or \u2018slaked\u2019] by the application of heat, but the same stone produces\nan abundance of salt, whether it [i.e. the stone] has been untreated or\nheated, whilst forming the walls or roof of some house;67 it then grows\ntogether to form crystals of its own kind as described above.\nThe same phenomenon should be supposed in the case of nitre of\nlime, which in like manner produces\nPage 55\na snowy white powder, or, if you will, limestone, and vitriol, and ochre,\nfor each reason suggested above.\nYet (so as not to omit what others have observed) fully formed vitriol,\ncleansed of its ochre, becomes whitish, and the lime of this white salt,\nor, if you will, the caput mortuum formed from the calcinated salt, does\nnot grow red, but becomes whitish, light, and porous, as that most\nillustrious author our friend Coxius declares. (See Phil. Transactions\nof Oldenberg, number 130).68\n66\nOlaus Borrichius, Docimastice metallica (Hafniae, 1667). This was translated into\nmany languages and described the methods of analyzing the most important metals.\nBorrichius (1626\u201390) was a Danish alchemist who extracted oxygen out of nitre. Again\nLister is trying to deny that vitriol can be produced by heat, or in water in his attempt\nto show its production was primarily via exposure to air.\n67\nAgain Lister is describing the production of nitre on walls that were limed and\nproximate to animal excreta.\n68\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cSome Observations and Experiments about Vitriol, Tending to\nFind Out the Nature of That Substance, and to Give Further Light in the Inquiry\nafter the Principles and Properties of Other Minerals: Communicated by a Fellow of\nthe R. Society, Who Maketh Use of Chymistry Chie\u0002y as Subservient to Physiology,\u201d\nPhilosophical Transactions, 9, 103 (1674), pp. 41\u201347. This is in volume 103, so Lister transposed the \u0003gures. Coxe mentions on pp. 44 and 45 purifying Dantzick or Hungarian\nVitriol, \u201chaving powdered it, put in into a slender Curcurbite, plac[ing] it in Water,\u201d\nand keeping \u201cit under an equal Constant Fire three or Four Days. Coxe claimed the\n\u201cOker\u201d subsided or precipitated out, and the \u0002uid vitriol above it when it cooled down,\ncrystallized into a pure \u0003ery salt. Coxe noted that vitriolate Water from the Deptford\nWells when distilled and evaporated repeatedly also led to a \u0003ery white salt. Most likely\nwhat happened is that ferrous sulphate, the Hungarian vitriol (FeSO4 \u0004 7H2O) when\n\nPages 260:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n243\nYet I reply that chalk, (ibid. Number 142)69 or limestone formed from\npyrites, is used to provide an underground foundation for paving, in\nthose places indeed where vitriol is produced in the open. Therefore one\nmust justi\u0003ably ask whether it is the product of some lime salt rather\nthan the dead head of pyrites. Then again pyrites is usually mixed with\ncertain other stones in tiny quantities, and I have carefully kept.\nPage 56\nvery many types of these mixtures at my house. Again pure unadulterated pyrites is a form of iron found underground [metallum], as I\nhave suggested above, and when burnt in its entirety it grows red like\ncalcinated ochre and is attracted by a magnet. Furthermore by itself\nit does not produce limestone. The qualities of that whitish salt are\nshortly to be examined to see whether or not they can be related to\nimmature vitriol, or to true alum, or to common salt etc.\nPage 57\nChapter 6\nThe generation of vitriol, as explained by Helmontius, is refuted, and likewise that\nother explanation of the Parisian philosophers. Likewise we refute the notion that\nvitriol may be produced arti\u0003cially by any process.\nI am unhappy with Helmontius\u2019 explanation of the generation of\nvitriol. He would have it that salt is formed naturally in water itself,\nthis salt being variously known as \u2018juice,\u2019 \u2018a certain universal spirit,\u2019 \u2018the\nembryonate,\u2019 \u2018the corrosive,\u2019 \u2018the hermaphroditic\u2019 (for it is by these and\nother names that he calls it).70\ndessicated loses its color and becomes a white crumbly salt. According to The Merck\nIndex (1983), heating FeSO4 \u0004 7H2O to 90\u00b0C will leave ferrous sulphate monohydrate.\nThe monohydrate will give up its last H2O by heating to 300\u00b0C, which was likely in\nthe range of early modern distillation equipment with constant \u0003re.\n69\nLister refers here to Daniel Colwall, \u201cAn Account of the Way of Making English Green-Copperas, Communicated by the Same\u201d Philosophical Transactions 12, 142\n(1677/8), pp. 1056\u20131059. Colwall on p. 1057 described how the beds of Deptford to\nmake Copperas were lined with \u201cthe rubbish of chalk.\u201d\n70\nLister wished to not only to prove the ef\u0003cacy of air or exhalations as the source\nof chemical reactions and effects but argued against the Helmontian belief that vitriol\nand its acid, the \u201chungry\u201d or \u201chermaphroditical salt\u201d was the \u201cseminal consituent\nof mineral waters and metal ores.\u201d For a discussion of this belief about vitriol, see\nEmerton, The Scienti\u0003c Reinterpretation of Form, p. 218.\n\nPages 261:\n244\nappendix\nNotes in left margin of page: The seed of corrosive salt is up to this point\nstill free from any \u0002avours Parad.3\u2014It is the \u0003rst essence of corrosive things: same\npassage. Vitriol of Mars is made up of corrosive salt, the embryonates are made\nup of sulphur and a vein of iron (not iron itself ), which corrosive salt, when still\nvolatile, eats away on contact. Parad.4.4.\u2014This salt does not develop within a\nvein of iron Parad.4.71\nPage 58\nThis salt is furthermore able to corrode metal by passing over it, and\nfrom this corrosion he claims that vitriol is produced in an instant.\nI however counter these claims with the following:\n1. It is pointless to state that corrosive salt exists anywhere (since up to\nthis point it has no characteristics, and is not even recognizable).\n2. It is clear from the arguments stated above that pyrites can by no\nmeans produce its own vitriol from its own waters.\n3. It is scarcely credible that a vein of iron can be eaten away by that\ncorrosive salt of its own, since we have proved by experiment that\nnot even haematite, that very soft substance which closely resembles\nmud, or ochre, can be corroded even to the least extent by even the\nstrongest of the aforesaid solutions (such as the pure aqua fortis, or\nspirit of nitre, which I have mentioned).\nPage 59\nPerhaps the man is deceived by the fact that iron itself is very easily\ncorroded by certain acids. Yet this is not at all true of any iron dug\nfrom the ground [metallum] that I have seen in England up to the present (and I have a collection of very many of these from most parts of\nEngland in my house). Indeed not even that excellent Suecicum, which\nis as good a friend of the magnet as anything else, is corroded by the\naforesaid solutions insofar as it is a form of iron dug from the ground\n[metallum]. I can vouch for this by personal experience.\n4. I call upon the experiments described above to prove that vitriol is\nproduced by a continual and slow process of germination, and is\nnot therefore produced in a moment by any corrosion.\n71\nThese notes are references to Johann van Helmont\u2019s Ternary of Paradoxes (Parad).\nSee Johann van Helmont, Van Helmont\u2019s Works (London: Lodowick Lloyd, 1664), pp.\n693\u2013698 for van Helmont\u2019s comments on vitriol.\n\nPages 262:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n245\nIt is indeed most true that genuine mature vitriol may be elicited\nin a few moments from hardened iron [\u2018chalybs\u2019 usually represents\n\u2018steel\u2019] with plain water (and free from foreign droplets and all acid, a\nfact to which that most elegant writer Bataevus Pecklinus (Purg. Exer.)\nbears witness).72\nPage 60\nI should like you to consider that the substance of iron is dense and\nweighty, but in its subterranean form [metallum] rather porous. This is\nproved by the fact that in its cast form it resembles pumice and would\nbe highly fragile, if it were not subsequently hardened by violent blows.\nFurthermore the hardened iron itself becomes one of the remaining\nmixed metals, (I speak with the alchemists here). That is (see Agr. On\nMetals73) when iron is hardened and belaboured with blows it is again\ninfused with the fused metal and imbued with it to the greatest extent\npossible; of course, as a result of an extended period of heating it\nabsorbs into itself a great quantity of fused metal. It must be considered that vitriol is produced in it in the same way as it is produced\nin pyrites, even if its production is accomplished in a hidden manner\nwithin the iron itself.\nIndeed it appears that plain water can be elicited from from hardened\niron, which is the only substance it contains within it, and that no vitriol\nwhatever arises instantaneously. This can be proved as follows:\nPage 61\niron \u0003lings grow warm when water is poured on them (see Pecklin. de\nP. Med. Facul. page 13; likewise Letter 11 of F. Joseph Burlius to Barsbol.\nPhil. Trans. number 64, page 2082)74 just like quick lime, that is, from salt\n72\nLister was referring to Johann Nicolas Pechlin, De purgantium medicamentorum\nfacultatibus exercitatio nova. (Lugd. Batav. 4 Amstelod: Apud Danielem, Abrahamum &\nAdrianum \u00e0 Gaasbeek, 1672). Chalybeate waters were used in purges, or in weaker\ndoses as aids to digestion.\n73\nAgricola\u2019s De Re Metallica.\n74\n\u201cAn Accompt of Some Books Dissertationes Medicae Tres: 1. De Causts \u0002uxus\nMenstrui Mulierum. 2. De Sympathia variarum Corporis partium cum Utero. 3. De Usu\nLactis ad tabidos re\u0003ciendos, & de immediato Corporis Alimento, Historiae Generalis\nInsectorum, The Creed of M. Hobbes, Epistolae duae ad Thomam Bartholinum,\u201d\nPhilosophical Transactions 5 (1670), pp. 2081\u20132. Lister here is referring to the Danish\npublication by Francis Joseph Birrhi, Epistolae duae ad Thomas Bartholinum [Letters from\nBurlii to Thomas Bartholin] (Hafnaie: Daniel Pauli, 1669). In preparing an eye remedy,\n\nPages 263:\n246\nappendix\nproduced previously and imprisoned, as it were, within it. Add to this\nthat trichites75 vitriol is formed from untreated pyrites, but that when it\nis heated vitriol is produced, but in another way which is by no means\nclear, since the active state which will come from the heat seems, if\nnot to be partially destroyed, at least to be changed in some way. We\nthink the same about iron. Again it is known that the metallic form\n[metallum] of alum can be heated to a very high temperature (I have\nno doubt that the same is true of pyrites). Finally, even if vitriol were\nnot produced unless it germinated for some time, as we have shown\nabove, still some hours or days would be required for it to mature, so\nthat I fail to understand how I could deny that, in some experiment\nor other,\nPage 62\ninsuf\u0003cient time has been allowed for the production of perfect\nvitriol.\n5. Ochre is the subterranean form [metallum] of iron and so contains\nwithin it at least the beginnings of vitriol: however thoroughly and\ncarefully you wash ochre, until it no longer produces water inky\nblack with galls, yet gradually, if you place it in some moist place,\nit will produce vitriol anew from that place, just as though from the\ngreater pyrites.\n6. The chemical liquids [liquores chymici] do not separate from the\nmetals which they have eaten away voluntarily, but all the inky black\nacidic substances reject their ochre at once.\nFurthermore these same chemical liquids are able to recommence eating away the metals which they have rejected when heat is applied. We\nhave however witnessed the opposite in the case of acidic substances\nof this kind; that is, they never again reabsorb\nBirrhi reports pouring a pint of water on 10 pounds of \u0003lings of Iron, which \u201cwithin\nthe space of an hours and a half, ferment and grow hot.\u201d\n75\nLister\u2019s word for immature \u201chair-like\u201d vitriol growing on pyrites. In one of his\nPhilosophical Transaction publications, Lister commented that both an alum and a pyrite\nglebe contained in a cabinet \u201cin process of time . . . shot forth tufts of long and slender\n\u0003bres or threads . . . bended and curled like hairs . . . Herein these Fibres differ\u2019d in Taste:\nthe Alluminous very allomy and pleasantly pungent; the Virtiolick steptique and odious.\u201d See Martin Lister, \u201cSome Observations and Experiments Made, and in a Letter\nCommunicated to the Publisher, for the R. Society, by the Learned and Inquisitive Mr.\nMartin Lister,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 9, 110 (1674), pp. 221\u2013226, on p. 222.\n\nPages 264:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n247\nPage 63 (misprinted 93)\ntheir own ochre once they have separated from it even if heat is\napplied.\n\u00a7 Likewise I differ from the Parisian philosophers (when they discuss the medical springs of France) in this respect: there is of course\nsome acidic gas, existing of itself, which is as it were the \u0003rst principle\nof this substance [vitriol]. But wherever gas, or vapour, of this kind\nis acidic, then, if it arises from pyrites it is truly vitriolic; if from the\nmetal of alum, aluminous; if from limestone, nitrous in its own way.\nWhy, I declare that there exists a subtle gas proper to all those salts as\nthey develop or grow active, and that it truly shares in the nature and\nproperties of each of those substances from which it emanates.\n\u00a7 There are however some (Phil. Transact. Number 104) who assert\nthat vitriol can be made from actual common salt.76 That indeed may\nbe partially true, that is,\nPage 64\nto the extent to which that salt shares in the qualities of vitriol. By\nchance it is not so different from vitriol in its green color and what\none might call its sourness. But it is credible that this common salt is\nnot turned into true vitriol, but has borrowed from vitriol a certain\nghost-like similarity.\nIf however it be urged that when salts of several kinds are dissolved\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each\nsolidify separately with their own shapes and colors, then we admit, \u2018It\nis so\u2019. But if some salt has eaten away iron or copper, ( just consider,\ncommon salt, thinned into gas by the force of \u0003re, or otherwise) then\nindeed we think that it may to some extent have adopted a different\nquality by contamination.\nBut perchance I am quarrelling pointlessly. For I am not convinced\nabout the truth of an experiment which has not yet been made\npublic.\n76\n\u201cA Continuation of the Discourse Concerning Vitriol, Begun in Numb. 103.\nShewing, that Vitriol is Usually Produced by Sulphur, Acting on, and Concoagulating\nwith, a Metal; And Then Making Out, that Allom is Likewise the Result of the Said\nSulphur; As Also Evincing, that Vitriol, Sulphur, and Allom, Do Agree in the Saline\nPrinciple; And Lastly, Declaring the Nature of the Salt in Brimstone, and Whence It\nis Derived,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 9, 103 (1674), pp. 66\u201373. This article was likely\nby Dr. Daniel Coxe.\n\nPages 265:\n248\nappendix\nPage 65\nChapter VII\nMature vitriol is rarely or never found in our mineral springs; but pyrites is completely\ndissolved in inky-black springs.\nIt is not stated that mature vitriol can be drawn from any of our\nmineral springs as far as I know.77 The Philosophers of Paris quite\nrightly marvel at this after a careful examination of about one hundred\nmineral springs in France.78 This has partly been the reason why my\nfellow-countrymen have quarrelled in such a rude manner, although\nthere are however throughout almost the whole of Britain countless\nsprings of an inky-black nature, from which ochre is spontaneously\ndeposited, and ochre is the authentic product of vitriol.79\nI can in no way persuade myself that Helmontius ever encountered\nvitriol of iron in the Spadan Springs of Germany, which are called\nPohontius and Savenerius, although he says in all seriousness that he\nonce distilled their waters.80\nThe sum of this matter is as follows: we have pyrites which, when it is\ncontact with air is turned completely by its particular growth into pure\nvitriol; the same stone, or if you will, metallic ore, when immersed into\nwater, is as it were dissolved into spirit, or a sulphurous exhalation, or\nochre. That is to say, it becomes spirit in its whole nature. As a result\nwe are no longer surprised that so insubstantial a juice (which is the\nvery essence of pyrites) is less capable of developing into crystals.\nMany phenomena show that pyrites is in its whole substance dissolved\nin inky-black waters and turns to steam:\n1. In the British hot springs (as has been suggested above) whatever is\nexposed to their steamy vapour is strongly colored with ochre.\nPage 67\nII. Likewise it is well-known in the case of both cold and warm inkyblack springs that, when they are collected in bags which are carefully\n77\nPlease see chapter three for a discussion concerning the controversy of the formation of vitriol in water.\n78\nAnother reference to the survey organized by Du Clos.\n79\nThe nature of this quarrel is evident in the Philosophical Transactions.\n80\nJohann van Helmont, Supplementum de spadanis fontibus (Liege, 1624). Helmont also\nmentions in the Ternary of Paradoxes that \u201cthe Danubius, the Rherne, the River Rhoan,\nSaw, Po, etc.\u201d do obtain such a [vitriolic] fountain in their \u0003rst spring.\u201d See Johann\nVan Helmont, Van Helmont\u2019s Works (London: Lodowick Lloyd, 1664), p. 694.\n\nPages 266:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n249\nstopped up, they preserve for a long time the property they share with\ngall-nuts of dying, but that when they are kept in open vessels they\nlose the ability to dye much more quickly; this of course is due to the\nochre which is not so much removed and rendered weak and clearly\nineffective as a result of the movement.\nThe same account is true of plants. I once gave a clear example of\nthis in respect of the Bermudan cedar wood (Philosophical Transactions\nNumber 110); I have kept it by me for many years and it has not yet\nceased to exude the vapour of its resin from its whole substance.81\nIII. Ochre itself vaporizes, as has been suggested above, because it\nis particularly at odds with a stony nature, for chemical reasons, since\nit has a dense and heavy substance.\nIt is utterly pointless to wait for some spirit to drip out of it, which\nis of course the task of some kind of fermentation.\nPage 68\nBut this spirit of ours, which \u0002ies off, is none other than the animating\nmetallic ore.\nIV. The taste and smell of waters of this kind is totally lost once\nthe \u0003rst distillation has begun, before the separation of the said spirit,\nwhatever it is, even if the greatest care is taken, and at the same the\nability to dye in conjunction gall-nuts is also lost.\nV. Indeed the very property of dying \u0003nally expires spontaneously\neven if the water be kept in very carefully stopped-up vessels, not by\nreason of the loss of some vapour, but because its quickening motion\nbecomes weak, and then clearly quiescent and dead.\nVI. The separation of ochre and limestone indicates that these substances were in the liquid. For they could not be prevented for a moment\nfrom sinking down from their salts, which are either not present at all, or\npresent in very small quantities, as has been suggested above. And yet,\ncontrary to the nature of dense and heavy bodies, (as they indeed are),\nochre itself does so slowly, especially if the water is carefully kept in\n81\nMartin Lister, \u201cSome Observations and Experiments Made, and in a Letter\nCommunicated to the Publisher, for the R. Society, by the Learned and Inquisitive\nMr. Martin Lister,\u201d Philosophical Transactions 9 (1674), pp. 221\u2013226. This is a reference\nto Lister\u2019s belief that vaporous exhalations from materials had the power to create or\nchange matter, a re\u0002ection of the concept of witterung in German mining manuals. See\nchapter three for a discussion of witterung. In his article in the Philosophical Transactions,\nLister gives several examples of matter seemingly generated out of the air, such as the\nformation of vitriol on pyrites.\n\nPages 267:\n250\nappendix\nclosed vessels or if it is left alone without the application of any heat.\nLimestone is separated out with dif\u0003culty only after some time, and\nonly after a long and severe period of freezing cold.\nVII. Very little salt is found in springs in which ochre and limestone\nare very abundant. In inky-black waters where there is an abundance of\nochre there is no vitriol whatever. Likewise in petrifying waters (which\nare well-known in England) near Knaresborough, the salt is like a stony\npowder in a proportion of about 1 to 20. On the other hand in mature\nvitriol and nitre of lime ochre and limestone are to be found in tiny\nproportions compared with the saline elements. Seven ounces of nitre\nof lime can at once be reduced by burning to two ounces, The same\nshould be assumed in the case of vitriol left in the caput mortuum.\nVIII. It is generally agreed that pyrites is to be found in inky-black\nwaters entirely under the appearance of liquid from the following experiment: take some freshly drawn inky-black water, from a place where\nthere is a great deal of ochre, say Malton, and add drop by drop a tiny\namount of that lye which soap manufacturers make from quicklime\nand so-called clavellated ashes;82 what sinks down gleams with a golden\nsheen, so that you may believe that pyrites itself is being separated.\nIX. Pyrites behaves in one way in air, which we discussed above,\nand another when it is kept continually underwater, since vitriol is\nproduced from pyrites in air, but under water pyrites almost dissolves.\nThis is proved by the following fact,\nPage 71\nthat pyrites can be burnt to produce ochre and sulphur and nothing else.\nAnd very little vitriol can be drawn from it by applying \u0003re. Similarly\nochre and sulphurous vapour are always present in inky-black waters.\nIt is by no means vitriol, at least of the mature kind.\nBut vitriol itself (the other way in which it is produced is described\nabove) is resolved into three basic substances. One of these is saline,\nthe second sulphur and the third is ochre. But the saline element is\npresent solely owing to the development of pyrites in the air.\nThe more demanding thinkers have some doubt about sulphur in\nvitriol. But what happens in the case of the sulphur of pyrites, which,\n82\nThe OED reveals that clavellated ashes were \u201cashes of burnt lees or dregs of\nwine; Said of potash, probably in reference to its having been obtained from billets\nof wood by burning.\u201d\n\nPages 268:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n251\nas we have stated, can be forced into sulphur for the most part by the\napplication of severe heat. In the end when it is exposed to the air it\nturns entirely into vitriol. Then again, other methods are described\nin the works of certain more recent writers, by which sulphur itself is\ndrawn from oil of vitriol, which I omit in the interests of brevity.\nPage 72\nYet I do not deny that certain springs are comparable in this respect,\nby reason of either their position, which is, as ever, some underground\nchannel, or by reason of the inky-black essence, on account of some\nvery obscure increase in the water, so that at least from time to time they\ndisplay vitriol in one mature form or another (which we have shown\nabove is threefold). And so if anyone wishes carefully to investigate\nthis matter, to see whether and how vitriol is produced in inky-black\nsprings, then, indeed, he must needs apply much diligence over a long\nperiod, and must frequently examine the waters on every noteworthy\nchange in the weather.\nYet some may object that vitriol combines with salt of lime. This is a\nmere suspicion, in my opinion. Yet if some raw vitriol is present though\nconcealed (for this cannot true of mature vitriol, since the color and\nappearance where it is concealed is easily discerned).\nPage 73\nThat man will be successful who is able to dissolve this bond with the\nfollowing results, so that both salts show themselves voluntarily and\ncome into sight.\nIt is then not credible that calcarious salt contains vitriol concealed\nwithin it rather than common salt, where however the smell of pyrites\nis strong; this is the case in certain salt springs where however there is\nnot even a hint of vitriol. But others who have the time must investigate\nthese phenomena. I personally af\u0003rm nothing.\nPage 74\nChapter VIII\nAn explanation of the petrifying action of certain springs.\nIn brief, my understanding of petri\u0003cation is as follows. Pyrites and\nlimestone (for as far as my own observations are concerned no other\nsubstances in Britain turn to stone), as I have stated just now in the last\nchapter, dissolve, as it were, entirely in springs of this kind because of\n\nPages 269:\n252\nappendix\nan exceedingly subtle current of air. And so they easily penetrate even\nthe densest wood, and wooden pyrites have for the most part stony\ninsides.83 This is scarcely conceivable in the case of some calcarious\npowder or ochre, however \u0003ne it be.\nThen from these wooden pyrites vitriol is produced from the air.\nAnd so they consist entirely of pyrites.\nPage 75\nPyrites changes iron which has a true admixture of copper, or, if you\nwill, a vein of copper, into bronze in a similar way (to make an incidental observation), that is, by the very method of petri\u0003cation already\nexplained in the case of two other liquids. But in the latter case the\niron is no more changed into bronze than in the former case wood is\nchanged into iron. Nor is there need of any solution. But the copperimpregnated liquid enters deeply with its whole substance and combines\npeacefully by embracing the iron.\nThere are many factors against some sort of precipitation, or the\nseparation of salt, as the mechanism for petri\u0003cation.\n1. Springs of this kind do not usually become cloudy or muddy.\n2. Ochre and limestone are deposited spontaneously (as has been\nexplained above) but without any solidi\u0003cation, &c.\nPage 76\nChapter 9\nThe cause of hot springs is derived from salts produced by pyrites and limestone or\nactivated by pyrites itself and limestone; other opinions are refuted.\nIt has been shown above that our hot waters of Bath are of a dark\nhue, and contain within them salts of two kinds, that is common salt\nand sodium carbonate and that likewise they exhibit Ocra and limestone.\nBut there is much doubt as to how they grow hot.\nMy own opinion however is that our native hot springs borrow their\nheat from active pyrites and limestone.\nI exclude common salt, which practically seems to be produced by\nmere melting.\n83\nAgain Lister is claiming that witterung or vaporous exhalations from minerals\npromote material change, in this case petri\u0003cation.\n\nPages 270:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n253\nPage 77\nFurthermore from both substances in their active state a warm\nvapour arises: in the case of pyrites this is largely sulphurous, pungent\nand in\u0002ammable; in the case of limestone however it is milder and\nlighter: I shall prove this in what follows. I shall however begin with\npyrites.\nWhen rocks are opened up in wells or mines, a thin gas usually\narises, which, like sulphur, can very easily be set on \u0003re and is highly\ndangerous to miners.\nIn the second place this gas is especially dangerous in older mineshafts, because in these a long time has elapsed for generating a sulphurous vapour.\nLikewise miners universally agree that for the whole of the winter\nand especially at a time of frost underground tunnels are very warm.\nFurthermore it has been proved above that pyrites produces very\nlarge quantities of sulphur, and I further af\u0003rm that in no mine whatever in England\nPage 78\nis sulphur to be found unless pyrites is present to the same extent,\nor a mixture or compound containing pyrites, but not lead, coal\nor the metallic form of alum, and I af\u0003rm the same fact in respect\nof all other mined substances whatever. I would not wish anyone\nto think that I make these claims in a foolhardy or rash manner,\nfor I drew these conclusions after a long time and much practical\nexperience.\nFurthermore in order to know why and to what extent some mined\nsubstance contains pyrites, employ a magnet, after \u0003rst duly pulverizing and burning the substance, and you will never be deceived by\nthe experiment.\nRocky material poured out from the eruptions of Etna is for the\nmost part ferrous, as the magnet demonstrates; but when the same\nsubstance is ground to a dust and burned again it furnishes abundant\nproof of this phenomenon, if the magnet is moved close once more.\nIt is credible that the type of iron is none other than pyrites from the\nease with which it can be burned.\nFurthermore thunder and lightning are the effects of gas of pyrites,\nif it is set on \u0003re in the sky,\n\nPages 271:\n254\nappendix\nPage 79\nas also are earthquakes*, if by chance the \u0003re is contained in subterranean hollows, and hot springs, if it is transported in abundance along\nwater channels, even if it is not set on \u0003re.84\n*Pliny says that thunder and lightning burn with sulphur, and the actual\nlight they produce is sulphurous. Pliny, Bk 35, ch. 1585\n2. I can prove that a warm gas is produced in like manner from active\nlimestone in the following way.\nAlmost all springs and wells (for most of them are considered medicinal to the extent to which they contain this or that salt) are especially\nwarm at times of fairly severe frost, and are particularly noticeable for\nthe way in which they give off an exhalation consisting of a very dense\nmoist vapour, just like hot springs.\nConcerning the truth of this experience there are of course several\nwells of water in the city of Rome which have beyond doubt proved\nto be warm at a time of frost. See and consult the evidence\nPage 80\nof John Ray*, the most learned scientist of all our fellow-countrymen.\n*An Account of a Journey, Written in English.86\nFurthermore the heat of some springs is indicated in addition to the\nevidence of the senses by the unfailing greenness of plants which\ngrow around them and \u0002oat on them and likewise by the fact that the\n84\nLightning does smell of sulphur, sulphur is in fact an excellent insulator, and static\nelectricity accumulated on it discharges in electrical sparks towards proximate objects,\neffects which may have given Lister his idea. Further, in early modern German mining\nliterature, ore exhalations due to witterung were implicated in meteorological effects such\nas thunder and lightening. For more on this, please see chapter three.\n85\nLister had high regard for Pliny; in a letter to John Ray, he wrote: \u201cI remember\nyou once took away the prejudice I had against Pliny, and I have ever since looked upon\nhim as a great treasure of learning.\u201d See Ray, \u201cMr. Lister to Mr. Wray, 22 December,\n1669,\u201d in The Correspondence of John Ray, ed. Edwin Lankester (New York: Arno Press,\n1975, reprint of London: The Ray Society, 1848), pp. 48\u20139.\n86\nLister refers to John Ray, Observations Topographical, Moral and Physiological, Made in\na Journey through Part of the Low-Countries, Germany, Italy, and France: With a Catalogue of\nPlants Not Native of England. To Which is Added an Account of the Travels of Francis Willughby,\nEsq; through Great Part of Spain (London: John Martyn, 1673). (Willughby was employing Ray as his tutor). Ray also wrote A collection of curious travels and voyages (London:\nS. Smith and B. Walford, 1693).\n\nPages 272:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n255\nwater of these springs does not easily ice over even under very severe\nconditions.\nAdditionally one must certainly not think that the warmth of these\nsprings, which is so evident to the senses, arises from the peculiar qualities of the place or the water itself (which is the same everywhere) but\nfrom a certain hot vapour which is produced in the actual underground\nwater channels.\nBut apart from pyrites and limestone there is nothing of which I know\nthat gives off a gaseous vapour: and so without doubt this warming\nexhalation must be attributed to one or both of these substances.\nPage 81\nWell, pyrites is certainly the rarer substance if it is compared with\nlimestone, which is found almost everywhere in huge quantities and in\nuninterrupted rock deposits, as we have suggested above.\nIn addition the vapour from pyrites can usually be distinguished\nfrom steaming ocra: and so it must be concluded that this warmth of\nsprings for the most part arises from limestone.\nThe teachings of the Parisian philosophers also argue that hot springs\ngrow warm from hot gases:87\n1. Because when taken into the mouth they do not burn it as much\nas ordinary water which has been heated over a stove to the same\ndegree of heat. This seems to be due to the thinness of the substance by which hot springs are heated; just as the \u0002ame produced\nby brandy does not burn the hand as much as a burning coal placed\non it.\n2. From the manner of heating: for there are certain leaves which\nremain stiff and change only their color when placed in the hottest\nsprings of France\n87\nLister\u2019s connection of volatile salts from pyrites and limestone with the heating of\nmineral waters was in\u0002uenced by the Du Clos\u2019 Observations. In speculating about the\neffects of spa waters, Du Clos had written that \u201cit may be that some Mineral Vapours\nor Exhalations do mix with common Waters . . . and that these Waters are impregnated\nwith their Qualities, and of some other Volatile Salts not Concrete, elevated in these\ndry Exhalations of humid Vapours.\u201d Du Clos also argued that hot springs grew warm\nspeci\u0003cally from hot moist vapours volatilizing from substances like pyritic vitriol, and\nnot from the substances being combusted themselves.\n\nPages 273:\n256\nappendix\nPage 82\nalthough they become soft from a gentle heating in boiling water: from\nthis they argue that the heat of the hot springs is a drying agent rather\nthan a moistener.\n3. Because the hot springs are hotter at night than by day; no doubt\nbecause the warm vapours are very widely spread by the night air.\n4. Because when the water of the hot springs is exposed to the air it\nretains its heat longer than ordinary water heated over a \u0003re, because\ncold air causes the motion stirred up by the \u0003re to cease suddenly.\nBut this same cold air prevents the warm vapours of the hot baths\nfrom being spread so quickly.\n5. Because the water of the hot springs, when placed on a \u0003re, requires\nthe same time to boil as ordinary cold water: from this it is clear that\nthe hot springs were not heated by some underground \u0003re. This at\nleast is what they argue.\nPage 83\nIn order to prove that the activation of pyrites and limestone involves\nvapour: I shall add to these arguments that in wet, moist and chilly\nplaces the activation of those salts is particularly promoted.\nAgain violent rain usually results from thunder; which one could\nscarcely believe would happen if the vapour of pyrites were given off\nof its own accord and in a dry condition.\nYet when it is mixed in tiny amounts with some moist vapour, then if\nat any time and for any reason it happens to be set on \u0003re little droplets\nof water are necessarily forced together and thrown down, when the\ndraught by whose movement and stirring alone they are borne up into\nthe atmosphere is driven away.\nUp to this point I have unfolded my own opinion. Now I turn to a\nrefutation of the opinions of others about springs.\n1. Some indeed believe that the heat of hot springs arises from the\nease with which certain underground substances (such as pyrites)\nare set on\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 250 to page 273 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 274 to page 294 out of a total of 312:\nPages 274:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n257\nis, the environs of England, there are no volcanos naturally occurring.\nNor do I think there is any need for that vapour or gas of pyrites to\nignite spontaneously in order to make the waters warm: since we have\nshown above that that other vapour which comes from limestone, and\nwhich of its own nature is not at all \u0002ammable,(for it assumes a different nature if by chance it changes into saltpetre), nevertheless imparts\na noticeable warmth to the waters of springs.\n*De Thermis, Chapter 3 Jourdan. De Baln88\n2. We have however disproved above the existence of any corrosion\nbetween some kind of salt which eats substances away and metallic\niron. But let it be supposed to exist, and let even the strongest spirit\nof nitre [nitric acid, I think] be diluted with water and thrown onto\nsome powder made of, say, limestone or coral,\nPage 85\nthen, although it will produce a violent reaction, yet it will not\nproduce heat.\n3. *Others state that the con\u0002ict stirred up between different salts, or,\nif you will, the joining of opposites, is a cause of heat.\n*Paracelsus De Baln. Na. Tome 1, ch. 3.89\nI answer that the salts themselves are not by nature in disharmony with\neach other, but mix peacefully in the same water. If however they are\never brought to the boil on making contact, this does not usually happen until they have felt \u0003re from some chemical preparation.\n88\nLister is likely referring the reader to Thomas Guidott\u2019s later work, De Thermis Britannicis Tractatus accesserunt Observationes Hydrostatic\u00e6, Chromatic\u00e6, & Miscellan\u00e6, uniuscujusq[ue]\nBalnei apud Bathoniam Naturam, Proprietatem, & Distinctionem, Curatius exhibentes . . . Ad Regale\nCollegium Medicorum Londinensium (Londini: Excudebat Franciscus Leach, sumptibus\nAuthoris, 1691); Edward Jorden, A Discourse of naturall Bathes, and mineral Waters . . . especially\nof our Bathes at Bathe in Sommersetshire (London: Thomas Salmon, 1669).\n89\nMost likely this is Paracelsus\u2019 work on baths which describes the curative bene\u0003ts\nof bathing, including mud baths. Paracelsus theorized correctly that the medicinal\naction of water is due to the presence of minerals in his Baderbuchlin: Sechs kostliche\nTractat, armen vnd reychen, nutzlich vnd notwendig, von Wasserb\u00e5dern: Woher die selbige warm,\nvnd andere Wasser kalt, vnnd auss was Vrsach sy sollicher gewaltiger Kr\u00e5fften, das ihr Vrspr\u00fcng\nmit wachsender Arth ausz der Erdtglobel, gleich wie die Kreuter vnnd Bowme von ihrem Samen, mit\nschonem Bericht, wie mennigklich ihrs Brauchs sich Behelffen mag . . ./ durch den hocherfarnen Herren\nTheophrastum Paracelsum; mit Fleyss vnd m\u00fce Doctor Adams von Bodenstein, zu guten neuwen jar\npublicirt. (M\u00fclhausen im Oberen Els\u00e5sz: Peter Schmid, 1562.)\n\nPages 275:\n258\nappendix\nIn this way so-called oil of vitriol,90 when mixed with plain water, at\nonce makes it boil, not because of some contrareity between the salts\n(there is none), but because following a violent distillation it retains its\nigneous nature, like quick lime. You should consider this to be the case\nwith other salts.\nPage 86\nFurthermore in order to prove that this is not a peculiar quality of\nsome water, let water be drawn from this spring, or a well, be it warm\nor hot; and soon it will grow cold of its own accord and freeze, and\nsteam will cease to be produced.\nPage 87\nChapter X\nConcerning the origin and material of rain\nIn the previous chapter we declared that the vapour of pyrites itself\nwas moist, although it is credible that all springs are produced solely by\nrainwater, and this has been proven by my fellow-countryman Wittius\n(On the spring at Scarborough) and others in a learned and prolix manner.91\nI might consider that the production of rainwater, and then pyrites, and\nlimestone might for the most part be derived from this moist vapour.\nHere it will not be irrelevant to my purpose to treat in brief of the\norigin and material of rain.\n1. Waters are exhaled through the action of the sun\u2019s heat, which\nproduces much, but not all, the material for rainwater.\nPage 88\n2. There is in addition the breath of all living things, even insects. This\nis clear to the senses if they are kept under little glass vessels for a\nshort time.\n3. Likewise the breath of plants. Willsius of Oxford has demonstrated\nin a very successfully devised experiment that the lives of plants\n90\nSulphuric acid.\nRobert Wittie, Scarbrough spaw; or, A description of the nature and vertues of the spaw at\nScarbrough. Also a treatise of the nature and use of water (London: Charles Tyus and Richard\nLambert, 1660).