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{"result":["[Summary from page 1 to page 17 out of a total of 137:\nPages 1:\nISBN 90-04-11690-7\n9789004 116900\"\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nBY\nGeometryand Optics in LateRenaissanceAlchemicalIllustration\nAKSWOKALUZS\nURSZULA SZULAKOWSKA\n.SALLA\nSUB\nAEGIDE\nUTA\nEHT\nYMEHCLA\nFO\nTHGIL\nBRILL\n\nPages 2:\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nGeometry and Optics in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\n\nPages 3:\nSYMBOLA ET EMBLEMATA\nStudies in Renaissance and Baroque Symbolism\nGeneral Editor\nBERNHARD F. SCHOLZ, Groningen\nEditorial Board\nCLAIRE J. FARAGO, Boulder, Colorado\nGY RGY SZ NYI, Szeged\nHELEN WILCOX, Groningen\nVOLUME X\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nGeometry and Optics in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\nUB AEGIDE\nATUT\nSALLA\n\nPages 4:\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nGeometry and Optics in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\nBY\nURSZULA SZULAKOWSKA\nLIX CVT\nTATVM SVCCEDET ALIQUANDO\n.LOUTHS\nME13DE\n080\nSUB AEGIDE\nHinrimus\nkhunrath Le93 :\nHFpinxiresst.\n:Paullus\nTheosoneamater\ni\nn\nvent\no\nr\n.\ngral\ni\nd\nMedina uing19 ister, DLL\njest.\nwie\nAnd\ndoor\nvander\nJan Vredeman de Vries, \"Oratory/Laboratory\" (1595)\nfrom Heinrich Khunrath, Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609)\n(by permission of the Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\nBRILL\nLEIDEN BOSTON K LN\n2000\n\nPages 5:\nThis book is printed on acid-free paper.\nDie Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme\nThe alchemy oflight: geometry and optics in late Renaissance\nalchemical illustration / by Urszula Szulakowska. - Leiden ;\nBoston ; K ln : Brill, 2000\n(ISBN\nSymbola\net emblemata ; Vol. 10)\n90-04-11690-7\nLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data\nLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data isalso available\nISSN 0923-9073\nISBN 90 04 11690 7\nCopyright2000 byKoninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands\nAllrights reserved. Nopart ofthis publication may be reproduced, translated,storedin\naretrievalsystem, ortransmitted in anyform or by anymeans, electronic,\n, without priorwritten\nmechanical, photocopying, recordingor otherwise\npermissionfrom thepublisher.\nAuthorization tophotocopy itemsforinternalorpersonal\nuse isgranted by Brillprovidedthat\ntheappropriatefees\narepaid\ndirectlyDrive,\nto TheSuite910\nCopyright\nClearance Center, 222\nRosewood\nDanversMA 01923, USA.\nFees are subject to change.\nPRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS\nFor my family,\nespecially\nPetronela Brodalka\n\nPages 6:\nTABLE OF CONTENTS\nAcknowledgements\nIntroduction\nIX\nXI\n1. The Semiotic Structures of Renaissance Alchemical Imagery..... 1\n2. Geometry and Astrology in Late Medieval and Early\n12\nRenaissance Alchemy..\n3. The influence of Medieval Optics on Renaissance Alchemy......... 29\n02\n4. Paracelsian Alchemy: the \"Astral Virtue\" and the \"Aerial\nSaltpetre\"\n41\n5. John Dee's Alchemy of Light: the Monas Hieroglyphica and\nthe Cabbalah\n55\n6. John Dee's Conceptual Architecture and \"Zographie\" in an\nAlchemical Context....\n71\n7. Heinrich Khunrath: Divine Light and the Fire of the Magi........ 79\n91\n8. Heinrich Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae: the 1595\nand 1602 editions\n103\n9. Heinrich Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae: the edition\n113\nof 1604 (published Hanover, 1609) .\n10. Epicureans, Blasphemers, Sophists and Black-Magicians: the\n139\nPersecution of Heinrich Khunrath\n153\n11. Michael Maier's Alchemical Geometry of the Sun..\n12. Robert Fludd: The Divine Alchemy of the Eye of God\nConclusion\nBibliography\nIllustrations .\nIndex .\n167\n183\n185\n201\n241\n\nPages 7:\nACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\nPrimarily, I wish to thank members of the research committee ofBretton\nHall College for their generous financial support ofthis project. In particular, Professor David Hill supplied moral support and encouraged my\nresearch with unwavering optimism.\nIn the scholarly area, I have drawn heavily on the time and patience\nof Professor Gyorgy Szonyi ofSzeged University. His meticulous critical\nreading of my text and his many helpful suggestions for its improvement\nhave contributed much to the final outcome, for which I am sincerely\ngrateful.\nI would also like to thank Professor Stanton J. Linden of Washington\nState University for his long-standing interest in and support of my alchemical studies.\nColleagues at Bretton Hall College directly engaged on this project\nwere Deborah Brooke who assisted with transcribing the textual content\nofKhunrath's illustrations, while Charles Holroyd provided graphics and\nhelped with the design of the book. Their hard work has been much\nappreciated. Thanks also to Jon Lucas for his help.\nThe staff of the following institutions have facilitated my research:\nAlnwick Castle archives, Northumbria; Bodleian Library, Oxford; Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana, Florence; Biblioteca Nazionale-Centrale,\nFlorence; British Library, London; Crawford Library, Edinburgh Royal\nObservatory; Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; Warburg Institute Library, London; Wellcome Institute Library, London; the Brotherton and\nEdward Boyle libraries at Leeds University; Bretton Hall College library.\nI am grateful for their assistance.\nMy family, friends and students have loyally supported me throughout this project, for which I thank them, especially Matylda and Halina.\nSzulakowska and my father Antoni.\n\nPages 8:\nINTRODUCTION\nFrom the mid-sixteenth to the late- seventeenth century, one of the most\nimportant metaphysical concepts in Western Europe was that of the divinity and generative power of light. At the heart of the Counter-Reformation, the Jesuits located the Eucharistic monstrance whose blazing\naura ofgold displayed the sacramental authority ofthe Church to reunite\nthe repentant sinner with God. Subsequently, this vision of the divine\nlight of the Holy Spirit, as the instrument of union with God, was expressed less doctrinally in the moderated pietism ofthe seventeenth century Cambridge Platonists. Such historical currents evolving a personalised interpretation of scripture, in which God and human were united\nthrough the indwelling light ofthe Spirit, rather than through the rites of\nthe Church, were strengthened in hermetic and neoplatonic circles bythe\nChristian cabbalah. This theosophical system envisaged God creating the\nworld out ofhis own divine luminosity; hence, for cabbalists, the universe\nwas not only pervaded by the divine light of God, it was united monistically to him.