\n91\n\nPages 276:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n259\ndepend upon breath just like those of animals. (The Natural History\nof Oxfordshire, D. Plott).92\nThe same phenomenon was described many centuries previously by\nPliny, concerning a grass from Ethiopia, although he placed its effect\namong the illusions of magic. In book 26, chapter 4, he says that\nrivers and lakes are dried up by casting into them Ethiopian grass.93\n92\nAs support, he cited a June 1669 experiment on plant transpiration \u201cin order to\n\u0003nd in what measure Herbs might perspire,\u201d performed by John Wills, a fellow of\nTrinity College, Oxford. Lister speci\u0003cally cited Dr. Robert Plot\u2019s The Natural History\nof Oxfordshire, Being an Essay toward the natural History of England (Oxford: The Theatre,\n1677), pp. 254\u20135. Plot (1640\u201396) of Magdalen College, Oxford, and a Secretary of\nthe Royal Society in 1682, described it as follows: \u201cHe [Wills] took two glass Vials\nwith narrow necks, each holding one pound 8 ounces, and 2 drachms or water . . . into\none of these glasses \u0003lled with water, he put a sprig of \u0002ourishing Mint (which before\nhad grown in the water) weighing one ounce: the other glass he also \u0003ll\u2019d with water,\nand exposed them both in a window to the Sun. After ten days time, he found in the\nbottle where the mint was, only \u0003ve ounces and four drachms of water remaining,\nand no more so that there was one pound two ounces and six drachms spent, the mint\nweighting scarce two drachms more than at \u0003rst. From the other Glass, where water\nwas put of the same weight, and no mint, he found the Sun had exhaled near one\nounce of water, and therefore concluded it drew but so much out of the \u0003rst glass, at\nleast no more: So that allowing one ounce for what the Sun had exhaled, there was\nin those ten days spent by the mint, one pound one ounce six drachms of water; and\nthe mint being increased in weight only two drachms, \u2018twas plain the mint had purely\nexpired in those two days, one pound one ounce and four drachms, that is, each day\nabove an ounce and half, which is more than the weight of the whole mint. Whence\nhe concluded that what Malphigius so wonders at in his Book De Bombyce, viz. that\nthose Animals will sometimes eat in one day, more than the weight of their bodies,\nis out-done by every sprig of mint, and most other Herbs in the Field, which every\nsummers day attract more nourishment than their own weight amounts too. Which\nthe same ingenious person at least questions not (and therefore wishes trials may be\nmade) of the Tithymali, Esulae, and especially of Pinguicula and Ros Solis, which last sucks\nup moisture faster than the Sun can exhale it, and is bedewed all over at Noon-day,\nnotwithstanding its power: Nor doubts he but that Wormwood, and all other Plants\nthat are very hot, and of strong smells, expire as much, if not more than the Mint.\u201d\nAll of the plants (except Wormwood) mentioned by Plot produce liquids that could be\ninterpreted as dew. Ros Solis was Drosera rotundifolia, or Sun-Dew, a carnivorous plant\nnoted for its dew on its leaves that intensi\u0003ed with the sun; Pinguicula was known as\nbutterwort, another carnivorous plant with mucilage drops on its leaves to catch insects,\napparently interpreted by Plot as dew. Tithymali and esulae are species of spurge that\nproduces a milky latex from roots and stems when injured. For descriptions of these\nplants, see John Gerard, Herball or General Historie of Plantes (1613) (New York: Dover\nPublications, 1975).\n93\nI am not familiar with which edition of Pliny that Lister was utilizing, but his\nreferences can be found in a more modern edition. \u201cBut above all things, it was the\nfollies of magic more particularly that contributed so essentially to his success\u2014follies\nwhich had been carried to such a pitch as to destroy all con\u0003dence in the remedial\nvirtues of plants. Thus, for instance, it was stoutly maintained that by the agency of the\nplant aethiopis rivers and standing waters could be dried up\u201d in Pliny the Elder, The\n\nPages 277:\n260\nappendix\nBut to mock the idea he adds below, \u2018So let the Pontine marshes be\ndried up today by Ethiopian grass, and so much land be added to the\nsuburbs of Italy.\u201994 And yet if one reads with care his own description\nof the grass, which he gives a little further on in these words (book\n27, chapter 24)\nPage 89\n\u201cEthiopian* grass has many large leaves, and numerous and full roots,\u201d\nand compares this with the experiment quoted above, he will no longer\nhave any grounds for doubting the veracity of the account in my opinion.\n*Book 27. c. 24 (Pliny\u2019s Natural History)\nIndeed the amount of water which plants growing in springs, rivers\nand lakes consume every day is scarcely credible.\nIn addition the amount used in the same way by woods and grasses\nwhich grow on dry land is amazing. Springs are produced, says the\nsame Pliny, for the most part when woods are cut down; previously\nthe trees fed from them.\nLikewise nocturnal dew for the most part arises when the breath of\nplants is condensed. This happens in Britain by far most copiously in\nMay, when of course the plants are most active and growing most. In\nthe other months it is much less, and in winter there is little dew.\nPage 90\nI have carried out the same experiment several times on seaweed in\nsaltwater; and in this way I have been able to draw freshwater which\nwas drinkable by this novel method of distillation, which will prove\nmost desirable and useful for sailors. I share this knowledge without\njealously guarding it.95\nNatural History. eds. John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Riley, Esq., B.A. (London: Taylor\nand Francis, 1855), 26.9, p. 5159. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup\n= Plin + Nat + 26.9. Accessed 19 September 2006.\n94\n\u201cTurning to the present moment, let them, by the agency of the herb mero\u00efs,\ndry up the Pomptine Marshes, if they can, [p. 5160] and by these means restore so\nmuch territory to the regions of in the neighbourhood of our city.\u201d In Pliny the Elder,\nThe Natural History. eds. John Bostock, M.D., F.R.S., H.T. Riley, Esq., B.A. (London:\nTaylor and Francis, 1855), 26.9, pp. 5159\u201360. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/\nptext?lookup = Plin.+Nat. + 26.9. Accessed 19 September 2006.\n95\nSee Martin Lister, \u201cCertain Observations of the Midland Salt-Springs of Worcester-Shire, Stafford-Shire and Cheshire. Of the Crude Salt, Which Grows from the\nStone-Powder Dejected by the Said Brines in Boyling. Of the Speci\u0003ck Difference\n\nPages 278:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n261\n4. But it may well be that by far the greatest amount of the material\nof rain water arises from the underground salts of mineral ores and\nespecially the active salts of pyrites and limestone and of course by\nthese the waters of springs, rivers and marshes and the sea itself are\ndriven off to form mists. You should take what has been demonstrated above about springs and apply it to all other types of water.\nIn a certain mountainous region, in evening in the valleys, in summer\nand winter, especially when there is a hard frost, certain dense mists\narise continually from the rivers and lakes. At daybreak however the\nsame mists can be spotted climbing about half-way up the mountains.\nBut when the sun has risen or a wind is blowing\nPage 91\nthey are either scattered or, if on the same day they reach the mountain peaks, they continually condense into rain and fall once more into\nthe valleys. As for the reason why this phenomenon can be seen both\non summer evenings and in freezing temperatures in winter, the same\nexplanation applies to both. It occurs because the air is in a very pure\ncondition, and new vapour is taken into it.\nFor the air is thinner than usual in time of frost, because the particles of water are without exception continually turned into frost as\nsoon as they are produced. In like manner in summer, especially in\nthe evening, the mist from rivers, just consider, can be seen. This is\nbecause the air is puri\u0003ed in the daytime by the heat, and the vapour\nis continually seized aloft.\nPage 92\nChapter XI\nAn explanation of springs which stink of sulphur\nThere is hardly any reason for doubting whether the water of some\nspring stinks because of its own nature, or by reason of what it contains. Mineral springs which stink of sulphur contain only one salt, as\nhas been suggested above, and that is the common variety. There is\nbetwixt Sea Salt and Common Salt. A Way (Which Seems to be the True Method of\nNature) of Distilling Sweet and Fresh Water from Sea Water, by the Breath of Sea\nPlants Growing in It. That This Breath Probably is the Material Cause of the Trade\nor Tropick Winds. In a Letter to the Publisher from the Learned Martin Lister Dr.\nof Physick of the University of Oxon,\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 14, 156 (1684), pp.\n489\u2013495.\n\nPages 279:\n262\nappendix\nalso however a vapour or exhalation of sulphur which is produced by\npyrites. This seems for the most part to be precipitated at its very birth,\nand so that revolting smell is the effect of its separation.\nThe following are indications of separation:\n1. There is a certain whitish \u0002ower which \u0002oats on all waters of this\nkind, and grows everywhere around the edges of springs of this kind.\nThe \u0002ower moreover is pure sulphur. In addition contact with the\nedges stains silver \u0003rst a yellowish color, and then black, which is\nthe effect of the same sulphur.\nPage 93\n2. Then there is very black mud, which is also sulphurous.\n3. Straws and stones in these springs are stained purple.\n4. Likewise the water of these springs tends to be cloudy, at least in\ncomparison with others.\n5. All mineral waters, at least the inky-black ones, which to that extent\nwe have shown develop from pyrites, if they are kept for some time\nin skins, produce the same sulphurous smell as those most famous\nones in the neighbourhood of Knaresborough.\n6. Salt springs, as has been suggested above, whose water is continually drawn off in large quantities do not smell rotten, and I have\nno doubt that this would also occur in the case of stinking springs\nif their waters were drawn in copious and unremitting amounts.\n7. When the water is boiled a little it loses its stinking smell and property\nof staining silver, as its sulphurous exhalation is driven off and dies.\nPage 94\nThe sustained rancid nature of the water may be the cause, at least in\npart, of the separation, and it occurs because the water \u0003rst stagnates\nthere from some chance event. And in truth all these springs are stated\nto be either stagnant or very sluggish.\nWe should also count in this group of causes the abundance of\ncommon salt.\nPage 95\nChapter XII\nA brief examination of the various substances which the mineral springs of England\nare said by our British writers to contain.\n\nPages 280:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n263\nThe mineral springs of England are said to contain other substances\nwhich vary with the writer, and these writers of ours are not few in\nnumber. The reason for such great diversity seems to be that they all\nsought to \u0003nd vitriol alone, but failed. However I shall now brie\u0002y\nexamine the individual substances which have been listed by others.\nFirst, for some reason or other, most of our fellow-countrymen have\nfound nitre.\nBut nitre has, one might almost say, been metamorphosed into the\nsaltpetre and halonitrum of more recent writers. It is however true that\nit has been discovered scarcely anywhere else\nPage 96\nthan where animals have frequented the area.96 It is hard to imagine\nit being produced in the depths of the earth, beneath very mountains,\nthrough which most mineral springs \u0002ow.\nIt may be that saltpetre can be formed in some manner, although no\nnitrous stone occurs naturally so that either pyrites or limestone must\nprovide the material for nitre.\nI leave it for future generations to work out and bring to fruition\nthe question as to whether these stones must be steeped in urine or\nprepared in some other way before they can develop.\nYet although no stones are naturally nitrous, yet there is a certain\nsoil containing that fertile salt, and once it is made fertile with that salt\nit retains its results for some time. Of course this same nitrous soil is\nexhausted of its salt by the application of heat, but if it is kept in a\nplace free from the injuries done by the winds and rain, it is said once\nmore to abound in new nitre.\nPage 97\nBut the winds and rain merely dissipate the immature salt. The cause\nof fertility lies in the soil itself.\nYet a number of writers af\u0003rm that the salts of some springs commonly develop into droplets like icicles.97 A sure indication of nitre!\n96\nThis was a reference to the fact that a major source of nitre was the deposits\ncrystallizing from cave walls or privies, or other organic matter that was decomposing.\nAmmonia from the decomposition of urea in dung heaps would produce nitrate.\n97\nLister here is referring to Wittie\u2019s experiments in his work, Scarsbrough Spaw. William Simpson, in his Hydrologia Chymica remarked on Wittie\u2019s assertions that nitre was\n\nPages 281:\n264\nappendix\nI have also had so called oil of vitriol which has solidi\u0003ed into icicles\nin winter, and I have kept them in this condition in my house for a\nlong time. My friend Coxius states the same in Philosophical Transactions N.103.98 I have noted above how even sea salt has solidi\u0003ed into\nicicles. But these conditions arise rather from some sort of evaporation\nor solidi\u0003cation than from the nature of the salt. But grant that then\nsalt of some springs does develop to some extent naturally into some\nshapeless icicles. Yet the other more signi\u0003cant properties of nitre are\nby the admission of these same authors not to be found. They can for\nexample be made to burn suddenly with a slender colored \u0002ame while\nproducing a bang and a \u0002ash; their crystals are hexagonal, &c.\nPage 98\nConcerning nitre I am of the opinion of the ancients, that it does not\nnaturally occur anywhere in Europe, at least in our northern regions.\nIndeed, if you pay attention to the descriptions and accounts of the\nancients, salt of this kind appears to be peculiar to Africa and Asia,\nand to be quite different from our spurious kind.\nOthers declare that sea salt is present in some of our springs, yet\nit is not.\nIn many others however I have no doubt that it is present in inkyblack springs, except for the unpleasant smelling salt ones. I wish\nhowever that they would devote more attention to the cubic-rhomboid\nshape of raw vitriol if it has ever been found by any of those who\ninvestigate our springs.\nin spa water: \u201cThe other part of his argument, which he thinks is instar omnium, to\ncon\u0003rm his opinion of Nitre the chief ingredient, is this experiment, viz. that upon the\nexposing of the Minerals (as he calls the sediment left after evaporation of the water)\nsome while in a most and cold air, that there have been found stories or little Icicles\namong them, which is the form of Nitre, as to the veracity of the experiment we are\nnot incredulous, but that this should evince the preexistence of Nitre in that sediment,\nis the thing we contend and very much question.\u201d William Simpson, Hydrologica Chymica\n(London: W.G., 1669), p. 52.\n98\nSome Observations and Experiments about Vitriol, Tending to Find Out the\nNature of That Substance, and to Give Further Light in the Inquiry after the Principles\nand Properties of Other Minerals: Communicated by a Fellow of the R. Society, Who\nMaketh Use of Chymistry Chie\u0002y as Subservient to Physiology, Philosophical Transactions,\n9, 103 (1674), pp. 41\u201347. The article has no author in the Transactions, but its subject\nmanner makes it likely it is the work by Daniel Coxe to which Lister refers. See chapter\nthree for a discussion of Coxe\u2019s chymical experiments in the Royal Society.\n\nPages 282:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n265\nThere are others who contend most enthusiastically that in some of\nour inky-black waters alumen is present.\nPage 99\nThese also call on chemistry, but have little knowledge of minerals.99\nAgain they are wrong, since it is certain that they have taken the stones\nwith which they conduct their experiments from a pile of burnt aluminous rock. Even when these are only lightly burned they have still been\neither contaminated by the smoke or exposed for a suf\u0003cient time to\nthe consuming of their vitriol in air. I consider it most true that every\nrock, insofar as it is aluminous, if it has been very recently mined and\nis in its raw state, is incapable of turning the water in which it has been\nsteeped inky-black in conjunction with gall-nuts. My friend Wittius has\nattested this fact, and I have proved it by careful experiment. Yet the lye\nof aluminous stone that has been burned, or is even in its raw state, if\nit has been exposed suf\u0003ciently long in air, becomes inky-black to the\nextent that it contains pyrites.\nMany authorities demonstrate that pyrites is everywhere mixed with\nthe ore of alumen.\nPage 100\nOf course at the top of a pile of burned stone an abundance of sulphur,\nwhich is the genuine offspring of pyrites, can be found. But pyrites itself\ncan also be seen in the same place from its golden sheen. And a careful\ninvestigator, if he uses a magnet appropriately, will come across it almost\neverywhere in the actual aluminous ore. I can testify myself that I have\nsome extremely pure soil from Ireland which contains an abundance\nof alumen, which I still keep carefully in my house. Alumen however\ncontinually ef\u0002oresces from this ore as vitriol does from pyrites.\nWhen however after a development of several months I examined\nthese aluminous hair-like excrescences, they failed completely to turn\nthe water in which they were dissolved inky-black in conjunction with\ngall-nuts. Furthermore aluminous \u2018strands\u2019 remained ever white even\n99\nThe debate was published in the Philosophical Transactions. In \u201cPart of two Letters\nfrom Dr. Cay. To Martin Lister . . . concerning some Mineral Waters,\u201d pp. 365\u2013370.\nCay criticizes an unnamed investigator for presuming that alum was present in ferruginous waters.\n\nPages 283:\n266\nappendix\nafter growing for a year, although strands of vitriol turn green immediately after their birth.\nPage 101\nLikewise it is easy for anyone to discern that they were alumen either\nfrom their sweetish taste, which is very harsh. Concerning the crystals\nof alumen and vitriol I have explained above how they differ. Yet the\npure ore of alumen, free from all pyrites, is very rarely found as far as\nI know, at least in Britain.\nIn addition there is the fact that alumen has a severely binding effect\non the stomach, whilst our inky-black minerals, in which it is said to have\nan abundant presence, loosen the bowels, as do the waters of the spring\nat Scarborough and the stinking sulphur springs near Harrogate.\nOthers again (so that I may not omit any of the improbable claims\nmade by others) assert that the very ochre from the spring at Scarborough is aluminous earth, or the ore of alumen. But these can hardly\nhave trusted the evidence afforded by a magnet, which is unimpeachable.\nFor that very ochre which is separated by the application of heat\nPage 102\nif it is burned in the proper way, will happily be attracted to a magnet,\nand if it is kept for a longish time in a damp atmosphere will even\nproduce the green vitriol of iron. I can testify to these facts from my\nown experience.\nBut it is further objected that the contents of the waters of this\nlast named spring, and of certain others which also have inky-black\nwaters, like those of the hot springs at Bath, grow white even if they\nare calcinated for a longish time.\nMy reply is that in hot springs and elsewhere in cold mineral springs\nochre is wont to disappear; the reason is lies in its gas-like nature, which\nis certainly unique, as has been explained above.\nLikewise if a moderate heat is applied, it is only partially separated,\nsince it is deposited either spontaneously or when gall-nuts are added.\nAnd so there is no doubt that it is contained in certain inky-black\nwaters. Likewise in other waters, such as those in Malton, even the\ncalcinated contents,\n\nPages 284:\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n267\nPage 103\nsuch as burned ochre, develop a bright red color. And they grow white\nfrom a shortage of ochre. Therefore it does not follow that for that\nreason ochre itself was not present in those waters in which it can be\nshown by many other arguments that it was present. Again, even if a\nmagnet attracts none of the contents after they have been burned, it is\nnevertheless credible that iron ore could have been present there.\nFor the magnet does not attract vitriol made from steel, even if it\nis thoroughly heated, as I have proven. And so it must be very carefully cleansed of the remaining parts mixed with it, especially those\nof a saline nature, in order that the proof afforded by a magnet may\nproperly succeed.\nConcerning the bitumen in the hot springs at Bath, I have nothing\nwhich I can af\u0003rm from my particular collections made in May, June\nand July. I am not yet certain that it is bitumen, for I have received from\ntwo honest men who are natives of that city a largish quantity\nPage 104\nof that so-called bitumen.100 Yet I can con\u0003rm that it consisted entirely\nof scrapings of dirt from bodies, and nothing besides. In addition it is\nsaid to be collected only in those months when the baths are particularly crowded.\n100\nI do not know who these two \u201chonest men\u201d were, as a search of the relevant\nLister letters in the Duke Humfrey did not reveal any bitumen deliveries to Lister in\nthe 1670s. Lister does however mention in the Philosophical Transactions that \u201cI made all\nthe Wiches or noted Salt Springs in my way home from Bath, the last Summer, and\nspent some few hours in the examining of them . . . But before I proceed I must needs\nbear witness to the truth of Dr. Guidots experiments, most of which I tried my self\nat Bath, and \u0003nd him to be a most Authentic and faithful writer. I do only yet doubt\nof the existence of Bitrumen for I cannot \u0003nd the Floating Scum when dryed to have\nany such thing in it.\u201d See Martin Lister, \u201cCertain Observations of the Midland SaltSprings of Worcester-Shire, Stafford-Shire and Cheshire,\u201d p. 489.\n\nPages 285:\n\nPages 286:\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\nManuscripts\nHartlib, Samuel. The Hartlib Papers on CD-Rom, University of Shef\u0002eld, UMI.\nKircher, Athanasius. Correspondence. Nell\u2019Archivio della Archives de Ponti\u0002cia Universita Gregoriana, Vatican, Rome.\nLister, Martin. MS Lister. Duke Humfrey Library. Bodleian Library. Oxford University.\nwith special focus upon Martin Lister, \u201cMethod for the History of Iron, Imperfect,\u201d\nMS Lister 1.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cEarly Letters, 62 letters 1670\u20131701.\u201d Royal Society Library, London.\nNewton, Isaac. \u201cOf Natures obvious laws & processes in vegetation,\u201d Burndy MS 16.\nSmithsonian Institution. Washington D.C.\n\u2014\u2014. 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London:\nJames Flesher, 1650.\n\u2014\u2014. Van Helmont\u2019s works: containing his most excellent philosophy, physick, chirurgery, anatomy . . ./\nMade English by J.C. [i.e. John Chandler]. London: Lodowick Lloyd, 1664.\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious or, An account of books lately set forth in several languages: with\nother accounts relating to arts and sciences. London: Henry Faithorne and John Kersey,\n1681/2\u20131683.\nWillis, Thomas. Dr. Willis\u2019s Practice of Physick, Being all the Medical Works of That Renowned\nand Famous Physician . . . London: T. Dring, C. Harper, and J. Leigh, 1681.\nWilson, George. A Compleat Course of Chymistry. London: W. Turner and R. Bassett,\n1700.\nWittie, Robert. Scarbrough spaw; or, A description of the nature and vertues of the spaw at Scarbrough. Also a treatise of the nature and use of water. London: Charles Tyus and Richard\nLambert, 1660.\nWoodall, John. The Surgeon\u2019s Mate: or Military or Domestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655.\nZwinger, Jacob. Principiorum chymicorum examen ad generalem Hippocratis, Galeni, caeterorumque . . . Basil: Sebastian Henricpetri, 1620.\n\nPages 293:\n276\nbibliography\nSecondary Sources\nAhonen, Kathlenn Winnifred Fowler. \u201cJohann Rudolph Glauber: A Study of Animism\nin Seventeenth-Century Chemistry.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan, 1971.\nAiken, John. Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain. London: Joseph Johnson,\n1780.\nAiton, E.J. \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli and Euler to the theory of the\ntides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1956), pp. 206\u201322.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\nAldridge, Alfred Owen. \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and\nEarthquakes.\u201d Isis 41 (1950), pp. 162\u20134.\nAllan, D.G.C. and Robert E. Scho\u0002eld. Stephen Hales: Scientist and Philanthropist. London:\nScolar Press, 1980.\nAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie. http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de.\nArber, Agnes. \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison.\u201d Isis 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316.\nArndt, Ulrich. \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d\nParacelsus (November 2005), pp. 12\u201317.\nBaring-Gould, S. \u201cHermippus Redivivus.\u201d Curiosities of Olden Times. New York: Thomas\nWhittaker, 1896, pp. 135\u2013152.\nBarker, Miles. \u201c \u2018The Motion of their Juice\u2019 \u201d: Science, History, and Learning about\nPlants and Water,\u201d paper presented at the Australasian Science Education Research\nAssociation, Darwin Australia, 9\u201312 July 1998, p. 1. http://www.fed.qut.edu.au/\nprojects/asera/PAPERS/barker.htm.\nBeauvois, A. \u201cUn practicien Allemand au XVIII e si\u00e8cle: Jean-Henri Cohausen\n(1665\u20131750).\u201d [\u2018A German Practitioner in the 18th Century: Jean-Henri Cohausen\n(1665\u20131750)\u2019]. PhD thesis. University of Paris, April 1900.\nBeckman, John. A History of Inventions, Discoveries, and Origins. 4th ed. of the English\ntranslation, Ed. by W. Francis and J.W. Grif\u0002th, 2 vols. London, Bohn, 1846.\nBerkin, William. \u201cThe Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth\nand Eighteenth Centuries.\u201d Medical History 39 (1995), pp. 197\u2013218.\nBerry, Helen. Gender, Society and Print Culture in Late-Stuart England. The Cultural World of\nthe Athenian Mercury. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003.\nBertholet, M. La revolution chimique. Lavoisier. Paris: F. Alcan, 1890.\nBolam, Jeanne. \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712).\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 27, 2 (February 1973), pp. 219\u2013231.\nBondeson, Jan. A Cabinet of Medical Curiosities. London: B. Tauris, 1997.\nBorsay, Anne. Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History of the General In\u0002rmary,\nc. 1739 \u20131830. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999.\nBoswell, James. The Life of Johnson. 2 vols. London: J.M. Dent and Sons, Ltd, 1933.\nBrodsley, Laurel, Sir Charles Frank, F.R.S., and John W. Steeds. \u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drops.\u201d\nNotes and Records of the Royal Society of London 41 (1986), pp. 1\u201326.\nBrown, Harold I. \u201cGalileo, the Elements, and the Tides.\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy\nof Science, 7 (1976), pp. 337\u201351.\nBrown, Theodore. \u201cThe College of Physicians and the Acceptance of Iatromechanism\nin England, 1665\u20131695.\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 44 (1970), pp. 12\u201330.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Mechanical Philosophy and the \u2018Animal Oeconomy\u2019\u2014A Study in the\nDevelopment of English Physiology in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century.\u201d Ph.D. Diss., Princeton University, 1968\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cMedicine in the Shadow of the Principia.\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 48\n(1987), pp. 629\u201348.\nBrowne, C.A. \u201cA Source Book of Agricultural Chymistry.\u201d Chronica Botanica 8, 1 (1943),\npp. 1\u2013290.\n\nPages 294:\nbibliography\n277\nBylebyl, Jerome. \u201cThe Medical Side of Harvey\u2019s Discovery: The Normal and the\nAbnormal.\u201d William Harvey and his Age: The Professional and Social Context of the Discovery\nof the Circulation. Henry E. Sigerist Supplements to the Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine. Ed. Jerome J. Bylebyl. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1979.\nBurt, Roger. \u201cThe international diffusion of technology in the early modern period:\nthe case of the British non ferrous mining industry.\u201d Economic History Review. XLIV,\n2 (1991), pp. 249\u2013271.\nCadden, Joan. Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1996.\nCantor, Geoffrey. \u201cAnti-Newton.\u201d Let Newton Be! Ed. John Fauvel. Oxford: Oxford\nUniversity Press, 1988, pp. 203\u2013221.\nCartwright, David E. Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999.\nChandrasekar S. a\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 274 to page 294 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=169\nPages: 169\nSal-armoniac . . . keeps up a Tenacity in the Blood. Hence the blood will\nbe apt to abound with volatile Salt, when it is not suf\u0003ciently impregnated\nwith this Acid.186\nRobinson then explained that a lack of acid in the blood was most\nlikely to happen in hot weather, when the air contained less acid. This\nwas because there were more sulphureous steams and volatile salts in\nthe atmosphere that were raised from the earth in hot weather. Salts\nalso arose from putrid substances of vegetables and animals in warmer\nclimes, and the heat meant people were likely more inactive or had\nmore putrid fevers, and their blood and breath tended to abound with\nvolatile salts.\nRobinson\u2019s theory at its basis had its origin in the work of van\nHelmont, who we have seen originated the study of volatile salts in\na primarily iatrochymical and medical context. In his analysis of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=65\nPages: 65\nfrom the former.\u201d4 Because \u0003re was merely a secondary element, Van\nHelmont disagreed with the ef\u0003cacy of \u0003re analysis. Like Erastus, he\nbelieved that heat created new compounds rather than revealing the\nbuilding blocks of a substance; \u201csalt, sulphur and mercury were thus\nnot true principles, but were produced by the heat of analysis.\u201d5\nFor Van Helmont, salts in particular were \u201coffspring of the waters,\u201d\nand if exposed to the Sun, \u201care made aiery and vapoury Ef\u0002uxes,\nrushing into water with a hastened Violence.\u201d6 In other words, some\nsalts could be powerfully volatile. Volatile salts referred to salts that\ngave off an aeriform component (such as an odor), but also to salts that\ndecomposed easily on heating. Boyle\u2019s de\u0003nition of volatile was even\nmore speci\u0003c; he believed the corpuscular bits of volatile matter had to\nbe \u201cvery small\u201d so they are more \u201ceasily put into motion by the action of\nthe Fire and other agents.\u201d7 The speci\u0003c volatile salts that van Helmont,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22,23\nThe effects of volatile salts (in early modern chymistry, those that\nhave an odor and were reactive to heat), particularly of vitriol (ferrous\nsulphate) and saltpeter (potassium nitrate also known as nitre) were at\nthe center of these studies in natural history.13 This may have been\nbecause the crystals of the salts of vitriol are large and prominent,\nand because sulphuric and nitric acids produced spectacular and often\n10\nFrederic L. Holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley\nPapers in the History of Science: University of California at Berkeley, 1989).\n11\nJ.G. McEvoy, \u201cReview of Frederic Lawrence Holmes Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise,\u201d Isis, 82, 2 (1991), p. 312.\n12\nMcEvoy, \u201cReview of Eighteenth-Century Chymistry,\u201d Isis, p. 312.\n13\nMulthauf, Neptune\u2019s Gift, p. 130.\n6\nchapter one\nexothermic chemical reactions. To indicate the pervasiveness of these\nbeliefs, appendix one provides a translation of Martin Lister\u2019s work]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nthat heat created new compounds, rather than revealing the building\nblocks of a substance.34\nIn chapter 10 of the Practice, the Paracelsian Tymme railed against\nthinkers like Erastus, stating that in the case of the calcinations of\nsalts, \u201cthe naturall and original moysture in Saltes is not consumed.\u201d35\nHis proof lay in the results of palingenesis, in which one took a plant,\nbruised and burnt it, and then calcinated its ashes, extracting from it\na volatile salt. One then made a compound with the salt, and submitted it to a gentle heat; arising from the ashes were salt crystals which\nresembled a stem, leaves and \u0003owers, an apparition of the plant which\nhad been submitted to combustion.36 Although the salt had been reduced\n31\nDuchesne, Practice of Chymicall Physicke, fol. H2 verso.\nFrederic Holmes, \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis\nof a Tradition,\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n33]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=66\nPages: 66\nsubstance containing it is lique\u0003ed by heat. In settling down, it \u201csnatches\u201d\nparticles of less subtle nature\u2014so called sulphurous particles\u2014which are\nincorporated in the deposit. The \u0003xed salt being unable to \u0003x all the sulphur particles, the rest, which have escaped being snatched, follow their\nnatural tendency to become volatile and in their turn force some of the\nsalt to evaporate with them. Thus, volatile salt is generated. When heated\nin an open vessel all salt contained in the substance evaporates. This is\nwhat happens to the . . . [venous] blood in the . . . lung, that is where it\nis in contact with the air. All its salt has become volatile whereby it is\ndisposable by the breath.11\nClericuzio has in turn shown that \u201cEnglish Helmontians based their\nphysiological theories on the notion of vital spirits, which they conceived as a volatile alkaline salt.\u201d12 Physicians such as Francis Glisson\n(1597\u20131677), Walter Charleton (1619\u20131707), and Thomas Willis (1621\u2013]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nand acid also was important. The deeper in the earth it occurred, the\nmore precipitated the Sulphur became, \u201cleft in the colander or \u0003lter of\nSand, through which its passeth, and the acidum thereby so dinted as\nto become very Languid.\u201d40 Surface baths were thus more chemically\npotent and hotter then those below ground.\nThe fermentation process producing heat in the baths of course required\nspring water, and the transformation of sulphurous vitriol into oil of\nvitriol (sulphuric acid) via arti\u0003cial distillation or the natural mixture of\nvitriol and sulphur in spring water to produce oil of vitriol illustrated\nthis principle. If water was added again to oil of vitriol, a violent Fermentation occurred, the exothermic reaction producing violent heat.41\nCognizant of past work which made extensive claims for the generative\npower of salts alone, Simpson was quite \u0003rm in denying that dry salts\nalone or those \u201cmixed and sublimed together\u201d would produce any fer-\n37]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=272\nPages: 272,273\nby brandy does not burn the hand as much as a burning coal placed\non it.\n2. From the manner of heating: for there are certain leaves which\nremain stiff and change only their color when placed in the hottest\nsprings of France\n87\nLister\u2019s connection of volatile salts from pyrites and limestone with the heating of\nmineral waters was in\u0002uenced by the Du Clos\u2019 Observations. In speculating about the\neffects of spa waters, Du Clos had written that \u201cit may be that some Mineral Vapours\nor Exhalations do mix with common Waters . . . and that these Waters are impregnated\nwith their Qualities, and of some other Volatile Salts not Concrete, elevated in these\ndry Exhalations of humid Vapours.\u201d Du Clos also argued that hot springs grew warm\nspeci\u0003cally from hot moist vapours volatilizing from substances like pyritic vitriol, and\nnot from the substances being combusted themselves.\n256\nappendix\nPage 82\nalthough they become soft from a gentle heating in boiling water: from]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nthat the cause of heat of hot springs was \u201cderived from salts produced\nby pyrites . . . or activated by pyrites itself.\u201d113 As nitrum calcarium was also\nproduced from limestone via exposure to the air, much in the same way\nas vitriolic salts from pyrites, he thought lime salts could also contribute\nheating vapours to hot springs. The abundance of limestone around\npyrite minerals, as well as mists around the springs also led him to this\nconclusion.114\nIn asserting the centrality of pyrites in heating mineral springs, Lister\n\u0003rst claimed that the warm sulphurous gases produced by vitriolic salts\nfrom pyrites was evidenced by mine explosions in which gases would\naccumulate, and the fact that mineshafts and underground tunnels of\nhot springs were \u201cvery warm\u201d in the \u201cwhole of winter.\u201d115 There was\nalso no other substance prevalent around mineral springs that he knew\nof apart from volatile salts from pyrites and limestone that gave off a\n112\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 72.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nbetween some kind of salt which eats substances away and metallic\niron. But let it be supposed to exist, and let even the strongest spirit\nof nitre [nitric acid, I think] be diluted with water and thrown onto\nsome powder made of, say, limestone or coral,\nPage 85\nthen, although it will produce a violent reaction, yet it will not\nproduce heat.\n3. *Others state that the con\u0002ict stirred up between different salts, or,\nif you will, the joining of opposites, is a cause of heat.\n*Paracelsus De Baln. Na. Tome 1, ch. 3.89\nI answer that the salts themselves are not by nature in disharmony with\neach other, but mix peacefully in the same water. If however they are\never brought to the boil on making contact, this does not usually happen until they have felt \u0003re from some chemical preparation.\n88\nLister is likely referring the reader to Thomas Guidott\u2019s later work, De Thermis Britannicis Tractatus accesserunt Observationes Hydrostatic\u00e6, Chromatic\u00e6, & Miscellan\u00e6, uniuscujusq[ue]]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nspirit or the breath of both animals and plants which was \u201cresolved in\nthe heart by fermentation into a salt air and enlightened by life.\u201d18 In\nother words, volatile salts were thought to compose a vital spirit made\nof arterial blood transformed in the heart by fermentation into a salt\nair that was expelled by breathing.19 Just as van Helmont thought that\nheated blood discharged its volatile salts into the air, Robert Boyle\nand his colleague Daniel Coxe (1640\u20131730) believed that volatile salts\n\u201cbeing received into the vast subtile \u0003uid [atmosphere] . . . becomes the\nInstrument of sundry remarkable effects and operations, not only in\nNatural, but also [in] Arti\u0002cial productions.\u201d20\nAt the end of the seventeenth century, interest in the salt principle\nbegan to decline. Belief in the salt principle diminished, \u201cas did interest\nin elements in general, in favor of a notion of a primeval or universal\nacid as a fundamental mover in natural processes, usually equated with\n16]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=123\nPages: 123\nthat the \u201cbeing\u201d or essential nature of the salts, and their ability to\nchange the color of syrup of violets were \u201cnot wholly and altogether\ndepend[ant] on the Fire.\u201d239 The bitter taste of the Epsom salts was\nalso not created by the \u0003re, but rather augmented by it, which showed\nthe \u201c\u0003xedness of its principles.\u201d240 Further, before the Purging salt had\n\u201cfelt the Fire,\u201d it was alkaline, \u201cbut when it was well burnt, it was in\nsome sort Lixivial albeit we may not so properly call it Lixivial, nor\nperhaps by any other Name which Use hath approved: for the Furniture\nof Words is in nothing more scanty.\u201d241 Grew\u2019s comment not only have\nre\u0002ected the traditional \u201cnullius in verbo\u201d thrust of the Royal Society, but\nalso may have illustrated the growing primacy of saline chymistry as\nconceptualized by Van Helmont, and subsequently Boyle whose use of\nchemical names would become more and more \u201capproved.\u201d\nIf words proved unsatisfactory to describe his chemical research,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=273\nPages: 273,274\nease with which certain underground substances (such as pyrites)\nare set on \u0003re.\nPage 84\nThere are many minerals, Paracelsus says*, which are set on \u0003re by air,\nand in particular warm waters which are con\u0003ned to their own localities.\nThis indeed may be true in part, but in our part of the world, that\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n257\nis, the environs of England, there are no volcanos naturally occurring.\nNor do I think there is any need for that vapour or gas of pyrites to\nignite spontaneously in order to make the waters warm: since we have\nshown above that that other vapour which comes from limestone, and\nwhich of its own nature is not at all \u0002ammable,(for it assumes a different nature if by chance it changes into saltpetre), nevertheless imparts\na noticeable warmth to the waters of springs.\n*De Thermis, Chapter 3 Jourdan. De Baln88\n2. We have however disproved above the existence of any corrosion\nbetween some kind of salt which eats substances away and metallic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73,74\nmechanism to the ability of volatile salts to agitate the animal spirits of the body.\nEnglish Helmontians in fact often \u201cadministered volatile alkaline salts distilled from\nblood to agitate restore the weakened vital spirits or archaeus of the body\u201d by their\nexpansion. Boyle himself attempted to distill the spirit of blood, which he believed was\n\u201cfully satiated with saline and spiritous parts,\u201d and thus had the therapeutic ability to\nrestore the vital spirits. See Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine,\u201d pp. 453\u201354.\n40\nBoyle, Suspicions about some hidden qualities in the air, p. 45.