\nAlthough there has been much dispute among historians concerning\nthe specific role of hermetic theosophy in the development of Lutheran\npietism, scholars, such as Peuckert and Stoeffler, have acknowledged that\nan important contribution was made by radical theologians of the late\nsixteenth century, such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt, who\nwere influenced by Paracelsian cabbalism.2 Weigel and his followers began to produce their own interpretations of scripture in which the sacramental rituals of the Lutheran Church and its demands for political authority increasingly appeared superfluous and objectionable.\nMost historians have neglected the contribution of the alchemists to\nthese distinctive and revolutionary theological movements, at best mentioning in passing figures such as Heinrich Khunrath (1560-1605),\nMichael Maier (1568-1622) and Robert Fludd (1574-1637). Yet, their\nParacelsian- cabbalistic metaphysics of light revolutionised contemporary\nalchemical theory, even prompting its adepts to deploy the rays of the\nsun and the stars in their practical work. In turn, their alchemised theolMargaret Llasera, \"Concepts ofLight in the Poetry of Henry Vaughan\", The Seventeenth Century, 3, (1988): 47-61.\n2 Will-Erich Peuckert, Pansophie (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1956), 2, pp. 185-214, 290308;. F. Ernest Stoeffler, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965), pp. 180208\n\nPages 9:\nXII\nINTRODUCTION\nXIII\nogy was a widely publicised and controversial contribution to the debates\nbetween the established Lutheran Church in Germany and the reformist\nmovements inspired by Melancthon and sponsored by Calvinist preachers in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.\nHistorians of alchemy have almost ignored the central role of the\nimagery of light in late sixteenth century Paracelsian alchemy, regarding\nthis as being a poetic expression of some vague mystical experience, or a\nflowery literary convention. Debus is one of the few to have discussed this\nParacelsian metaphysics of light in his extensive studies of Fludd's alchemy.3 More recently, Clulee has examined the natural philosophy ofthe\nElizabethan theurgist, John Dee (1527-1609), noting, in particular, Dee's\nuse ofscholastic optical theory in the astronomical magic ofhis Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558). Clulee, however, did not relate Dee's astral theurgy to alchemy, nor to theosophy, since he did not consider Dee to be a\nParacelsian, although he acknowledged the innovatory significance of\nDee's cabbalism in his later alchemical treatise, the Monas Hieroglyphica\n(1564). Few other scholars have examined critically the references to\ncelestial light in late Renaissance alchemical texts and illustrations and\nmajor alchemists of the period, such as Khunrath and Maier, still await a\ndefinitive study.\nIn view of the fact that scholarly research into the alchemical discourse oflight is relatively little developed, the present study will attempt\nto redress this absence byfocusing on Renaissance ideas ofthe generative\npower ofthe light of the sun, stars and planets. Renaissance alchemists,\nsuch as Khunrath and Fludd, conceptualised the astral rays of light as\nbeing the agents ofthe \"anima Mundi\", the cosmic soul or \"Anthropos\",\nout of whose primeval substance, the quintessence or \"azoth\", the universe was generated. Cabbalistic alchemists, moreover, identified the cosmic Anthropos with Christ, whose sacred presence within the alchemical\nprocess transformed it into a sacramental act, paralleling that of the\nLutheran Eucharist.\nAlchemists, since hellenistic times, had relied on the effects of the\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in\nthe late fourteenth century, appearing in its full expression in the work of\nParacelsus ( 1493-1541). In addition, John Dee added his own distinctive\ncontribution to the sixteenth century theory ofthe generative stellar rays.\nThese alchemists provided the basic foundation for Khunrath's alchemi-\ncal deployment of light-rays and astral virtues, but Khunrath went beyond his original sources in uniting Paracelsian cabbalism with Weigel's\npietistic Christology, producing, thereby, an alchemical polemic expressing the concept of Christ as the philosopher's stone who transmuted the\nsoul through the light of Eternal Wisdom. Thus, by the early seventeenth\ncentury, the alchemical use of celestial rays and natural sun-light involved more than chemistry, since this practice was, in effect, a religious\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a\nconceptual structure which could be called an \"alchemy oflight\", a syncretic philosophy integrating the discrete intellectual and mystical currents of Pythagorean geometry, neoplatonism, medieval optics, Paracelsian alchemy and cabbalism.\nThe concept of the divinity of light had been transmitted from the\nmost ancient times to the late hellenistic philosopher Plotinus, as well as\nto various gnostic and hermetic groups, such as those connected with the\ntheosophical writings known to the Renaissance as the Pymander of\nHermes Trismegistus. In origins the term \"hermeticism\" referred to the\nlate hellenistic teachings ofTrismegistus and his followers, such as Asclepius. This theosophical system had emerged by the second century BC in\nEgypt, but at first it did not include alchemy which developed only during the first Christian centuries, alchemical literature being added to the\nearlier hermetic corpus by the second century AD. According to Copenhaver, these alchemical texts, as well as other magical treatises, are integrally related to the seventeen, purely theological, hermetic writings. He\nargues that eighteenth century scholars, prejudiced against occultism,\nhad made a false distinction between the various components of the corpus which would have been meaningless to the contemporary followers of\nthe original school of thought. Consequently, hermeticism is not only a\ntheosophical system, but also a practical theurgy.\nThe development of hermeticism was historically distinct from that of\nneoplatonism and it had been ruthlessly criticised by Plotinus for its superstitious practices and inconsistent theological structures. Nevertheless,\nRenaissance philosophers, such as Ficino, disregarded Plotinus' animosity\ntowards the hermeticists and they accomodated both systems within their\nvision of a \"prisca theologia\" anticipating the Christian religion.5 Plotinus' sophisticated theogony of light was received by medieval Western\nphilosophers in the moderated Christian versions of Pseudo-Dionysos\nand St.Augustine. In the fifteenth century, as a result ofthe recovery and\n3 Allen G. Debus, \"The Sun in the Universe ofRobert Fludd\", Le Soleil a la renaissance\n(Brussels, 1965).\n4 Nicholas Clulee, John Dee's Natural Philosophy (London; New York: Routledge, 1988).\n5 For discussion of the hermetic corpus see Brian P. Copenhaver, Hermetica (Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. xxxii-l.