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n57\nor heat.\u201d41 Via a similar mechanism, Philipot proposed that the air\n\u201cascended up\u201d with the sea\u2019s \u0002ux, and \u201cupon closing and contracting\nits Face upon the Recess of those two great Luminaries, shrinks back\nagain, and with it pulls along, that mass of waters it before had elevated,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=199\nPages: 199\nreactivity of volatile salts made them seem candidates for the universal\nsolvent. However, van Helmont, realizing that the search for the alkahest\nwas dif\u0003cult, offered his followers an alternative, the volatilization of\n\u0003xed alkalies\u2014particularly salt of tartar [in modern terms, likely potassium carbonate or K2CO3], to produce a solvent with powers akin to,\nthough still inferior to those of the alkahest.89 Powerful alkalis indeed\ncan dissolve a good deal of substances via their corrosive nature, and\nare involved in saponi\u0003cation or soap-making. Cohausen again followed van Helmont\u2019s lead, and in an unpublished manuscript, the Sal\ntartari volatile intricassimum extricatum . . . de paraeparation alis tarati volatilsati,\nvice-alcahestini [The intricate extraction of the volatile salt of tartar, the\nvice-alkahest], he described his attempts to volatilize the rather nonevaporative potassium carbonate.90\nCohausen was interested in the volatilization of salts not only to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18,19\nas my eyes \u0003uttered open. I was befuddled, yet gradually aware I had\nfainted, my shirt ripped and a long scrape down my side indicating\nmy fall against the wall. The awareness of pain from the scrape and\nthe contents of the bottle rapidly propelled me to consciousness. \u201cSal\nvolatile? Sal volatile? what is that?\u201d I thought. Then I realized, \u201cVolatile\nsalts . . . oh, smelling salts! Grazie, grazie, signora.\u201d\n2\nchapter one\nAfter returning to my pensione, I thought about the restorative I had\nbeen offered. Smelling salts were something I had previously thought\nonly existed in Victorian novels, but then I also thought only tightly\ncorseted heroines were capable of fainting, not an American student\nwho was suffering from dehydration and heat stroke. From that day,\nI wondered what the source of the idea was that salts contained a\nvital principle that would restore consciousness. That thought led to\nthe writing of this book, which delineates the important cultural and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=269\nPages: 269,270\nI exclude common salt, which practically seems to be produced by\nmere melting.\n83\nAgain Lister is claiming that witterung or vaporous exhalations from minerals\npromote material change, in this case petri\u0003cation.\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n253\nPage 77\nFurthermore from both substances in their active state a warm\nvapour arises: in the case of pyrites this is largely sulphurous, pungent\nand in\u0002ammable; in the case of limestone however it is milder and\nlighter: I shall prove this in what follows. I shall however begin with\npyrites.\nWhen rocks are opened up in wells or mines, a thin gas usually\narises, which, like sulphur, can very easily be set on \u0003re and is highly\ndangerous to miners.\nIn the second place this gas is especially dangerous in older mineshafts, because in these a long time has elapsed for generating a sulphurous vapour.\nLikewise miners universally agree that for the whole of the winter]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=129\nPages: 129\nacids mixed together would effervesce and usually produced heat, just\nas oil of vitriol (sulphuric acid) reacts with volatile alkali (ammonium\ncarbonate); unnatural effervescence resulting from too much acidity or\nalkalinity (which he termed acridity) caused disease.12 The cure was\nproviding a medicament of the opposite Ph.13 As Parthington stated,\nSylvius believed that most disease was caused by corrosive acids, fever\nby an excess of alkalinity, and plague was due to volatile salts in the\nblood which gave it \u201can abnormal \u0002uidity opposing its coagulation; this\nis proved by injecting a solution of the volatile salt into the veins, when\nthe symptoms of plague are produced and hence an acid is used as a\nremedy.\u201d14 The atmosphere itself could also in\u0002uence bodily processes\nsuch as respiration; Sylvius wrote,\nBy what power, or in what manner and way the inspired air so alters the\nblood is not equally clear. I for my part think that it is brought about by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93,94\n110\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 77.\n111\nLister, De Fontibus, part II, p. 76.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n77\ntile salts combined with intermediary substances, which could be dead\nplants or animals, or just dead neighboring substances to form different petri\u0003ed shapes. Just as Glauber believed his sal mirabile, sodium\nsulphate, was involved in the petri\u0003cation of wood, Lister thought\nthat \u201cwhat the vitriol does to the iron is pure petri\u0003cation.\u201d112 Another\nsulphurous compound was responsible for petri\u0003cation of all inorganic\nand organic matter.\nLister also apparently thought there were other \u201cfruitful effects\u201d of\nthe emanations of the vitriolic salts from pyrites, in his De Fontibus\nclaiming these salty emanations were the cause of the heating of\nmineral springs, and the production of rainstorms, earthquakes, and\nvolcanoes. In chapter nine of the De Fontibus, Lister hypothesized \u0003rst\nthat the cause of heat of hot springs was \u201cderived from salts produced]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=66\nPages: 66\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n49\nthe action of the Fire . . . or to be buoyed up by the weight of the Air\n[atmospheric pressure.]\u201d9\nVan Helmont postulated a role for volatile salts in the atmosphere\nand in respiratory physiology that drew upon older conceptions of salts\nas vital, as well as Paracelsian concepts of the aerial nitre, but which\nhad entirely new implications for iatrochymistry and medicine. In his\nanalysis of the chymistry of the blood, he claimed that venous blood,\nhaving given nourishment to the organs of the body, was made volatile\nand converted into gas which was breathed out.10 This conversion of\nthe venous blood into breath was thus done chemically, and concerned\nwith the production of \u0003xed and volatile salts. The historian Walter\nPagel further explains van Helmont\u2019s theories of blood chymistry:\nFixed salt is alkali; its particles are stable and form a deposit when a\nsubstance containing it is lique\u0003ed by heat. In settling down, it \u201csnatches\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=181\nPages: 181\nImitating the German Spaw-Waters in its Delightful and Medicinal Operations\non Humane Bodies (1684).39 In 1711, his \u201ctrue Sal Volatile Oleosum\u201d\nwas the \u0003rst compound medicine to receive a letter patent under the\nact of 1624.40\nIn his Horae Subjectivae, or Some Long-Vacation House Redeem\u2019d for the Discovery of the True Sal Volatile Oleosum (1715), By\u0003eld asserted that sunlight\nwas made of sulphureo-saline exhalations. These lightbeams \u201cincircled\nwith radical Moisture\u201d from cloud vapours were \u201cSpiritual Nourishment.\u201d Along with this spiritual essence, we also needed food so\nthat the natural Spirits may be recruited, which do continually slide\nforth thro\u2019 the Pores; for thus we must maintain a successive repair of\nthe loss of Nature. Our nourishing Juices are made by the more succulent substance of our Meat, whereby the Parts and Humours of the\nBody are reinforc\u2019d. The radical Moisture is renewed out of the purer\nParticles of Blood, with the celestial In\u0002uences intermingling with \u2018em]"]}

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Faith, Medical Alchemy, and Natural Philosophy: Johann Moriaen, Reformed\nIntelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle. Aldershot and Brook\u0002eld, USA: Ashgate, 1998.\n\nPages 303:\n\nPages 304:\nINDEX\nAcad\u00e9mie Royale 5, 68, 73, 210 n. 7\nacids 3, 8, 28, 93, 97\u201398, 108\u2013109,\n111\u2013112, 116\u2013123, 123 n. 63,\n124\u2013128, 131, 133\u2013135, 139, 143\u2013146,\n148, 150\u2013152, 152 n. 187, 153, 153\nn. 188, 155, 165, 194\u2013195, 198\u2013199,\n201, 203\u2013206, 210 n. 8, 226, 244\nAgricola, Georgius 41\u201342, 46, 78, 218,\n218 n. 21, 245 n. 72\nalchemy\nde\u0002nition and relationship with\nchymistry 2 n. 1, 3, 6, 125 n. 73,\n168, 179, 192\nsatire of 155, 168\nAlkahest 2, 33\u201334, 34 n. 94, 36, 36 n. 104,\n37\u201341, 46\u201347, 111, 180, 182, 188, 192\nalkalies 89, 111, 117\u2013118, 182\nAnthony, Francis 38\nantimony 12, 28\u201330, 39, 118\u2013120,\n165\u2013166, 214, 221, 227\naqua fortis (nitric acid) 5, 24, 36, 38\u201340,\n73, 85, 85 n. 146, 97, 111, 113, 115,\n119\u2013120, 125 n. 73, 139, 188, 202,\n203 n. 26, 204, 244, 257\naqua regis (nitric hyrochloric acid mixture)\n119\nArcanum 28, 179, 183\nAristotle\nconcept of elements 10\u201311, 13, 33\nconcept of gender 22 n. 51\nOn the Heavens 10, 22 n. 49\nOn Sense and the Sensible 14\u201315\nMeteorology 10\narsenic 16, 42\nAthenian Mercury 157\nBacon, Francis\nNew Atlantis 34\nRoyal Society 51\nBaldouin, Christolph\ndiscovery of phosphorus 188\nbarometric pressure 101, 104\nBergman, Torbern 203\nBerward, Christian 78, 78 n. 118\nBlack, Joseph 203\nBlackstone, John\nrelationship with Nehemiah\nGrew 96\nblood\nchymistry of 49, 152\nmenstruation 189\nsalts in 49\u201350, 152\u2013153\nBoerhaave, Herman 6, 6 n. 14, 36\nn. 104, 39, 40 n. 121, 89, 89 n. 159,\n108, 136, 136 n. 26, 147, 147 n. 167,\n153, 172, 184, 186, 186 n. 103\nBostocke, Richard\nParacelsian medicine 13, 23, 165\nBoyle, Robert\nacids 5, 8, 57 n. 45, 92, 92 n. 173,\n111\nThe Aerial Noctiluna 188\nalkalis 93, 108, 111\u2013112, 143, 151,\n153, 153 n. 188, 162\ncorpuscularianism 54, 55 n. 33\ncorrespondence with Newton 8,\n128, 128 nn. 88, 90, 130, 130\nnn. 93\u201394, 131 nn. 96\u201397\nEssay on Nitre 40\nThe Icy Noctiluna 188\nProducibleness of Chemical Principles 92,\n92 n. 173\nSuspicions about some Hidden Qualities of\nthe Air 7 n. 18, 50, 50 n. 15, 56\nn. 40, 57 n. 41\nvolatile salts 5\u20137, 50, 56 n. 39, 63\nn. 66, 89, 92, 111\nBritish Apollo 156\u2013157, 165\nBrowne, John 161, 161 n. 29, 162\nn. 30, 186 n. 103\nBruce, Alexander 39, 39 nn. 118\u2013120,\n59, 59 n. 51, 190 n. 120\nBy\u0002eld, Timothy\nbiography 158, 163\u2013165\npatent medicine 165\nsulphur 164\u2013165\nCampbell, John\nHermippus Redivivus 174 n. 64, 193\nn. 128\nother works 175, 175 n. 64, 177,\n177 nn. 71\u201372, 178, 178 n. 73,\n193, 193 n. 128\nCardano, Giordano 83, 83 n. 137\nCheyne, George: See Newtonian\nphysicians\n\nPages 305:\n288\nindex\nChild, Robert 34 n. 94, 40\nchymistry\nde\u0002nition and relationship with\nalchemy 2 n. 1, 3, 6, 125 n. 73,\n168, 179, 192\nsatire of 23, 125, 155, 168\nClericuzio, Antonio 49, 49 nn. 12\u201313,\n51 n. 19, 54, 55 n. 33, 89, 89 n. 161,\n90 nn. 164, 166, 92, 92 n. 173, 104\nn. 230, 109 n. 5, 111, 117, 117 n. 35,\n153 n. 188, 163 nn. 34\u201336, 180\nn. 86, 183 n. 95, 188 n. 112\nCohausen, Johannes Henrico 170\nn. 55\nArcanum 179, 183\nbiography 168, 170, 172, 178\nbreath 170, 174, 179, 182\u2013185, 187,\n189, 190, 191, 191 nn. 121\u2013122,\n192\nCohausen, Salentinus 192\ngender 189\nlongevity 168, 170, 172, 177,\n178\u2013179, 183, 187, 190 n. 120,\n192, 206\nHermippus Redidivus 168, 170, 172,\n174 nn. 59\u201361, 175 n. 62, 182\nnn. 92\u201393, 183 n. 94, 184\nn. 97, 186 nn. 105\u2013106, 187\nnn. 107\u2013109, 189 n. 113, 191\nnn. 121\u2013123, 192 nn. 124\u2013126,\n193 n. 128\nin\u0003uence of Sanctorius on 170, 172,\n184 n. 97, 185\u2013186\nin\u0003uence of Van Helmont on 170,\n172, 178\u2013179, 180, 182\u2013183, 184,\n184 n. 98\nmedical satire 170, 178\nPica Nasi 170\nphosphorus 187\u2013188\nvolatile salts 170, 180, 182\u2013184,\n191\u2013192\nCohen, I. Bernard 85, 85 n. 146\ncolor\nof matter and salts 14, 21, 39, 44,\n46\nof plants and salts 75, 87, 91\u201392, 97\nCook, Harold 51, 51 n. 21, 65 n. 74,\n66 n. 76, 135, 135 nn. 118, 121\u2013122,\n155, 155 n. 1, 156, 156 n. 5\ncookery 15\nCornaro, Lewis 183, 183 n. 96\nCoxe, Daniel\npalingenesis 75, 96\nrelationship to Boyle 89\u201390, 90 n. 162\nwork on tides 55, 59\nwork on volatile salts 89\nCroone, William 50, 50 n. 14\nCrosland, Maurice 48 n. 8, 203, 203\nnn. 26\u201329, 204, 204 n. 33\nDarwin, Francis 195, 196 n. 6\nD\u2019Israeli, Isaac 175, 177 n. 67\nDear, Peter 6, 6 n. 13, 51 n. 18\nDebus, Allen G. 4, 7 n. 17, 11, 11\nnn. 4\u20135, 12 n. 7, 13, 13 nn. 9, 11, 16\nn. 23, 19, 19 nn. 32\u201333, 20 n. 35, 23,\n23 nn. 52, 54, 24 nn. 55\u201357, 28 n. 68,\n29, 29 n. 74, 31 n. 79, 48 nn. 3, 5,\n54, 55 n. 33, 105 n. 234, 125, 126\nn. 75, 135 n. 120, 153 n. 188, 170\nn. 57, 209 n. 5\nde Mayerne, Turquet\ngout 30\u201331, 33\nsalts in disease 32\nDead Sea 64, 64 n. 69, 232 n. 52\nDescartes, Ren\u00e9 8, 53, 69 n. 89, 105,\n137\ndistillation\nalembic 216 n. 17\nDuchesne, Joseph\nPractice of Chymicall and Hermeticall Physick\n2 n. 3, 12, 14 n. 12, 19, 25, 28\nThomas Tymme 2 n. 3, 5, 12\u201314,\n14 n. 12, 16, 20, 24\nDu Clos, Samuel 68, 73, 73 nn.\n101\u2013102, 74, 78, 78 n. 120, 79, 79\nnn. 121\u2013123, 210 nn. 7, 9, 248 n. 77,\n255 n. 86\nEmerton, Norma 2, 2 n. 2, 8, 8\nnn. 21, 23, 41 nn. 126\u2013127, 44\nn. 144, 68 n. 83, 72 n. 95, 108, 108\nn. 2, 214 n. 15, 243 n. 69\nEpsom salts 87, 106, 106 n. 239, 234\nn. 56\nFrank, Robert G. Jr. 4, 4 n. 7, 49, 50\nn. 14, 113, 113 n. 18\nFriend, James: See Newtonian physicians\nFroidmont, Libertus 57, 63, 64\nn. 69\nGalileo, Galilei 52 n. 24, 54\nGemma rosae: See philosopher\u2019s stone\nGeneva, Anne 159, 159 n. 16\nGentleman\u2019s Journal 53, 53 n. 26\n\nPages 306:\nindex\nGibbs, James\nacid-alkali iatrochymistry 158,\n161\u2013162, 165\nanimal spirits 158, 158 n. 12,\n160\u2013161, 161 n. 28, 162, 165\nmoonlight 160, 162\u2013163\nscrofula 158, 160\u2013162\nsunlight 158, 160\nGilbert, William\nDe Magnete 83, 217 n. 20\nmagnetism 55, 55 n. 37, 217\nGlauber, Johann\naurum potabile 37\u201338, 78 n. 119\nGlauber\u2019s salt (sodium sulphate) 35,\n41, 46, 77\npanacea antimonialis 39\nrole of vitriol in chymistry 41, 43\nn. 135, 44, 68\nGlisson, Francis 49, 92\u201393, 93 n. 178\nGodwin, William\nSt. Leon: a tale of the sixteenth century\n175 n. 64, 177, 177 n. 68\nGreen lyon: See vitriol of sol\ngold\nfools\u2019 gold (pyrites) 43, 66\nmetallic gold 29, 43\u201344\ngout 26, 30\u201331, 33, 133\nGrew, Nehemiah\nAnatomy of Plants 87, 90, 94\nnn. 186\u2013188, 97 nn. 192\u2013193, 100\nn. 211, 101 nn. 212\u2013215, 102\nnn. 216\u2013220, 103 nn. 221\u2013226,\n104 nn. 227\u2013229, 105 n. 231, 106\nbarometric pressure and salts 101, 104\nbiography 5, 87\nchymistry of color 97\nand Epsom salts 87, 106, 106\nn. 239\nand essential salts 90, 92\u201394, 96,\n107\nand lixivial salts 90\u201392, 92 n. 173,\n93, 96, 101, 105, 112\nplant structure 91\nsalt of fern 93\u201394\nsalt of tartar 94\nsnow\u0003akes 105\nand volatile salts 91, 98, 104\u2013105\nGuerrini, Anita: See Newtonian\nphysicians\nGur or Bur 41, 46, 68\nHales, Stephen\naerial acids 195\ndiaphragm \u0002lters 199\n289\nelastic property of air 196, 198\u2013199,\n201\nin\u0003uence of Newton on 151,\n195\u2013196, 198\nPhilosophical Experiments 195, 202\nnn. 20\u201323, 203 n. 24\npneumatic trough 195, 198\u2013199, 203\nsalts 195\nVegetable Staticks 85, 151, 195, 195\nn. 3, 196, 196 n. 5, 198 nn. 9, 11,\n199 nn. 14\u201315, 201 nn. 16\u201319\nventilators 202\nwater puri\u0002cation 202\nHalley, Edmond 51\nHannaway, Owen 5\nHartlib, Samuel\ncorrespondence network 12, 34, 34\nn. 94\non chymistry 40\non Glauber 5, 12, 34, 34 n. 94,\n39\u201340, 47\nHarvey, William 4, 49, 80, 92,\n160\u2013161, 161 nn. 24\u201325\nHippocrates 29, 32, 116\nHohenheim von, Theostratus\nBombastus: See Paracelsus\nHolmes, Frederic 5, 5 nn. 9\u201310, 19\nn. 31, 73 n. 102\nHooke, Robert 61, 61 n. 62, 105, 139\nHunter, Michael 51, 51 nn. 18\u201319, 66\nn. 77, 87 n. 152, 88 n. 155\niatrochymistry 49, 51, 54, 55 n. 33,\n87, 111, 135\u2013136, 146, 155, 157\u2013158,\n161, 163, 165, 168, 170, 172,\n178\u2013179, 189, 194\nJankovic, Vladimir 51, 51 n. 20\nJorden, Edward 69, 69 n. 89, 237\nn. 59, 257 n. 87\nKepler, Johannes 54, 64 n. 72\nKircher, Athanasius\nMundus Subterraneus 58, 59 n. 50, 60\nn. 52, 86\non magnetism 58\non tides 58\nKlein, Ursula 6, 6 n. 14\nLa Febvre, Nicaise 2, 2 n. 3, 13\nLavoisier, Antoine\n\u201cacid generator\u201d 8\nwork on fermentation 203\u2013204\nwork on oxygen 8, 194\u2013195, 204\u2013206\n\nPages 307:\n290\nindex\nL\u00e9mery, Nicolas 88, 88 n. 157, 89, 89\nnn. 157\u2013159, 111, 111 n. 8\nLister, Martin\nbiography 5, 51, 65, 67\u201368, 73\u201374, 207\nchymistry 66, 72, 91, 107, 207\nDe Fontibus 66, 66 n. 79, 67 nn. 82,\n84, 68 n. 86, 69, 70 nn. 91\u201392, 72\nnn. 93\u201394, 73 nn. 97\u2013101, 74, 74\nn. 104, 75 n. 105, 76, 76 nn.\n108\u2013111, 77, 77 nn. 112\u2013115, 78\nnn. 116\u2013117, 79, 79 nn. 121\u2013123,\n81, 81 n. 128, 82 nn. 131\u2013132, 83,\n83 nn. 133, 135, 84, 85 n. 144,\n86, 115\ntheories of earthquakes 77, 84\u201385,\n117, 120, 254\nfossils and their formation 65, 66,\n75\u201376, 229 n. 48\ntheory of lightning 83\u201384, 84\nn. 140, 254 n. 83\niron mines 219 n. 24\nmineral baths 76\nlimestone 69\u201370, 72, 76\u201377, 82, 86,\n114, 213 n. 13\nnitrum calcarium 69\u201370, 72, 77, 213,\n213 n. 13, 216, 239\n\u201cMethod for the history of iron\u201d 66,\n66 n. 89, 67 nn. 80\u201381, 76\ntheory of formation of rain 78,\n82\u201383, 104\u2013105, 145, 202\nRoyal Society involvement 85\npyrites 65\u201369, 72\u201373, 75\u201379, 82\u201384\nwitterung 68, 68 n. 85, 78, 83, 92,\n115, 240 n. 63, 249 n. 80, 252\nn. 82, 254 n. 83\nLockyer, Lionel\nantinomy 165\u2013166\nbiography 165\nLockyer\u2019s pills 163, 165, 168\npatent medicine 8, 155\u2013156, 165,\n166 n. 49\nsolar medicine 52 n. 23, 158\nMalphigi, Marcello 80, 99, 99 nn.\n202\u2013203\nMayow, John 4, 99, 105, 125, 125\nn. 73, 139 n. 138, 151\nnitro-aerial spirit 99, 125 n. 73\nTractatus Quinque Medico-Physici 99,\n125 n. 73\nMead, Richard: See Newtonian\nphysicians\non subterranean damps 134\nmedical astrology 33 n. 88, 52 n. 23\namulets and 159, 159 n. 15, 160\nscrofula and 32, 158\u2013159, 159 n. 15,\n160\u2013162\nchymistry and 2, 2 n. 1, 3\u20139, 11,\n13, 20, 34\u201335, 38, 38 n. 115, 39,\n46\u201347, 49\u201351, 51 n. 19, 57, 61, 63,\n65, 87\u201390, 100, 106\u2013107, 109, 111,\n116, 124, 126, 136\u2013137, 139\u2013140,\n152, 155, 157\u2013158, 163, 163 n. 35,\n170, 179, 192, 194\u2013195, 198\u2013199,\n202, 206\u2013207\nmetallogenesis 68 n. 84, 74, 109, 115,\n117, 120\u2013121, 206\u2013207\ngur or bur 41, 46, 68\nwitterung 68, 68 n. 85, 78, 83, 92,\n115, 240 n. 63, 249 n. 80, 252\nn. 82, 254 n. 83\nMeyer, J.F. 203\nMercury 3\u20134, 6, 11, 13\u201314, 19, 25\u201326,\n31, 41, 48, 57 n. 44, 104, 119, 125\nn. 74, 157, 158\u2013159, 204\nMoon\nAstronodia 32\nmedical astrology 33 n. 88, 52 n. 23\ntides 5, 52, 52 n. 24, 53, 53 n. 24,\n54\u201355, 55 n. 37, 56, 56 n. 37, 57,\n57 n. 44, 58\u201359, 59 n. 50, 60\u201361,\n63 nn. 64\u201365, 64, 64 nn. 69, 72,\n65, 163, 202, 232 n. 51\nMoray, Sir Robert\nchymistry of 5\u20136, 9, 13, 20, 34\u201335,\n38\u201339, 65, 87\u201388, 90, 100, 107\nKincardine papers 35\ntheories of tides 52 n. 24\nMulthauf, Robert P. 4, 4 n. 6, 5 n. 12,\n8 n. 20, 28 n. 71, 108 n. 1\nNewman, William R. 2 n. 1, 4, 4 n. 8,\n9 n. 24, 19 n. 35, 20, 20 n. 40, 36\nn. 103, 40 n. 123, 45 n. 147, 47, 47\nn. 1, 89 n. 160, 92 n. 173, 94\nn. 182, 111 n. 7, 119 nn. 42\u201343, 120\nn. 46, 156 n. 5, 157, 157 n. 7, 165\nn. 45, 166 n. 47, 192, 193 n. 127,\n210 n. 100, 216 n. 18, 222 n. 111\nNewton, Isaac\nAcids 111, 123\u2013124, 126\u2013127, 145,\n150, 165, 195, 203\nChymistry 65, 109, 126, 137, 139\u2013140,\n195, 198\u2013199, 202, 216 n. 18\nDe Natura Acidorum 8, 109, 126, 126\nn. 79, 127 nn. 80\u201382, 132\u2013133,\n133 nn. 106, 110\u2013111, 139, 139\nn. 133, 144, 146 n. 161, 154, 198\n\nPages 308:\nindex\nFermentation 109, 124\u2013125, 125\nn. 74, 126\u2013128, 130\u2013133, 135, 195,\n198, 201\u2013202\nOpticks 8, 109, 124, 125 n. 72, 126,\n126 nn. 77\u201378, 127, 127 n. 83,\n132, 132 n. 104, 133\u2013134, 136,\n140\u2013141, 141 nn. 145\u2013146, 149,\n143 n. 151, 145, 146 n. 160,\n150\u2013151, 154, 195, 198\nNewtonian physicians\nGeorge Cheyne 8, 109, 131, 133,\n136 n. 124\nJames Friend 132, 189\u2013190\nRichard Mead 8, 109, 131, 134,\n134 nn. 114\u2013116, 135, 135 n. 117,\n136, 152 n. 185, 161\nArchibald Pitcairne 8, 109, 126,\n131, 133, 135\u2013136, 189\nBryan Robinson 8, 109, 131, 136,\n136 n. 125, 145 n. 157, 194\u2013195\nnitre\naerial nitre 23\u201324, 38, 49, 91, 105,\n115, 125, 165\nand colored glazes 38\nand colored glass 39\nand weather 7, 51, 60 n. 56, 146,\n152, 174, 232, 251\nNummedal, Tara 155, 156 n. 2\nNunning, Jodocus Herman 178 n. 78,\n182 n. 90, 190\u2013191\nOldenburg, Henry 58, 58 nn. 48\u201349,\n59, 60, 60 nn. 52\u201355, 75, 75 nn. 104,\n106, 80 nn. 126, 86 n. 150, 87\nn. 152, 88 n. 155, 99 n. 205, 114,\n114 n. 23\noxygen\nacidifying spirit 8, 194\u2013206\nLavoisier\u2019s work on 194\u2013206\nPagel, Walter 4, 11, 11 n. 3, 14 n. 13,\n21 n. 41, 26, 26 n. 66, 45, 45 n. 149,\n49, 49 nn. 10\u201311, 91 n. 171, 135\nn. 119, 152 n. 187, 160 n. 22, 161\nn. 26, 180, 180 n. 84\npalingenesis: See Daniel Coxe, Thomas\nTymme\nParacelsus\nmacrocosm and microcosm 17, 25,\n38, 55, 132, 188\nsalt chymistry 2\u20137, 11, 13, 124, 155,\n157\u2013158, 170\ntria prima 3\u20134, 6\u20137, 11, 11 n. 3, 13\u201314,\n25\u201326, 41, 45, 47, 57 n. 44, 90\u201391, 119\n291\nPhilipot, Thomas\nBiography 54 n. 28\nJohn Philipot 53, 54 n. 28\ntheories of magnetism 58, 84, 84\nn. 139, 145, 184 n. 98\nA Phylosophical Essay 54, 54 nn. 30\u201332,\n55 n. 33, 56, 56 n. 38, 57, 57\nn. 42, 58 n. 46, 61 n. 61, 62 n. 63,\n63 nn. 64\u201368, 64 nn. 70\u201371, 65\nn. 73\ntidal theory 52\nphilosopher\u2019s stone 44, 192\nphosphorus 114 n. 20, 121 n. 55,\n187\u2013188, 204\nPitcairne, Archibald: See Newtonian\nphysicians\nplant\nbreath 7, 81\u201382, 82 nn. 130\u2013131,\n170, 233 n. 53, 258, 260, 261 n. 94\ncolor and salts 44, 46, 100, 242\nn. 67\nlixivial salts 90, 92 n. 173, 96, 101,\n105, 112\npalingenesis 19, 19 n. 35, 75, 96\nsea lentil 81, 82 n. 130\nsensitivity 80, 80 n. 124\nstructure and salts 91\ntranspiration 81, 85, 259 n. 91\nPliny\nNatural History 67 n. 80, 80 n. 127, 81\nn. 129, 82 n. 130, 83, 83 n. 135,\n86, 185 n. 100, 211 n. 10, 259, 259\nn. 91, 260, 260 nn. 92\u201393\nPlot, Robert 81 n. 129, 259 n. 91\nPorto, Paolo 36, 36 nn. 102, 104\npreformation theory 88 n. 156\nPriestley, Joseph 194, 194 n. 1, 204\nPrince Rupert\u2019s drops 61, 61 nn.\n57\u201360\nPrincipe, Lawrence 2 n. 1, 4 n. 8, 6\u20137,\n7 nn. 15\u201316, 9 n. 24, 36 n. 103, 40\nn. 123, 45 n. 147, 47, 47 n. 1, 51\nn. 19, 89 n. 160, 92 n. 173, 94\nn. 182, 103 n. 222, 111, 111 n. 7,\n119, 119 nn. 42\u201343, 120 n. 46\nRay, John\nrelationship with Martin Lister 65,\n65 n. 75, 75, 80 n. 127, 83 n. 135,\n254 nn. 84\u201385\nRobinson, Bryan\nAcids 111, 199\nAlkalies 89, 111, 117\u2013118\nBiography 8, 109, 131, 136, 136\n\nPages 309:\n292\nindex\nnn. 125, 127, 137 nn. 129\u2013131, 138,\n139 nn. 132, 135, 145 n. 157, 195\nblood color 144, 146\nchymical medicine 88 n. 157, 111\nn. 8, 155, 157, 168, 172\nhair experiments 148\niatrochemistry 92 n. 173, 152\nin\u0003uence of Newton\u2019s Opticks\non 140, 151\nRobinson, Tancred 69, 69 n. 89, 70\nn. 90, 75, 207, 207 n. 4\nRobot, Louise, the Mademoiselle de\nMartinville\nrelationship with Joseph\nDuchesne 12\nRozier, J.F. 203\u2013204, 204 n. 32\nRoyal College of Physicians 50 n. 14,\n65 n. 75, 107, 107 n. 245, 170 n. 54,\n207, 207 n. 4\nRoyal Society 145 n. 159, 163, 168,\n183, 194 n. 1, 195, 202, 207 n. 4,\n208, 209 n. 5, 219 n. 24, 228 n. 44,\n229 n. 46, 259 n. 91, 264 n. 97\nsaline spirits 8, 16, 108\u2013109, 119, 131,\n133, 155, 194, 206\nsaltpeter: See nitre\nsalts\nacidic saline spirits 3, 116, 133, 195\nalkaline salts 56 n. 39, 89, 93\u201394,\n96\u201398, 106, 111, 162\nantimony 12, 28\u201330, 39, 118\u2013119,\n165\u2013166, 214, 221, 227\nand atmosphere 39, 108, 184 n. 97,\n203\nand blood chymistry 49, 152\nand colors 17, 37, 97\nand dew 202, 259\nand diet 185\nand disease 25, 147 n. 167, 185\nn. 100\nearly modern de\u0002nition of 2\u20136\nEpsom salts 4 n. 7, 67 n. 79, 87, 87\nn. 152, 106, 106 n. 239, 107 n. 243\nessurine salts 115, 236 n. 58\n\u0002xed salts 48\nGlauber\u2019s salt 35, 41\nand gout 26, 30\u201333, 133\nlixivial salts 92, 96, 101, 105\nand medicine 2, 2 n. 2, 3, 45\nn. 149, 49, 49 n. 10, 152 n. 187,\n153 n. 188, 157 n. 6, 163, 170, 206\nand meteorology 52, 108\nmarine salt 15, 19, 92, 92 n. 176,\n93 n. 180, 94, 94 nn. 183\u2013815, 96\nn. 189\nmicroscopic analysis of 105\nnitre (saltpeter) 5, 16, 36, 119\nsal ammoniac (ammonium\nchloride) 14, 17\u201318, 48, 58, 86,\n97, 102\u2013103, 105, 113, 151\u2013152,\n202\nsalt of hartshorn 31\nsalt of tartar 18, 32, 37, 94, 119,\n148, 150, 182\nand semen 21\u201322\nand spa waters 4, 42, 51, 69, 73,\n74 n. 104, 78, 109, 114, 117, 133\nn. 109, 157, 164, 207, 210, 211, 229,\n231 n. 50, 234 n. 56, 255 n. 86\nand tides 57 n. 44, 58, 60\nspiritual salt 12, 21\u201323, 25\nvolatile salts 1, 3, 5\u20137, 7 n. 19, 21,\n48\u201350, 50 n. 16, 55\u201356, 56 n. 39,\n62\u201363, 75, 77\u201379, 82 n. 130, 89\nn. 159, 90 n. 163, 91, 93 n. 179, 98,\n104\u2013105, 109, 112, 134, 152\u2013153,\n162, 164\u2013166, 170, 182\u2013184, 191,\n195, 202, 206, 255 n. 86\nSampson, Henry 92\nScalinger, Julian 83 n. 137\nSchein, David 29\u201330\nScrofula 32, 158\u2013159, 159 n. 15,\n160\u2013162\nSherley, Thomas 5, 30, 31 n. 79, 48\nnn. 3, 5, 54, 55 n. 33\nStahl, George 186, 203, 203 n. 26\nStarkey, George 47 n. 1, 125, 133\nn. 106, 157, 157 n. 7, 166\nStevenson, David 35 n. 95, 59 n. 50\nStuckley, William 85, 85 nn. 145\u2013146\nSilver 22, 24, 26, 39, 84, 118, 219\nn. 24, 226, 228\u2013229, 229 n. 46, 26\nSimpson, William\nBiography 108\u2013154\nfermentation 108\u2013109, 114, 117\nin\u0003uence of Newton 155\nZymologica Physica 108, 114, 116\nn. 31, 117 nn. 33\u201334, 118\nnn. 37\u201341, 119 n. 44, 120 nn. 46,\n47\u201350, 121 nn. 51\u201354, 122\nnn. 57\u201360, 123 n. 61\u201362, 123\nnn. 63\u201365, 124 n. 66\u201368, 131 n. 98\nSloane, Hans 82 n. 130, 99 n. 206\nsmelling salts 1, 3, 18\nspirit of wine (ethanol) 37\nStahl, George\nTonus 187, 187 n. 106\n\nPages 310:\n293\nindex\nsulphur\nspirit of sulphur (sulphuric acid) 98\nsun\nin Aristotelian cosmology 10\nJames Gibbs 158 n. 10\nLockyer\u2019s pill 165\nrole in astrological medicine 157\nrole in iatrochymistry 51\ntides 55, 57\nTachenius, Otto 116, 123 n. 63\ntaste and salts 96, 101, 106, 166\nTheophrastus 79\ntidal theory: See Robert Boyle, Robert\nMoray, Thomas Philipot\ntonus 185, 187, 187 n. 106\nTrismegistus, Hermes 192\nEmerald Tablet 192\nTymme, Thomas\nPractice of Chymicall and Hermeticall\nPhysick 12, 14 n. 12\nPalingenesis 19, 19 n. 35, 75, 96\ntrinitarianism of 13, 24\nValentinius, Basilius 30\nVan Helmont, J.B.\nBlas 72, 126\nin\u0003uence on English chymists 46\nrespiratory theory 140 n. 140\nrole of water 116\ntheories of elements 13 n. 10\ntheories of volatile salts 55\nvinegar (acetic acid) 18\nvitriol\nacrostic 44, 192\nhungry or \u201chermaphroditical\u201d\nsalt 42 n. 134, 45, 72, 234 n. 55,\n243 n. 69\noil of 44, 44 n. 142, 57, 57 nn. 44\u201345,\n112, 118, 147, 251, 258, 264\nproduction of 115\u2013116\nphilosopher\u2019s stone and 44\npyrites and 67, 227 n. 42\nsalt of 43 n. 135, 211\nspa waters and 42\nvitriol of sol (green lyon) 43\u201344\nwater\nin chymistry of Van Helmont 49\nspa waters 109, 114, 117, 133\nn. 109, 157, 164, 207, 210 n. 7,\n211 n. 10, 229 n. 46, 231 n. 50,\n234 n. 56, 255 n. 86\nuniversal matter 134\nWebster, Charles 35 n. 95, 80 n. 124,\n155 n. 1\nWebster, John 54\nWeekly Memorials for the Ingenious 69, 69\nnn. 87\u201388, 73 n. 101, 207, 207\nnn. 2\u20133\nWeininger, Stephen 205\u2013206 n. 38\nWilson, George\nCompleat Course of Chymistry 166, 166\nn. 48\nLockyer\u2019s pills 163, 165, 168\nWills, John 81, 259 n. 91\nWillis, Thomas 49, 113\u2013114, 114\nn. 21, 118 n. 112\nWine 16, 17, 21, 33, 37, 38, 38\nn. 115, 43, 103, 114, 122, 125, 146\nn. 161, 165, 203\u2013204, 250 n. 81\nWoodall, John\npoem on salts 27\nSurgeon\u2019s Mate 13, 25, 26 n. 65, 27\nWorseley, Benjamin: See nitre\nYoung, J.T. 12 n. 6, 34, 34 n. 93, 41,\n41 n. 125\nZwinger, Jacob\n57, 57 n. 44\n\nPages 311:\n\nPages 312:\nHistory of Science\nand Medicine Library\nISSN 1872-0684\n1. Fruton, J.S. Fermentation. Vital or Chemical Process? 2006.\nISBN 90 04 15268 7, 978 90 04 15268 7\n2. Pietikainen, P. Neurosis and Modernity. The Age of Nervousness in Sweden,\n2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16075 0\n3. Roos, A. The Salt of the Earth. Natural Philosophy, Medicine, and Chymistry\nin England, 1650-1750. 2007. ISBN 978 90 04 16176 4\n\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 295 to page 312 out of a total of 312. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=229\nPages: 229,230\nChapter 1\nThe shapes and descriptions of the four better known fossil salts, namely, salt of\nvitriol, alumen, saltpetre, as it is called, and sea salt, and the \u0003fth less well-known\none, that is, salt of lime.\nThe fossil salts found in a mature state which have thus far been\ndiscovered in our country and are better known are four: namely,\nvitriol, from pyrites, which is green, alumen, common salt, and nitre,\notherwise known as saltpetre.\nTo these however we must add a \u0003fth kind, although it is one of the\nless well-known types;\n12\nJohann van Helmont. See Chapter three for Lister\u2019s disputes with van Helmont\nover the generation of vitriol.\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n213\nPage 2\nyet because is is the most plentiful of all, it should rightly be categorized in the class of salts. It is of course salt, or nitre of lime (nitrum\ncalcarium).13\nSince however we have given an accurate description of all the shapes]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=31\nPages: 31\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and\nbodily shape.\u201d13 Continuing the tripartite theme, all salts were believed\nto contain within themselves salty, sulphureous, and mercurial qualities\n\u201cjointly together.\u201d Common earthy salt, \u201c\u0002xed and \u0002rme,\u201d nitrous salt,\n\u201cpartly \u0002xed and partly volatile,\u201d participating in the \u201csulphureous\nbeginnings of things,\u201d and sal ammoniac, which was \u201cof the Mercuriall\nbeginning spiritual and airie\u201d could all be extracted from any saline\nsubstance by a \u201cwittie\u201d saltmaker with the \u201cforce of \u0002re.\u201d14\nTymme also claimed that salts also were responsible for secondary\nqualities of matter, such as color or taste. It was also possible to discern\nwhich type of salt in a sample was predominant, whether sulphureous,\n\u0002xed, or mercurious, by taste. Earthy \u0002xed salt had a simple salt taste,\nnitrous or sulphureous salt a sweet and oily one, and mercurial salt was\nsour. In fact, a substance without any salt, such as water, was described]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=108\nPages: 108,109\nKarger, 1984), p. 37.\n92\nchapter three\nwere also made of saline substances.172 In order to better understand\nhow salts combined to form the leaf structure, he then sought to classify\nthe types of vegetative salts. In the Producibleness of Chemical Principles\n(1681), Boyle had replaced the usual division of salts into acid and\nalkali with a tripartite division of salts into acid, alkaline, and urinous\nor volatile, (the latter category including nitre), a classi\u0003cation that Coxe\nwould also follow.173 However, Grew argued instead that vegetative\nsalts should be classi\u0003ed into four types\u2014nitrous, acid, alkaline, and\nmarine\u2014claiming \u201call the four salts have a share in the formation of\na leaf, or other part of a plant.\u201d174 Grew did acknowledge that lixiviating plants via \u0003re revealed that they contained a \u0003xed as well as a\nvolatile alkali; \u201cthe former in the ashes, the latter in the Soot\u201d; because\nplants yielded acid juices in distillation in a sand furnace, this testi\u0003ed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30,31\n11\nDebus, English Paracelsians, p. 90.\n10\n14\nchapter two\nor formative salt believed to be responsible for the minerallogenesis,\nreproduction, and the generation of matter. There were several contenders for the identity of this formative salt principle including nitre,\nantinomy, and vitriol, the debates about which we shall analyze.\nPart one of the Practice:\nSalts, material substance, and the secondary qualities of taste and color\nPart one of the Practice devoted to chymical analysis began by describing the material nature of salt. It was seen as a \u201cdry body, merely\nearthy . . . endowed with wonderfull virtues of dissolving, congealing,\ncleansing,\u201d and as the substantive body in the trinity of spirit (mercury)\nand soul (sulphur); this concept was taken from Duchesne\u2019s Ad veritatem.12\nAnd, Tymme\u2019s classi\u0002cation was in keeping with the Paracelsian tria\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=111\nPages: 111\nMarine salts produced right angles, and alkaline salts were square at\none end, and pointed at the other; placed ended to end, alkaline salts\nwould form oblique angles. Acid salts had a more crooked nature, and\nby \u201capplying the lesser Side of one to the greater Side of another,\u201d\nwould form circular or Spiral lines.188 Combinations of the various\nsalts would thus produce a variety of differently-shaped air vessels and\nshapes of leaves [Figure 5].\n181\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 151.\n182\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy tried in the Fire, p. 87.\n183\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n184\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n185\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n186\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n187\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n188\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as\nthe fundamental movers in chymistry, natural processes and medicine\nin the \u0002rst half of the eighteenth century. As Ecklund commented,\n\u201cin the eighteenth century salts gradually became to be thought of in\nterms of process, as, for example, the product of the reaction between\nacids and bases, acids and other salts, or between two salts, etc. Some\nchemists regarded acids . . . themselves as salts or at least some saline\nsubstances.\u201d5 Indeed, Chambers Cyclopaedia (1728) de\u0002ned salt as a\n\u201csimple acid substance.\u201d6 In the early eighteenth century, the formative\nqualities of volatile salts were also thought to be an aid to longevity.\nBefore oxygen was \u201cdiscovered,\u201d acidic saline spirits were perceived to\nbe the source of life\u2019s breath, revealing not only the origins of the idea\nof smelling salts, but early theories of respiratory physiology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=232\nPages: 232\nmentioned.\nSea salt differs completely from the salt of inland springs in kind, and\na clear distinction must be drawn in every respect between seawater\nand fresh water. For the crystals of seawater are cut short at each of\nthe corners, to form individual \u0002at triangles, on at least one side of the\nsquare, but the crystals formed from saltwater have undamaged corners.\nAs far as I aware I am the \u0003rst person to record this. See \u0003gure 8.\nPage 6\nA description of nitre. IV. Nitre, which some call saltpetre and halopetrum,\ndevelops into hexagonal crystals, which are thin, long and of unvarying width. These crystals, I say, have sides shaped like parallelograms.\nFurthermore they end, on one side only, in a sort of point or tip, which\nis sharpened in a pyramidical fashion owing of course to the varying\nposition of the two \u0002at sides. On the other side however the crystals\ndo not have a polished appearance, but invariably end as though they]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30,31\nHowever, despite Tymme\u2019s Trinitarian thrust, one which will extend to\nthe classi\u0002cation of saline substances themselves, it cannot be overlooked\nthat salt emerges as an overwhelmingly predominant principle in his\ntranslation. Part one of the Practice is devoted to \u201cchymicall\u201d physick, and\ncontains three chapters about the material nature of salts. The entire\nsecond part and most of the third concerns the \u201chermeticall\u201d or spiritual\nnature of the \u201chermaphroditical\u201d salt, an \u201cideal Platonic form of salt.\u201d\nChemists like Duchesne, as well as Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise\nLa Febvre (1610\u20131669) claimed that there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d\n9\nAllen G. Debus, The English Paracelsians (New York: F. Watts, 1966), p. 87.\nSee R. Hooykaas, \u201cDie Elementenlehre der Iatrochemiker,\u201d Janus 41 (1937), pp.\n1\u201328 for an analysis of Duchesne\u2019s theories of elements and principles.\n11\nDebus, English Paracelsians, p. 90.\n10\n14\nchapter two]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nwere also salts, questions regarding their production led directly to the\nquestion of whether or not they preexisted in combustible bodies.\u201d160\nAntonio Clericuzio has noted that Coxe denied that \u201c\u0003xed salts praeexisted in vegetables,\u201d thinking they were \u201cproduced, not extracted, by\nthe \u0003re. The salts alkali result from the combination of combination or\nunion of the saline and of the sulphureous principles.\u201d161 We not only\nsee this assertion in Coxe\u2019s published works in the Philosophical Transactions, but in a letter he wrote in 1666 to Boyle, when he states \u201cThat\nAlcalies, or \u0003xd salts made by incineration or Calcination seem not to\nhave been Such ea formac in the Concretes which afforded them by as\nso shaped as to admit entry of the spike particles of acid. L\u00e9mery postulated that, for\nreaction to take place between a particular acid and alkali, there must be an appropriate relationship between the size of the acid spikes and alkaline pores.\u201d\n158\nL\u00e9mery, Course of Chymistry, p. 20.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=228\nPages: 228\nI have named those very springs which others call ferruginous, \u2018inky\nblack\u2019 [atramentosos], in a manner of speaking, from their appearance.\nThey have been called by others, who follow Pliny, after their taste, but\nby me after the effect they have when in contact with galls.10\nIndex page v\nIndex of Chapters\n1. The Shapes and Descriptions of the four better known fossil salts,\nnamely, salt of vitriol, alum, saltpetre and sea salt, and the \u0003fth less\nwell-known salt of lime.11\n2. Concerning Veins of Iron: wherein it is demonstrated that there\nis only type of pyrite in England, and this is entirely composed of\npure metallic iron.\n3. Concerning Limestone.\n4. A short description of certain mineral springs in England: wherein\nthe crystals of salts are all related simply to common salt and nitre of\nlime, but the soil on the ground is related to ochre and limestone.\n5. Concerning the origin of the substances found in the mineral springs\nof England.\n10]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19\nof mineral qualities including crystallinity, salt became the formative\nprinciple par excellence.\u201d3 Some chymists, such as Joseph Duchesne\n(1544\u20131609), Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise La Febvre (1610 \u2013\n1669) claimed there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed\nto be responsible for minerallogenesis and the formation of matter, or\nperhaps a source of the alkahest or universal dissolvent.4 I will delineate\n1\nMy use of the term chymical and chymistry throughout this book is quite deliberate,\nas it is anachronistic practice to make clear distinctions between alchemy and chemistry\nin the seventeenth century. Early modern \u201cchymists\u201d attempted to transmute metals\ninto gold, considered an alchemical practice, yet also performed other experiments\ninvolving mass balance or crystallographic analysis that would be considered \u201cchemical.\u201d For further analysis of this historiographic problem, see L.M. Principe and W.R.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=123\nPages: 123\nthat the \u201cbeing\u201d or essential nature of the salts, and their ability to\nchange the color of syrup of violets were \u201cnot wholly and altogether\ndepend[ant] on the Fire.\u201d239 The bitter taste of the Epsom salts was\nalso not created by the \u0003re, but rather augmented by it, which showed\nthe \u201c\u0003xedness of its principles.\u201d240 Further, before the Purging salt had\n\u201cfelt the Fire,\u201d it was alkaline, \u201cbut when it was well burnt, it was in\nsome sort Lixivial albeit we may not so properly call it Lixivial, nor\nperhaps by any other Name which Use hath approved: for the Furniture\nof Words is in nothing more scanty.\u201d241 Grew\u2019s comment not only have\nre\u0002ected the traditional \u201cnullius in verbo\u201d thrust of the Royal Society, but\nalso may have illustrated the growing primacy of saline chymistry as\nconceptualized by Van Helmont, and subsequently Boyle whose use of\nchemical names would become more and more \u201capproved.\u201d\nIf words proved unsatisfactory to describe his chemical research,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\n133, 155, 194, 206\nsaltpeter: See nitre\nsalts\nacidic saline spirits 3, 116, 133, 195\nalkaline salts 56 n. 39, 89, 93\u201394,\n96\u201398, 106, 111, 162\nantimony 12, 28\u201330, 39, 118\u2013119,\n165\u2013166, 214, 221, 227\nand atmosphere 39, 108, 184 n. 97,\n203\nand blood chymistry 49, 152\nand colors 17, 37, 97\nand dew 202, 259\nand diet 185\nand disease 25, 147 n. 167, 185\nn. 100\nearly modern de\u0002nition of 2\u20136\nEpsom salts 4 n. 7, 67 n. 79, 87, 87\nn. 152, 106, 106 n. 239, 107 n. 243\nessurine salts 115, 236 n. 58\n\u0002xed salts 48\nGlauber\u2019s salt 35, 41\nand gout 26, 30\u201333, 133\nlixivial salts 92, 96, 101, 105\nand medicine 2, 2 n. 2, 3, 45\nn. 149, 49, 49 n. 10, 152 n. 187,\n153 n. 188, 157 n. 6, 163, 170, 206\nand meteorology 52, 108\nmarine salt 15, 19, 92, 92 n. 176,\n93 n. 180, 94, 94 nn. 183\u2013815, 96\nn. 189\nmicroscopic analysis of 105\nnitre (saltpeter) 5, 16, 36, 119\nsal ammoniac (ammonium\nchloride) 14, 17\u201318, 48, 58, 86,\n97, 102\u2013103, 105, 113, 151\u2013152,\n202\nsalt of hartshorn 31\nsalt of tartar 18, 32, 37, 94, 119,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=230\nPages: 230\ncalcarium).13\nSince however we have given an accurate description of all the shapes\nof all these salts, we shall, in my opinion, shortly establish with greater\ncertainty some things about the salts of mineral springs, by making a\ncomparison between the salts of each type.\nA description of vitriol\nTo resume, green vitriol is born from iron pyrites; when its crystals are\nmature and perfectly formed, they are invariably sharpened or pointed\nat either end, and consist of ten uneven and \u0002at sides.\nOne may see in the middle four \u0002at pentagonal sides, and they possess three \u0002at triangular surfaces at each of their pointed extremities,\nas represented in the \u0003rst \u0003gure.\nPage 3\nII. A description of alumen (alumen or alum).14 I have \u0003ltered lye from the\nmetallic form of alumen after burning it and then keeping it for a long\ntime and drying it. It produced white crystals shaped in the following\nmanner: their shape is a little compressed; on the one side, or, as one\n13]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\ntake unto it a more solid body.\u201d43 This existence of this spiritual salt was\nalso shown by the fact that salt was a \u201cbalsam of nature.\u201d Tymme wrote,\n\u201call creatures by a certain natural instinct, doe desire [salt] as a Balsam,\nby which they are preserved, conserved, & doe grow and increase.\u201d44\nBirds and doves sought it out \u201cwith their beaks,\u201d deer gravitated to\nsalt licks, and \u0002sh were \u201cbred and nourished\u201d in the sea.45 Spiritual\nsalts also were generative; salt was said to awake the power of semen,\nand Venus \u201cthe mother and \u0002rst beginner of generation, is begotten\nof the Salt spume or froath of the male;\u201d salt was also thought to be\nresponsible for the generation of pearls and corals in the sea as the\nbranching nature of the coral suggested salt crystals.46 Fertilizing salts\nin marl \u201canimateth, forti\u0002eth, and giveth power\u201d to the earth; as the\nsun caused the volatile salts in wine to vaporize and manifest chymical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=231\nPages: 231\nthe true and natural shape of crystals.15\nA description of common salt III. If salt water is boiled to dryness, and\nthe salt is then once more dissolved in a little spring water, it produces\ncrystals which are truly cubic. See \u0003gure 3.\nYet in the central part of the upper side, or, if you will, \u0002at part, a\nsort of transparency can be observed, which is unblemished because\nof a lack of substance [within that part of the crystal], or emptiness. Yet\nthe remaining \u0003ve sides are solid and whitish.\nA solution of our so-called sal gemmae has displayed the same cubic\ncrystals to me.16\nI obtained the same results from common salt obtained by boiling\ndry salt water drawn from the inland regions of our island.\nPage 5\nFurthermore concerning the sea-salt made from sand in the estuary\nof the Lune [Lancastriensi],17 I have additionally noticed salt of this\nkind develop into a brilliant white \u0002uted mass while it is still in solution]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=113\nPages: 113,114\n189\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 264.\nAs Steven Shapin has illustrated in A Social History of Truth, standards for epistemological truth in seventeenth-century science had their origin in gentlemen\u2019s codes of\nhonor. There was an equation between gentility, honor, and truth-telling that extended\nto empirical observation; the observations of Robert Boyle would be trusted more than\nthose by an artisan. Gentlemen, by virtue of their social status, were considered more\ncompetent sensory agents, and hence they were more likely to be leaders of opinion\nin the scienti\u0003c community. Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in\nSeventeenth-Century England (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994).\n191\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 155.\n190\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n97]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=113\nPages: 113\ninto water, and he argued that each solution had a distinctive and\nunique taste. In an earlier 1674 paper for the Philosophical Transactions\nCoxe had intimated that the different tastes for the salts were due to\nsome of the plant\u2019s oils contaminating the salts, so having Blackstone\nmake the careful preparations was important for Grew to assure saline\npurity.191 Then Grew let each solution be exposed to the air to produce\nthe different essential salts of each plant. Microscopic observation also\nillustrated that each essential salt had a unique structure and color,\narguing for their species-speci\u0003c nature [Figure 4]. Grew therefore\naccomplished what was in his eyes a truer type of plant palingenesis\nvia the medium of air rather than Coxe\u2019s use of \u0003re, and he thought\nthat he recreated the plant\u2019s essential saline structure.\n189\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 264.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48\nand which had as its root cause a salty \u0003ood of humors, was best cured\nby \u201chydragogol,\u201d or water-purging humors like syrup of the salt of\nhartshorn (ammonium carbonate).83 If there were such a quantity of salt\nthat could not be absorbed by bodily liquors, then of necessity \u201cit will\nbe stopt in its passages and Vessells . . . and be coagulated into different\nsort of Stones, according to the nature of predominant Salts.\u201d\nHere the crystalline shapes of gouty tartarous concretions could be\nanalyzed to see if what types of salts were responsible, and Mayerne\nnoted the similarity of the growth of nodules in the body to salts made\nby chymical processes, as well as to minerals in the earth,\nNay, he that shall remove his contemplations from the Coagulations of\nSalts, to those which happen to Stones and Marcasit[e]s, he shall \u0002nd\nseveral of them so elaborately form\u2019d according to Geometrical Rules,\nthat he will be forced to acknowledge that Art is out-done by Nature.84]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=229\nPages: 229,230\nChapter 1\nThe shapes and descriptions of the four better known fossil salts, namely, salt of\nvitriol, alumen, saltpetre, as it is called, and sea salt, and the \u0003fth less well-known\none, that is, salt of lime.\nThe fossil salts found in a mature state which have thus far been\ndiscovered in our country and are better known are four: namely,\nvitriol, from pyrites, which is green, alumen, common salt, and nitre,\notherwise known as saltpetre.\nTo these however we must add a \u0003fth kind, although it is one of the\nless well-known types;\n12\nJohann van Helmont. See Chapter three for Lister\u2019s disputes with van Helmont\nover the generation of vitriol.\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n213\nPage 2\nyet because is is the most plentiful of all, it should rightly be categorized in the class of salts. It is of course salt, or nitre of lime (nitrum\ncalcarium).13\nSince however we have given an accurate description of all the shapes]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=108\nPages: 108,109\nKarger, 1984), p. 37.\n92\nchapter three\nwere also made of saline substances.172 In order to better understand\nhow salts combined to form the leaf structure, he then sought to classify\nthe types of vegetative salts. In the Producibleness of Chemical Principles\n(1681), Boyle had replaced the usual division of salts into acid and\nalkali with a tripartite division of salts into acid, alkaline, and urinous\nor volatile, (the latter category including nitre), a classi\u0003cation that Coxe\nwould also follow.173 However, Grew argued instead that vegetative\nsalts should be classi\u0003ed into four types\u2014nitrous, acid, alkaline, and\nmarine\u2014claiming \u201call the four salts have a share in the formation of\na leaf, or other part of a plant.\u201d174 Grew did acknowledge that lixiviating plants via \u0003re revealed that they contained a \u0003xed as well as a\nvolatile alkali; \u201cthe former in the ashes, the latter in the Soot\u201d; because\nplants yielded acid juices in distillation in a sand furnace, this testi\u0003ed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=31\nPages: 31\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and\nbodily shape.\u201d13 Continuing the tripartite theme, all salts were believed\nto contain within themselves salty, sulphureous, and mercurial qualities\n\u201cjointly together.\u201d Common earthy salt, \u201c\u0002xed and \u0002rme,\u201d nitrous salt,\n\u201cpartly \u0002xed and partly volatile,\u201d participating in the \u201csulphureous\nbeginnings of things,\u201d and sal ammoniac, which was \u201cof the Mercuriall\nbeginning spiritual and airie\u201d could all be extracted from any saline\nsubstance by a \u201cwittie\u201d saltmaker with the \u201cforce of \u0002re.\u201d14\nTymme also claimed that salts also were responsible for secondary\nqualities of matter, such as color or taste. It was also possible to discern\nwhich type of salt in a sample was predominant, whether sulphureous,\n\u0002xed, or mercurious, by taste. Earthy \u0002xed salt had a simple salt taste,\nnitrous or sulphureous salt a sweet and oily one, and mercurial salt was\nsour. In fact, a substance without any salt, such as water, was described]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30,31\n11\nDebus, English Paracelsians, p. 90.\n10\n14\nchapter two\nor formative salt believed to be responsible for the minerallogenesis,\nreproduction, and the generation of matter. There were several contenders for the identity of this formative salt principle including nitre,\nantinomy, and vitriol, the debates about which we shall analyze.\nPart one of the Practice:\nSalts, material substance, and the secondary qualities of taste and color\nPart one of the Practice devoted to chymical analysis began by describing the material nature of salt. It was seen as a \u201cdry body, merely\nearthy . . . endowed with wonderfull virtues of dissolving, congealing,\ncleansing,\u201d and as the substantive body in the trinity of spirit (mercury)\nand soul (sulphur); this concept was taken from Duchesne\u2019s Ad veritatem.12\nAnd, Tymme\u2019s classi\u0002cation was in keeping with the Paracelsian tria\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=111\nPages: 111\nMarine salts produced right angles, and alkaline salts were square at\none end, and pointed at the other; placed ended to end, alkaline salts\nwould form oblique angles. Acid salts had a more crooked nature, and\nby \u201capplying the lesser Side of one to the greater Side of another,\u201d\nwould form circular or Spiral lines.188 Combinations of the various\nsalts would thus produce a variety of differently-shaped air vessels and\nshapes of leaves [Figure 5].\n181\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 151.\n182\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy tried in the Fire, p. 87.\n183\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n184\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n185\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n186\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n187\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n188\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nwere also salts, questions regarding their production led directly to the\nquestion of whether or not they preexisted in combustible bodies.\u201d160\nAntonio Clericuzio has noted that Coxe denied that \u201c\u0003xed salts praeexisted in vegetables,\u201d thinking they were \u201cproduced, not extracted, by\nthe \u0003re. The salts alkali result from the combination of combination or\nunion of the saline and of the sulphureous principles.\u201d161 We not only\nsee this assertion in Coxe\u2019s published works in the Philosophical Transactions, but in a letter he wrote in 1666 to Boyle, when he states \u201cThat\nAlcalies, or \u0003xd salts made by incineration or Calcination seem not to\nhave been Such ea formac in the Concretes which afforded them by as\nso shaped as to admit entry of the spike particles of acid. L\u00e9mery postulated that, for\nreaction to take place between a particular acid and alkali, there must be an appropriate relationship between the size of the acid spikes and alkaline pores.\u201d\n158\nL\u00e9mery, Course of Chymistry, p. 20.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=232\nPages: 232\nmentioned.\nSea salt differs completely from the salt of inland springs in kind, and\na clear distinction must be drawn in every respect between seawater\nand fresh water. For the crystals of seawater are cut short at each of\nthe corners, to form individual \u0002at triangles, on at least one side of the\nsquare, but the crystals formed from saltwater have undamaged corners.\nAs far as I aware I am the \u0003rst person to record this. See \u0003gure 8.\nPage 6\nA description of nitre. IV. Nitre, which some call saltpetre and halopetrum,\ndevelops into hexagonal crystals, which are thin, long and of unvarying width. These crystals, I say, have sides shaped like parallelograms.\nFurthermore they end, on one side only, in a sort of point or tip, which\nis sharpened in a pyramidical fashion owing of course to the varying\nposition of the two \u0002at sides. On the other side however the crystals\ndo not have a polished appearance, but invariably end as though they]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as\nthe fundamental movers in chymistry, natural processes and medicine\nin the \u0002rst half of the eighteenth century. As Ecklund commented,\n\u201cin the eighteenth century salts gradually became to be thought of in\nterms of process, as, for example, the product of the reaction between\nacids and bases, acids and other salts, or between two salts, etc. Some\nchemists regarded acids . . . themselves as salts or at least some saline\nsubstances.\u201d5 Indeed, Chambers Cyclopaedia (1728) de\u0002ned salt as a\n\u201csimple acid substance.\u201d6 In the early eighteenth century, the formative\nqualities of volatile salts were also thought to be an aid to longevity.\nBefore oxygen was \u201cdiscovered,\u201d acidic saline spirits were perceived to\nbe the source of life\u2019s breath, revealing not only the origins of the idea\nof smelling salts, but early theories of respiratory physiology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=86\nPages: 86,87\nin salts arise from their different \u0003gures of their particles.\u201d See Parthington, History of\nChemistry, vol. 2, p. 438.\n70\nchapter three\nyou have describ\u2019d and \u0003gur\u2019d; and hee says that hee is very fearfull to\npropound anything to a person of your piercing sagacity.90\nLister\u2019s studies in natural history also revealed him to be a consummate\nempiricist. As he concentrated on utilizing structure to classify animals\nand insects in his other treatises, it is not surprising he would utilize the\nsame methods in his chemical work [Figure 3]. Because Lister primarily\nused detailed visual observation of crystal structure to classify salts,\nhe cautioned chemists who were deceived by impure water samples in\nwhich there was \u201cconjunction of several pure primary salts, from which\nconfusion arises regarding the true and natural shape of crystals.\u201d91\nAfter his classi\u0003cation of common salts, Lister turned to an analysis\nof salts in English mineral waters, and concluded from isolation by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=120\nPages: 120\ndirectly proportional to their \u0003xity, and inversely to their volatility; in\nhis experimental trials, common salt was revealed to be the heaviest\nand also the most chemically inert, followed by nitre \u201csomewhat less\n\u0003xed . . . [and] somewhat lighter,\u201d alum, and then sal ammoniac which\nwas wholly volatile and the \u201clightest of all Salts mentioned.\u201d226\nFrom these conclusions, Grew ended his paper with a practical application of his results\u2014namely with an argument that barometric variations were not due \u201cnot so much with the meer Weight of the air,\u201d but\n221\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n222\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 278.\n223\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 300.\n224\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n225\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n226]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=123\nPages: 123\nthat the \u201cbeing\u201d or essential nature of the salts, and their ability to\nchange the color of syrup of violets were \u201cnot wholly and altogether\ndepend[ant] on the Fire.\u201d239 The bitter taste of the Epsom salts was\nalso not created by the \u0003re, but rather augmented by it, which showed\nthe \u201c\u0003xedness of its principles.\u201d240 Further, before the Purging salt had\n\u201cfelt the Fire,\u201d it was alkaline, \u201cbut when it was well burnt, it was in\nsome sort Lixivial albeit we may not so properly call it Lixivial, nor\nperhaps by any other Name which Use hath approved: for the Furniture\nof Words is in nothing more scanty.\u201d241 Grew\u2019s comment not only have\nre\u0002ected the traditional \u201cnullius in verbo\u201d thrust of the Royal Society, but\nalso may have illustrated the growing primacy of saline chymistry as\nconceptualized by Van Helmont, and subsequently Boyle whose use of\nchemical names would become more and more \u201capproved.\u201d\nIf words proved unsatisfactory to describe his chemical research,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48\nand which had as its root cause a salty \u0003ood of humors, was best cured\nby \u201chydragogol,\u201d or water-purging humors like syrup of the salt of\nhartshorn (ammonium carbonate).83 If there were such a quantity of salt\nthat could not be absorbed by bodily liquors, then of necessity \u201cit will\nbe stopt in its passages and Vessells . . . and be coagulated into different\nsort of Stones, according to the nature of predominant Salts.\u201d\nHere the crystalline shapes of gouty tartarous concretions could be\nanalyzed to see if what types of salts were responsible, and Mayerne\nnoted the similarity of the growth of nodules in the body to salts made\nby chymical processes, as well as to minerals in the earth,\nNay, he that shall remove his contemplations from the Coagulations of\nSalts, to those which happen to Stones and Marcasit[e]s, he shall \u0002nd\nseveral of them so elaborately form\u2019d according to Geometrical Rules,\nthat he will be forced to acknowledge that Art is out-done by Nature.84]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=113\nPages: 113\ninto water, and he argued that each solution had a distinctive and\nunique taste. In an earlier 1674 paper for the Philosophical Transactions\nCoxe had intimated that the different tastes for the salts were due to\nsome of the plant\u2019s oils contaminating the salts, so having Blackstone\nmake the careful preparations was important for Grew to assure saline\npurity.191 Then Grew let each solution be exposed to the air to produce\nthe different essential salts of each plant. Microscopic observation also\nillustrated that each essential salt had a unique structure and color,\narguing for their species-speci\u0003c nature [Figure 4]. Grew therefore\naccomplished what was in his eyes a truer type of plant palingenesis\nvia the medium of air rather than Coxe\u2019s use of \u0003re, and he thought\nthat he recreated the plant\u2019s essential saline structure.\n189\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 264.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=230\nPages: 230,231\nslaked by the application of heat, but the same stone produces an abundance of salt,\nwhether it [ie. the stone] has been untreated or heated, whilst forming the walls or roof\nof some house; it then grows together to form crystals of its own kind.\u201d Most likely\nLister was observing the formation of potassium carbonate or saltpetre crystals on\nwalls that had been whitened by limestone, similar to the formation of nitre crystals\nin limestone saltpeter caves. Lister noted that nitrum calcarium could also not be formed\nby steeping limestone in water, and indeed nitrate crystals will not form in areas of\nexcess humidity.\n14\nMost likely aluminum sulphate (alum), though it could be alumen which was a\nmixed double salt of aluminum sulphate with potassium sodium or ammonium sulfate.\n(Potassium salt, when pure, was also commonly called \u201cAlum.\u201d). (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 K2SO4 \u0004\n24H2O); (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 (NH4)2SO4 \u0004 24H2O); (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 Na2SO4 \u0004 24H2O).\n214\nappendix]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=230\nPages: 230\ncalcarium).13\nSince however we have given an accurate description of all the shapes\nof all these salts, we shall, in my opinion, shortly establish with greater\ncertainty some things about the salts of mineral springs, by making a\ncomparison between the salts of each type.\nA description of vitriol\nTo resume, green vitriol is born from iron pyrites; when its crystals are\nmature and perfectly formed, they are invariably sharpened or pointed\nat either end, and consist of ten uneven and \u0002at sides.\nOne may see in the middle four \u0002at pentagonal sides, and they possess three \u0002at triangular surfaces at each of their pointed extremities,\nas represented in the \u0003rst \u0003gure.\nPage 3\nII. A description of alumen (alumen or alum).14 I have \u0003ltered lye from the\nmetallic form of alumen after burning it and then keeping it for a long\ntime and drying it. It produced white crystals shaped in the following\nmanner: their shape is a little compressed; on the one side, or, as one\n13]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=281\nPages: 281\nIndeed, if you pay attention to the descriptions and accounts of the\nancients, salt of this kind appears to be peculiar to Africa and Asia,\nand to be quite different from our spurious kind.\nOthers declare that sea salt is present in some of our springs, yet\nit is not.\nIn many others however I have no doubt that it is present in inkyblack springs, except for the unpleasant smelling salt ones. I wish\nhowever that they would devote more attention to the cubic-rhomboid\nshape of raw vitriol if it has ever been found by any of those who\ninvestigate our springs.\nin spa water: \u201cThe other part of his argument, which he thinks is instar omnium, to\ncon\u0003rm his opinion of Nitre the chief ingredient, is this experiment, viz. that upon the\nexposing of the Minerals (as he calls the sediment left after evaporation of the water)\nsome while in a most and cold air, that there have been found stories or little Icicles\namong them, which is the form of Nitre, as to the veracity of the experiment we are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219\nthereby produces different types of salts . . . vitriol, alum, nitre . . . and sal\nammoniac.\u201d21 One of his supports for his assertion about bittern salts\nwas the fact that \u201cChymists observed that Nitre consists of an Oily\nSaline and Volatile Substance,\u201d so it was \u201cno wonder that Nitrous Salt\nshould be formed in the Bittern Salt and oily Bitumen of Sea-Water.\u201d22\nHe then concluded that because sea water had a good deal of nitrous\nsalts arising from bittern, seawater could not extinguish ships in \u0002res\nas well as fresh water, as nitre was exothermic and used in gunpowder.\nAnd, it was from the \u201cthe sulphurous Bitumen of the Sea, as raised by\nthe warmth of the sun, that subtle Sulphur form which the air, and\nits Waters, viz Dew and Rain are impregnated.\u201d23 He then concluded\nthat interactions between nitric acid arising from Bittern sea salts,\nand sulphur in the air from sea bitumen caused violent ferments in\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\ntake unto it a more solid body.\u201d43 This existence of this spiritual salt was\nalso shown by the fact that salt was a \u201cbalsam of nature.\u201d Tymme wrote,\n\u201call creatures by a certain natural instinct, doe desire [salt] as a Balsam,\nby which they are preserved, conserved, & doe grow and increase.\u201d44\nBirds and doves sought it out \u201cwith their beaks,\u201d deer gravitated to\nsalt licks, and \u0002sh were \u201cbred and nourished\u201d in the sea.45 Spiritual\nsalts also were generative; salt was said to awake the power of semen,\nand Venus \u201cthe mother and \u0002rst beginner of generation, is begotten\nof the Salt spume or froath of the male;\u201d salt was also thought to be\nresponsible for the generation of pearls and corals in the sea as the\nbranching nature of the coral suggested salt crystals.46 Fertilizing salts\nin marl \u201canimateth, forti\u0002eth, and giveth power\u201d to the earth; as the\nsun caused the volatile salts in wine to vaporize and manifest chymical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\n133, 155, 194, 206\nsaltpeter: See nitre\nsalts\nacidic saline spirits 3, 116, 133, 195\nalkaline salts 56 n. 39, 89, 93\u201394,\n96\u201398, 106, 111, 162\nantimony 12, 28\u201330, 39, 118\u2013119,\n165\u2013166, 214, 221, 227\nand atmosphere 39, 108, 184 n. 97,\n203\nand blood chymistry 49, 152\nand colors 17, 37, 97\nand dew 202, 259\nand diet 185\nand disease 25, 147 n. 167, 185\nn. 100\nearly modern de\u0002nition of 2\u20136\nEpsom salts 4 n. 7, 67 n. 79, 87, 87\nn. 152, 106, 106 n. 239, 107 n. 243\nessurine salts 115, 236 n. 58\n\u0002xed salts 48\nGlauber\u2019s salt 35, 41\nand gout 26, 30\u201333, 133\nlixivial salts 92, 96, 101, 105\nand medicine 2, 2 n. 2, 3, 45\nn. 149, 49, 49 n. 10, 152 n. 187,\n153 n. 188, 157 n. 6, 163, 170, 206\nand meteorology 52, 108\nmarine salt 15, 19, 92, 92 n. 176,\n93 n. 180, 94, 94 nn. 183\u2013815, 96\nn. 189\nmicroscopic analysis of 105\nnitre (saltpeter) 5, 16, 36, 119\nsal ammoniac (ammonium\nchloride) 14, 17\u201318, 48, 58, 86,\n97, 102\u2013103, 105, 113, 151\u2013152,\n202\nsalt of hartshorn 31\nsalt of tartar 18, 32, 37, 94, 119,]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=229\nPages: 229,230\nChapter 1\nThe shapes and descriptions of the four better known fossil salts, namely, salt of\nvitriol, alumen, saltpetre, as it is called, and sea salt, and the \u0003fth less well-known\none, that is, salt of lime.\nThe fossil salts found in a mature state which have thus far been\ndiscovered in our country and are better known are four: namely,\nvitriol, from pyrites, which is green, alumen, common salt, and nitre,\notherwise known as saltpetre.\nTo these however we must add a \u0003fth kind, although it is one of the\nless well-known types;\n12\nJohann van Helmont. See Chapter three for Lister\u2019s disputes with van Helmont\nover the generation of vitriol.\nEXERCISES ON THE HEALING SPRINGS OF ENGLAND (1684)\n213\nPage 2\nyet because is is the most plentiful of all, it should rightly be categorized in the class of salts. It is of course salt, or nitre of lime (nitrum\ncalcarium).13\nSince however we have given an accurate description of all the shapes]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30,31\n11\nDebus, English Paracelsians, p. 90.\n10\n14\nchapter two\nor formative salt believed to be responsible for the minerallogenesis,\nreproduction, and the generation of matter. There were several contenders for the identity of this formative salt principle including nitre,\nantinomy, and vitriol, the debates about which we shall analyze.\nPart one of the Practice:\nSalts, material substance, and the secondary qualities of taste and color\nPart one of the Practice devoted to chymical analysis began by describing the material nature of salt. It was seen as a \u201cdry body, merely\nearthy . . . endowed with wonderfull virtues of dissolving, congealing,\ncleansing,\u201d and as the substantive body in the trinity of spirit (mercury)\nand soul (sulphur); this concept was taken from Duchesne\u2019s Ad veritatem.12\nAnd, Tymme\u2019s classi\u0002cation was in keeping with the Paracelsian tria\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=31\nPages: 31\nprima, in which \u201csalt is the directive for matter to assume solidity and\nbodily shape.\u201d13 Continuing the tripartite theme, all salts were believed\nto contain within themselves salty, sulphureous, and mercurial qualities\n\u201cjointly together.\u201d Common earthy salt, \u201c\u0002xed and \u0002rme,\u201d nitrous salt,\n\u201cpartly \u0002xed and partly volatile,\u201d participating in the \u201csulphureous\nbeginnings of things,\u201d and sal ammoniac, which was \u201cof the Mercuriall\nbeginning spiritual and airie\u201d could all be extracted from any saline\nsubstance by a \u201cwittie\u201d saltmaker with the \u201cforce of \u0002re.\u201d14\nTymme also claimed that salts also were responsible for secondary\nqualities of matter, such as color or taste. It was also possible to discern\nwhich type of salt in a sample was predominant, whether sulphureous,\n\u0002xed, or mercurious, by taste. Earthy \u0002xed salt had a simple salt taste,\nnitrous or sulphureous salt a sweet and oily one, and mercurial salt was\nsour. In fact, a substance without any salt, such as water, was described]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\nwere also salts, questions regarding their production led directly to the\nquestion of whether or not they preexisted in combustible bodies.\u201d160\nAntonio Clericuzio has noted that Coxe denied that \u201c\u0003xed salts praeexisted in vegetables,\u201d thinking they were \u201cproduced, not extracted, by\nthe \u0003re. The salts alkali result from the combination of combination or\nunion of the saline and of the sulphureous principles.\u201d161 We not only\nsee this assertion in Coxe\u2019s published works in the Philosophical Transactions, but in a letter he wrote in 1666 to Boyle, when he states \u201cThat\nAlcalies, or \u0003xd salts made by incineration or Calcination seem not to\nhave been Such ea formac in the Concretes which afforded them by as\nso shaped as to admit entry of the spike particles of acid. L\u00e9mery postulated that, for\nreaction to take place between a particular acid and alkali, there must be an appropriate relationship between the size of the acid spikes and alkaline pores.\u201d\n158\nL\u00e9mery, Course of Chymistry, p. 20.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=230\nPages: 230,231\nslaked by the application of heat, but the same stone produces an abundance of salt,\nwhether it [ie. the stone] has been untreated or heated, whilst forming the walls or roof\nof some house; it then grows together to form crystals of its own kind.\u201d Most likely\nLister was observing the formation of potassium carbonate or saltpetre crystals on\nwalls that had been whitened by limestone, similar to the formation of nitre crystals\nin limestone saltpeter caves. Lister noted that nitrum calcarium could also not be formed\nby steeping limestone in water, and indeed nitrate crystals will not form in areas of\nexcess humidity.\n14\nMost likely aluminum sulphate (alum), though it could be alumen which was a\nmixed double salt of aluminum sulphate with potassium sodium or ammonium sulfate.\n(Potassium salt, when pure, was also commonly called \u201cAlum.\u201d). (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 K2SO4 \u0004\n24H2O); (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 (NH4)2SO4 \u0004 24H2O); (Al2(SO4)3 \u0004 Na2SO4 \u0004 24H2O).\n214\nappendix]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\ntake unto it a more solid body.\u201d43 This existence of this spiritual salt was\nalso shown by the fact that salt was a \u201cbalsam of nature.\u201d Tymme wrote,\n\u201call creatures by a certain natural instinct, doe desire [salt] as a Balsam,\nby which they are preserved, conserved, & doe grow and increase.\u201d44\nBirds and doves sought it out \u201cwith their beaks,\u201d deer gravitated to\nsalt licks, and \u0002sh were \u201cbred and nourished\u201d in the sea.45 Spiritual\nsalts also were generative; salt was said to awake the power of semen,\nand Venus \u201cthe mother and \u0002rst beginner of generation, is begotten\nof the Salt spume or froath of the male;\u201d salt was also thought to be\nresponsible for the generation of pearls and corals in the sea as the\nbranching nature of the coral suggested salt crystals.46 Fertilizing salts\nin marl \u201canimateth, forti\u0002eth, and giveth power\u201d to the earth; as the\nsun caused the volatile salts in wine to vaporize and manifest chymical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=123\nPages: 123\nthat the \u201cbeing\u201d or essential nature of the salts, and their ability to\nchange the color of syrup of violets were \u201cnot wholly and altogether\ndepend[ant] on the Fire.\u201d239 The bitter taste of the Epsom salts was\nalso not created by the \u0003re, but rather augmented by it, which showed\nthe \u201c\u0003xedness of its principles.\u201d240 Further, before the Purging salt had\n\u201cfelt the Fire,\u201d it was alkaline, \u201cbut when it was well burnt, it was in\nsome sort Lixivial albeit we may not so properly call it Lixivial, nor\nperhaps by any other Name which Use hath approved: for the Furniture\nof Words is in nothing more scanty.\u201d241 Grew\u2019s comment not only have\nre\u0002ected the traditional \u201cnullius in verbo\u201d thrust of the Royal Society, but\nalso may have illustrated the growing primacy of saline chymistry as\nconceptualized by Van Helmont, and subsequently Boyle whose use of\nchemical names would become more and more \u201capproved.\u201d\nIf words proved unsatisfactory to describe his chemical research,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=274\nPages: 274\nbetween some kind of salt which eats substances away and metallic\niron. But let it be supposed to exist, and let even the strongest spirit\nof nitre [nitric acid, I think] be diluted with water and thrown onto\nsome powder made of, say, limestone or coral,\nPage 85\nthen, although it will produce a violent reaction, yet it will not\nproduce heat.\n3. *Others state that the con\u0002ict stirred up between different salts, or,\nif you will, the joining of opposites, is a cause of heat.\n*Paracelsus De Baln. Na. Tome 1, ch. 3.89\nI answer that the salts themselves are not by nature in disharmony with\neach other, but mix peacefully in the same water. If however they are\never brought to the boil on making contact, this does not usually happen until they have felt \u0003re from some chemical preparation.\n88\nLister is likely referring the reader to Thomas Guidott\u2019s later work, De Thermis Britannicis Tractatus accesserunt Observationes Hydrostatic\u00e6, Chromatic\u00e6, & Miscellan\u00e6, uniuscujusq[ue]]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nis acidic, then, if it arises from pyrites it is truly vitriolic; if from the\nmetal of alum, aluminous; if from limestone, nitrous in its own way.\nWhy, I declare that there exists a subtle gas proper to all those salts as\nthey develop or grow active, and that it truly shares in the nature and\nproperties of each of those substances from which it emanates.\n\u00a7 There are however some (Phil. Transact. Number 104) who assert\nthat vitriol can be made from actual common salt.76 That indeed may\nbe partially true, that is,\nPage 64\nto the extent to which that salt shares in the qualities of vitriol. By\nchance it is not so different from vitriol in its green color and what\none might call its sourness. But it is credible that this common salt is\nnot turned into true vitriol, but has borrowed from vitriol a certain\nghost-like similarity.\nIf however it be urged that when salts of several kinds are dissolved\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each\nsolidify separately with their own shapes and colors, then we admit, \u2018It\nis so\u2019. But if some salt has eaten away iron or copper, ( just consider,\ncommon salt, thinned into gas by the force of \u0003re, or otherwise) then\nindeed we think that it may to some extent have adopted a different\nquality by contamination.\nBut perchance I am quarrelling pointlessly. For I am not convinced\nabout the truth of an experiment which has not yet been made\npublic.\n76\n\u201cA Continuation of the Discourse Concerning Vitriol, Begun in Numb. 103.\nShewing, that Vitriol is Usually Produced by Sulphur, Acting on, and Concoagulating\nwith, a Metal; And Then Making Out, that Allom is Likewise the Result of the Said\nSulphur; As Also Evincing, that Vitriol, Sulphur, and Allom, Do Agree in the Saline\nPrinciple; And Lastly, Declaring the Nature of the Salt in Brimstone, and Whence It]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=166\nPages: 166,167\nOeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell,\n1734, p. 296. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nFigure 12. A portion of Robinson\u2019s Table Two of the elasticity\nof the animal \u0003bers. Bryan Robinson, A Treatise of the Animal\nOeconomy. The Second Edition, with additions. Dublin: S. Powell,\n1734, p. 296. Image courtesy History of Science Collections,\nUniversity of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of\nRegents of the University of Oklahoma.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n149\n150\nchapter four\nthe hairs more than a solution of that salt in water. This meant\nthat this salt drew something out of air besides water giving it its\nstrengthening quality.171\n2. Experiments by Newton in the Opticks demonstrated that salt of tartar\nper deliquium attracted Acids more strongly than any Metal.172\n3. By Robinson\u2019s proposition 24, the air abounded with acid particles,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=120\nPages: 120\ndirectly proportional to their \u0003xity, and inversely to their volatility; in\nhis experimental trials, common salt was revealed to be the heaviest\nand also the most chemically inert, followed by nitre \u201csomewhat less\n\u0003xed . . . [and] somewhat lighter,\u201d alum, and then sal ammoniac which\nwas wholly volatile and the \u201clightest of all Salts mentioned.\u201d226\nFrom these conclusions, Grew ended his paper with a practical application of his results\u2014namely with an argument that barometric variations were not due \u201cnot so much with the meer Weight of the air,\u201d but\n221\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n222\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy Tried in the Fire, p. 278.\n223\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 300.\n224\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n225\nGrew, \u201cExperiments in Consort Upon the Salts in Water,\u201d in Anatomy of Plants,\np. 301.\n226]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=232\nPages: 232\nmentioned.\nSea salt differs completely from the salt of inland springs in kind, and\na clear distinction must be drawn in every respect between seawater\nand fresh water. For the crystals of seawater are cut short at each of\nthe corners, to form individual \u0002at triangles, on at least one side of the\nsquare, but the crystals formed from saltwater have undamaged corners.\nAs far as I aware I am the \u0003rst person to record this. See \u0003gure 8.\nPage 6\nA description of nitre. IV. Nitre, which some call saltpetre and halopetrum,\ndevelops into hexagonal crystals, which are thin, long and of unvarying width. These crystals, I say, have sides shaped like parallelograms.\nFurthermore they end, on one side only, in a sort of point or tip, which\nis sharpened in a pyramidical fashion owing of course to the varying\nposition of the two \u0002at sides. On the other side however the crystals\ndo not have a polished appearance, but invariably end as though they]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=111\nPages: 111\nMarine salts produced right angles, and alkaline salts were square at\none end, and pointed at the other; placed ended to end, alkaline salts\nwould form oblique angles. Acid salts had a more crooked nature, and\nby \u201capplying the lesser Side of one to the greater Side of another,\u201d\nwould form circular or Spiral lines.188 Combinations of the various\nsalts would thus produce a variety of differently-shaped air vessels and\nshapes of leaves [Figure 5].\n181\nCoxe, \u201cA Discourse Denying the Prae-Existence of Alcalizate or Fixed Salt in\nany subject, before it were exposed to the Fire.\u201d Philosophical Transactions, 9 (1674), pp.\n150\u2013158, on p. 151.\n182\nNewman and Principe, Alchemy tried in the Fire, p. 87.\n183\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n184\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n185\nGrew, \u201cEssential and Marine Salts of Plants,\u201d p. 263.\n186\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n187\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.\n188\nGrew, Anatomy of Plants, p. 159.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as\nthe fundamental movers in chymistry, natural processes and medicine\nin the \u0002rst half of the eighteenth century. As Ecklund commented,\n\u201cin the eighteenth century salts gradually became to be thought of in\nterms of process, as, for example, the product of the reaction between\nacids and bases, acids and other salts, or between two salts, etc. Some\nchemists regarded acids . . . themselves as salts or at least some saline\nsubstances.