\n\nPages 10:\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\ntranslation of the neoplatonic and hermetic Greek texts, the Florentine\nhumanist Marsilio Ficino began to promote the use of astral rituals in a\nmedical and psychological context. His younger contemporary Pico della\nMirandola, like Ficino, integrated these practices with Christianity, butin\naddition he introduced the cabbalah into Renaissance hermeticism.6\nThe German natural philosopher and magus Cornelius Agrippa\n(1486-1533) popularised astral magic through his treatise, De Occulta\nPhilosophia (1533), justifying such practices by claiming the existence of a\nnatural sympathy between the human-being and the universe, an idea\nalready well-known to the middle ages. On the model of Agrippa, this\nvenerable notion of the harmony between celestial and human realms\nwas systematised for medical use by Paracelsus who created an analogical\nstructure known as the \"doctrine of signatures\". He taught that in all\nmaterial entities there existed hidden virtues whose qualities corresponded to those ofthe planetary bodies in the heavens. These occult virtues he\ncalled \"astra\" to designate the \"signatures\" (the impressions) of the stars\non matter. Paracelsus argued that, due to the intimate unity between\nheaven and earth, alchemical processes had to be correlated with the\nmovements ofthe planetary bodies and the fixed stars. Through Ficino,\nAgrippa and Paracelsus, John Dee encountered the theory of astral influences which provided him with the foundation for his own naturalphilosophy, medicine and practical magic. In fact, it was Dee's ambition to\ndevise a more efficient way ofexploiting stellar and solar radiations in all\naspects of human endeavour, but most especially in medicine and alchemy.\nIn addition to his interest in astrological sympathetic magic, there was\nanother, very unusual, influence on Dee's alchemy which was of equal\nimportance to his hermetic sources, namely, optics , the medieval scholastic science of light. In his Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558) Dee used this\npragmatic body of knowledge for more esoteric purposes. Specifically,\nby means ofcatoptrics (the reflection and refraction of light-rays by mirrors and lenses), Dee thought that celestial rays could be manipulated\nmore reliably to enhance all aspects of human affairs. The metaphysical\nrationale for Dee's astronomical and optical magic was provided bythe\ncabbalah, which he integrated into his alchemy in the 1560s. His fully\ndeveloped system of natural philosophy was published in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564) which combined optics, geometry, magic, alchemy, medicine and cabbalism.8\nDee's last published treatise was the Mathematicall Preface to Henry\nBillingsley's translation of Euclid's Principles of Geometry (1570). Although\nthis essay has not been related to alchemy by Dee's scholars, nonetheless,\nitmay have been an additional influence on Maier, Khunrath and Fludd.\nIn the Mathematicall Preface Dee examined Pythagorean geometry in its\npractical and mystical aspects, although he did not relate his text to\nalchemy at any length, mentioning only briefly a practice called \"Archemastrie\" which comprised alchemy and other magical arts (Math. Pref.\nf. Aiijr). In addition, another of his concepts in this treatise, that of\"zographie\", could have had a special effect on alchemical illustration (Math.\nPref. f. dijv). \"Zographie\" was a Pythagorean-based method of graphic\ndepiction which Dee regarded as a conceptual art-form with a high philosophical status, since the \"zographer\" drew only the forms ofthe eternal\nIdeas in the mind of God, rather than their base natural copies. Most\nsignificant for the present argument was Dee's inclusion of the singlepoint perspective system within the scope of \"zographie\".\nIt should be noted that in 1595 there appeared in Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (frontispiece) an illustration which employed exaggerated spatial effects. The peculiarly deep vista of this engraving ofan\nalchemist's Oratory-Laboratory involved far more than naturalistic illusionism, since the spatial geometry functioned as a semiotic system in its\nown right, discoursing on the alchemical significance of light-rays.\nAccording to Goldberg, fifteenth century Florentine painters such as\nMasaccio and Domenico Veneziano had used geometrical infrastructures, such as the one in Khunrath's treatise, both as an organisational\ndevice and as a signifying discourse (fig. 36).10 These graphic scaffoldings\nunderlay the painted scene, operating as a conceptual sub-text which\ndrew the viewer into a parallel metaphysical world. In order to clarify\nthis interpretation of Khunrath's image of the laboratory, Goldberg's\n6 Martin Plessner and Felix Klein-Franke (Marsilio Ficino), De Triplici Vitae libri tres\n(1489) (Hildesheim; New York, 1978) esp Ch 3 \"De Vita coelitus comparanda\" (no\npagination); Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Conclusiones nongentae in omni genere scientiarum\n(pr. IB, 1532).\n7 Wayne Shumaker, John Dee on Astronomy. Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558 and 1568)\n(Berkeley; Los Angeles; London: University of California Press, 1978).\n8 C. H.Josten,\"Atranslation ofJohn Dee's \"Monas Hieroglyphica\" (Antwerp, 1564)\",\nAmbix , 12 (1964): 84-221 and in Lazarus Zetzner, Theatrum Chemicum, (Strassburg, 1622),\n2, pp. 191-230 and (1659), pp. 178-215 .\nAllen G. Debus (introd.), John Dee. The Mathematicall Preface (New York: Science History10 Publications, 1975).\nJonathan Goldberg, \"Quattrocento Dematerialization: Some paradoxes in a Conceptual Art\",Journal ofAesthetics and Art Criticism, 35 (1976): 153-68.\nXIV\nXV\n\nPages 11:\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\nmodel can be amplified by taking additional recourse to Peirce's semiotic\ntaxonomy of three types ofsign, namely, those of symbol, icon and index.\nFirst, however, it is necessary to understand the original intentions behind the development of the single-point perspective system during the\nearly Renaissance.11\nThe geometrical theory of this spatial system was first expressed by\nLeone Battista Alberti in his treatise on painting, De Pictura (Florence,\n1435).12 He had explained that the orthogonal lines of any architecture\nillustrated by the artist should be drawn as if they were running into the\npicture to meet in a single vanishing-point. In accordance with this new\npictorial convention, in many fifteenth-century Florentine paintings ofan\ninterior scene the floor would be drawn in a chequer-board pattern to\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The\ntechnical term for this pictorial effect was the \"pavimentum diminutionis\" (fig. 1).13\nAlberti had based his perspective system on the model of medieval\noptical diagrams which depicted the operation of light-rays in relation to\nthe human eye (figs . 2, 11). Hence, in the semiotic functioning of the\nsingle -point system, its geneology in medieval optics continues to operate\nas a sub-text. To use Derrida's terms, the original opticalgeometrywhich\nhad provided the structure for single-point space continued to exist within it as a signifying trace. 14 Derrida's \"trace\" (le trait) is the transcendental\nsignifier unifying the disparate (and conflicting) elements of a discourse. 15\nHence, the generic signifier of the single-point perspective system would\nbe the eye ofthe viewer and its discourse that of the struggle between the\nrhetorical devices ofthe picture and the objective judgement ofthe interpretant.\nThe visual strategy of perspective space acquired a deeper spiritual\nsignificance in the context of Khunrath's alchemical illustration in which\nthe generic signifier was transposed from the viewer's eye to that ofGod,\nwho regarded the scene from a viewing-point transcending the space of\nboth the physical world and of its pictorial copy. Khunrath's spatial con-\nstruction, thereby, acquired a \"second-level signification\" in Barthes\nterms. Although the spatial geometry continued to function with its original significatory purpose (that is, producing the visual illusion ofspace),\nit had additionally accumulated other levels of meaning from a network\nof pre-existing symbols.16 In fact, the function of optical geometry in\nalchemy may have been related to that ofreligious Christian imagery, as\na sympathetic magic drawing the viewer into the presence of God (frontispiece). Alberti in De Pictura had been interested in the use ofrhetorical\ndevices in painting and he had modelled his pictorial system on the\npersuasive techniques of Cicero and Quintillian. Hence, Alberti's perspectival construction aimed to promote such an effective illusion of reality that the viewer, automatically convinced by the visual text, would\nsurrender his resistance to its implications.17\nTaking the present analysis still deeper into the field ofsemiotics, the\nsignificatory mode of single-point perspective can be defined as that of\nthe metonym, or index, in Peirce's terms.18 As a signifying mode, this\ntype of space was intended to persuade the viewer that physical reality\ncontinued into the picture, progressing, in the case of Khunrath's engraving, to its culmination in the eye of God (frontispiece). In alchemical\nillustration this discursive visual mode provided a demonstrative proof of\nalchemical claims that matter could be united with its opposite, spirit, in\nthe philosopher's stone. In Khunrath's image, however, there was more\nat stake, as will be discussed, for he employed this spatial rhetoric of the\ndivine presence in order to authenticate his pietistic alchemical theosophy.\nIt was Khunrath, in fact, who produced a fully-developed cabbalistic\n\"alchemy of light\" in three of his works, published as the Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae (1595; 1609), Chaos (circa 1598) and De Igne Magorum\n(circa 1602-1604). For his cabbalistic ideas Khunrath relied on Johannes\nReuchlin in De verbo mirifico (1494) and De arte cabbalistica (1517), as well as\non Paracelsian theosophy. The central Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar,\nhad derived its metaphysical concepts from neoplatonism, specifically\nfrom Plotinus' account of the manner in which the divine light of the\nFirst Principle had emanated the world from its own being. Khunrath's\ncabbalistic alchemy was centred on the theme of divine light as the Paracelsian \"azoth\" which, in turn, was Christ himself. He was not the first to\nXVI\nCharles Hartshorne and Paul Weiss, Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, 2 (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1932), pp. 156-73.\n1213 See Cecil Grayson (L. B. Alberti) Onpainting and on sculpture(London: Phaidon, 1972).\nJohn White, The Birth and Rebirth ofPictorial Space (London: Faber, 1957), pp. 113-34,\nesp. 121-26; Michael Kubovy, The Psychology ofPerspective and Renaissance Art (Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1986), pp. 17-31.\n14 Kubovy, pp. 17-31 .\n15 Jacques Derrida, The Truth in Painting (University of Chicago, 1987), pp. 191-98;\nJacques Derrida, L'Ecriture et la difference (Paris: Seuil, 1967), pp. 41-44, 409-11.\nXVII\n16 Roland Barthes, Mythologies (Paris: Seuil, 1957), pp. 109-59.\n17 Kubovy, pp. 166-72. See also James S. Ackerman, \"Alberti's Light\" in Irving Lavin\nandJohn Plummer, Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting in Honour ofMillard Meiss\n(New York, 1978), pp. 1-27.\n18 Peirce, 2, pp. 170-72.\n\nPages 12:\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\napply cabbalism to alchemy, since Joannes Pantheus of Venice had devised a comparable system in his Voarchadumia (1530) and Dee had also\nproduced a cabbalistic alchemy in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564). Khunrath, however, placed his cabbalism within a Christological framework,\nso much so, that his main concern from 1595 was not alchemical theory,\nbut pietistic Christian theology, anticipating, perhaps, the alchemical\nmysticism of Jacob Boehme.\nKhunrath may have developed his Christological alchemy in the mid1590s, both as a response to anti-Christian tendencies within German\nhermetic circles and also as an expression of a pietistic Lutheranism\nwhich was critical of the doctrinaire, institutionalised creed of the time.\nHis work, thus, belongs to the diverse ideological currents of the late\nsixteenth and early seventeenth centuries which, subsequently, manifested as the \"Rosicrucian\" movement. The supporters of the \"Rosicrucian\nManifestos\" (1614; 1615) were a heterogeneous mix of reformist Lutherans, hermeticists, neoplatonists and practitioners of Agrippan and Paracelsian theurgy. Although many devoted Protestants , such as Maier and\nFludd, polemicised on behalf of the Rosicrucians, there were also pagan\nand non-Christian influences within the movement related to the chiliasm ofSimon Studion, Julius 19Sperber, Christoph Besold and Tobias Hess\nin the late sixteenth century.\"\nAccording to Yates, it was Dee's travels in central Europe in the 1580s\nwhich had stimulated the reformist currents that later emerged as the\nRosicrucian brotherhood (the Protestant version of the Jesuit order).20\nYates was not altogether accurate in her assessment of Dee's conceptual\ninfluences on central Europe, for, not only did cabbalistic, hermeticist\nand Paracelsian ideas pre-exist Dee's presence in that region, but, moreover, the so-called \"Protestant front\" itself was deeply riven by the disputes between Lutherans and Calvinists and further complicated by the\nantagonism of the doctrinaire theologians towards the pietists and theosophists.21\nIn fact, Yates' account of the origins and influence ofJohn Dee on the\ndevelopment of Renaissance science, philosophy and theurgy, has been\nquestioned by various scholars, such as Westman, Vickers and Sherman.