\u201d5 Indeed, Chambers Cyclopaedia (1728) de\u0002ned salt as a\n\u201csimple acid substance.\u201d6 In the early eighteenth century, the formative\nqualities of volatile salts were also thought to be an aid to longevity.\nBefore oxygen was \u201cdiscovered,\u201d acidic saline spirits were perceived to\nbe the source of life\u2019s breath, revealing not only the origins of the idea\nof smelling salts, but early theories of respiratory physiology.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=281\nPages: 281\nIndeed, if you pay attention to the descriptions and accounts of the\nancients, salt of this kind appears to be peculiar to Africa and Asia,\nand to be quite different from our spurious kind.\nOthers declare that sea salt is present in some of our springs, yet\nit is not.\nIn many others however I have no doubt that it is present in inkyblack springs, except for the unpleasant smelling salt ones. I wish\nhowever that they would devote more attention to the cubic-rhomboid\nshape of raw vitriol if it has ever been found by any of those who\ninvestigate our springs.\nin spa water: \u201cThe other part of his argument, which he thinks is instar omnium, to\ncon\u0003rm his opinion of Nitre the chief ingredient, is this experiment, viz. that upon the\nexposing of the Minerals (as he calls the sediment left after evaporation of the water)\nsome while in a most and cold air, that there have been found stories or little Icicles\namong them, which is the form of Nitre, as to the veracity of the experiment we are]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19\nof mineral qualities including crystallinity, salt became the formative\nprinciple par excellence.\u201d3 Some chymists, such as Joseph Duchesne\n(1544\u20131609), Johann Glauber (1604\u201370), and Nicaise La Febvre (1610 \u2013\n1669) claimed there was a \u201chermaphroditical\u201d or formative salt believed\nto be responsible for minerallogenesis and the formation of matter, or\nperhaps a source of the alkahest or universal dissolvent.4 I will delineate\n1\nMy use of the term chymical and chymistry throughout this book is quite deliberate,\nas it is anachronistic practice to make clear distinctions between alchemy and chemistry\nin the seventeenth century. Early modern \u201cchymists\u201d attempted to transmute metals\ninto gold, considered an alchemical practice, yet also performed other experiments\ninvolving mass balance or crystallographic analysis that would be considered \u201cchemical.\u201d For further analysis of this historiographic problem, see L.M. Principe and W.R.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=86\nPages: 86,87\nin salts arise from their different \u0003gures of their particles.\u201d See Parthington, History of\nChemistry, vol. 2, p. 438.\n70\nchapter three\nyou have describ\u2019d and \u0003gur\u2019d; and hee says that hee is very fearfull to\npropound anything to a person of your piercing sagacity.90\nLister\u2019s studies in natural history also revealed him to be a consummate\nempiricist. As he concentrated on utilizing structure to classify animals\nand insects in his other treatises, it is not surprising he would utilize the\nsame methods in his chemical work [Figure 3]. Because Lister primarily\nused detailed visual observation of crystal structure to classify salts,\nhe cautioned chemists who were deceived by impure water samples in\nwhich there was \u201cconjunction of several pure primary salts, from which\nconfusion arises regarding the true and natural shape of crystals.\u201d91\nAfter his classi\u0003cation of common salts, Lister turned to an analysis\nof salts in English mineral waters, and concluded from isolation by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=309\nPages: 309\n133, 155, 194, 206\nsaltpeter: See nitre\nsalts\nacidic saline spirits 3, 116, 133, 195\nalkaline salts 56 n. 39, 89, 93\u201394,\n96\u201398, 106, 111, 162\nantimony 12, 28\u201330, 39, 118\u2013119,\n165\u2013166, 214, 221, 227\nand atmosphere 39, 108, 184 n. 97,\n203\nand blood chymistry 49, 152\nand colors 17, 37, 97\nand dew 202, 259\nand diet 185\nand disease 25, 147 n. 167, 185\nn. 100\nearly modern de\u0002nition of 2\u20136\nEpsom salts 4 n. 7, 67 n. 79, 87, 87\nn. 152, 106, 106 n. 239, 107 n. 243\nessurine salts 115, 236 n. 58\n\u0002xed salts 48\nGlauber\u2019s salt 35, 41\nand gout 26, 30\u201333, 133\nlixivial salts 92, 96, 101, 105\nand medicine 2, 2 n. 2, 3, 45\nn. 149, 49, 49 n. 10, 152 n. 187,\n153 n. 188, 157 n. 6, 163, 170, 206\nand meteorology 52, 108\nmarine salt 15, 19, 92, 92 n. 176,\n93 n. 180, 94, 94 nn. 183\u2013815, 96\nn. 189\nmicroscopic analysis of 105\nnitre (saltpeter) 5, 16, 36, 119\nsal ammoniac (ammonium\nchloride) 14, 17\u201318, 48, 58, 86,\n97, 102\u2013103, 105, 113, 151\u2013152,\n202\nsalt of hartshorn 31\nsalt of tartar 18, 32, 37, 94, 119,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=37\nPages: 37\nproofe of his essence, included in the lye after this manner.38\nThe lye was strained through a \u0002lter, cleansed with water, and then\nplaced in a vessel and exposed to the air, whereupon \u201cthere appeared\na thousand forms of mettalls, with all the parts thereto belonging, as\nleaves, stalks, and rootes . . . in such sort as no man could be acknowledge\nthem to be mettals.\u201d39 The precipitation of salts from the lye which\nresembled metallic shapes con\u0002rmed to Tymme that the essence of\nmetallic forms was inherent in the salty ashes, and \u0002re did not destroy\nthis essence. Inspired by biblical text, he then commented, \u201cRemember\nman, that thou art Ashes, and to Ashes againe shalt returne.\u201d40 This\nreasoning was not unique. As Newman has shown, the sixteenth-century\nartist and chymist Bernard Palissy, also in\u0003uenced by Paracelsian ideas,\nbelieved salt\u2019s crystallizing activity showed that it was behind the production of minerals and metals.41]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=293\nPages: 293\nin Seventeenth-Century Chemistry.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan, 1971.\nAiken, John. Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain. London: Joseph Johnson,\n1780.\nAiton, E.J. \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli and Euler to the theory of the\ntides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1956), pp. 206\u201322.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\nAldridge, Alfred Owen. \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and\nEarthquakes.\u201d Isis 41 (1950), pp. 162\u20134.\nAllan, D.G.C. and Robert E. Scho\u0002eld. Stephen Hales: Scientist and Philanthropist. London:\nScolar Press, 1980.\nAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie. http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de.\nArber, Agnes. \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison.\u201d Isis 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316.\nArndt, Ulrich. \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d\nParacelsus (November 2005), pp. 12\u201317.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=70\nPages: 70,71\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scienti\u0003c Revolution,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 53, 3\n( July\u2013September 1991), pp. 373\u2013398, on pp. 373\u20134.\n54\nchapter three\nand archaeologist of Kent.28 Thomas followed some of John\u2019s interests\nclosely, to the point of even plagiarizing some of his father\u2019s antiquarian histories. However, Thomas was best known as a \u201ctolerable poet\u201d\nwhile a student at Cambridge University and as an author of tracts on\na variety of subjects ranging from suicide, Aesop\u2019s Fables, to the history of\nheraldry.29\nBy the 1670s, Thomas Philipot\u2019s interests had shifted to natural\nphilosophy, and in 1673, he published A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of\nthe most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=300\nPages: 300\nIsis 89,2 ( June 1998), pp. 203\u2013232.\nRoos, Anna Marie. \u201cAstrology, the Academy, and the Early Modern Newspaper.\u201d Astrology and the Academy. Ed. Michael York, Patrick Curry and Nick Campion. Bristol:\nCinnabar Books, 2004, pp. 131\u2013146.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cBryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Theories of Respiration, and the Atmospheric\nAcids of Sir Isaac Newton.\u201d Eighteenth-Century Thought 2 (Fall 2004), pp. 180\u2013205.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cJohann Heinrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750), Salt Iatrochemistry, and Theories\nof Longevity in his Satire, Hermippus Redidivus (1742)\u201d Medical History 51,2 (2007),\npp. 181\u2013200.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and Solar and Lunar\nEffects on the Human Body in Early Modern England.\u201d Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine. 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357.\n\u2014\u2014. Luminaries in the Natural World: Perceptions of the Sun and the Moon in England,\n1400\u20131720. Worcester Polytechnic Institute Studies, vol. 20. New York: Peter Lang\nPublishing, 2001.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\nExperimental Life, Including a Translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus Physicus De Natura\nAeris. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985.\nShapin, Steven. A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England.\nChicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994.\nShapiro, Alan. Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms: Physics, Method, and Chemistry and Newton\u2019s\nTheories of Colored Bodies and Fits of Easy Re\u0003ection. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1993.\nSmith, Pamela H. The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture in the Holy Roman Empire.\nPrinceton: Princeton University Press, 1994.\nSpence, Lewis. Encyclopedia of Occultism. New Hyde Park, NY: University Books,\n1968.\nSwann, Marjorie. Curiosities and Texts: The Culture of Collecting in Early Modern England.\nPhiladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001.\nSzulakowska, Urszula. \u2018The Tree of Aristotle: Images of the Philosophers\u2019 Stone and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=70\nPages: 70\nto the Tides,\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 13, 2 (1982), pp. 111\u2013131. For\nNewton and the Tides, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli\nand Euler to the theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of Science, 11 (1956), pp. 206\u2013223, and\nfor Cartesian theories, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of\nScience 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\n25\nFor a discussion of the multiplicity of theories which compete when a scienti\u0003c\nspeciality is in a pre-paradigmatic state, see Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scienti\u0002c\nRevolutions, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 10\u201322.\n26\nThe Gentleman\u2019s Journal: Or the Monthly Miscellany, ed. Pierre Motteaux, April 1692,\n(London: R. Baldwin, 1692), p. 17; Anna Marie Roos, Luminaries in the Natural World:\nPerceptions of the Sun and the Moon in England, 1400\u20131720, Worcester Polytechnic Institute\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=297\nPages: 297\n1990.\nHenry, John. \u201cOccult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy: Active Principles in\nPre-Newtonian Matter Theory.\u201d History of Science. xxiv (1986), pp. 335\u2013381\nHolmes, Frederic. \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis of\na Tradition.\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n\u2014\u2014. Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise. Berkeley Papers in the History of Science: University of California at Berkeley, 1989.\nHome, R.W. \u201cAepinus and the British Electricians: The Dissemination of a Scienti\u0002c\nTheory.\u201d Isis 63, 2 ( June 1972), pp. 190\u2013204.\nHooykaas, Reijer. \u201cDie Elementenlehre der Iatrochemiker.\u201d Janus 41 (1937), pp.\n1\u201328.\nHorowitz, Maryanne Cline. \u201cAristotle and Women.\u201d Journal of the History of Biology 9,\n(1976), pp. 183\u2013213.\nHunter, Michael. \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0002c Research: Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=296\nPages: 296\nEnglish, John C. \u201cJohn Hutchinson\u2019s Critique of Newtonian Heterodoxy.\u201d Church History\n68, 3 (September 1999), pp. 581\u201398.\nFarber, Eduard. \u201cVariants of Preformation Theory in the History of Chemistry.\u201d Isis\n54,4 (December 1963), pp. 443\u2013460.\nFieser, James. \u201cThe Eighteenth-Century Reviews of Hume\u2019s Writings.\u201d Journal for the\nHistory of Ideas 57 (Fall 1996), pp. 645\u2013657.\nFigala, Karin and Ulrich Petzold. \u201cAlchemy in the Newtonian Circle.\u201d Renaissance and\nRevolution: Humanists, Scholars, Craftsmen, and Natural Philosophers in Early Modern Europe.\nEd. J.V. Field and Frank A.J.L. James. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,\n1993.\nFrank, Robert G. Jr. Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas. Berkeley:\nUniversity of California Press, 1980.\nFrench, Roger. \u201cAstrology in medical practice,\u201d in Practical medicine from Salerno to the\nBlack Death. Ed. Luis Garc\u00eda-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew\nCunningham. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=291\nPages: 291\nand Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1922\u201333.\n\u2014\u2014. Selected Writings. Ed. Trans. Jolande Sz\u00e9k\u00e1cs Jacobi. New York: Pantheon Books,\n1958.\nPepys, Samuel. Diary of Samuel Pepys. Ed. John Warrington, 3 vols. London: Dent; New\nYork: Dunton, Everyman\u2019s Library, 1963.\nPhilipot, Thomas. Aesop\u2019s fables, with his life: in English, French & Latin. London: William\nGodbid, 1666.\n\u2014\u2014. A brief historical discourse of the original and growth of heraldry. London: E. Tyler and\nR. Holt, 1672.\n\u2014\u2014. An Historical discourse of the \u0002rst invention of navigation and the additional improvements of\nit with the probable causes of the variation of the compasse. London: W. Godbid, 1661.\n\u2014\u2014. The original and growth of the Spanish monarchy united with the House of Austria. London: W.G., 1664.\n\u2014\u2014. A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of the most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature,\nthe Flux and Re\u0003ux: or Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. London: T.M., 1673.\n\u2014\u2014. Poems. London: R.A., 1646.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=299\nPages: 299\nOxford English Dictionary Online. 2nd ed Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. http://\noed.com\nPaal, Hermann. Johann Heinrich Cohausen, 1665\u20131750; Leben und Schriften eines bedeutenden\nArztes aus der Bl\u00fctezeit des Hochstiftes M\u00fcnster, mit kulturhistorischen Betrachtungen. Jena:\nG. Fischer, 1931.\nPagel, Walter. Joan Baptista Van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine. Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cMedieval and Renaissance Contributions to Knowledge of the Brain and\nits Functions.\u201d The History of the Brain and its Functions. Ed. F.N.L Poynter. Oxford:\nOxford University Press, 1958.\n\u2014\u2014. The Smiling Spleen: Paracelsianism in Storm and Stress. Basel: Karger, 1985.\n\u2014\u2014. William Harvey\u2019s Biological Ideas: Selected Aspects and Historical Background. Basel and\nNew York: S. Karger, 1967.\nParascandola John and Aaron J. Ihde. \u201cHistory of the Pneumatic Trough.\u201d Isis 60, 3\n(Autumn 1969), pp. 351\u2013361]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=294\nPages: 294\nof the Circulation. Henry E. Sigerist Supplements to the Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine. Ed. Jerome J. Bylebyl. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1979.\nBurt, Roger. \u201cThe international diffusion of technology in the early modern period:\nthe case of the British non ferrous mining industry.\u201d Economic History Review. XLIV,\n2 (1991), pp. 249\u2013271.\nCadden, Joan. Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1996.\nCantor, Geoffrey. \u201cAnti-Newton.\u201d Let Newton Be! Ed. John Fauvel. Oxford: Oxford\nUniversity Press, 1988, pp. 203\u2013221.\nCartwright, David E. Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999.\nChandrasekar S. and M.M. Chaudhri. \u201cThe explosive disintegration of Prince Rupert\u2019s\ndrops. \u201d Philosophical Magazine. B70 (1994), pp. 1195\u20131218.\nChang, Ku-Ming (Kevin). \u201cMotus Tonicus: George Ernst Stahl\u2019s Formulation of Tonic\nMotion and Early Modern Medical Thought,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\n23\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and\nSolar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in Early Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of\nthe History of Medicine, 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on p. 433. For an article that analyzes\nEnglish solar and lunar medicine in the nineteenth century, see Mark Harrison, \u201cFrom\nmedical astrology to medical astronomy: sol-lunar and planetary theories of disease\nin British medicine, c. 1700\u20131850\u201d British Journal for the History of Science, 73 (2000), pp.\n25\u201348. My thanks to Professor Harrison for discussing his article with me.\n24\nDavid E. Cartwright, Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999); Federico Bonelli and Lucio Russo, \u201cThe Origin of Modern Astronomical Theories of Tides: Chrisogono, De Dominis and their Sources,\u201d British Journal for\nthe History of Science 29, 4 (1996), pp. 385\u2013401. For an older work that is an excellent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301,302\nCentury.\u201d Isis 57,1 (1966), pp. 5\u201323.\nWeininger, Stephen. \u201cContemplating the Finger: Visuality and the Semiotics of Chemistry.\u201d Hyle 4, 1 (1998), pp. 3\u201327.\nbibliography\n285\nWeiss, Henry. \u201cThomas Moffett: Elizabethan Physician and Entomologist.\u201d The Scienti\u0002c\nMonthly 24, 6 (1927), pp. 559\u2013566.\nWeisz, George. \u201cWater Cures and Science: The French Academy of Medicine and\nMineral Waters in the nineteenth century.\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64, 3\n(1990), pp. 393\u2013416.\nWestfall, Richard. \u201cIsaac Newton\u2019s Index Chemicus.\u201d Ambix 22 (1975), pp. 174\u201385.\nWilson, Leonard G. \u201cThe Transformation of Ancient Theories of Respiration in the\nSeventeenth Century.\u201d Isis 51 (1960), pp. 161\u201372.\nWood, S. \u201cMartin Lister, Zoologist and Physician.\u201d Annals of Medical History, n.s. 1\n(1929), pp. 87\u2013104.\nWoodley, J.D. \u201cAnne Lister, Illustrator of Martin Lister\u2019s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685\u2013\n1692).\u201d Archives of Natural History 21, 2 (1994), pp. 225\u2013229.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=295\nPages: 295\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter.\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp. 43\u201361.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Pharmaceutical Revolution of the Renaissance.\u201d Clio Medica, 11, 4 (1976),\npp. 307\u2013317.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical Essay (1672): Helmontian Mechanism as the\nBasis of a New Philosophy,\u201d Ambix 27, 2 (1980), pp. 124\u2013135.\nDewhurst, Kenneth. 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Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1957.\nHaycock, David. \u201cMedicine within the Market: proprietary medicines in seventeenthcentury England.\u201d London School of Economics History Seminars. http://www.lse.\nac.uk/collections/economicHistory/seminars/Haycockpaper.pdf.\nHeimann, P.M. \u201cEther and imponderables,\u201d in Conceptions of ether: Studies in the history of\nether theories. Eds. G.N. Cantor and M.J.S. Hodge. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1981, pp. 61\u201385.\nHembry, Phyllis. The English spa, 1560\u20131815: a social history. London: Athlone Press,\n1990.\nHenry, John. \u201cOccult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy: Active Principles in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=293\nPages: 293\nand Eighteenth Centuries.\u201d Medical History 39 (1995), pp. 197\u2013218.\nBerry, Helen. Gender, Society and Print Culture in Late-Stuart England. The Cultural World of\nthe Athenian Mercury. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003.\nBertholet, M. La revolution chimique. Lavoisier. Paris: F. Alcan, 1890.\nBolam, Jeanne. \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712).\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 27, 2 (February 1973), pp. 219\u2013231.\nBondeson, Jan. A Cabinet of Medical Curiosities. London: B. Tauris, 1997.\nBorsay, Anne. Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History of the General In\u0002rmary,\nc. 1739 \u20131830. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999.\nBoswell, James. The Life of Johnson. 2 vols. London: J.M. Dent and Sons, Ltd, 1933.\nBrodsley, Laurel, Sir Charles Frank, F.R.S., and John W. Steeds. \u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drops.\u201d\nNotes and Records of the Royal Society of London 41 (1986), pp. 1\u201326.\nBrown, Harold I. \u201cGalileo, the Elements, and the Tides.\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=294\nPages: 294\nMotion and Early Modern Medical Thought,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78\n(2004), pp. 767\u2013803.\nChartier, Roger. \u201cTexts, Symbols, and Frenchness.\u201d The Journal of Modern History, 57,\n4 (December 1985), pp. 682\u2013695.\nChristie, J.R.R. \u201cEther and the Science of Chemistry: 1740 \u20131790,\u201d in Conceptions\nof Ether: Studies in the History of Ether Theories, 1740 \u20131900. Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1981, pp. 86\u2013110.\nClark, C. \u201cThe Zodiac Man in medieval medical astrology.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University\nof Colorado, 1979.\nClericuzio, Antonio. Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry in\nthe Seventeenth Century. Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle. A study of the transmission of Helmontian\nchemical and medical theories in seventeenth-century England.\u201d British Journal of\nthe History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u2013334.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Internal Laboratory: The Chemical Reinterpretation of Medical Spirits]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\nand early modern term utilized when distinguishing \u201cqualities which\nwere evident to the senses from those which were hidden.\u201d22 After the\nRestoration, natural philosophers attempted to \u201crid the world of occult\ncauses and to explain invisible forces like solar and lunar emanations\u201d\nvia the mechanical philosophy, matter-theory, and chemical systems.23\nThis examination of occult causes extended to the tides, or the effects\nof the sunshine and moonbeams upon the seas.\nScholarly analysis of seventeenth-century tidal theories has primarily focused on Galilean, Cartesian, and Keplerian ideas, or upon the\norigins of Wallis\u2019 and Newton\u2019s gravitational models.24 Tidal theory in\n1450\u20131800, ed. Hilary Marland and Margaret Pelling (Rotterdam: Erasmus Publishing,\n1996), pp. 253\u2013270, on p. 261.\n22\nKeith Hutchinson, \u201cWhat Happened to Occult Qualities in the Scienti\u0003c Revolution?,\u201d Isis, 73 (1982), pp. 231\u201353, on p. 234.\n23\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nsciences in the early modern period. My exploration of natural history\u2019s\nintersection with chemical investigation in early modern England, particularly amongst early Royal Society members, proved a ripe area to\nexplore the growing importance of the senses and experience as causes\nof intellectual change in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While\nthe concept of the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury is\nimportant to consider in tracing the source of these ideas, I argue the\nwork of the physician Johann Van Helmont was at their base.\n3. Argue that analyzing to what extent the alchemical understanding of salts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries\nis crucial to our understanding of the transition between alchemy and\nchymistry. To accomplish this task, I will determine to what extent conceptions of volatile salts were modi\u0002ed by a diminishing of interest in\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=70\nPages: 70,71\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scienti\u0003c Revolution,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 53, 3\n( July\u2013September 1991), pp. 373\u2013398, on pp. 373\u20134.\n54\nchapter three\nand archaeologist of Kent.28 Thomas followed some of John\u2019s interests\nclosely, to the point of even plagiarizing some of his father\u2019s antiquarian histories. However, Thomas was best known as a \u201ctolerable poet\u201d\nwhile a student at Cambridge University and as an author of tracts on\na variety of subjects ranging from suicide, Aesop\u2019s Fables, to the history of\nheraldry.29\nBy the 1670s, Thomas Philipot\u2019s interests had shifted to natural\nphilosophy, and in 1673, he published A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of\nthe most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=296\nPages: 296\nEnglish, John C. \u201cJohn Hutchinson\u2019s Critique of Newtonian Heterodoxy.\u201d Church History\n68, 3 (September 1999), pp. 581\u201398.\nFarber, Eduard. \u201cVariants of Preformation Theory in the History of Chemistry.\u201d Isis\n54,4 (December 1963), pp. 443\u2013460.\nFieser, James. \u201cThe Eighteenth-Century Reviews of Hume\u2019s Writings.\u201d Journal for the\nHistory of Ideas 57 (Fall 1996), pp. 645\u2013657.\nFigala, Karin and Ulrich Petzold. \u201cAlchemy in the Newtonian Circle.\u201d Renaissance and\nRevolution: Humanists, Scholars, Craftsmen, and Natural Philosophers in Early Modern Europe.\nEd. J.V. Field and Frank A.J.L. James. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,\n1993.\nFrank, Robert G. Jr. Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: A Study of Scienti\u0002c Ideas. Berkeley:\nUniversity of California Press, 1980.\nFrench, Roger. \u201cAstrology in medical practice,\u201d in Practical medicine from Salerno to the\nBlack Death. Ed. Luis Garc\u00eda-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew\nCunningham. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=297\nPages: 297\n1990.\nHenry, John. \u201cOccult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy: Active Principles in\nPre-Newtonian Matter Theory.\u201d History of Science. xxiv (1986), pp. 335\u2013381\nHolmes, Frederic. \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis of\na Tradition.\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n\u2014\u2014. Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise. Berkeley Papers in the History of Science: University of California at Berkeley, 1989.\nHome, R.W. \u201cAepinus and the British Electricians: The Dissemination of a Scienti\u0002c\nTheory.\u201d Isis 63, 2 ( June 1972), pp. 190\u2013204.\nHooykaas, Reijer. \u201cDie Elementenlehre der Iatrochemiker.\u201d Janus 41 (1937), pp.\n1\u201328.\nHorowitz, Maryanne Cline. \u201cAristotle and Women.\u201d Journal of the History of Biology 9,\n(1976), pp. 183\u2013213.\nHunter, Michael. \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0002c Research: Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\nExperimental Life, Including a Translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus Physicus De Natura\nAeris. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985.\nShapin, Steven. A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England.\nChicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994.\nShapiro, Alan. Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms: Physics, Method, and Chemistry and Newton\u2019s\nTheories of Colored Bodies and Fits of Easy Re\u0003ection. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1993.\nSmith, Pamela H. The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture in the Holy Roman Empire.\nPrinceton: Princeton University Press, 1994.\nSpence, Lewis. Encyclopedia of Occultism. New Hyde Park, NY: University Books,\n1968.\nSwann, Marjorie. Curiosities and Texts: The Culture of Collecting in Early Modern England.\nPhiladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001.\nSzulakowska, Urszula. \u2018The Tree of Aristotle: Images of the Philosophers\u2019 Stone and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=293\nPages: 293\nin Seventeenth-Century Chemistry.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan, 1971.\nAiken, John. Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain. London: Joseph Johnson,\n1780.\nAiton, E.J. \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli and Euler to the theory of the\ntides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1956), pp. 206\u201322.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\nAldridge, Alfred Owen. \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and\nEarthquakes.\u201d Isis 41 (1950), pp. 162\u20134.\nAllan, D.G.C. and Robert E. Scho\u0002eld. Stephen Hales: Scientist and Philanthropist. London:\nScolar Press, 1980.\nAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie. http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de.\nArber, Agnes. \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison.\u201d Isis 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316.\nArndt, Ulrich. \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d\nParacelsus (November 2005), pp. 12\u201317.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=291\nPages: 291\nand Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1922\u201333.\n\u2014\u2014. Selected Writings. Ed. Trans. Jolande Sz\u00e9k\u00e1cs Jacobi. New York: Pantheon Books,\n1958.\nPepys, Samuel. Diary of Samuel Pepys. Ed. John Warrington, 3 vols. London: Dent; New\nYork: Dunton, Everyman\u2019s Library, 1963.\nPhilipot, Thomas. Aesop\u2019s fables, with his life: in English, French & Latin. London: William\nGodbid, 1666.\n\u2014\u2014. A brief historical discourse of the original and growth of heraldry. London: E. Tyler and\nR. Holt, 1672.\n\u2014\u2014. An Historical discourse of the \u0002rst invention of navigation and the additional improvements of\nit with the probable causes of the variation of the compasse. London: W. Godbid, 1661.\n\u2014\u2014. The original and growth of the Spanish monarchy united with the House of Austria. London: W.G., 1664.\n\u2014\u2014. A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of the most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature,\nthe Flux and Re\u0003ux: or Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. London: T.M., 1673.\n\u2014\u2014. Poems. London: R.A., 1646.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=299\nPages: 299\nOxford English Dictionary Online. 2nd ed Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. http://\noed.com\nPaal, Hermann. Johann Heinrich Cohausen, 1665\u20131750; Leben und Schriften eines bedeutenden\nArztes aus der Bl\u00fctezeit des Hochstiftes M\u00fcnster, mit kulturhistorischen Betrachtungen. Jena:\nG. Fischer, 1931.\nPagel, Walter. Joan Baptista Van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine. Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cMedieval and Renaissance Contributions to Knowledge of the Brain and\nits Functions.\u201d The History of the Brain and its Functions. Ed. F.N.L Poynter. Oxford:\nOxford University Press, 1958.\n\u2014\u2014. The Smiling Spleen: Paracelsianism in Storm and Stress. Basel: Karger, 1985.\n\u2014\u2014. William Harvey\u2019s Biological Ideas: Selected Aspects and Historical Background. Basel and\nNew York: S. Karger, 1967.\nParascandola John and Aaron J. Ihde. \u201cHistory of the Pneumatic Trough.\u201d Isis 60, 3\n(Autumn 1969), pp. 351\u2013361]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=72\nPages: 72,71\nand illustrated (London: William Godbid, 1659); Thomas Philipot, Poems (London: R.A.,\n1646); Thomas Philipot, Aesop\u2019s fables, with his life: in English, French & Latin (London:\nWilliam Godbid, 1666); Thomas Philipot, Self-homicide-murther, or, Some antidotes and arguments (London: W. Downing, 1674); Thomas Philipot, A brief historical discourse of the\noriginal and growth of heraldry (London: E. Tyler and R. Holt, 1672).\n30\nThomas Philipot, A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of the most Probable Cause of that\nGrand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux: or Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea (London:\nT.M., 1673).\n31\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, p. 1.\n32\nPhilipot, Phylosophical Essay, pp. 11\u201314.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n55\nmedicine.33 Philipot similarly applied such models, with a focus upon\n\u0003xed and volatile salts, to the sea\u2019s \u0002ux and re\u0002ux.\nBefore writing his work on tides, Philipot demonstrated an interest in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\nand early modern term utilized when distinguishing \u201cqualities which\nwere evident to the senses from those which were hidden.\u201d22 After the\nRestoration, natural philosophers attempted to \u201crid the world of occult\ncauses and to explain invisible forces like solar and lunar emanations\u201d\nvia the mechanical philosophy, matter-theory, and chemical systems.23\nThis examination of occult causes extended to the tides, or the effects\nof the sunshine and moonbeams upon the seas.\nScholarly analysis of seventeenth-century tidal theories has primarily focused on Galilean, Cartesian, and Keplerian ideas, or upon the\norigins of Wallis\u2019 and Newton\u2019s gravitational models.24 Tidal theory in\n1450\u20131800, ed. Hilary Marland and Margaret Pelling (Rotterdam: Erasmus Publishing,\n1996), pp. 253\u2013270, on p. 261.\n22\nKeith Hutchinson, \u201cWhat Happened to Occult Qualities in the Scienti\u0003c Revolution?,\u201d Isis, 73 (1982), pp. 231\u201353, on p. 234.\n23\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nsciences in the early modern period. My exploration of natural history\u2019s\nintersection with chemical investigation in early modern England, particularly amongst early Royal Society members, proved a ripe area to\nexplore the growing importance of the senses and experience as causes\nof intellectual change in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While\nthe concept of the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury is\nimportant to consider in tracing the source of these ideas, I argue the\nwork of the physician Johann Van Helmont was at their base.\n3. Argue that analyzing to what extent the alchemical understanding of salts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries\nis crucial to our understanding of the transition between alchemy and\nchymistry. To accomplish this task, I will determine to what extent conceptions of volatile salts were modi\u0002ed by a diminishing of interest in\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nCheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) who posited a\n\u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the premises in the Principia, as well\nas queries in Newton\u2019s Opticks and the De Natura Acidorum. Although\nAnita Guerrini pioneered the studies of \u201cNewton-struck\u201d physicians\nin the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, her emphasis\nwas primarily in the application of Newtonian physics to medicine;\nI will concentrate upon Newton\u2019s chymical works and their in\u0003uence\nin the medical community.23 Chapter \u0002ve will examine the spread of\nthese medical concepts of salt chymistry in larger society, looking at\ntheir role in patent medicines, in satire, and in medical treatments to\npromote longevity.\nBy the eighteenth century, we will see that suggestions for the identity of this universal acid re\u0003ected the \u201cnovel preoccupations . . . of the\nphlogiston theory, the nature of combustion, pneumatic chymistry, and\nrespiration;\u201d Lavoisier, for example, \u201cfastened upon the elementary]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=294\nPages: 294\nof the Circulation. Henry E. Sigerist Supplements to the Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine. Ed. Jerome J. Bylebyl. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1979.\nBurt, Roger. \u201cThe international diffusion of technology in the early modern period:\nthe case of the British non ferrous mining industry.\u201d Economic History Review. XLIV,\n2 (1991), pp. 249\u2013271.\nCadden, Joan. Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1996.\nCantor, Geoffrey. \u201cAnti-Newton.\u201d Let Newton Be! Ed. John Fauvel. Oxford: Oxford\nUniversity Press, 1988, pp. 203\u2013221.\nCartwright, David E. Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999.\nChandrasekar S. and M.M. Chaudhri. \u201cThe explosive disintegration of Prince Rupert\u2019s\ndrops. \u201d Philosophical Magazine. B70 (1994), pp. 1195\u20131218.\nChang, Ku-Ming (Kevin). \u201cMotus Tonicus: George Ernst Stahl\u2019s Formulation of Tonic\nMotion and Early Modern Medical Thought,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=296\nPages: 296\nCunningham. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.\nFrost, Kate. \u201cPrescription and Devotion: The reverend Doctor Donne the Learned\nDoctor Mayerne\u2014Two Seventeenth-Century Records of Epidemic Typhoid Fever.\u201d\nMedical History, 22 (1978), pp. 408\u2013419.\nGarrett, Brian. \u201cVitalism and teleology in the natural philosophy of Nehemiah Grew\n(1641\u20131712).\u201d British Journal of the History of Science 36, 1 (March 2003), pp. 63\u201381.\nGeneva, Anne. Astrology and the Seventeenth-Century Mind: William Lilly and the Language of\nthe Stars. New York: St. Martin\u2019s Press, 1995.\nGibson, Todd Stuart. \u201cWhat\u2019s Wrong with the Aristotelian Theory of Sensible Qualities.\u201d Phronesis XLII, 3, (1997), pp. 263\u2013282.\nGlisson, Francis. Anatome Hepatis (The Anatomy of the Liver). 1654. Ed. Andrew Cunningham. Cambridge Wellcome Texts and Documents, number 3. Cambridge: Wellcome\nUnit for the History of Medicine, 1993.\nGolinski, Jan. \u201cA Noble Spectacle: Phosphorus and the Public Cultures of Science in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=70\nPages: 70\nto the Tides,\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, 13, 2 (1982), pp. 111\u2013131. For\nNewton and the Tides, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli\nand Euler to the theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of Science, 11 (1956), pp. 206\u2013223, and\nfor Cartesian theories, see Eric J. Aiton, \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides,\u201d Annals of\nScience 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\n25\nFor a discussion of the multiplicity of theories which compete when a scienti\u0003c\nspeciality is in a pre-paradigmatic state, see Thomas Kuhn, The Structure of Scienti\u0002c\nRevolutions, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), pp. 10\u201322.\n26\nThe Gentleman\u2019s Journal: Or the Monthly Miscellany, ed. Pierre Motteaux, April 1692,\n(London: R. Baldwin, 1692), p. 17; Anna Marie Roos, Luminaries in the Natural World:\nPerceptions of the Sun and the Moon in England, 1400\u20131720, Worcester Polytechnic Institute\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=295\nPages: 295\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter.\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp. 43\u201361.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Pharmaceutical Revolution of the Renaissance.\u201d Clio Medica, 11, 4 (1976),\npp. 307\u2013317.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThomas Sherley\u2019s Philosophical Essay (1672): Helmontian Mechanism as the\nBasis of a New Philosophy,\u201d Ambix 27, 2 (1980), pp. 124\u2013135.\nDewhurst, Kenneth. The Quicksilver Doctor: The Life and Times of Thomas Dover, Physician\nand Adventurer. Bristol: Wright, 1957.\nThe Dictionary of Eighteenth-Century British Philosophers. Ed. John Yolton, John Price and\nJohn Stephens. London: Thoemmes Press, 1999.\nDictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press, CD-ROM, 2004\u20136.\nDictionnaire d\u2019histoire de la medicine. Mons: H. Hoyois, 1778.\nDrake, Stillman. \u201cHistory of Science and the Tide Theories.\u201d Physis 21 (1979), pp.\n61\u201369.\nEamon, William. Science and the Secrets of Nature: Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early\nModern Culture. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=210\nPages: 210,211\nSubjects of this Kind, and who are inclined to see how far the Strength\nof human Understanding can support philosophical Truths, against common Notions and vulgar Prejudices.128\nWe can only agree, for Cohausen\u2019s satire was worth its salt indeed.\n127\nNewman, Promethean Ambitions, p. xiii.\nJohn Campbell, \u201cPreface,\u201d to Cohausen and Campbell, Hermippus Redivivus, or\nthe Sage\u2019s Triumph over Old Age, 1744 ed., p. iii. This is Campbell\u2019s preface to his loose\ntranslation of Cohausen\u2019s original work published in 1742.\n128\nCONCLUSION\nFROM SALINE ACIDS TO ACIDIFYING OXYGEN\nIn his \u201cObservations on Respiration, and the Use of The Blood\u201d (1776),\nJoseph Priestley speculated upon the atmospheric substance necessary\nfor respiration, and provided a short summary of the history of past\nscienti\u0002c beliefs about the process of breathing. He wrote:\nOthers say, that the air itself is not admitted into the blood, but only some\nactive, spirituous, and ethereal particles; that this vital spirit passes from the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae\nrelated not only to experimental philosophy, but to experimental history\nand natural history.15 In a similar manner, an exploration of natural\nhistory\u2019s intersection with chemical investigation in early modern England is a ripe area to explore the growing importance of the senses\nand experience as causes of intellectual change in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries.\nThe salt principle was also a fundamental alchemical tenet, and in\nchapter four I analyze to what extent the alchemical understanding of\nsalts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contribute to our comprehension of the early modern transition between\nalchemy and chymistry. As Principe has noted,\nin the Paracelsian triad [of salt, sulphur, and mercury] the largely analogical, relative, and \u0003uid categories of the Mercury and Sulphur of\nthe dyad are made more rigid so that the tria prima becomes universal,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\nSzulakowska, Urszula. \u2018The Tree of Aristotle: Images of the Philosophers\u2019 Stone and\nTheir Transference to Alchemy from the Fifteenth to the Twentieth Century.\u201d Ambix,\n33,2 (November 1986), pp. 53\u201377.\nTeeter-Dobbs, B. The Janus Faces of Genius: The Role of Alchemy in Newton\u2019s Thought.\nCambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cNewton\u2019s Alchemy and His Theory of Matter.\u201d Isis 73, 4 (Dec. 1982), pp.\n511\u2013528.\nTeeter-Doobs, B. and M.C. Jacob. Newton and the Culture of Newtonianism. New York:\nHumanities Press International Inc., 1995.\nThackray, Arnold. Atoms and Powers: An Essay on Newtonian Matter Theory and the Development of Chemistry. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970.\nThomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic. New York: Charles Scribner\u2019s Sons,\n1971.\nThorndike, Lynn. \u201cTwo Other Passages De Complexiones,\u201d Isis 54, 2 ( June 1963), pp.\n268\u2013269.\nTillyard, E.M.W. The Elizabethan World Picture. New York: Vintage Books, n. d.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301,302\nCentury.\u201d Isis 57,1 (1966), pp. 5\u201323.\nWeininger, Stephen. \u201cContemplating the Finger: Visuality and the Semiotics of Chemistry.\u201d Hyle 4, 1 (1998), pp. 3\u201327.\nbibliography\n285\nWeiss, Henry. \u201cThomas Moffett: Elizabethan Physician and Entomologist.\u201d The Scienti\u0002c\nMonthly 24, 6 (1927), pp. 559\u2013566.\nWeisz, George. \u201cWater Cures and Science: The French Academy of Medicine and\nMineral Waters in the nineteenth century.\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64, 3\n(1990), pp. 393\u2013416.\nWestfall, Richard. \u201cIsaac Newton\u2019s Index Chemicus.\u201d Ambix 22 (1975), pp. 174\u201385.\nWilson, Leonard G. \u201cThe Transformation of Ancient Theories of Respiration in the\nSeventeenth Century.\u201d Isis 51 (1960), pp. 161\u201372.\nWood, S. \u201cMartin Lister, Zoologist and Physician.\u201d Annals of Medical History, n.s. 1\n(1929), pp. 87\u2013104.\nWoodley, J.D. \u201cAnne Lister, Illustrator of Martin Lister\u2019s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685\u2013\n1692).\u201d Archives of Natural History 21, 2 (1994), pp. 225\u2013229.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81,82\ntheir masses. Kepler, Opera Omnia, vol. 3, p. 151.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n65\ncome by Newton\u2019s Principia \u0003fteen years later. In his method of rejecting\nand combining elements from this kaleidoscope of theories, Philipot\nblended interests in occult forces, chymistry, and natural philosophy to\nexplain the mechanism of tides, which he termed this \u201cGrand Mistery\nof Nature.\u201d73\nMartin Lister, the salts of pyrites, and natural history\nVan Helmont\u2019s assertion of the presence of salts in the atmosphere also\naffected work done by Martin Lister, another early Royal Society member, on meteorology, minerallogenesis, and theories about the formation\nof fossils. Born in Yorkshire, Martin Lister was educated at St. John\u2019s\nCollege, Cambridge (M.A. 1655), subsequently studied medicine at\nMontpellier from 1663\u20131666, and when on the continent became \u201can\navid natural historian\u201d and physician.74 Elected a Royal Society Fellow]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=299\nPages: 299\nOxford English Dictionary Online. 2nd ed Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. http://\noed.com\nPaal, Hermann. Johann Heinrich Cohausen, 1665\u20131750; Leben und Schriften eines bedeutenden\nArztes aus der Bl\u00fctezeit des Hochstiftes M\u00fcnster, mit kulturhistorischen Betrachtungen. Jena:\nG. Fischer, 1931.\nPagel, Walter. Joan Baptista Van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine. Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cMedieval and Renaissance Contributions to Knowledge of the Brain and\nits Functions.\u201d The History of the Brain and its Functions. Ed. F.N.L Poynter. Oxford:\nOxford University Press, 1958.\n\u2014\u2014. The Smiling Spleen: Paracelsianism in Storm and Stress. Basel: Karger, 1985.\n\u2014\u2014. William Harvey\u2019s Biological Ideas: Selected Aspects and Historical Background. Basel and\nNew York: S. Karger, 1967.\nParascandola John and Aaron J. Ihde. \u201cHistory of the Pneumatic Trough.\u201d Isis 60, 3\n(Autumn 1969), pp. 351\u2013361]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=291\nPages: 291\nand Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1922\u201333.\n\u2014\u2014. Selected Writings. Ed. Trans. Jolande Sz\u00e9k\u00e1cs Jacobi. New York: Pantheon Books,\n1958.\nPepys, Samuel. Diary of Samuel Pepys. Ed. John Warrington, 3 vols. London: Dent; New\nYork: Dunton, Everyman\u2019s Library, 1963.\nPhilipot, Thomas. Aesop\u2019s fables, with his life: in English, French & Latin. London: William\nGodbid, 1666.\n\u2014\u2014. A brief historical discourse of the original and growth of heraldry. London: E. Tyler and\nR. Holt, 1672.\n\u2014\u2014. An Historical discourse of the \u0002rst invention of navigation and the additional improvements of\nit with the probable causes of the variation of the compasse. London: W. Godbid, 1661.\n\u2014\u2014. The original and growth of the Spanish monarchy united with the House of Austria. London: W.G., 1664.\n\u2014\u2014. A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of the most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature,\nthe Flux and Re\u0003ux: or Flowing and Ebbing of the Sea. London: T.M., 1673.\n\u2014\u2014. Poems. London: R.A., 1646.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=293\nPages: 293\nin Seventeenth-Century Chemistry.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan, 1971.\nAiken, John. Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain. London: Joseph Johnson,\n1780.\nAiton, E.J. \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli and Euler to the theory of the\ntides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1956), pp. 206\u201322.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\nAldridge, Alfred Owen. \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and\nEarthquakes.\u201d Isis 41 (1950), pp. 162\u20134.\nAllan, D.G.C. and Robert E. Scho\u0002eld. Stephen Hales: Scientist and Philanthropist. London:\nScolar Press, 1980.\nAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie. http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de.\nArber, Agnes. \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison.\u201d Isis 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316.\nArndt, Ulrich. \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d\nParacelsus (November 2005), pp. 12\u201317.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nhelped make this book possible. First, I would like to thank Marjorie\nMcIntosh, Distinguished Professor of History and Edward Ruestow,\nProfessor Emeritus of History at the University of Colorado at Boulder for being my research mentors during my graduate work. I am\nalso grateful to Tony Whall, Professor Emeritus of English and retired\nDirector of the Bellavance Honors Program at Salisbury University.\nI would like to thank Tony for his friendship and for encouraging my\nresearch amidst my teaching and administrative responsibilities during\nmy previous employment at Salisbury. The University of Minnesota\nGraduate School provided a Grant-in-Aid that enabled a part of the\nresearch to be carried out for this book. The College of Liberal Arts\nat the University of Minnesota Duluth (UMD) also awarded small\ngrants to present my work and learn from my colleagues at a variety\nof national and international History of Science conferences. Neil T.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=293\nPages: 293\nand Eighteenth Centuries.\u201d Medical History 39 (1995), pp. 197\u2013218.\nBerry, Helen. Gender, Society and Print Culture in Late-Stuart England. The Cultural World of\nthe Athenian Mercury. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003.\nBertholet, M. La revolution chimique. Lavoisier. Paris: F. Alcan, 1890.\nBolam, Jeanne. \u201cThe Botanical Works of Nehemiah Grew, F.R.S. (1641\u20131712).\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London 27, 2 (February 1973), pp. 219\u2013231.\nBondeson, Jan. A Cabinet of Medical Curiosities. London: B. Tauris, 1997.\nBorsay, Anne. Medicine and Charity in Georgian Bath: A Social History of the General In\u0002rmary,\nc. 1739 \u20131830. Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999.\nBoswell, James. The Life of Johnson. 2 vols. London: J.M. Dent and Sons, Ltd, 1933.\nBrodsley, Laurel, Sir Charles Frank, F.R.S., and John W. Steeds. \u201cPrince Rupert\u2019s Drops.\u201d\nNotes and Records of the Royal Society of London 41 (1986), pp. 1\u201326.\nBrown, Harold I. \u201cGalileo, the Elements, and the Tides.\u201d Studies in History and Philosophy]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nof national and international History of Science conferences. Neil T.\nStorch, Professor Emeritus at UMD, is an excellent mentor and a treasured friend, and my former colleagues in the UMD history department\nprovided good advice and counsel.\nI would also like to thank my colleagues at the Wellcome Unit at\nOxford University for providing workspace, collegiality, and access to\nthe assorted delights of Oxford where a portion of the writing of this\nbook was accomplished. I greatly appreciate my continued research\nassociation with the Unit, and I have been lucky to enjoy the friendship of Carol Brady, Pratik Chakrabarti, Mark Harrison, and Belinda\nMichaelides. I also am grateful to Robert Fox for inviting me to present\nmy work in saline chymistry at the Modern History Faculty seminar\nseries at Oxford and for his gentlemanly graciousness and kindness.\nLarry Principe and Anita Guerrini have made many helpful comments as this book progressed, and Peter Morris, editor of Ambix, has]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=70\nPages: 70,71\nStudies, vol. 20 (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2001), p. 242.\n27\nBrian P. Copenhaver, \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scienti\u0003c Revolution,\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 53, 3\n( July\u2013September 1991), pp. 373\u2013398, on pp. 373\u20134.\n54\nchapter three\nand archaeologist of Kent.28 Thomas followed some of John\u2019s interests\nclosely, to the point of even plagiarizing some of his father\u2019s antiquarian histories. However, Thomas was best known as a \u201ctolerable poet\u201d\nwhile a student at Cambridge University and as an author of tracts on\na variety of subjects ranging from suicide, Aesop\u2019s Fables, to the history of\nheraldry.29\nBy the 1670s, Thomas Philipot\u2019s interests had shifted to natural\nphilosophy, and in 1673, he published A Phylosophical Essay, Treating of\nthe most Probable Cause of that Grand Mystery of Nature, the Flux and Re\u0003ux:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=294\nPages: 294\nof the Circulation. Henry E. Sigerist Supplements to the Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine. Ed. Jerome J. Bylebyl. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1979.\nBurt, Roger. \u201cThe international diffusion of technology in the early modern period:\nthe case of the British non ferrous mining industry.\u201d Economic History Review. XLIV,\n2 (1991), pp. 249\u2013271.\nCadden, Joan. Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1996.\nCantor, Geoffrey. \u201cAnti-Newton.\u201d Let Newton Be! Ed. John Fauvel. Oxford: Oxford\nUniversity Press, 1988, pp. 203\u2013221.\nCartwright, David E. Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999.\nChandrasekar S. and M.M. Chaudhri. \u201cThe explosive disintegration of Prince Rupert\u2019s\ndrops. \u201d Philosophical Magazine. B70 (1994), pp. 1195\u20131218.\nChang, Ku-Ming (Kevin). \u201cMotus Tonicus: George Ernst Stahl\u2019s Formulation of Tonic\nMotion and Early Modern Medical Thought,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=5\nPages: 5,6\nISBN: 978 90 04 16176 4\nCopyright 2007 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.\nKoninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,\nIDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.\nAll rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,\nstored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,\nmechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission\nfrom the publisher.\nAuthorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by\nKoninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to\nThe Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,\nDanvers, MA 01923, USA.\nFees are subject to change.\nprinted in the netherlands\nTo my father Gordon and my brother David for being my champions\nTo my colleague Mark Harrison for his friendship and scholarly excellence\nTo my husband Ian for showing me in his stubbornly Lincolnshire way that there]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,17\nalso been unfailingly generous with his critiques and support of my\nresearch. Tom Holland, translator of Latin extraordinaire, assisted me with\nmy work on Martin Lister, his help for which I am grateful. Jim Buickerood, editor of Eighteenth-Century Thought, offered a number of astute\ncomments concerning my analysis of the treatises of Bryan Robinson,\nand Catherine Tonson-Rye of Medical History offered excellent advice\nxvi\nacknowledgements\nabout my analysis of Johann Cohausen. Sections of chapters 3, 4, 5,\nand 6 include materials from essays that originally appeared in Ambix,\nEighteenth-Century Thought, and Medical History.\nI would also like to thank the many librarians and support staff for\ntheir assistance and patience at the Bodleian Library, the British Library,\nCambridge University Library, the library at Harris-Manchester College,\nOxford, the Library for the Museum at the History of Science at Oxford\nUniversity, and the Wellcome Library, London. Thanks also to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=300\nPages: 300\nIsis 89,2 ( June 1998), pp. 203\u2013232.\nRoos, Anna Marie. \u201cAstrology, the Academy, and the Early Modern Newspaper.\u201d Astrology and the Academy. Ed. Michael York, Patrick Curry and Nick Campion. Bristol:\nCinnabar Books, 2004, pp. 131\u2013146.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cBryan Robinson (1680\u20131754), Theories of Respiration, and the Atmospheric\nAcids of Sir Isaac Newton.\u201d Eighteenth-Century Thought 2 (Fall 2004), pp. 180\u2013205.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cJohann Heinrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750), Salt Iatrochemistry, and Theories\nof Longevity in his Satire, Hermippus Redidivus (1742)\u201d Medical History 51,2 (2007),\npp. 181\u2013200.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and Solar and Lunar\nEffects on the Human Body in Early Modern England.\u201d Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine. 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357.\n\u2014\u2014. Luminaries in the Natural World: Perceptions of the Sun and the Moon in England,\n1400\u20131720. Worcester Polytechnic Institute Studies, vol. 20. New York: Peter Lang\nPublishing, 2001.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=185\nPages: 185,187\n54\nof Martin Folkes, who served as the President of the Royal Society.\n52\nLionel Lockyer, An Advertisement Concerning those Most Excellent Pills Called Pilulae\nRadiis Solis Extractae. Being an Universal Medicine (London: W. Nicoll, 1783), frontispiece.\nWellcome Library, London.\n53\nStanton J. Linden, Darke Hierogliphicks: Alchemy in English Literature from Chaucer to the\nRestoration, (Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press, 1996).\n54\nSee for example, Samuel Baker, A catalogue of the entire and valuable library of Martin\nFolkes . . . which will be sold by auction by Samuel Baker . . . on Monday February 2, 1756 (London:\npatent medicines and chymical satire\n169\nFigure 14. Portrait of Johann Henrich Cohausen (1665\u20131750). Wellcome\nLibrary, London.\n170\nchapter five\nHe was best known for medical satire such as the Pica Nasi, a Latin\nparody on snuff in which Apollo ordered Mercury to con\u0003scate the\nnoses of snuff takers. When the satyrs returned them, the desperate]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=294\nPages: 294,295\nUniversity Press, 1986.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cNatural History and Seventeenth-Century Dutch and English Medicine,\u201d in The Task\nof Healing: Medicine, Religion and Gender in England and the Netherlands, 1450\u20131800. Eds. Hilary\nMarland and Margaret Pelling. Rotterdam: Erasmus Publishing, 1996, pp. 253\u2013270.\n\u2014\u2014. Trials of an Ordinary Doctor: Joannes Groenevelt in Seventeenth-Century London. Baltimore:\nJohn Hopkins University Press, 1994.\nCopenhaver, Brian P. \u201cA Tale of Two Fishes: Magical Objects in Natural History\nfrom Antiquity through the Scienti\u0002c Revolution.\u201d Journal of the History of Ideas, 53,\n3 ( July\u2013September 1991), pp. 373\u2013398.\n278\nbibliography\nCorbin, Alain. The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination. Leamington\nSpa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986.\nCrosland, Maurice P. Historical Studies in the Language of Chymistry. London: Heinemann;\nCambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962.\nCrosland, Maurice. \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity.\u201d Isis 64, 3 (September 1973), pp.\n306\u2013325.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\n268\u2013269.\nTillyard, E.M.W. The Elizabethan World Picture. New York: Vintage Books, n. d.\nTilton, Hereward. The Quest for the Phoenix: Spiritual Alchemy and Rosicrucianism in the Work of\nCount Michael Maier (1569\u20131622). Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2003.\nUnwin, Robert W. \u201cA Provincial Man of Science at Work: Martin Lister, F.R.S., and\nhis illustrators 1670\u20131683.\u201d Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 49, 2 (1995),\npp. 209\u201330.\nWebster, Charles. \u201cEnglish Medical Reformers of the Puritan Revolution: A Background\nto the \u201cSociety of Chymical Physitians.\u201d Ambix 14 (1967), pp. 16\u201341.\n\u2014\u2014. From Paracelsus to Newton: Magic and the Making of Modern Science. London, 1982.\n\u2014\u2014. The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine, and Reform, 1626\u20131660. New York: Holmes\n& Meier Publishers, 1976.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Recognition of Plant Sensitivity by English Botanists in the Seventeenth\nCentury.\u201d Isis 57,1 (1966), pp. 5\u201323.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301,302\nCentury.\u201d Isis 57,1 (1966), pp. 5\u201323.\nWeininger, Stephen. \u201cContemplating the Finger: Visuality and the Semiotics of Chemistry.\u201d Hyle 4, 1 (1998), pp. 3\u201327.\nbibliography\n285\nWeiss, Henry. \u201cThomas Moffett: Elizabethan Physician and Entomologist.\u201d The Scienti\u0002c\nMonthly 24, 6 (1927), pp. 559\u2013566.\nWeisz, George. \u201cWater Cures and Science: The French Academy of Medicine and\nMineral Waters in the nineteenth century.\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64, 3\n(1990), pp. 393\u2013416.\nWestfall, Richard. \u201cIsaac Newton\u2019s Index Chemicus.\u201d Ambix 22 (1975), pp. 174\u201385.\nWilson, Leonard G. \u201cThe Transformation of Ancient Theories of Respiration in the\nSeventeenth Century.\u201d Isis 51 (1960), pp. 161\u201372.\nWood, S. \u201cMartin Lister, Zoologist and Physician.\u201d Annals of Medical History, n.s. 1\n(1929), pp. 87\u2013104.\nWoodley, J.D. \u201cAnne Lister, Illustrator of Martin Lister\u2019s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685\u2013\n1692).\u201d Archives of Natural History 21, 2 (1994), pp. 225\u2013229.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301\nExperimental Life, Including a Translation of Thomas Hobbes, Dialogus Physicus De Natura\nAeris. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985.\nShapin, Steven. A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England.\nChicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994.\nShapiro, Alan. Fits, Passions, and Paroxysms: Physics, Method, and Chemistry and Newton\u2019s\nTheories of Colored Bodies and Fits of Easy Re\u0003ection. Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1993.\nSmith, Pamela H. The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture in the Holy Roman Empire.\nPrinceton: Princeton University Press, 1994.\nSpence, Lewis. Encyclopedia of Occultism. New Hyde Park, NY: University Books,\n1968.\nSwann, Marjorie. Curiosities and Texts: The Culture of Collecting in Early Modern England.\nPhiladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001.\nSzulakowska, Urszula. \u2018The Tree of Aristotle: Images of the Philosophers\u2019 Stone and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=289\nPages: 289\n\u2014\u2014. Vegetable Staticks. History of Science Library. Ed. Michael Hoskin. London and\nNew York: MacDonald and American Elsevier Inc, 1969; London, 1727.\nHarvey, Gideon. The Third Edition of the Vanities of Philosophy and Physick Enlarged to more\nthan double the number of sheets. London: A. Roper and R. Bassett, 1702.\nHarvey, William. Disputations Touching the Generation of Animals. Trans. G. Whitteridge.\nOxford and Boston: Oxford University Press, 1981.\nHelsham, Richard. A Course of Lectures in Natural Philosophy, published by Bryan Robinson.\nDublin, 1767; New York: Taylor and Francis Press, 2000.\nHooke, Robert. Micrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665.\nJorden, Edward. A discourse of natural bathes and mineral waters wherein the original or fountains\nin general is declared . . . London: Thomas Harper, 1631; reprint, New York: Da Capo\nPress, 1971.\nKepler, Johannes. Opera Omnia. Ed. Christian Frisch, 8 vols. Frankfurt and Erlangen:\nHeyder et Zimmer, 1865\u201371.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\n23\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and\nSolar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in Early Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of\nthe History of Medicine, 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on p. 433. For an article that analyzes\nEnglish solar and lunar medicine in the nineteenth century, see Mark Harrison, \u201cFrom\nmedical astrology to medical astronomy: sol-lunar and planetary theories of disease\nin British medicine, c. 1700\u20131850\u201d British Journal for the History of Science, 73 (2000), pp.\n25\u201348. My thanks to Professor Harrison for discussing his article with me.\n24\nDavid E. Cartwright, Tides: A Scienti\u0002c History (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1999); Federico Bonelli and Lucio Russo, \u201cThe Origin of Modern Astronomical Theories of Tides: Chrisogono, De Dominis and their Sources,\u201d British Journal for\nthe History of Science 29, 4 (1996), pp. 385\u2013401. For an older work that is an excellent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=299\nPages: 299,300\n(Autumn 1969), pp. 351\u2013361\nPartington, J.R. A History of Chemistry. 4 vols. London: Macmillan and Co., 1961.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cSome Early Appraisals of the Work of John Mayow.\u201d Isis 50 (1959), pp.\n211\u201326.\nbibliography\n283\nPayne, L.M., Leonard G. Wilson, and Harold Hartley. \u201cWilliam Croone, F.R.S.\u201d Notes\nand Records of the Royal Society of London, 15, (1960), pp. 211\u201319.\nPorter, Roy. \u201cThe patient in England, 1660\u20131800.\u201d Medicine in Society: Historical Essays.\nEd Andrew Wear. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, pp. 91\u2013118.\nPorto, Paolo A. \u201cSummus atque felicissimus salium: The Medical Relevance of the\nLiquor Alkahest.\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76, 1 (2002), pp. 1\u201329.\nPriestley, Joseph. \u201cObservations on Respiration, and the Use of the Blood.\u201d Philosophical\nTransactions of the Royal Society of London. 66 (1676), pp. 226\u2013248.\nPrincipe, Lawrence M. The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest. Princeton:\nPrinceton University Press, 1998, pp. 39\u201340.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=300\nPages: 300\n1400\u20131720. Worcester Polytechnic Institute Studies, vol. 20. New York: Peter Lang\nPublishing, 2001.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cMartin Lister (1638\u20131711) and Fool\u2019s Gold.\u201dAmbix 51, 1 (March 2004), pp.\n23\u201342.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cNehemiah Grew and the Saline Chymistry of Plants.\u201d Ambix 54,1 (March 2007),\npp. 51\u201368.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cPolite Society and Perceptions of the Sun and the Moon in the Athenian Mercury and the British Apollo, 1691\u20131711.\u201d Didactic Literature in England, 1500\u20131800:\nExpertise Constructed. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003, pp. 79\u201398.\nRoudil, Pierre. \u201cDieu ou Diable: Le Chat Dans L\u2019Histoire [God or devil? The cat in\nhistory].\u201d Histoire Magazine 36 (1983), pp. 66\u201373.\nRussell, Colin. \u201cFurnaces for Philosophers.\u201d Chemistry World. September 2004, the Royal\nSociety of Chemistry website. http://www.rsc.org/chemistryworld/restricted/2004/\nSeptember/philosophers.asp\nSakula, Alex. \u201cDoctor Nehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and the Epsom Salts. \u201d Clio Medica\n[Netherlands] 19, 1\u20132 (1984), pp. 1\u201322.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae\nrelated not only to experimental philosophy, but to experimental history\nand natural history.15 In a similar manner, an exploration of natural\nhistory\u2019s intersection with chemical investigation in early modern England is a ripe area to explore the growing importance of the senses\nand experience as causes of intellectual change in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries.\nThe salt principle was also a fundamental alchemical tenet, and in\nchapter four I analyze to what extent the alchemical understanding of\nsalts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to contribute to our comprehension of the early modern transition between\nalchemy and chymistry. As Principe has noted,\nin the Paracelsian triad [of salt, sulphur, and mercury] the largely analogical, relative, and \u0003uid categories of the Mercury and Sulphur of\nthe dyad are made more rigid so that the tria prima becomes universal,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20\nsciences in the early modern period. My exploration of natural history\u2019s\nintersection with chemical investigation in early modern England, particularly amongst early Royal Society members, proved a ripe area to\nexplore the growing importance of the senses and experience as causes\nof intellectual change in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. While\nthe concept of the Paracelsian tria prima of salt, sulphur, and mercury is\nimportant to consider in tracing the source of these ideas, I argue the\nwork of the physician Johann Van Helmont was at their base.\n3. Argue that analyzing to what extent the alchemical understanding of salts was modi\u0002ed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries\nis crucial to our understanding of the transition between alchemy and\nchymistry. To accomplish this task, I will determine to what extent conceptions of volatile salts were modi\u0002ed by a diminishing of interest in\nthe salt principle, and increasing emphasis upon acidic saline spirits as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=294\nPages: 294\nMotion and Early Modern Medical Thought,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78\n(2004), pp. 767\u2013803.\nChartier, Roger. \u201cTexts, Symbols, and Frenchness.\u201d The Journal of Modern History, 57,\n4 (December 1985), pp. 682\u2013695.\nChristie, J.R.R. \u201cEther and the Science of Chemistry: 1740 \u20131790,\u201d in Conceptions\nof Ether: Studies in the History of Ether Theories, 1740 \u20131900. Cambridge: Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1981, pp. 86\u2013110.\nClark, C. \u201cThe Zodiac Man in medieval medical astrology.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University\nof Colorado, 1979.\nClericuzio, Antonio. Elements, Principles, and Corpuscles: A Study of Atomism and Chymistry in\nthe Seventeenth Century. Dordrecht and Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2001.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle. A study of the transmission of Helmontian\nchemical and medical theories in seventeenth-century England.\u201d British Journal of\nthe History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u2013334.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cThe Internal Laboratory: The Chemical Reinterpretation of Medical Spirits]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=293\nPages: 293\nin Seventeenth-Century Chemistry.\u201d Ph.D. Diss. University of Michigan, 1971.\nAiken, John. Biographical Memoirs of Medicine in Great Britain. London: Joseph Johnson,\n1780.\nAiton, E.J. \u201cThe contributions of Newton, Bernoulli and Euler to the theory of the\ntides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1956), pp. 206\u201322.\n\u2014\u2014. \u201cDescartes\u2019s theory of the tides.\u201d Annals of Science 11 (1955), pp. 337\u2013348.\nAldridge, Alfred Owen. \u201cBenjamin Franklin and Jonathan Edwards on Lightening and\nEarthquakes.\u201d Isis 41 (1950), pp. 162\u20134.\nAllan, D.G.C. and Robert E. Scho\u0002eld. Stephen Hales: Scientist and Philanthropist. London:\nScolar Press, 1980.\nAllgemeine Deutsche Biographie. http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de.\nArber, Agnes. \u201cNehemiah Grew (1641\u20131712) and Marcello Malpighi (1628\u20131694): An\nEssay in Comparison.\u201d Isis 34, 1 (Summer 1942), pp. 7\u201316.\nArndt, Ulrich. \u201cThe Philosopher\u2019s Magnet: Alchemical Transmutation of Antimony,\u201d\nParacelsus (November 2005), pp. 12\u201317.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22\nwas to be distinguished from the \u201cmore familiar categories of natural\nphilosophy,\u201d in which virtuosi dabble in several areas of investigation.12\nHolmes\u2019 work however primarily investigated French salt chymistry in\nthe Acad\u00e9mie Royale which was an organized activity sponsored by\nthe French state. In contrast, in England, chapter three of this book\nwill show that chymistry was rather more intimately connected to the\n\u201cvirtuosic dabblings,\u201d of the more loosely-organized Royal Society,\nlargely in natural history. Salt was seen by natural philosophers such as\nMartin Lister (1638\u20131711), Robert Moray (1609\u201373), Thomas Philipot\n(d. 1682), Nehemiah Grew (d. 1682), and Robert Boyle (1627\u201391) to be a\nprimeval principle or fundamental mover in processes usually described\nin natural history accounts, such as tides, volcanoes, meteorological\neffects, and plant respiration.\nThe effects of volatile salts (in early modern chymistry, those that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=172\nPages: 172,173\nThe Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626\u20131660 (London: Duckworth, 1975);\nCharles Webster, ed. Utopian Planning and the Puritan Revolution: Gabriel Plattes, Samuel Hartlib\nand Macaria (Oxford: Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, 1979).\n156\nchapter five\nEmpire has shown, the question of legitimacy in chymical practice is\nalso something of current historiographic interest.2\nSalts, Patent Medicine and Astrology\nAs many studies of early modern history of medicine have demonstrated, the medical marketplace in England was a diverse one, with\napothecaries, barber-surgeons, licensed and unlicensed physicians, and\nchymical empirics competing for business. The general lack of effectiveness of most remedies, as well as the high cost of licensed medical care\nmeant that patients were likely to seek several alternatives. From the\nhousewife making herbal remedies to treat her children, to the valetudinarian Robert Boyle\u2019s preoccupation with various nostrums, medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=297\nPages: 297\n1990.\nHenry, John. \u201cOccult Qualities and the Experimental Philosophy: Active Principles in\nPre-Newtonian Matter Theory.\u201d History of Science. xxiv (1986), pp. 335\u2013381\nHolmes, Frederic. \u201cAnalysis by Fire and Solvent Extractions: The Metamorphosis of\na Tradition.\u201d Isis 62, 2 (1971), pp. 128\u2013148.\n\u2014\u2014. Eighteenth-Century Chymistry as an Investigative Enterprise. Berkeley Papers in the History of Science: University of California at Berkeley, 1989.\nHome, R.W. \u201cAepinus and the British Electricians: The Dissemination of a Scienti\u0002c\nTheory.\u201d Isis 63, 2 ( June 1972), pp. 190\u2013204.\nHooykaas, Reijer. \u201cDie Elementenlehre der Iatrochemiker.\u201d Janus 41 (1937), pp.\n1\u201328.\nHorowitz, Maryanne Cline. \u201cAristotle and Women.\u201d Journal of the History of Biology 9,\n(1976), pp. 183\u2013213.\nHunter, Michael. \u201cEarly Problems in Professionalizing Scienti\u0002c Research: Nehemiah\nGrew (1641\u20131712) and the Royal Society, with an unpublished Letter to Henry]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nCheyne (1671\u20131743) and Richard Mead (1673\u20131754) who posited a\n\u201cNewtonian physiology\u201d based on the premises in the Principia, as well\nas queries in Newton\u2019s Opticks and the De Natura Acidorum. Although\nAnita Guerrini pioneered the studies of \u201cNewton-struck\u201d physicians\nin the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, her emphasis\nwas primarily in the application of Newtonian physics to medicine;\nI will concentrate upon Newton\u2019s chymical works and their in\u0003uence\nin the medical community.23 Chapter \u0002ve will examine the spread of\nthese medical concepts of salt chymistry in larger society, looking at\ntheir role in patent medicines, in satire, and in medical treatments to\npromote longevity.\nBy the eighteenth century, we will see that suggestions for the identity of this universal acid re\u0003ected the \u201cnovel preoccupations . . . of the\nphlogiston theory, the nature of combustion, pneumatic chymistry, and\nrespiration;\u201d Lavoisier, for example, \u201cfastened upon the elementary]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nbeliefs, appendix one provides a translation of Martin Lister\u2019s work\nDe Fontibus medicatis Angliae Exercitatio (1684) [Exercises on the healing\nsprings of England], which contains an extensive discussion of vitriol\nand early beliefs about volatile salts.\nFurther, as Dear has noted, the early Royal Society\u2019s \u201cstyle of presentation\u201d of natural philosophy with its wealth of circumstantial evidence\nand empirical detail \u201callowed no clear distinction to be made between\na \u2018natural historical\u2019 . . . and an \u2018experimental report.\u2019 \u201d14 True to this\nfashion, English experimental works of salt chymistry in the seventeenth\ncentury, not only in form, but in their content, were \u201cnatural historical.\u201d\nDetailed reports of the phenomena of natural history were accompanied\nby theories of salt chymistry as underlying explanations for observed\nevents. Ursula Klein\u2019s work has analyzed to what extent the chemical\nexperiments in Herman Boerhaave\u2019s (1668\u20131738) Elementae Chemiae]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=301\nPages: 301,302\nCentury.\u201d Isis 57,1 (1966), pp. 5\u201323.\nWeininger, Stephen. \u201cContemplating the Finger: Visuality and the Semiotics of Chemistry.\u201d Hyle 4, 1 (1998), pp. 3\u201327.\nbibliography\n285\nWeiss, Henry. \u201cThomas Moffett: Elizabethan Physician and Entomologist.\u201d The Scienti\u0002c\nMonthly 24, 6 (1927), pp. 559\u2013566.\nWeisz, George. \u201cWater Cures and Science: The French Academy of Medicine and\nMineral Waters in the nineteenth century.\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64, 3\n(1990), pp. 393\u2013416.\nWestfall, Richard. \u201cIsaac Newton\u2019s Index Chemicus.\u201d Ambix 22 (1975), pp. 174\u201385.\nWilson, Leonard G. \u201cThe Transformation of Ancient Theories of Respiration in the\nSeventeenth Century.\u201d Isis 51 (1960), pp. 161\u201372.\nWood, S. \u201cMartin Lister, Zoologist and Physician.\u201d Annals of Medical History, n.s. 1\n(1929), pp. 87\u2013104.\nWoodley, J.D. \u201cAnne Lister, Illustrator of Martin Lister\u2019s Historiae Conchyliorum (1685\u2013\n1692).\u201d Archives of Natural History 21, 2 (1994), pp. 225\u2013229.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=72\nPages: 72\nEssay (1672)\u201d pp. 124\u201335. Antonio Clericuzio, \u201cFrom van Helmont to Boyle. A study\nof the transmission of Helmontian chemical and medical theories in seventeenthcentury England,\u201d British Journal of the History of Science 26 (1993), pp. 303\u2013334, on\np. 330. Iatrochymistry is a medical theory, \u0003rst associated with Paracelsus, that disease\nresults from a chemical reaction and that it can be both de\u0003ned and treated chemically. Corpuscularianism was Boyle\u2019s physical theory that supposed all matter to be\ncomposed of minute particles.\n34\nThomas Philipot, The original and growth of the Spanish monarchy united with the House\nof Austria (London: W.G., 1664); Thomas Philipot, A Historical discourse of the \u0002rst invention\nof navigation and the additional improvements of it with the probable causes of the variation of the\ncompasse (London: W. Godbid, 1661).\n35\nPhilipot, Navigation, p. 11.\n36\nPhilipot, Navigation, p. 11.\n37]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nanimals, weather, and even celestial bodies.16\nSeventeenth-century writers, particular those of chemical textbooks, as\nwell as the iatrochymists, chemical physicians, and apothecaries who\nfollowed Paracelsus (1493\u20131541) also recognized the expansion of the\ntria prima\u2019s principles to include all bodies.\nHowever, Principe also argues that Paracelsus was not the chief of\nthe alchemists, and did not inform \u201call of alchemy or even a major\npart of it,\u201d and that understanding diverse schools of thought among\nearly modern alchemists is important.17 His point is well taken in the\ncase of theories of salt chymistry and natural history, which I also show\nin chapter three were more dominated by the thought of physician\nJohannes Baptista Van Helmont (1579\u20131644) rather than the theories of\nParacelsus. Van Helmont believed that volatile salts composed the vital\nspirit or the breath of both animals and plants which was \u201cresolved in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=68\nPages: 68\nchymistry in the latter part of the seventeenth century, analyzing role\nof the salts in spa waters, as well as physiology, and iatrochymistry.19 As\nevidenced by the Royal Society Transactions, weather keeping was also a\npursuit that occupied many fellows such as Robert Moray (1608\u20131673)\nand Edmond Halley (1656\u20131742), and Jankovic has shown how meteorology was crucial to the society\u2019s Baconian research program.20 Because\nHarold Cook has characterized chemistry as the \u201cbasic analytical tool\u201d\nfor seventeenth-century investigators of anatomy and natural history, it\nseems an understanding of his chemical theories and their intellectual\ncontext will shed further light on their natural history work.21 In all of\nthese pursuits, salt chymistry played a signi\u0003cant role.\n18\nPeter Dear, \u201cTotius en Verba: Rhetoric and Authority in the Early Royal Society,\u201d Isis\n76, 2 ( June 1985), pp. 144\u201361; Michael Hunter, Science and Society in Restoration England]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=125\nPages: 125\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81,82\ntheir masses. Kepler, Opera Omnia, vol. 3, p. 151.\nvan helmont, salts, and natural history\n65\ncome by Newton\u2019s Principia \u0003fteen years later. In his method of rejecting\nand combining elements from this kaleidoscope of theories, Philipot\nblended interests in occult forces, chymistry, and natural philosophy to\nexplain the mechanism of tides, which he termed this \u201cGrand Mistery\nof Nature.\u201d73\nMartin Lister, the salts of pyrites, and natural history\nVan Helmont\u2019s assertion of the presence of salts in the atmosphere also\naffected work done by Martin Lister, another early Royal Society member, on meteorology, minerallogenesis, and theories about the formation\nof fossils. Born in Yorkshire, Martin Lister was educated at St. John\u2019s\nCollege, Cambridge (M.A. 1655), subsequently studied medicine at\nMontpellier from 1663\u20131666, and when on the continent became \u201can\navid natural historian\u201d and physician.74 Elected a Royal Society Fellow]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=174\nPages: 174,175\nthe Scienti\u0002c Revolution (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994).\n8\nNoel G. Coley, \u201cCures without Care: \u2018Chymical Physicians\u2019 and Mineral Water in\nSeventeenth-Century England,\u201d Medical History 23 (1979), pp. 191\u2013214.\n9\nAnna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine: Richard Mead, James Gibbs, and\nSolar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in Early Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of the\nHistory of Medicine, 74, 3, (Fall 2000), pp. 433\u2013457; see also \u201cAstrology, the Academy and\nthe Early Modern English Newspaper,\u201d in Astrology and the Academy, ed. Patrick Curry,\nNick Campion, and Michael York (Bristol: Cinnabar Books, 2004).\n158\nchapter five\na tract about scrofula, salt chymistry, and solar and lunar in\u0002uences.\nSecondly, we will examine the work of seventeenth-century London\nand Dublin \u201cquacks\u201d Lionel Lockyer and Timothy By\u0003eld, and their\nconnections between salts and sunlight.\nSaline chymistry, solar and lunar astrological medicine, and scrofula]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=26\nPages: 26,27\nalchemical beliefs, one of the key historiographic issues in the study of\nearly modern chymistry.25 Finally I hope that I will have answered my\nquestion, formulated a long time ago in Tuscany, about why salt was\nthought to be a vital element.\n25\nNewman and Principe, \u201cAlchemy vs. chymistry: The etymological origins of a\nhistoriographic mistake,\u201d passim.\nCHAPTER TWO\nPARACELSIAN CONCEPTS OF SALTS\nAristotelian analyses of the elements in his On the Heavens and Of\nMeteorology dominated conceptions of matter in late medieval natural\nphilosophy. The heavens above the moon were created of the ether, a\nperfect shining element whose natural motion was circular and perfect.\nBelow the moon, there were the corruptible earth, air, \u0002re and water\nelements composing the material world. Each element was classi\u0002ed as\neither being hot or cold, and wet or dry. The heavy earth element had a\nnatural motion downwards towards the center of the earth, as Aristotle]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19,20\nNewman, \u201cAlchemy vs. Chymistry: The Etymological Origins of a Historiographic\nMistake,\u201d Early Science and Medicine, 3 (1998), pp. 32\u201365.\n2\nJon Eckland, \u201cSalt\u201d, in The Incomplete Chymist: Being an Essay on the Eighteenth-Century\nChemist in His Laboratory with a Dictionary of Obsolete Chemical Terms of the Period, Smithsonian Studies in History and Technology, Number 33 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian\nInstitute Press, 1975).\n3\nNorma Emerton, The Scienti\u0002c Interpretation of Form (Ithaca: Cornell University\nPress, 1984), p. 214.\n4\nJoseph Duchesne, The practise of chymicall, and hermeticall physicke, for the preservation of\nthe context of salts\n3\nthese debates about salts\u2019 role in matter theory amongst the Paracelsian\nSchool as well as chymists such as Glauber, who were in\u0003uenced by\nthe work of Johann Baptista Van Helmont (1577\u20131634).\n2. Assert that salt chymistry provides a nexus for studying the interrelationships between chymistry, natural history, physiology, and medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nthe development of early modern chymistry in the latter half of the\nseventeenth century, particularly in the work of Robert Boyle, has been\ncogently demonstrated by Principe and Newman.1 In the case of saline\nchymistry in the early Royal Society however, it would be a mistake to\nlimit ourselves to a story of Van Helmont as interpreted by Boyle; nor\nwere all of Van Helmont\u2019s ideas utilized for purely chymical or iatrochymical studies. Royal Society \u0003gures such as Martin Lister, Robert\nMoray, and Nehemiah Grew interpreted Van Helmont\u2019s chymical work\nquite independently of Boyle for the purposes of their own work in\nnatural history, a topic to which this chapter will be devoted after a brief\ncontextual analysis of the role of salts in Helmontian chymistry.\nVan Helmont\u2019s theories of the elements and of salt differed greatly\nfrom those of Paracelsus. First, Van Helmont believed that water and\nair were the only true elements. In his Paradoxes, Van Helmont explained]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21,22\nPress, 2002).\nthe context of salts\n5\nmodi\u0002ed by Thomas Tymme was one of the \u0002rst Paracelsian chymical\ntreatises published in England. The chapter will also analyze Thomas\nSherley\u2019s (1638\u20131678) translation of Duchesne\u2019s contemporary Turquet\nde Mayerne, as well as the work of Johann Glauber which in\u0003uenced\nthe intellectual circle of Samuel Hartlib and Robert Boyle.\nFrederic Holmes\u2019 collection of essays investigates primarily eighteenth-century French salt chymistry in another light, as an experimental enterprise in its own terms, not as a mere \u201cpreparation\u201d for the\ntheories of Lavoisier.10 In contrast to Owen Hannaway\u2019s view of the\norigins of modern chymistry, Holmes claimed that eighteenth-century\nsalt chymistry was \u201cinvestigative rather than didactic, concerned more\nwith research and discovery than teaching and dissemination.\u201d11 Holmes\nalso claimed that because the experimental activity concerning salt chymistry displayed principles of specialization and the division of labor, it]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nnitric acid on \u201cseveral parts of vegetables,\u201d \u0003nding they made less of\na chemical reaction than acids poured on parts of animals. This led\nhim to conclude that in \u201cmost Plants, the Preadominant Principle is\nan Acid,\u201d particularly in the parenchyma, whereas animal substances\ncontained more alkalis.193 Grew also argued that plants contained\nsulphur, especially in the wood, as there was a large amount of resinous sap in the wood\u2019s lympheducts, the sap having the same oily and\n\u0002ammable properties of sulphureous substances. He then performed a\nseries of experiments in which he dropped the alkali spirit of hartshorn\n(aqueous solution of ammonia) or sal ammoniac on tinctures of \u0002owers and on leaves. Spirit of Hartshorn on tinctures of borage \u0002ower\nturned them \u201cverdigreese Green,\u201d and when it was dropped on green\nleaves, the color did not change at all, leading him to postulate that\nthere was some alkaline \u201cor like salt in the Air, which is predominant]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152\nthat \u201cacrimonious in\u0002uences were ascribed to speci\u0003c \u0002uids,\u201d including\nthe lymph and that \u201ccharacteristic diseases resulted from their acidic\nor alkaline natures.\u201d120 Too acidic conditions or alkaline conditions in\nbodily \u0002uids caused disease, a state to be countered with appropriate\nbasic or acidic medicaments to restore the balance of the humors.121\nHarold Cook has shown the simplistic division of all chymical substances\ninto acids and alkalis made this theory an extremely popular and often\nmisused medical treatment among the populace in the United Kingdom\nin the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.122\nMead also was not above using trendy vocabulary to boost his medical\npractice. As he later rather cynically advised another young physician,\nTimothy Vanbustle:\nShould you have an itching to make your name known by writing a book\non physic, yet so customary, I will advise you to choose the subject by\nwhich you think you will get most money, or that will bring you the most]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nTo support his assertion, Simpson \u0003rst cited a number of authorities,\nincluding Tachenius and Oleus Borrichius. Tachenius in his Hippocrates\nChimicus (1666) claimed that no fermentation, creation or decay of\nanimals and plants could occur without acids.63 Olaus Borrichius in his\nDe Hermetica Aegyptiorum vetere et Paracelsiorum Nova Medicina (Helmstadt,\n1648), likewise stated that acids and sulphurs formed an intrinsic part\nof all animals.\nAcids were thus claimed to be differently composed to make up the\nmodi\u0003cations of bodies, and classi\u0003ed as actively fermenting and \u0002uid,\nor passive and consistent of matter: \u201cFrom which succlency of Acids\ntogether with intermediate coagulations and hardenings, perform\u2019d at\ndue seasons, all concrete bodies in the threefold Kingdoms of nature are\nproduc\u2019d.\u201d64 As an example, Simpson showed how acids and sulphurs\naccounted for plant growth. Though as Van Helmont postulated, the\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid\nwas also still common even until the 1770s; George Stahl, the inventor\nof the concept of phlogiston, mentioned the subject of acidi\u0002cation in\nhis treatise on salts. Stahl thought that vitriolic acid [sulphuric acid]\nwas the fundamental or \u201cuniversal acid\u201d and widespread in the atmosphere, an opinion shared by many eighteenth-century chemists.26 As\nCrosland has noted, the discovery of carbon dioxide or \u201c\u0002xed air\u201d by\nJoseph Black in 1754 provided the \u201cpossibility of a new direction to\nthe tradition\u2014the Swedish chemist Torbern Bergman suggested that\n\u201c\u0002xed air\u201d be called the \u201caerial acid.\u201d27 J.F. Meyer also postulated a\nuniversal acidum pingue a single acid, of which the other acids were later\nmodi\u0002cations, providing \u201can alternative explanation to that of Black of\nthe difference between mild and caustic (acidic) agents.\u201d28\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories\nof beginners, who retain with dif\u0002culty a new word when it is absolutely\nempty of meaning.\u201d35 In his schema, salts were named in terms of the\nacids that they could become, and in his system he con\u0002dently named\n\u201ctwenty-two simple substances . . . not yet isolated, forming names from\nan individuating simple substance or radical and the relevant acid\u2014for\nexample\u2014\u201ccitric radical.\u201d36 The undiscovered bases of the undecomposed acids, he was sure would be readily uncovered now that the\nchemistry of oxygen was better understood. As he asserted,\nThat the number of the acids that one can form is again absolutely\nindeterminate, since one does not know all the substances that are likely\nto combine itself with the acidifying principle, and that one knows again\nless the means that one can employ to succeed in the combination.37\nIn this way, Lavoisier\u2019s nomenclature created a conceptual map to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=125\nPages: 125\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140,141\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d\n(sponte accessit, sicut et reliqui succi tum vegitabilium quam animalium, cum in putrifactionem tendunt:\nimo nil putrere neq; generari potest novi, nisi praecedat aciditas.)\n64\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 136.\n65\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 138.\n62\n124\nchapter four\nAcids \u201cwoven and condensed\u201d together formed stalks, leaves, and husks\nof plants, and fruit was \u201ccoagulations of acids, sweetened by their sulphurs, thereby brought on to maturity, and thence made \u0003t for other\nFermentations, in order to [create] potable liquors.\u201d66\nTherefore, though Grew believed salts were the \u201cbones of the plants,\u201d\nSimpson thought acids were at the heart of living structures, making\nnot only vegetation, but \u0002esh and muscular parts. Acids were also the\ncause of tumors, which were \u201cswellings from acids of some badly cured]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,\nthat water should be form\u2019d coagulated, and put on the shape of an Oak,\nAsh, etc., that is wholly ascribable to the intrinsick agents or intestine\nprinciples of Acid and Sulphur, set in the seedling into a Fermentative\nmotion, displayed into that \u0003gure by the manuduction and evolution\nof the contracted and shut up Seed, carried up and conveyed by their\nproper Vessels, whether by the names of veins, arteries, etc., with their\naccompanying Air Vessels according to . . . our countryman Dr. Grew.65\n61\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 121.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 134.\n63\nOtto Tachenius, Hippocrates Chimicus (Venice, 1666), 90\u201391, as cited by Simpson,\nZymologia Chimicus, p. 135. Tachenius wrote, \u201cit is agreed, that as animals and plants\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nis acidic, then, if it arises from pyrites it is truly vitriolic; if from the\nmetal of alum, aluminous; if from limestone, nitrous in its own way.\nWhy, I declare that there exists a subtle gas proper to all those salts as\nthey develop or grow active, and that it truly shares in the nature and\nproperties of each of those substances from which it emanates.\n\u00a7 There are however some (Phil. Transact. Number 104) who assert\nthat vitriol can be made from actual common salt.76 That indeed may\nbe partially true, that is,\nPage 64\nto the extent to which that salt shares in the qualities of vitriol. By\nchance it is not so different from vitriol in its green color and what\none might call its sourness. But it is credible that this common salt is\nnot turned into true vitriol, but has borrowed from vitriol a certain\nghost-like similarity.\nIf however it be urged that when salts of several kinds are dissolved\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211,212\n2\nAlain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Leamington Spa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986), p. 139.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n195\nOur analysis will begin with the work of dissenting minister Stephen\nHales in the Vegetable Staticks (1727), an innovative work inspired by Newtonian chymistry on the production of airs (gases) in which he utilized\na pneumatic trough or a pedestal apparatus to measure the amount\nof air released in a chymical reaction. Hales believed that aerial acids\nand volatile salts contributed to the elasticity and \u0002xedness of the air,\nproduced or absorbed gases, and affected human respiration. We will\nalso examine Hales\u2019 Philosophical Experiments, a series of discourses about\nsurviving long voyages at sea (1739) in which he analyzes sea salts and\ntheir exhalations in the atmosphere. In turn, we will then demonstrate\nto what extent Lavoisier was in\u0003uenced by Hales and the Newtonian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10,12\nChymical Satire ......................................................................\n155\nConclusion\nFrom Saline Acids to Acidifying Oxygen ............\n194\nAppendix Translation from Latin of Martin Lister\u2019s Exercises\non the Healing Springs of England (1684) ....................................\n207\nBibliography ................................................................................\n269\nIndex ...........................................................................................\n287\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n1. A poem on salts in John Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate or Military and\nDomestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655, pp. 218\u2013219. By permission of the Harden Library for the Health Sciences, University\nof Iowa.\n2. Prince Rupert\u2019s Drops or the \u201cGlass Drops\u201d in Robert Hooke,\nMicrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665, p. 10.\nImage courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=108\nPages: 108,109\nKarger, 1984), p. 37.\n92\nchapter three\nwere also made of saline substances.172 In order to better understand\nhow salts combined to form the leaf structure, he then sought to classify\nthe types of vegetative salts. In the Producibleness of Chemical Principles\n(1681), Boyle had replaced the usual division of salts into acid and\nalkali with a tripartite division of salts into acid, alkaline, and urinous\nor volatile, (the latter category including nitre), a classi\u0003cation that Coxe\nwould also follow.173 However, Grew argued instead that vegetative\nsalts should be classi\u0003ed into four types\u2014nitrous, acid, alkaline, and\nmarine\u2014claiming \u201call the four salts have a share in the formation of\na leaf, or other part of a plant.\u201d174 Grew did acknowledge that lixiviating plants via \u0003re revealed that they contained a \u0003xed as well as a\nvolatile alkali; \u201cthe former in the ashes, the latter in the Soot\u201d; because\nplants yielded acid juices in distillation in a sand furnace, this testi\u0003ed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\n33\nM. Bertholet, La revolution chimique. Lavoisier (Paris: F. Alcan, 1890), p. 259, as quoted\nin Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 313.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n205\nI am now in a position to advance af\u0002rmatively that not only the air but\nhe purest part of the air enters into the composition of all acids without\nexception; that it is this substance which constitutes their acidity.34\nHence \u201cpure air\u201d was christened \u201coxygen\u201d or the acidifying principle,\nand Lavoisier would believe each acid was an oxygen compound.\nHis assumptions also in\u0003uenced the chemical nomenclature, published in the Methode de nomenclature chimique (1787), a joint effort between\nLavoisier, Francois de Fourcroy, Claude-Louis Bertholett, and Pierre\nJoseph Macquer. Lavoisier claimed that oxygen was an appropriate\nname for his pure air, as it suggested a fundamental relationship between\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=215\nPages: 215\nwas adhering to the chymistry of Newton in the Opticks, in which the\nair was \u201cimpregnated with subtle sulphur,\u201d as well as with acids; in the\nDe Natura Acidorum, Newton also discoursed about the extreme attractive\nqualities and chymical reactivity of acids. As Heinemann stated,\nHales considered that chemical processes were maintained by the production and absorption of gases by chemical substances, which he supposed\nbrought about by attractive and repulsive forces. Associating [free] \u201cair\u201d\nwith the alkali principle, he interpreted the interaction between acidic\nand alkaline substances in terms of the interactions between opposing\n[Newtonian] forces.10\nHales believed that the air lost its elasticity (decreased in volume) as the\nelastic particles of pure air were reabsorbed by the acid sulphureous\nfumes generated in the process. In other words, though \u201cmixtures do\nin fermentation generate elastick air . . . those which emit thick fumes,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\nnitrous acids, and sometimes taking \u0003re cause lightening and thunder,\nand \u0003ery meteors. For the air abounds with acid vapours \u0003t to promote\nfermentation. . . . in Fermentations the Particles of Bodies which almost\nrest, are put into new Motions by a very potent Principle, which acts upon\nthem only when they approach one another, and causes them to meet\nand clash with great violence, and grow hot with the motion, and dash\none another to pieces, and vanish into Air, and Vapour, and Flame.77\nQuery 8 in the Opticks also asked, \u201cand do not all Bodies which abound\nwith terrestrial parts, and especially with sulphureous ones, emit Light\nas often as those parts are suf\u0003ciently agitated?\u201d78\nNewton also wrote the De Natura acidorum in 1692, which was sent\nto the physician Archibald Pitcairne and published by John Harris in\nthe Lexicon Technicum: A Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (1704\u201310).\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=169\nPages: 169,170\n187\nWalter Pagel, Joan Baptista van Helmont: Reformer of Science and Medicine (Cambridge:\nCambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 88\u201390. The material about acids, alkalis and\nvan Helmont and Sylvius is taken from Anna Marie Roos, \u201cLuminaries in Medicine:\nRichard Mead, James Gibbs and Solar and Lunar Effects on the Human Body in\nEarly Modern England,\u201d Bulletin of the History of Medicine 74 (2000), pp. 433\u201357, on\npp. 452\u201353.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n153\nthe importance of atmospheric acids, yet drew from Boerhaave in his\nemphasis on \u0003bers in diagnosing disease.\nFrom these principles, Robinson developed a series of acidic and\nalkali medicaments to affect the elasticity and health of the animal\n\u0003bers. As we have seen, the basis for his treatments was an extension\nof the acids-alkali theory of the humors which had its origin in the\n1660s among iatrochymists on the Continent in\u0002uenced by van Helmont\nand Sylvius.188\nInstead of using acids or alkalis to \u201crestore the balance of the humors,\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219,220\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur\nfermentation again taken directly out of Newtonian chymistry. Hales\nconcluded from his analyses that puri\u0002cation of sea water was best\n20\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 34.\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 46.\n22\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 45\u201346.\n23\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 47.\n21\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n203\ndone by letting it putrefy, releasing the more disjoined bittern and\nsulphureous salts into the atmosphere, and then distilling it, whereby\nthe \u0002xed salt left over would be left as a caput mortuum (dead head) or\nas a distillation dreg.24\nAcids in the air and Lavoisier\nHales\u2019 work on the pneumatic trough and the chemical role of air and\nits saline acids was in\u0003uential in Britain and in the continent, and as\nGuerlac has shown, he was cited by most pneumatic chemists including\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=144\nPages: 144,143\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but\nsmaller than earthy ones, and were endowed with a \u201cgreat attractive\nforce.\u201d79 As the acids rushed \u201ctowards the Particles of bodies,\u201d they\n75\nAllen Debus, \u201cMotion in Renaissance Chemistry,\u201d Isis 64, 1 (March 1973), pp.\n4\u201317, on p. 15.\n76\nP.M. Heimann, \u201cEther and imponderables,\u201d Conceptions of ether: Studies in the history\nof ether theories, eds. G.N. Cantor and M.J.S. Hodge (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1981), pp. 61\u201385, on p. 66.\n77\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 31, p. 380.\n78\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 8, p. 340.\n79\nIsaac Newton, \u201cDe Natura Acidorum\u201d Lexicon Technicum: Or, an Universal English\nDictionary of Arts and Sciences, ed. John Harris (London: D. Brown, et al. 1736), vol. 1,\nfol. E2 recto.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n127\n\u201cexcite Heat; and they shake asunder some Particles,\u201d which was the\n\u201creason for all violent Fermentation, and in all Fermentation there is an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24,25\nacid as a fundamental mover in natural processes, usually equated with\n16\nLawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest\n(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 39\u201340.\n17\nPrincipe, The Aspiring Adept, p. 41.\n18\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp.\n43\u201361, on p. 58.\n19\nRobert Boyle, Suspicions about some Hidden Qualities of the Air with an Appendix touching\nCelestial Magnets (London: W.G., 1674), pp. 59\u201360.\n20\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse . . . touching the\nIdentity of all Volatile Salts,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 108 (November\n23, 1674), pp. 169\u201382, on p. 172.\n8\nchapter one\nsulphuric acid.\u201d21 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nthere was \u201crecognition that the most powerful chemical agents were acids\nor \u201csaline spirits,\u201d which were currently gaining increased importance]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nnitric acid on \u201cseveral parts of vegetables,\u201d \u0003nding they made less of\na chemical reaction than acids poured on parts of animals. This led\nhim to conclude that in \u201cmost Plants, the Preadominant Principle is\nan Acid,\u201d particularly in the parenchyma, whereas animal substances\ncontained more alkalis.193 Grew also argued that plants contained\nsulphur, especially in the wood, as there was a large amount of resinous sap in the wood\u2019s lympheducts, the sap having the same oily and\n\u0002ammable properties of sulphureous substances. He then performed a\nseries of experiments in which he dropped the alkali spirit of hartshorn\n(aqueous solution of ammonia) or sal ammoniac on tinctures of \u0002owers and on leaves. Spirit of Hartshorn on tinctures of borage \u0002ower\nturned them \u201cverdigreese Green,\u201d and when it was dropped on green\nleaves, the color did not change at all, leading him to postulate that\nthere was some alkaline \u201cor like salt in the Air, which is predominant]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nTo support his assertion, Simpson \u0003rst cited a number of authorities,\nincluding Tachenius and Oleus Borrichius. Tachenius in his Hippocrates\nChimicus (1666) claimed that no fermentation, creation or decay of\nanimals and plants could occur without acids.63 Olaus Borrichius in his\nDe Hermetica Aegyptiorum vetere et Paracelsiorum Nova Medicina (Helmstadt,\n1648), likewise stated that acids and sulphurs formed an intrinsic part\nof all animals.\nAcids were thus claimed to be differently composed to make up the\nmodi\u0003cations of bodies, and classi\u0003ed as actively fermenting and \u0002uid,\nor passive and consistent of matter: \u201cFrom which succlency of Acids\ntogether with intermediate coagulations and hardenings, perform\u2019d at\ndue seasons, all concrete bodies in the threefold Kingdoms of nature are\nproduc\u2019d.\u201d64 As an example, Simpson showed how acids and sulphurs\naccounted for plant growth. Though as Van Helmont postulated, the\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152\nthat \u201cacrimonious in\u0002uences were ascribed to speci\u0003c \u0002uids,\u201d including\nthe lymph and that \u201ccharacteristic diseases resulted from their acidic\nor alkaline natures.\u201d120 Too acidic conditions or alkaline conditions in\nbodily \u0002uids caused disease, a state to be countered with appropriate\nbasic or acidic medicaments to restore the balance of the humors.121\nHarold Cook has shown the simplistic division of all chymical substances\ninto acids and alkalis made this theory an extremely popular and often\nmisused medical treatment among the populace in the United Kingdom\nin the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.122\nMead also was not above using trendy vocabulary to boost his medical\npractice. As he later rather cynically advised another young physician,\nTimothy Vanbustle:\nShould you have an itching to make your name known by writing a book\non physic, yet so customary, I will advise you to choose the subject by\nwhich you think you will get most money, or that will bring you the most]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140,141\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d\n(sponte accessit, sicut et reliqui succi tum vegitabilium quam animalium, cum in putrifactionem tendunt:\nimo nil putrere neq; generari potest novi, nisi praecedat aciditas.)\n64\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 136.\n65\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 138.\n62\n124\nchapter four\nAcids \u201cwoven and condensed\u201d together formed stalks, leaves, and husks\nof plants, and fruit was \u201ccoagulations of acids, sweetened by their sulphurs, thereby brought on to maturity, and thence made \u0003t for other\nFermentations, in order to [create] potable liquors.\u201d66\nTherefore, though Grew believed salts were the \u201cbones of the plants,\u201d\nSimpson thought acids were at the heart of living structures, making\nnot only vegetation, but \u0002esh and muscular parts. Acids were also the\ncause of tumors, which were \u201cswellings from acids of some badly cured]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid\nwas also still common even until the 1770s; George Stahl, the inventor\nof the concept of phlogiston, mentioned the subject of acidi\u0002cation in\nhis treatise on salts. Stahl thought that vitriolic acid [sulphuric acid]\nwas the fundamental or \u201cuniversal acid\u201d and widespread in the atmosphere, an opinion shared by many eighteenth-century chemists.26 As\nCrosland has noted, the discovery of carbon dioxide or \u201c\u0002xed air\u201d by\nJoseph Black in 1754 provided the \u201cpossibility of a new direction to\nthe tradition\u2014the Swedish chemist Torbern Bergman suggested that\n\u201c\u0002xed air\u201d be called the \u201caerial acid.\u201d27 J.F. Meyer also postulated a\nuniversal acidum pingue a single acid, of which the other acids were later\nmodi\u0002cations, providing \u201can alternative explanation to that of Black of\nthe difference between mild and caustic (acidic) agents.\u201d28\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories\nof beginners, who retain with dif\u0002culty a new word when it is absolutely\nempty of meaning.\u201d35 In his schema, salts were named in terms of the\nacids that they could become, and in his system he con\u0002dently named\n\u201ctwenty-two simple substances . . . not yet isolated, forming names from\nan individuating simple substance or radical and the relevant acid\u2014for\nexample\u2014\u201ccitric radical.\u201d36 The undiscovered bases of the undecomposed acids, he was sure would be readily uncovered now that the\nchemistry of oxygen was better understood. As he asserted,\nThat the number of the acids that one can form is again absolutely\nindeterminate, since one does not know all the substances that are likely\nto combine itself with the acidifying principle, and that one knows again\nless the means that one can employ to succeed in the combination.37\nIn this way, Lavoisier\u2019s nomenclature created a conceptual map to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,\nthat water should be form\u2019d coagulated, and put on the shape of an Oak,\nAsh, etc., that is wholly ascribable to the intrinsick agents or intestine\nprinciples of Acid and Sulphur, set in the seedling into a Fermentative\nmotion, displayed into that \u0003gure by the manuduction and evolution\nof the contracted and shut up Seed, carried up and conveyed by their\nproper Vessels, whether by the names of veins, arteries, etc., with their\naccompanying Air Vessels according to . . . our countryman Dr. Grew.65\n61\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 121.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 134.\n63\nOtto Tachenius, Hippocrates Chimicus (Venice, 1666), 90\u201391, as cited by Simpson,\nZymologia Chimicus, p. 135. Tachenius wrote, \u201cit is agreed, that as animals and plants\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\nnitrous acids, and sometimes taking \u0003re cause lightening and thunder,\nand \u0003ery meteors. For the air abounds with acid vapours \u0003t to promote\nfermentation. . . . in Fermentations the Particles of Bodies which almost\nrest, are put into new Motions by a very potent Principle, which acts upon\nthem only when they approach one another, and causes them to meet\nand clash with great violence, and grow hot with the motion, and dash\none another to pieces, and vanish into Air, and Vapour, and Flame.77\nQuery 8 in the Opticks also asked, \u201cand do not all Bodies which abound\nwith terrestrial parts, and especially with sulphureous ones, emit Light\nas often as those parts are suf\u0003ciently agitated?\u201d78\nNewton also wrote the De Natura acidorum in 1692, which was sent\nto the physician Archibald Pitcairne and published by John Harris in\nthe Lexicon Technicum: A Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (1704\u201310).\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211,212\n2\nAlain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Leamington Spa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986), p. 139.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n195\nOur analysis will begin with the work of dissenting minister Stephen\nHales in the Vegetable Staticks (1727), an innovative work inspired by Newtonian chymistry on the production of airs (gases) in which he utilized\na pneumatic trough or a pedestal apparatus to measure the amount\nof air released in a chymical reaction. Hales believed that aerial acids\nand volatile salts contributed to the elasticity and \u0002xedness of the air,\nproduced or absorbed gases, and affected human respiration. We will\nalso examine Hales\u2019 Philosophical Experiments, a series of discourses about\nsurviving long voyages at sea (1739) in which he analyzes sea salts and\ntheir exhalations in the atmosphere. In turn, we will then demonstrate\nto what extent Lavoisier was in\u0003uenced by Hales and the Newtonian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nis acidic, then, if it arises from pyrites it is truly vitriolic; if from the\nmetal of alum, aluminous; if from limestone, nitrous in its own way.\nWhy, I declare that there exists a subtle gas proper to all those salts as\nthey develop or grow active, and that it truly shares in the nature and\nproperties of each of those substances from which it emanates.\n\u00a7 There are however some (Phil. Transact. Number 104) who assert\nthat vitriol can be made from actual common salt.76 That indeed may\nbe partially true, that is,\nPage 64\nto the extent to which that salt shares in the qualities of vitriol. By\nchance it is not so different from vitriol in its green color and what\none might call its sourness. But it is credible that this common salt is\nnot turned into true vitriol, but has borrowed from vitriol a certain\nghost-like similarity.\nIf however it be urged that when salts of several kinds are dissolved\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nand acid also was important. The deeper in the earth it occurred, the\nmore precipitated the Sulphur became, \u201cleft in the colander or \u0003lter of\nSand, through which its passeth, and the acidum thereby so dinted as\nto become very Languid.\u201d40 Surface baths were thus more chemically\npotent and hotter then those below ground.\nThe fermentation process producing heat in the baths of course required\nspring water, and the transformation of sulphurous vitriol into oil of\nvitriol (sulphuric acid) via arti\u0003cial distillation or the natural mixture of\nvitriol and sulphur in spring water to produce oil of vitriol illustrated\nthis principle. If water was added again to oil of vitriol, a violent Fermentation occurred, the exothermic reaction producing violent heat.41\nCognizant of past work which made extensive claims for the generative\npower of salts alone, Simpson was quite \u0003rm in denying that dry salts\nalone or those \u201cmixed and sublimed together\u201d would produce any fer-\n37]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=215\nPages: 215\nwas adhering to the chymistry of Newton in the Opticks, in which the\nair was \u201cimpregnated with subtle sulphur,\u201d as well as with acids; in the\nDe Natura Acidorum, Newton also discoursed about the extreme attractive\nqualities and chymical reactivity of acids. As Heinemann stated,\nHales considered that chemical processes were maintained by the production and absorption of gases by chemical substances, which he supposed\nbrought about by attractive and repulsive forces. Associating [free] \u201cair\u201d\nwith the alkali principle, he interpreted the interaction between acidic\nand alkaline substances in terms of the interactions between opposing\n[Newtonian] forces.10\nHales believed that the air lost its elasticity (decreased in volume) as the\nelastic particles of pure air were reabsorbed by the acid sulphureous\nfumes generated in the process. In other words, though \u201cmixtures do\nin fermentation generate elastick air . . . those which emit thick fumes,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=168\nPages: 168,167\n173\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 303\u2013304.\n174\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 304.\n175\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 304.\n176\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 343.\n177\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 305.\n178\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 305\u2013306.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n151\na constant supply of this acid by means of respiration. Therefore\nthe atmospheric acids also seemed to be the immediate cause of the\nstrengthening power of oils and all \u0002uids abounding with oily parts.\nOn the other hand if an alkali like sal ammoniac (likely ammonium\nchloride or NH4Cl though the term was sometimes used for other\nammonium salts) was applied to hair continuously, the \u0003ber grew less\nand less elastic or \u201cweaker\u201d over time.179 Robinson then noted that\nanimal \u0003bers like hair contained an \u201cacid in their composition, forasmuch as they contained salt\u201d; according to Newton\u2019s Opticks, salt was\ncomposed of acid and earth united by attraction.180 Therefore, alkalis]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=129\nPages: 129\nacids mixed together would effervesce and usually produced heat, just\nas oil of vitriol (sulphuric acid) reacts with volatile alkali (ammonium\ncarbonate); unnatural effervescence resulting from too much acidity or\nalkalinity (which he termed acridity) caused disease.12 The cure was\nproviding a medicament of the opposite Ph.13 As Parthington stated,\nSylvius believed that most disease was caused by corrosive acids, fever\nby an excess of alkalinity, and plague was due to volatile salts in the\nblood which gave it \u201can abnormal \u0002uidity opposing its coagulation; this\nis proved by injecting a solution of the volatile salt into the veins, when\nthe symptoms of plague are produced and hence an acid is used as a\nremedy.\u201d14 The atmosphere itself could also in\u0002uence bodily processes\nsuch as respiration; Sylvius wrote,\nBy what power, or in what manner and way the inspired air so alters the\nblood is not equally clear. I for my part think that it is brought about by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s\nbook, being impressed by his explanation that the gain in weight when\nmetals were calcined was due to the absorption of acidum pingue from\nthe \u0002re.29 Lavoisier also knew of J.F. Rozier\u2019s Observations sur la physique,\nin which Rozier postulated that air behaved in some ways like an\nacid. Rozier in 1772 wrote a treatise on wine in which experiments on\nfermentation were described; he suggested that the acidity of soured\n24\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 33.\nHenry Guerlac, \u201cThe Continental Reputation of Stephen Hales,\u201d Archives Internationales d\u2019Histoire des Sciences 15 (1951), pp. 393\u2013404.\n26\nMaurice Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d Isis 64, 3 (September 1973),\npp. 306\u2013325, on p. 309. Stahl believed nitric acid was a compound of this with phlogiston. See George Stahl, Fundamenta Chymiae Dogmaticae et experimentalis (Nurnberg:\nWolfgange Mauritius, 1723), p. 10 as quoted in Parthington, History of Chemistry,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219,220\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur\nfermentation again taken directly out of Newtonian chymistry. Hales\nconcluded from his analyses that puri\u0002cation of sea water was best\n20\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 34.\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 46.\n22\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 45\u201346.\n23\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 47.\n21\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n203\ndone by letting it putrefy, releasing the more disjoined bittern and\nsulphureous salts into the atmosphere, and then distilling it, whereby\nthe \u0002xed salt left over would be left as a caput mortuum (dead head) or\nas a distillation dreg.24\nAcids in the air and Lavoisier\nHales\u2019 work on the pneumatic trough and the chemical role of air and\nits saline acids was in\u0003uential in Britain and in the continent, and as\nGuerlac has shown, he was cited by most pneumatic chemists including\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=167\nPages: 167\n3. By Robinson\u2019s proposition 24, the air abounded with acid particles,\nso the \u201cwatry Moisture imbibed from the air by this Salt when it\ndeliquates, must be strongly impregnated with acid particles.\u201d173\n4. Therefore, \u201cif the Acid of the Air be the sole Cause of the great\nExcess of the Strengthening Power of Salt of Tartar per deliquium\nabove that of the strongest Solution of the same Salt in Water,\u201d such\nas receive most of the Acid into their Blood will have the strongest\n\u0003bers.174 Animal \u0003bers would be strongest in \u201cfrosty weather,\u201d since\nthe air abounded more with acid particles then.\n5. Robinson concluded that animal \u0003bers and \u0002uids had their strengthening powers from the acid of the Air, \u201cunited with their component\nparticles by virtue of its strong attraction.\u201d175\nRobinson then turned to the effects of oils and alkalis on animal\n\u0003bers, noting from his experiments that the data in table one revealed\nthat \u201cOils, ardent Spirits, and all Liquors abounding with oily Parts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=125\nPages: 125\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\n33\nM. Bertholet, La revolution chimique. Lavoisier (Paris: F. Alcan, 1890), p. 259, as quoted\nin Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 313.