\nMost especially, historians of the scientific revolution have attempted to\ndisconnect its origins from those of Yates' proto-Rosicrucian circles.22\nFurthermore, Yates' alignment of the Protestant cause with hermeticism was countered by scholars eager to distance Lutheranism from such\nobjectionable associates. In particular, Montgomery, adopting a conservative Lutheran perspective, argued for the negative effects ofhermeticism\non the reformed Church in Germany. He refuted Yates' interpretation of\nthe Rosicrucians as being the esoteric outpost ofthe Protestant reformed\nchurch, especially removing the theologian Johann Valentin Andreae\n(1586-1654) from that context. Montgomery, in fact, developed a contrary argument to Yates, considering that neoplatonic and hermetic literature had inspired the educated German elite to devise a paganistic system, decentering Christ from his redemptive role in human salvation.23\nIn this line ofthinking he concurred with Frick (though from a different\nideological standpoint) who had demonstrated the inherited links between Paracelsian theology and pagan hellenistic esotericism . Frick had\nalso emphasised the continuation of medieval chiliasm in Weigel's theology and in that of the Rosicrucians, particularly that ofJoachim ofFiore,\nwho in the thirteenth century had predicted the coming of the third age\nof the creation, that of the Holy Spirit, replacing the second age of the\nSon in which the institutionalised Church had controlled Christian doctrine. In the third age, Fiore had taught, each person would be guided by\nthe inner word of God written on their soul, instead of by external\ncreeds. This brief period of time would be followed immediately by the\nend ofthe world and the last judgement.24\nXVIII\n19 Carlos Gilly(ed), Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, 1988), pp. 6390. See also Carlos Gilly, \"Iter Rosicrucianum\" in Das Erbe des Christian Rosenkreuz (Amsterdam: In der Pelikaan, 1995), pp. 21, 50-52, 70-72, 138-45.\n20 Yates, Frances A., The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,\n1st printed 1972; reprint 1986), passim.\n21 Stoeffler, The Rise ofEvangelical Pietism (1965), pp . 15ff, 109ff, 180-246. See also WillErich Peuckert, Die Grosse Wende (Hamburg: Claassen and Goverts, 1948), pp. 299-474.\nXIX\n22 An over-view of these debates may be obtained in Stephen Clucas (ed), John Dee:\nInter-disciplinary Approaches (Dordrecht; London; New York: Kluwer, 1999), especially\nGyorgy Szonyi's summary of the arguments in his paper, \"Ars Sintrilla, Scrying and the\nUniversal Language. Paracelsian and Other Contexts forJohn Dee's Angelic Magic\". See\nalso Robert S. Westman, \"Magical Reform and Astronomical Reform: The Yates Thesis\nReconsidered\" in Lynn White (ed.), Hermeticism and the Scientific Revolution (Los Angeles:\nUCLA, 1977) and Brian Vickers, \"Frances Yates and the Writing of History\", Journal of\nModern History, 51 (1979): 287-316. William H. Sherman discusses these and other views\nin his John Dee (Amherst: Univ ofMassachusetts Press, 1995).\n23 John Warwick Montgomery, Cross and Crucible, 2 vols (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff,\n1973), 1, pp. 210-11.\n24 Karl R. H. Frick, Die Erleuchteten. Gnostisch-theosophische und alchemistisch-rosenkreuzerische\nGeheimgesellschaften (Graz: Akademische Druck, 1973), pp. 112-63. See also Fritz Saxl,\n\"Pagan Sacrifice in the Italian Renaissance\", JWCI (1938-39): 346-63; Vittoria Perrone\nCompagni , \"La magia ceremoniale del \"Picatrix\" nel Rinascimento\", Atti dell' Academiadi\nScienze Morali e Politiche , 88 (1977): 279-330. A standard authority on this subject is Aby\nWarburg, \"La Rinascita del Paganesimo Antico\" in Gesammelte Schrifte (London: Warburg,\n1966).\n\nPages 13:\nXXI\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\nDisregarding Montgomery's denial of Andreae's participation in these\nmovements, Dickson in his recent study ofthe secret societies ofthe early\nseventeenth century has returned to Yates' original contention that the\nRosicrucian Manifestos known as the Fama (1614) and Confessio (1615)\nemerged from Andreae's circle at the University of Tubingen.25 Andreae's subsequent negativity towards the Rosicrucians in his later years had\nbeen cited by Montgomery as proof that he had always been averse to\nthe hermeticists. Dickson , in contrast, favours a different view which is\nthat Andreae was eventually compelled by the need to distinguish between his youthful goals of a socially- and politically-responsible Christian brotherhood and the materialistic drive for power of those who had\nsubmitted\nto the delirium of cabbalism, alchemy and chiliastic prophe26\ncy.2\nIn this aim, Andreae's position was similar to that of Khunrath, since\nboth had been influenced by Weigel, as well as by Arndt. Nonetheless,\nKhunrath was also finally rejected by Andreae, due to his cabbalistic\nalchemical terminology which Andreae found absurd. There may, in\nfact, have been another, more paradoxical, reason for Andreae's animosity towards him, which was that Khunrath could have been in dispute\nwith Tobias Hess. Yates, Gilly and Dickson are in agreement concerning\nAndreae's earlier connections with hermeticist magi, in particular, with\nHess with whom he maintained contact through-out his life. Andreae\neven justified Hess' probity in the Mythologiae Christianae (1619), although\nin this work he castigated most of the other proto -Rosicrucians.27 Khunrath, on the other hand, for all his cabbalistic paraphenalia, may have\nconflicted with Hess over the latter's promotion of Studion's chiliastic\nNaometria, a text whose Christian content was slim, leading Khunrath to\nsuspect him ofpaganistic magical practices.\nIn view of such evidence concerning disputes between members of\nhermetic circles in the 1590s to 1620s, a more specific account is required\noftheir ideologies and affiliations. Scholars, for example, have neglected\nto analyse Khunrath's specific involvement with these esoteric groups,\nbeing content to follow uncritically Yates' view of him as one of the most\nsignificant influences on the evolution of Rosicrucian ideas,28 despite the\nfact that Montgomery had denied this. The most valid assessment of\nKhunrath's career probably, lies mid-way between these two scholarly\nassessments. Certainly, after his death, Khunrath's work was co-opted by\nothers into the Rosicrucian canon, but this does not automatically demonstrate his ideological kinship with all ofthe Rosicrucians. For, although\nKhunrath in his writings and visual imagery, like other hermeticists, expresses a critical attitude towards scholastic Lutherans, nevertheless, he\ndid not reformulate Lutheran theology into an esoteric sub-species, in the\nmanner of Studion and Hess, for whom Paracelsus and cabbalism\nseemed to hold as much authority as Christian doctrine. Instead, Khunrathused these esoteric systems to develop a pietistic Lutheranism, based\non Weigel, in which the historical figure of Christ and the Lutheran\nEucharist were retained both in their conventional doctrinal forms, as\nwell as being used as emblems of individual spiritual experience. Although his interpretation of the sacraments may have ran counter to the\ndogmatic claims of the Church as the sole administrator of God's grace,\nnonetheless, he was adopting a relatively mediatory position, like Weigel\nand Arndt, rather than rejecting the Church altogether.\nIn the second halfof the sixteenth century, alongside the deregulating\nforces of Philippism and Calvinism which threatened orthodox hegemonies, the esoteric philosophies promoted at the University of Tubingen\nwere an assisting factor. There is no doubt that Agrippa, Paracelsus and\nthe cabbalah offered their followers an increasingly self-determined spiritual and political authority. Hence, Khunrath's writings present a broad\npicture both ofthese extremist spiritual factions who found their expression outside the doors ofthe Lutheran Church, as well as ofthe pressures\non the pietists within its communion exerted by dogmatic Lutherans who\ncondemned as heresy any deviation from institutionalised beliefs. There\nremains little original documentation on Khunrath which could prove\nconclusively the exact nature of his political affiliations, but his writings\nprovide strong evidence that he was engaged in a two-pronged resistance,\nagainst both the paganistic theurgists and the scholastic Churchmen,\nthereby opening himself to attacks on all fronts.\nWhen the Rosicrucian movement emerged publically in 1614 and\n1615, Khunrath's alchemy was appropriated into the Rosicrucian canon\nby some ofits most earnest supporters, such as Michelspacher and Fludd,\nbut there is evidence that not all ofthe Rosicrucians regarded Khunrath\nso favourably. Moreover, few of the later alchemists related the figure of\nChrist integrally to their alchemical discourse in the manner of Khunrath, whose writing was aimed primarily at a pietistic, German community, rather than at a general European audience.\nThe present study will concentrate on the intellectual and spiritual\nconcerns ofthe 1590s to 1620s, using Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae\nXX\n25 Donald R. Dickson, The Tessera ofAntilia (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 32-36.\n26 Dickson, pp. 62-88.\n27 Gilly (ed), Cimelia Rhodostaurotica ( 1988), pp. 63-90; Gilly, \"Iter Rosicrucianum\"\n(1995), pp. 21, 50-52, 70-72, 138-45.\n28 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), pp. 59-69, 91-92, 140-55.\n\nPages 14:\nXXII\nINTRODUCTION\nAeternae (1595; 1609) as a focal-point in analysing the rhetorical practices\nof Paracelsian theosophists, specifically their use of certain types of visual\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,\nsuch as Piaget's structuralism, as well as the post-structuralist critiques of\nBarthes, Foucault and Derrida, although this selection by no means exhausts the possible critical methods for the study of alchemical imagery.\nSzonyi is one of the very few scholars who, at this time, has provided a\nstructuralist analysis of alchemical illustration in his investigation ofmandalic structures in alchemical engravings of the seventeenth century, as\nwell as in his semantic study ofJohn Dee's theurgy.\nIn the case of late sixteenth century imagery involving optical diagrams , perspectival geometry and architectural designs there are some\nparticularly difficult problems of interpretation (frontispiece and figs. 23,\n30, 41), for, as Goldberg has demonstrated, the stylistic conflict between\nnaturalism and abstraction in an image produces an ambiguous space.\nRenaissance imagery whose discursive programme inter-relates alchemy to optical theory may have been an attempt to produce a visual\nmetonym, or, in Peirce's terms, an indexical affinity between reality and\n1 Gyorgy Szonyi, \"The Powerful Image: Towards a Typology of Occult Symbolism\",\nEuropean Iconography East and West (Leiden: Brill, 1996), pp. 250-63. See also Szonyi, \"Ars\nSintrilla\"in Clucas (ed), John Dee (1999), passim and his paper, \"Architectural Symbolism\nand Fantasy Landscapes in Alchemical and Occult Discourse: Revelatory Images', Glasgow Emblem Studies, 3 (University of Glasgow, 1998), pp. 49-69. Other attempts to analyse\nalchemical imagery in structuralist terms were Urszula Szulakowska, \"Geometry and\nOptics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\", Cauda Pavonis, n.s. 14, 1 (1995): 1-12 and\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:\nmonism and dualism\" in Didier Kahn, Sylvain Matton, Alchimie: art, histoire et mythes (Paris;\nMilan, 1995), pp. 249-63.\n2 Goldberg (1976).\n\nPages 15:\n2\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nthe illusionistic world of the picture. In Peirce's semiotic system, he has\ndistinguished an indexical sign from a \"symbol\" , which has an arbitrary\nvisual appearance unrelated to its conceptual content and, therefore, can\nonly convey a meaning within a specific context for a particular interpretant. Peirce also differentiated an indexical sign from an \"icon\" which,\nhe stated, \"would possess the character which renders it significant, even\nthough its object had no existence\". According to this definition , it\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed\n\"iconic\", since they signify irrational concepts such as the \"union of opposites\", for example, offire with water. While this identification may be\ncorrect in the case of pre-Renaissance alchemical visual signs which are\nnot particularly \"realistic\" in their style of drawing (figs . 9, 10), this is not\napplicable to alchemical illustration from the late sixteenth century onwards when an irrational idea may be represented by naturalistic human\nfigures, as in examples from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (figs. 40, 41). In this\ncase, the realistic aesthetic of the Renaissance artist has started to transform an iconic signifier into an index. This issue has never been remarked by the few iconologists who have studied alchemical imagery,\nnonetheless, it is extremely important since stylistic differences in the\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In\nfact, Peirce devised a taxonomy of hybrid signs to describe the vacillations of such unstable significatory orders.\nFollowing his general approach, the present author would make only\none proposition which is that many late Renaissance alchemical signs\nincline towards the indexical mode. In other words, alchemical visual\nsemiosis from the late sixteenth century is deliberately \" contaminated\"\nnot, as Jung believed, by the collective unconscious of a society,5 but by\nthe viewer's imminent physical reality. Thus, the alchemical imagery\nunder present consideration does not merely copy, it also restructures the\nphysical world by forcing a continuum between the viewer's space and\nthat of the picture.