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n205\nI am now in a position to advance af\u0002rmatively that not only the air but\nhe purest part of the air enters into the composition of all acids without\nexception; that it is this substance which constitutes their acidity.34\nHence \u201cpure air\u201d was christened \u201coxygen\u201d or the acidifying principle,\nand Lavoisier would believe each acid was an oxygen compound.\nHis assumptions also in\u0003uenced the chemical nomenclature, published in the Methode de nomenclature chimique (1787), a joint effort between\nLavoisier, Francois de Fourcroy, Claude-Louis Bertholett, and Pierre\nJoseph Macquer. Lavoisier claimed that oxygen was an appropriate\nname for his pure air, as it suggested a fundamental relationship between\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10,12\nChymical Satire ......................................................................\n155\nConclusion\nFrom Saline Acids to Acidifying Oxygen ............\n194\nAppendix Translation from Latin of Martin Lister\u2019s Exercises\non the Healing Springs of England (1684) ....................................\n207\nBibliography ................................................................................\n269\nIndex ...........................................................................................\n287\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n1. A poem on salts in John Woodall, The Surgeon\u2019s Mate or Military and\nDomestique Surgery. London: John Legate, 1655, pp. 218\u2013219. By permission of the Harden Library for the Health Sciences, University\nof Iowa.\n2. Prince Rupert\u2019s Drops or the \u201cGlass Drops\u201d in Robert Hooke,\nMicrographia. London: John Martyn and James Allestry, 1665, p. 10.\nImage courtesy History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries; copyright the Board of Regents of the University]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nnitric acid on \u201cseveral parts of vegetables,\u201d \u0003nding they made less of\na chemical reaction than acids poured on parts of animals. This led\nhim to conclude that in \u201cmost Plants, the Preadominant Principle is\nan Acid,\u201d particularly in the parenchyma, whereas animal substances\ncontained more alkalis.193 Grew also argued that plants contained\nsulphur, especially in the wood, as there was a large amount of resinous sap in the wood\u2019s lympheducts, the sap having the same oily and\n\u0002ammable properties of sulphureous substances. He then performed a\nseries of experiments in which he dropped the alkali spirit of hartshorn\n(aqueous solution of ammonia) or sal ammoniac on tinctures of \u0002owers and on leaves. Spirit of Hartshorn on tinctures of borage \u0002ower\nturned them \u201cverdigreese Green,\u201d and when it was dropped on green\nleaves, the color did not change at all, leading him to postulate that\nthere was some alkaline \u201cor like salt in the Air, which is predominant]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140,141\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d\n(sponte accessit, sicut et reliqui succi tum vegitabilium quam animalium, cum in putrifactionem tendunt:\nimo nil putrere neq; generari potest novi, nisi praecedat aciditas.)\n64\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 136.\n65\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 138.\n62\n124\nchapter four\nAcids \u201cwoven and condensed\u201d together formed stalks, leaves, and husks\nof plants, and fruit was \u201ccoagulations of acids, sweetened by their sulphurs, thereby brought on to maturity, and thence made \u0003t for other\nFermentations, in order to [create] potable liquors.\u201d66\nTherefore, though Grew believed salts were the \u201cbones of the plants,\u201d\nSimpson thought acids were at the heart of living structures, making\nnot only vegetation, but \u0002esh and muscular parts. Acids were also the\ncause of tumors, which were \u201cswellings from acids of some badly cured]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152\nthat \u201cacrimonious in\u0002uences were ascribed to speci\u0003c \u0002uids,\u201d including\nthe lymph and that \u201ccharacteristic diseases resulted from their acidic\nor alkaline natures.\u201d120 Too acidic conditions or alkaline conditions in\nbodily \u0002uids caused disease, a state to be countered with appropriate\nbasic or acidic medicaments to restore the balance of the humors.121\nHarold Cook has shown the simplistic division of all chymical substances\ninto acids and alkalis made this theory an extremely popular and often\nmisused medical treatment among the populace in the United Kingdom\nin the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.122\nMead also was not above using trendy vocabulary to boost his medical\npractice. As he later rather cynically advised another young physician,\nTimothy Vanbustle:\nShould you have an itching to make your name known by writing a book\non physic, yet so customary, I will advise you to choose the subject by\nwhich you think you will get most money, or that will bring you the most]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\nnitrous acids, and sometimes taking \u0003re cause lightening and thunder,\nand \u0003ery meteors. For the air abounds with acid vapours \u0003t to promote\nfermentation. . . . in Fermentations the Particles of Bodies which almost\nrest, are put into new Motions by a very potent Principle, which acts upon\nthem only when they approach one another, and causes them to meet\nand clash with great violence, and grow hot with the motion, and dash\none another to pieces, and vanish into Air, and Vapour, and Flame.77\nQuery 8 in the Opticks also asked, \u201cand do not all Bodies which abound\nwith terrestrial parts, and especially with sulphureous ones, emit Light\nas often as those parts are suf\u0003ciently agitated?\u201d78\nNewton also wrote the De Natura acidorum in 1692, which was sent\nto the physician Archibald Pitcairne and published by John Harris in\nthe Lexicon Technicum: A Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (1704\u201310).\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=162\nPages: 162,163\nPhilosophical Transactions 9, no. 103 (1674), pp. 41\u201347, on p. 41.\n146\nchapter four\nAnd when . . . spirit of vitriol poured upon \u0003lings of iron dissolves the \u0003lings with a great heat and ebullition, is not this heat and ebullition effect\nby a violent motion of the parts, and does not that motion argue that\nthe acid particles of the liquor rush towards the parts of the \u0003lings with\na violence . . . And when the acid particles, which alone would distill with\nan easy heat, will not separate from the particles of the metal without a\nvery violent heat, does not this con\u0003rm the attraction between them?160\nOn the basis of these queries, Robinson speculated that the acid of the\nair applied to \u201csulphureous\u201d or \u201cunctuous\u201d substances continued to\ndissolve them with heat.161 Since it was therefore \u201cthe nature of acids\nto dissolve bodies with heat\u201d and the color changes in blood when\nexposed to atmospheric acids demonstrated the \u201cacid of the air dissolves]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nTo support his assertion, Simpson \u0003rst cited a number of authorities,\nincluding Tachenius and Oleus Borrichius. Tachenius in his Hippocrates\nChimicus (1666) claimed that no fermentation, creation or decay of\nanimals and plants could occur without acids.63 Olaus Borrichius in his\nDe Hermetica Aegyptiorum vetere et Paracelsiorum Nova Medicina (Helmstadt,\n1648), likewise stated that acids and sulphurs formed an intrinsic part\nof all animals.\nAcids were thus claimed to be differently composed to make up the\nmodi\u0003cations of bodies, and classi\u0003ed as actively fermenting and \u0002uid,\nor passive and consistent of matter: \u201cFrom which succlency of Acids\ntogether with intermediate coagulations and hardenings, perform\u2019d at\ndue seasons, all concrete bodies in the threefold Kingdoms of nature are\nproduc\u2019d.\u201d64 As an example, Simpson showed how acids and sulphurs\naccounted for plant growth. Though as Van Helmont postulated, the\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211,212\n2\nAlain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Leamington Spa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986), p. 139.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n195\nOur analysis will begin with the work of dissenting minister Stephen\nHales in the Vegetable Staticks (1727), an innovative work inspired by Newtonian chymistry on the production of airs (gases) in which he utilized\na pneumatic trough or a pedestal apparatus to measure the amount\nof air released in a chymical reaction. Hales believed that aerial acids\nand volatile salts contributed to the elasticity and \u0002xedness of the air,\nproduced or absorbed gases, and affected human respiration. We will\nalso examine Hales\u2019 Philosophical Experiments, a series of discourses about\nsurviving long voyages at sea (1739) in which he analyzes sea salts and\ntheir exhalations in the atmosphere. In turn, we will then demonstrate\nto what extent Lavoisier was in\u0003uenced by Hales and the Newtonian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=215\nPages: 215\nwas adhering to the chymistry of Newton in the Opticks, in which the\nair was \u201cimpregnated with subtle sulphur,\u201d as well as with acids; in the\nDe Natura Acidorum, Newton also discoursed about the extreme attractive\nqualities and chymical reactivity of acids. As Heinemann stated,\nHales considered that chemical processes were maintained by the production and absorption of gases by chemical substances, which he supposed\nbrought about by attractive and repulsive forces. Associating [free] \u201cair\u201d\nwith the alkali principle, he interpreted the interaction between acidic\nand alkaline substances in terms of the interactions between opposing\n[Newtonian] forces.10\nHales believed that the air lost its elasticity (decreased in volume) as the\nelastic particles of pure air were reabsorbed by the acid sulphureous\nfumes generated in the process. In other words, though \u201cmixtures do\nin fermentation generate elastick air . . . those which emit thick fumes,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=144\nPages: 144,143\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but\nsmaller than earthy ones, and were endowed with a \u201cgreat attractive\nforce.\u201d79 As the acids rushed \u201ctowards the Particles of bodies,\u201d they\n75\nAllen Debus, \u201cMotion in Renaissance Chemistry,\u201d Isis 64, 1 (March 1973), pp.\n4\u201317, on p. 15.\n76\nP.M. Heimann, \u201cEther and imponderables,\u201d Conceptions of ether: Studies in the history\nof ether theories, eds. G.N. Cantor and M.J.S. Hodge (Cambridge: Cambridge University\nPress, 1981), pp. 61\u201385, on p. 66.\n77\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 31, p. 380.\n78\nNewton, Opticks, Book III, Query 8, p. 340.\n79\nIsaac Newton, \u201cDe Natura Acidorum\u201d Lexicon Technicum: Or, an Universal English\nDictionary of Arts and Sciences, ed. John Harris (London: D. Brown, et al. 1736), vol. 1,\nfol. E2 recto.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n127\n\u201cexcite Heat; and they shake asunder some Particles,\u201d which was the\n\u201creason for all violent Fermentation, and in all Fermentation there is an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nis acidic, then, if it arises from pyrites it is truly vitriolic; if from the\nmetal of alum, aluminous; if from limestone, nitrous in its own way.\nWhy, I declare that there exists a subtle gas proper to all those salts as\nthey develop or grow active, and that it truly shares in the nature and\nproperties of each of those substances from which it emanates.\n\u00a7 There are however some (Phil. Transact. Number 104) who assert\nthat vitriol can be made from actual common salt.76 That indeed may\nbe partially true, that is,\nPage 64\nto the extent to which that salt shares in the qualities of vitriol. By\nchance it is not so different from vitriol in its green color and what\none might call its sourness. But it is credible that this common salt is\nnot turned into true vitriol, but has borrowed from vitriol a certain\nghost-like similarity.\nIf however it be urged that when salts of several kinds are dissolved\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid\nwas also still common even until the 1770s; George Stahl, the inventor\nof the concept of phlogiston, mentioned the subject of acidi\u0002cation in\nhis treatise on salts. Stahl thought that vitriolic acid [sulphuric acid]\nwas the fundamental or \u201cuniversal acid\u201d and widespread in the atmosphere, an opinion shared by many eighteenth-century chemists.26 As\nCrosland has noted, the discovery of carbon dioxide or \u201c\u0002xed air\u201d by\nJoseph Black in 1754 provided the \u201cpossibility of a new direction to\nthe tradition\u2014the Swedish chemist Torbern Bergman suggested that\n\u201c\u0002xed air\u201d be called the \u201caerial acid.\u201d27 J.F. Meyer also postulated a\nuniversal acidum pingue a single acid, of which the other acids were later\nmodi\u0002cations, providing \u201can alternative explanation to that of Black of\nthe difference between mild and caustic (acidic) agents.\u201d28\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=125\nPages: 125\ninterest in the salt principle began to decline. Belief in the salt principle\ndiminished, and there was growing interest in the idea of a universal\nacid as the basic mover in processes of nature; it was usually identi\u0003ed\nas sulphuric acid.1 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nit was believed that acids or \u201csaline spirits\u201d were the most powerful\nchemical agents, and they were increasingly important in the chemical\nlaboratory as chemical reactions in solution predominated over older\ndistillation processes.2 The use of acids and alkalis in iatrochymical\ntreatments of Boerhaave and Franciscus Dele Bo\u00eb Sylvius (1614\u20131672),\nas well as Boyle\u2019s re\u0003nement of colored indicators in detecting acidity\nled to this shift in emphasis.\nAfter a brief contextual discussion of the rise of acids and alkalis\nin chemical and iatrochymical theory, we will start this chapter with a\ndiscussion of William Simpson. Simpson was a physician from York who]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,\nthat water should be form\u2019d coagulated, and put on the shape of an Oak,\nAsh, etc., that is wholly ascribable to the intrinsick agents or intestine\nprinciples of Acid and Sulphur, set in the seedling into a Fermentative\nmotion, displayed into that \u0003gure by the manuduction and evolution\nof the contracted and shut up Seed, carried up and conveyed by their\nproper Vessels, whether by the names of veins, arteries, etc., with their\naccompanying Air Vessels according to . . . our countryman Dr. Grew.65\n61\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 121.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 134.\n63\nOtto Tachenius, Hippocrates Chimicus (Venice, 1666), 90\u201391, as cited by Simpson,\nZymologia Chimicus, p. 135. Tachenius wrote, \u201cit is agreed, that as animals and plants\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nand acid also was important. The deeper in the earth it occurred, the\nmore precipitated the Sulphur became, \u201cleft in the colander or \u0003lter of\nSand, through which its passeth, and the acidum thereby so dinted as\nto become very Languid.\u201d40 Surface baths were thus more chemically\npotent and hotter then those below ground.\nThe fermentation process producing heat in the baths of course required\nspring water, and the transformation of sulphurous vitriol into oil of\nvitriol (sulphuric acid) via arti\u0003cial distillation or the natural mixture of\nvitriol and sulphur in spring water to produce oil of vitriol illustrated\nthis principle. If water was added again to oil of vitriol, a violent Fermentation occurred, the exothermic reaction producing violent heat.41\nCognizant of past work which made extensive claims for the generative\npower of salts alone, Simpson was quite \u0003rm in denying that dry salts\nalone or those \u201cmixed and sublimed together\u201d would produce any fer-\n37]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152\nwhich you think you will get most money, or that will bring you the most\ngeneral business . . . The method of writing, if in your frontispiece you\naddress not your book to some great man, is to club with some other\nphysicians; and thus by way of letters to commend each other\u2019s good\n117\nMead, A Mechanical Account of Poisons, p. 103.\nMarie Boas Hall, \u201cAcid and Alkali in Seventeenth-Century Chemistry,\u201d Archives\ninternationales d\u2019historie des sciences, 1956, 34: 13\u201328; Harold Cook, Trials of an Ordinary\nDoctor: Joannes Groenevelt in Seventeenth-Century London (Baltimore: John Hopkins University\nPress, 1994), p. 66.\n119\nSylvius [Franciscus de la B\u00f6e], Sylvii Opera medica tam hactenus inedita (A,sterdam:\nD. Elsevir and A. Wolfgang, 1679), 32; quoted in Walter Pagel, William Harvey\u2019s Biological Ideas: Selected Aspects and Historical Background (Basel and New York: S. Karger,\n1967), p. 194.\n120\nDebus, The Chymical Philosophy, vol. 2, p. 530.\n121\nCook, Trials of an Ordinary Doctor, p. 66.\n122]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=167\nPages: 167\n3. By Robinson\u2019s proposition 24, the air abounded with acid particles,\nso the \u201cwatry Moisture imbibed from the air by this Salt when it\ndeliquates, must be strongly impregnated with acid particles.\u201d173\n4. Therefore, \u201cif the Acid of the Air be the sole Cause of the great\nExcess of the Strengthening Power of Salt of Tartar per deliquium\nabove that of the strongest Solution of the same Salt in Water,\u201d such\nas receive most of the Acid into their Blood will have the strongest\n\u0003bers.174 Animal \u0003bers would be strongest in \u201cfrosty weather,\u201d since\nthe air abounded more with acid particles then.\n5. Robinson concluded that animal \u0003bers and \u0002uids had their strengthening powers from the acid of the Air, \u201cunited with their component\nparticles by virtue of its strong attraction.\u201d175\nRobinson then turned to the effects of oils and alkalis on animal\n\u0003bers, noting from his experiments that the data in table one revealed\nthat \u201cOils, ardent Spirits, and all Liquors abounding with oily Parts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219,220\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur\nfermentation again taken directly out of Newtonian chymistry. Hales\nconcluded from his analyses that puri\u0002cation of sea water was best\n20\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 34.\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 46.\n22\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 45\u201346.\n23\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 47.\n21\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n203\ndone by letting it putrefy, releasing the more disjoined bittern and\nsulphureous salts into the atmosphere, and then distilling it, whereby\nthe \u0002xed salt left over would be left as a caput mortuum (dead head) or\nas a distillation dreg.24\nAcids in the air and Lavoisier\nHales\u2019 work on the pneumatic trough and the chemical role of air and\nits saline acids was in\u0003uential in Britain and in the continent, and as\nGuerlac has shown, he was cited by most pneumatic chemists including\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24,25\nacid as a fundamental mover in natural processes, usually equated with\n16\nLawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and His Alchemical Quest\n(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 39\u201340.\n17\nPrincipe, The Aspiring Adept, p. 41.\n18\nAllen G. Debus, \u201cThe Paracelsian Aerial Niter,\u201d Isis 55, 1 (March 1964), pp.\n43\u201361, on p. 58.\n19\nRobert Boyle, Suspicions about some Hidden Qualities of the Air with an Appendix touching\nCelestial Magnets (London: W.G., 1674), pp. 59\u201360.\n20\nDaniel Coxe, \u201cA Continuation of Dr. Daniel Coxe\u2019s Discourse . . . touching the\nIdentity of all Volatile Salts,\u201d Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society 108 (November\n23, 1674), pp. 169\u201382, on p. 172.\n8\nchapter one\nsulphuric acid.\u201d21 As Emerton has noted, in the seventeenth century,\nthere was \u201crecognition that the most powerful chemical agents were acids\nor \u201csaline spirits,\u201d which were currently gaining increased importance]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\nnitric acid on \u201cseveral parts of vegetables,\u201d \u0003nding they made less of\na chemical reaction than acids poured on parts of animals. This led\nhim to conclude that in \u201cmost Plants, the Preadominant Principle is\nan Acid,\u201d particularly in the parenchyma, whereas animal substances\ncontained more alkalis.193 Grew also argued that plants contained\nsulphur, especially in the wood, as there was a large amount of resinous sap in the wood\u2019s lympheducts, the sap having the same oily and\n\u0002ammable properties of sulphureous substances. He then performed a\nseries of experiments in which he dropped the alkali spirit of hartshorn\n(aqueous solution of ammonia) or sal ammoniac on tinctures of \u0002owers and on leaves. Spirit of Hartshorn on tinctures of borage \u0002ower\nturned them \u201cverdigreese Green,\u201d and when it was dropped on green\nleaves, the color did not change at all, leading him to postulate that\nthere was some alkaline \u201cor like salt in the Air, which is predominant]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nTo support his assertion, Simpson \u0003rst cited a number of authorities,\nincluding Tachenius and Oleus Borrichius. Tachenius in his Hippocrates\nChimicus (1666) claimed that no fermentation, creation or decay of\nanimals and plants could occur without acids.63 Olaus Borrichius in his\nDe Hermetica Aegyptiorum vetere et Paracelsiorum Nova Medicina (Helmstadt,\n1648), likewise stated that acids and sulphurs formed an intrinsic part\nof all animals.\nAcids were thus claimed to be differently composed to make up the\nmodi\u0003cations of bodies, and classi\u0003ed as actively fermenting and \u0002uid,\nor passive and consistent of matter: \u201cFrom which succlency of Acids\ntogether with intermediate coagulations and hardenings, perform\u2019d at\ndue seasons, all concrete bodies in the threefold Kingdoms of nature are\nproduc\u2019d.\u201d64 As an example, Simpson showed how acids and sulphurs\naccounted for plant growth. Though as Van Helmont postulated, the\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=152\nPages: 152\nthat \u201cacrimonious in\u0002uences were ascribed to speci\u0003c \u0002uids,\u201d including\nthe lymph and that \u201ccharacteristic diseases resulted from their acidic\nor alkaline natures.\u201d120 Too acidic conditions or alkaline conditions in\nbodily \u0002uids caused disease, a state to be countered with appropriate\nbasic or acidic medicaments to restore the balance of the humors.121\nHarold Cook has shown the simplistic division of all chymical substances\ninto acids and alkalis made this theory an extremely popular and often\nmisused medical treatment among the populace in the United Kingdom\nin the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.122\nMead also was not above using trendy vocabulary to boost his medical\npractice. As he later rather cynically advised another young physician,\nTimothy Vanbustle:\nShould you have an itching to make your name known by writing a book\non physic, yet so customary, I will advise you to choose the subject by\nwhich you think you will get most money, or that will bring you the most]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=143\nPages: 143\nnitrous acids, and sometimes taking \u0003re cause lightening and thunder,\nand \u0003ery meteors. For the air abounds with acid vapours \u0003t to promote\nfermentation. . . . in Fermentations the Particles of Bodies which almost\nrest, are put into new Motions by a very potent Principle, which acts upon\nthem only when they approach one another, and causes them to meet\nand clash with great violence, and grow hot with the motion, and dash\none another to pieces, and vanish into Air, and Vapour, and Flame.77\nQuery 8 in the Opticks also asked, \u201cand do not all Bodies which abound\nwith terrestrial parts, and especially with sulphureous ones, emit Light\nas often as those parts are suf\u0003ciently agitated?\u201d78\nNewton also wrote the De Natura acidorum in 1692, which was sent\nto the physician Archibald Pitcairne and published by John Harris in\nthe Lexicon Technicum: A Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences (1704\u201310).\nAcids in Newton\u2019s scheme were in size larger than water molecules, but]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140,141\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d\n(sponte accessit, sicut et reliqui succi tum vegitabilium quam animalium, cum in putrifactionem tendunt:\nimo nil putrere neq; generari potest novi, nisi praecedat aciditas.)\n64\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 136.\n65\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 138.\n62\n124\nchapter four\nAcids \u201cwoven and condensed\u201d together formed stalks, leaves, and husks\nof plants, and fruit was \u201ccoagulations of acids, sweetened by their sulphurs, thereby brought on to maturity, and thence made \u0003t for other\nFermentations, in order to [create] potable liquors.\u201d66\nTherefore, though Grew believed salts were the \u201cbones of the plants,\u201d\nSimpson thought acids were at the heart of living structures, making\nnot only vegetation, but \u0002esh and muscular parts. Acids were also the\ncause of tumors, which were \u201cswellings from acids of some badly cured]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=222\nPages: 222\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories\nof beginners, who retain with dif\u0002culty a new word when it is absolutely\nempty of meaning.\u201d35 In his schema, salts were named in terms of the\nacids that they could become, and in his system he con\u0002dently named\n\u201ctwenty-two simple substances . . . not yet isolated, forming names from\nan individuating simple substance or radical and the relevant acid\u2014for\nexample\u2014\u201ccitric radical.\u201d36 The undiscovered bases of the undecomposed acids, he was sure would be readily uncovered now that the\nchemistry of oxygen was better understood. As he asserted,\nThat the number of the acids that one can form is again absolutely\nindeterminate, since one does not know all the substances that are likely\nto combine itself with the acidifying principle, and that one knows again\nless the means that one can employ to succeed in the combination.37\nIn this way, Lavoisier\u2019s nomenclature created a conceptual map to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=140\nPages: 140\nbulk of all living creatures including plants was ultimately water,\nthat water should be form\u2019d coagulated, and put on the shape of an Oak,\nAsh, etc., that is wholly ascribable to the intrinsick agents or intestine\nprinciples of Acid and Sulphur, set in the seedling into a Fermentative\nmotion, displayed into that \u0003gure by the manuduction and evolution\nof the contracted and shut up Seed, carried up and conveyed by their\nproper Vessels, whether by the names of veins, arteries, etc., with their\naccompanying Air Vessels according to . . . our countryman Dr. Grew.65\n61\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 121.\nSimpson, Zymologia Physica, p. 134.\n63\nOtto Tachenius, Hippocrates Chimicus (Venice, 1666), 90\u201391, as cited by Simpson,\nZymologia Chimicus, p. 135. Tachenius wrote, \u201cit is agreed, that as animals and plants\nmove towards decay, nothing is able to be begat of the new, unless it precedes acids.\u201d]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid\nwas also still common even until the 1770s; George Stahl, the inventor\nof the concept of phlogiston, mentioned the subject of acidi\u0002cation in\nhis treatise on salts. Stahl thought that vitriolic acid [sulphuric acid]\nwas the fundamental or \u201cuniversal acid\u201d and widespread in the atmosphere, an opinion shared by many eighteenth-century chemists.26 As\nCrosland has noted, the discovery of carbon dioxide or \u201c\u0002xed air\u201d by\nJoseph Black in 1754 provided the \u201cpossibility of a new direction to\nthe tradition\u2014the Swedish chemist Torbern Bergman suggested that\n\u201c\u0002xed air\u201d be called the \u201caerial acid.\u201d27 J.F. Meyer also postulated a\nuniversal acidum pingue a single acid, of which the other acids were later\nmodi\u0002cations, providing \u201can alternative explanation to that of Black of\nthe difference between mild and caustic (acidic) agents.\u201d28\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=215\nPages: 215\nwas adhering to the chymistry of Newton in the Opticks, in which the\nair was \u201cimpregnated with subtle sulphur,\u201d as well as with acids; in the\nDe Natura Acidorum, Newton also discoursed about the extreme attractive\nqualities and chymical reactivity of acids. As Heinemann stated,\nHales considered that chemical processes were maintained by the production and absorption of gases by chemical substances, which he supposed\nbrought about by attractive and repulsive forces. Associating [free] \u201cair\u201d\nwith the alkali principle, he interpreted the interaction between acidic\nand alkaline substances in terms of the interactions between opposing\n[Newtonian] forces.10\nHales believed that the air lost its elasticity (decreased in volume) as the\nelastic particles of pure air were reabsorbed by the acid sulphureous\nfumes generated in the process. In other words, though \u201cmixtures do\nin fermentation generate elastick air . . . those which emit thick fumes,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=211\nPages: 211,212\n2\nAlain Corbin, The Foul and the Fragrant: Odor and the French Social Imagination (Leamington Spa, Hamburg and New York: Berg, 1986), p. 139.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n195\nOur analysis will begin with the work of dissenting minister Stephen\nHales in the Vegetable Staticks (1727), an innovative work inspired by Newtonian chymistry on the production of airs (gases) in which he utilized\na pneumatic trough or a pedestal apparatus to measure the amount\nof air released in a chymical reaction. Hales believed that aerial acids\nand volatile salts contributed to the elasticity and \u0002xedness of the air,\nproduced or absorbed gases, and affected human respiration. We will\nalso examine Hales\u2019 Philosophical Experiments, a series of discourses about\nsurviving long voyages at sea (1739) in which he analyzes sea salts and\ntheir exhalations in the atmosphere. In turn, we will then demonstrate\nto what extent Lavoisier was in\u0003uenced by Hales and the Newtonian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nand acid also was important. The deeper in the earth it occurred, the\nmore precipitated the Sulphur became, \u201cleft in the colander or \u0003lter of\nSand, through which its passeth, and the acidum thereby so dinted as\nto become very Languid.\u201d40 Surface baths were thus more chemically\npotent and hotter then those below ground.\nThe fermentation process producing heat in the baths of course required\nspring water, and the transformation of sulphurous vitriol into oil of\nvitriol (sulphuric acid) via arti\u0003cial distillation or the natural mixture of\nvitriol and sulphur in spring water to produce oil of vitriol illustrated\nthis principle. If water was added again to oil of vitriol, a violent Fermentation occurred, the exothermic reaction producing violent heat.41\nCognizant of past work which made extensive claims for the generative\npower of salts alone, Simpson was quite \u0003rm in denying that dry salts\nalone or those \u201cmixed and sublimed together\u201d would produce any fer-\n37]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=128\nPages: 128\nthe nature of \u0003xed alkaline salts created by calcining plants was a\nresearch preoccupation of the Royal Society. Boyle also was involved\nin the classi\u0003cation of salts. As has been documented by Clericuzio,\nin his Usefulness of Experimental Naturall Philosophy (1663) Boyle classi\u0003ed\nsalts comprehensively and distinguished three types: acid, alkalizate or\nlixivial, and urinous or volatile. Principe and Newman have also demonstrated that Boyle drew a contrast between the Helmontian alkahest\nand \u201ccommon corrosive saline liquors\u201d or acids and alkalis.7 The liquors,\nderived from salts via distillation, deliquescence, lixiviation, and solution\nwere of three types: acid (such as nitric acid), urinous (ammonia and\nits salts), and alkalizates (\u0003xed alkalies such as potassium and sodium\ncarbonates). Boyle further derived a set of early \u201cPh\u201d indicators, such\nas syrup of violets to classify salts and their liquors into acid, urinous\nor lixivial types.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=168\nPages: 168,167\n173\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 303\u2013304.\n174\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 304.\n175\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 304.\n176\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 343.\n177\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, p. 305.\n178\nRobinson, Animal Oeconomy, pp. 305\u2013306.\nfrom salts to saline spirits\n151\na constant supply of this acid by means of respiration. Therefore\nthe atmospheric acids also seemed to be the immediate cause of the\nstrengthening power of oils and all \u0002uids abounding with oily parts.\nOn the other hand if an alkali like sal ammoniac (likely ammonium\nchloride or NH4Cl though the term was sometimes used for other\nammonium salts) was applied to hair continuously, the \u0003ber grew less\nand less elastic or \u201cweaker\u201d over time.179 Robinson then noted that\nanimal \u0003bers like hair contained an \u201cacid in their composition, forasmuch as they contained salt\u201d; according to Newton\u2019s Opticks, salt was\ncomposed of acid and earth united by attraction.180 Therefore, alkalis]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=264\nPages: 264\nis acidic, then, if it arises from pyrites it is truly vitriolic; if from the\nmetal of alum, aluminous; if from limestone, nitrous in its own way.\nWhy, I declare that there exists a subtle gas proper to all those salts as\nthey develop or grow active, and that it truly shares in the nature and\nproperties of each of those substances from which it emanates.\n\u00a7 There are however some (Phil. Transact. Number 104) who assert\nthat vitriol can be made from actual common salt.76 That indeed may\nbe partially true, that is,\nPage 64\nto the extent to which that salt shares in the qualities of vitriol. By\nchance it is not so different from vitriol in its green color and what\none might call its sourness. But it is credible that this common salt is\nnot turned into true vitriol, but has borrowed from vitriol a certain\nghost-like similarity.\nIf however it be urged that when salts of several kinds are dissolved\nsimultaneously in the same water and dried out by heat they each]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=220\nPages: 220\nLavoisier himself was familiar with French translation of Meyer\u2019s\nbook, being impressed by his explanation that the gain in weight when\nmetals were calcined was due to the absorption of acidum pingue from\nthe \u0002re.29 Lavoisier also knew of J.F. Rozier\u2019s Observations sur la physique,\nin which Rozier postulated that air behaved in some ways like an\nacid. Rozier in 1772 wrote a treatise on wine in which experiments on\nfermentation were described; he suggested that the acidity of soured\n24\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 33.\nHenry Guerlac, \u201cThe Continental Reputation of Stephen Hales,\u201d Archives Internationales d\u2019Histoire des Sciences 15 (1951), pp. 393\u2013404.\n26\nMaurice Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d Isis 64, 3 (September 1973),\npp. 306\u2013325, on p. 309. Stahl believed nitric acid was a compound of this with phlogiston. See George Stahl, Fundamenta Chymiae Dogmaticae et experimentalis (Nurnberg:\nWolfgange Mauritius, 1723), p. 10 as quoted in Parthington, History of Chemistry,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=219\nPages: 219,220\nthe atmosphere resulting in thunder and lightening, the acid-sulphur\nfermentation again taken directly out of Newtonian chymistry. Hales\nconcluded from his analyses that puri\u0002cation of sea water was best\n20\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 34.\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, p. 46.\n22\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 45\u201346.\n23\nHales, Philosophical Experiments, pp. 47.\n21\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n203\ndone by letting it putrefy, releasing the more disjoined bittern and\nsulphureous salts into the atmosphere, and then distilling it, whereby\nthe \u0002xed salt left over would be left as a caput mortuum (dead head) or\nas a distillation dreg.24\nAcids in the air and Lavoisier\nHales\u2019 work on the pneumatic trough and the chemical role of air and\nits saline acids was in\u0003uential in Britain and in the continent, and as\nGuerlac has shown, he was cited by most pneumatic chemists including\nJoseph Black and Lavoisier.25 The idea of a universal atmospheric acid]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=221\nPages: 221,222\n33\nM. Bertholet, La revolution chimique. Lavoisier (Paris: F. Alcan, 1890), p. 259, as quoted\nin Crosland, \u201cLavoisier\u2019s Theory of Acidity,\u201d p. 313.\nsaline acids to acidifying oxygen\n205\nI am now in a position to advance af\u0002rmatively that not only the air but\nhe purest part of the air enters into the composition of all acids without\nexception; that it is this substance which constitutes their acidity.34\nHence \u201cpure air\u201d was christened \u201coxygen\u201d or the acidifying principle,\nand Lavoisier would believe each acid was an oxygen compound.\nHis assumptions also in\u0003uenced the chemical nomenclature, published in the Methode de nomenclature chimique (1787), a joint effort between\nLavoisier, Francois de Fourcroy, Claude-Louis Bertholett, and Pierre\nJoseph Macquer. Lavoisier claimed that oxygen was an appropriate\nname for his pure air, as it suggested a fundamental relationship between\nit and acids. These etymologies in his words were to \u201crelive the memories]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=129\nPages: 129\nacids mixed together would effervesce and usually produced heat, just\nas oil of vitriol (sulphuric acid) reacts with volatile alkali (ammonium\ncarbonate); unnatural effervescence resulting from too much acidity or\nalkalinity (which he termed acridity) caused disease.12 The cure was\nproviding a medicament of the opposite Ph.13 As Parthington stated,\nSylvius believed that most disease was caused by corrosive acids, fever\nby an excess of alkalinity, and plague was due to volatile salts in the\nblood which gave it \u201can abnormal \u0002uidity opposing its coagulation; this\nis proved by injecting a solution of the volatile salt into the veins, when\nthe symptoms of plague are produced and hence an acid is used as a\nremedy.\u201d14 The atmosphere itself could also in\u0002uence bodily processes\nsuch as respiration; Sylvius wrote,\nBy what power, or in what manner and way the inspired air so alters the\nblood is not equally clear. I for my part think that it is brought about by]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=167\nPages: 167\n3. By Robinson\u2019s proposition 24, the air abounded with acid particles,\nso the \u201cwatry Moisture imbibed from the air by this Salt when it\ndeliquates, must be strongly impregnated with acid particles.\u201d173\n4. Therefore, \u201cif the Acid of the Air be the sole Cause of the great\nExcess of the Strengthening Power of Salt of Tartar per deliquium\nabove that of the strongest Solution of the same Salt in Water,\u201d such\nas receive most of the Acid into their Blood will have the strongest\n\u0003bers.174 Animal \u0003bers would be strongest in \u201cfrosty weather,\u201d since\nthe air abounded more with acid particles then.\n5. Robinson concluded that animal \u0003bers and \u0002uids had their strengthening powers from the acid of the Air, \u201cunited with their component\nparticles by virtue of its strong attraction.\u201d175\nRobinson then turned to the effects of oils and alkalis on animal\n\u0003bers, noting from his experiments that the data in table one revealed\nthat \u201cOils, ardent Spirits, and all Liquors abounding with oily Parts]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/3Mu6jt4M3ytikcyGSo9FkJ/_History-of-.pdf?pdfPage=144\nPages: 144\n\u201creason for all violent Fermentation, and in all Fermentation there is an\nAcid latent or suppressed.\u201d80 Acids attracted water as much as they did\nparticles of bodies, putting matter into solution. Newton also postulated\nthat acids were also crucial components of sulphurs and fats; because\nacids were of such attractive qualities, they were \u201cclosely retain\u2019d\u201d by\nother particles when mixed with them, \u201cquite suppressed and hidden\nas it were by them; so that they neither stimulate the organ of sense,\nnor attract water, but compose Bodies which are not Acid ie Fat and\nFusible Bodies.\u201d81 The attractive force in these suppressed acid particles\n\u201cin sulphureous bodies\u201d accounted for their in\u0002ammable nature; when\nsulphurs met with other materials, the acids within it \u201cby more strongly\nattracting the Particles of other Bodies (earthly ones for Instance) than\nits own, promotes a gentle Fermentation, produces and cherishes Natural\nHeat, and carries it on . . .\u201d82 Clearly for Newton and for Simpson,]"]}