\nPeirce defined the index as\nA sign, or representation, which refers to its object not so much because of\nany similarity or analogy with it, nor because it is associated with general\ncharacters which that object happens to possess, as because it is in dynamical\n3\n(including spatial) connection both with the individual object ... and with the\nsenses or memory ofthe person for whom it serves as a sign.\nThus, an index is not a simulacrum \"more real than real\", for it is intended to be an uninterrupted continuation of the real, a deliberately composed ambiguity concealing the distinction between reality and artifice.\nAnother unsatisfactory aspect of current alchemical research is that\nscholars use the same type of analysis for both visual imagery and written\ntext, with more historical research being directed at the literary texts, in\npreference to the visual imagery. Perhaps it would yield more profitable\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",\nwhereby it delivers all of its information to the interpretant synchronically. Hence, it requires a broader range of semiotic strategies to correlate\nthe various paradigmatic levels of meaning. The written text, in contrast,\nis deciphered by the reader in a diachronic sequence and, hence, it is far\nmore dictatorial towards its interpretant than the visual artefact. Consequently, alchemical illustrators , like other Renaissance artists, capitalised\non thefactthat the synchronic reading of a visual text caused ambiguities\nto arise in the reception of its meaning. An additional semiotic difference\nbetween visual and literary texts is that visual imagery may be symbolic,\niconic or indexical, but most literary texts can only be symbolic. It is rare,\nin fact, to encounter a linguistic metonymic or indexical structure, although the compilers ofRenaissance grimoires struggled to produce such\nsigns, on the model of the Hebrew alphabet, as an essential part oftheir\n3 Peirce, 2, pp. 170, 172-73.\n4 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n5 Carl GustavJung, Psychology and Alchemy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1993),\npp. 26, 112, 152ff, 158, 196.\n6 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n7 For example, Allison Coudert, Alchemy: the philosopher's stone (London: Wildwood\nHouse, 1980). Otherwise, this is an authoritative general study.\n8 Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology (New York: Harper, 1962).\n9 Szonyi (1996), pp. 250-53.\n\nPages 16:\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nmagical rituals.10These experiments with cryptography yielded few convincing results, since the linguistic signs of European languages are arbitrary phonetic symbols and, hence, cannot mirror their conceptual representant in the manner of visual signs. Consequently, it is essential that\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the\nvisual components of an alchemical treatise. Moreover, certain types of\nalchemical illustration are capable of functioning almost entirely as a\nvisual text, that is, as metonymic, or indexical, structures, as in the case of\none of Khunrath's illustrations (frontispiece). In such metonymic visual\nimages there is an implied physical continuity between the world ofthe\nviewer and that of the picture. In these instances, the reception of the\npicture's message does not need to be deferred until it can be decoded in\na linguistic form. In such sophisticated metonymic-indexical images the\nvisual structure is the essence ofthe meaning communicated to the viewer. This indexical quality of an image is not necessarily dependent onthe\nartist's use of naturalistic motifs (as Peirce had pointed out), since diagrammatic structures may also be indexical. It is more a question ofthe\npractical function of a specific visual image. Hence, pseudo-Lullian diagrams, as mobile computers, are indexical (figs. 4-7), whereas Pantheus'\nstatic, neo-Lullian structure is merely symbolic (fig. 8).\nIn this sense,John Dee's mobile cypher of the Monas is the epitome of\nthe visual index (figs. 17, 18), perhaps influencing Khunrath's artist, Jan\nVredeman de Vries, to create a more complex version of its metonymic\nstructure (frontispiece). Some of Fludd's cosmological depictions also\nhave indexical qualities, although his illustrations are difficult to categorise, since an image may involve several different types ofsemiotic mode\n(figs. 44-50). At first glance, Fludd's diagrams appear to be symbolic\n(merely illustrating his text), but, in fact, they also have an iconic aspect,\nsince they can be isolated from their textual context while retaining most\noftheir meaning. In addition, as indexical generators of a contemplative\ntype of alchemy, some of Fludd's pictures were meant to integrate the\nviewer into their imaginary world, causing a spiritual and intellectual\nalchemy to ocurr in the moment of viewing the image (fig. 50).\nThere was a similar intention underlying many other seventeenth century alchemical illustrations, whose ever-increasing complexity of structure was designed for lengthy perusal, eventually eliminating the physical\naspects of alchemy altogether. Michelspacher's Cabala (Augsburg, 16151616) is one of the earliest of these imaginative alchemies , luring the\nviewer through the glass ofhis four fiery and jewel-like \"mirrors\" into the\nhigher intellectual and spiritual realms of the alchemical discourse (fig.\n23). When the viewer emerged from the trance-like state induced by\nparticipation in Michelspacher's visions, he was (perhaps) transformed,\nlike base matter, into spiritual gold. Effectively, alchemical illustration in\nthe seventeenth century was usurping the transmutatory function of the\nphilosopher's stone. The sophisticated graphic repertoire of Renaissance\nartists enabled them to manipulate the semantics of their pictorial elements , producing imagery which could induce meditative, or visionary,\nstates in their viewers, uniting them with the depicted visions.\nAt least, this seems to have been the general aim. From this point of\nview, most late Renaissance alchemical illustrations could be interpreted\nas being indexical in their intention. The origins of this persuasive illustrative enterprise can be found in the late fourteenth century, as willbe\ndiscussed in the next chapter, but the immediate inspiration for the seventeenth century artist would have been the engravings made for Khunrath's Amphiteatrum in 1595 and 1602 (figs. 29-35). These may have been\ncirculated publically in isolation from the treatise itself (although the images do incorporate their own texts). Apart from their iconic function as\npolemical discourses, they could also have been used for contemplative\nexercises. In the first version of the Amphiteatrum of 1595, the circular\nform of the engravings may signify that they are intended to be \"mirrors\", evoking a meditative state of mind. It seems probable that de\nVries' engraving (frontispiece) was even meant to be reflected in a glassmirror and examined by the viewer primarily in this reflection. The mental state produced by extended contemplation of such an image would be\nsimilar tothatofthe trance induced by the magical practice of\"scrying\",\nor looking into the astral realms with the aid ofmirrors and crystals, as in\nJohn Dee's sceances with Edward Kelley.12\nItis not coincidental that the philosophical context ofthese very elaborate, late Renaissance illustrations is that of Paracelsian theosophy.\nThey began to appear soon after the publication of Paracelsus' collected\nwritings in 1589-90 in the editions of Peter Barna in Basel and in those of\nJohn Huser in Cologne (1589-91; 1603; 1605). The first Paracelsian illustrative cycle was produced by Khunrath between 1595 and 1602 and the\nnext, in order of production, may have been Fludd's cosmological diagrams, since he claimed to have written most of his \"Macrocosm\" before\n4\n10 Stephen Clucas, \" \"Non est legendum sed inspicendum solum\": Inspectival knowledge and thevisual logic ofJohn Dee's LiberMysteriorum\", Glasgow Emblem Studies, 3 (1998),\npp. 109-32. See also Szonyi \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim. For a related issue see Gyorgy\nSzonyi, \" \"O Worke Divine\": The Iconography and Intellectual Background ofAlma's\nHouse in The Faerie Queene\", Shakespeare and the Emblem (Szeged, 1984), pp. 353-94.\n5\n12 See Szonyi, \"Ars Scintrilla\" (1999), passim, and Clucas, \"Non est legendum\" (1998),\npassim, for accounts of Dee's theurgic practices.\n\nPages 17:\n6\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\n1598 and his rich series of illustrations may also have been designed at\nthe same time.13The proto-type for these Paracelsian idexical images was\nJohn Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica, which appears to be considerably simpler in its form than Khunrath's, or Fludd's, pictorial devices. Nevertheless, it was even more complex in the manner ofits operation. Dee stated\nthat his Monas had been devised in circa 1558, for it is discussed in\nAphorism LXXVII of the Propaedeumata Aphoristica and its image certainly\nappears on the title-page of that treatise. The Monas may be be a preParacelsian conceptual construct, since it has not been established by\nscholars that Dee was interested in occultist ideas prior to the 1560s, 14\nalthough there are traces of Paracelsian pyromancy and cabbalism in the\nPropaedeumata Aphoristica.\nIllustrated sequences of alchemical imagery had first appeared in the\nlate fourteenth century, taking an increasingly sophisticated graphic form\ntowards the end of the fifteenth. The most beautiful cycle ofpictures is\nthat ofthe early sixteenth century Splendor Solis by Salomon Trismosin in\nVenice. Nonetheless, the Paracelsian illustrative cycles of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries were substantially different from\nthe earlier examples in both composition and conceptual content. The\nmost obvious contrast is the developed graphic repertoire of the late\nsixteenth century with its heightened degree of naturalism. In addition,\nthe increased sensitivity of the late Renaissance artist to the topography\nof the picture-plane enabled him to weave together naturalistic and geometrical elements into a visually and conceptually coherent field. Michelspacher's artist, for example , splits the two-dimensional surface of the\npicture-plane into layers of realistic and abstract form, uniting them by\nmeans of perspectival geometry. This meant that the picture could be\nread simultaneously at both the representational and the abstract level, as\nif the viewer was being presented with a vision of the numinous Being\nimplicated within the gross fabric ofthe natural world. In the Paracelsian\ncontext ofKhunrath's and Fludd's alchemical imagery, this compositional structure expressed the essence of their theosophy in which the physical world was the emanation of the celestial spheres.\nThe second major difference between early and late sixteenth century\nalchemical illustrations was that the later imagery could stand independently of the text of the treatise, as seems to have been the case with\nKhunrath's pictures. In other words, imagery of this type was able to\ncommunicate in either an iconic, or an indexical, form. In both Khunrath's and Fludd's pictures, however, there was some textual content\nwithin the image, helping it to stand freely from the rest of the book. On\nthe other hand, other Paracelsian imagery often has little, or no text,\nsuch as Michelspacher's engravings in his Cabala. Whether they contained literary signifiers or not, Paracelsian alchemical engravings were\nintended to be theosophies , that is, they were meant to promote prolonged contemplation leading to \"gnosis\", a wisdom inspired by the\nheavens. The pictures are dense and involved in their iconographical\nprogrammes since they are designed to hold the viewer's attention for a\nprolonged period of time. Earlier alchemical imagery, even that ofSalomon Trismosin, is basically a short-hand symbolic system, illustrating,\nabbreviating and decorating the accompanying text. It is designed to\nclarify and to deliver information as quickly (and pleasurably) as possible.\nParacelsus had awarded the human imagination a structural role in\nhis theurgy and, thereby, in his cosmology. He had taught that the human-being, as a mirror ofthe cosmic order, had two bodies, one ofwhich\nwas physical and the other astral. He considered that the imagination\nwas a faculty ofthe astral body whose function was related to intellectual\nand spiritual cognition. It was only due to the existence of the celestial\nspheres within the human body as its innate \"astra\" that the humanbeing could understand the stars. Moreover, since the stars generated all\nearthly phenomena, therefore , through the \"astra\" it was possible for\nhumans to comprehend all phenomena, both natural and supernatural.\nParacelsus conceived of human intelligence as merging with its object of\nstudy, so that it gained knowledge, not by rational logic, but through an\nempathetic union with the world, that is, through \"gnosis\".\nAccording to Pagel, the Paracelsian universe was a monistic construct\nin which the world and the human-being formed a single identity. Paracelsus had drawn some of his ideas from the neoplatonic and cabbalistic\nmyth of\"Anthropos\", the primeval cosmic being who was both the exemplar and the constituent material ofthe physical universe. This cabbalistic idea had originated in the neoplatonic concept of the demi-urge, or\n\"Anthropos\", out of whose macrocosmic body the lesser material world\nwas made, remaining dependent on the stellar \"arcana\" (astral virtues) in\nthe celestial sphere.15\n13 William H. Huffman, Robert Fludd and the End ofthe Renaissance (London: Routledge,\n1988), pp. 12-35.\n14 Julian Roberts and Andrew G. Watson, John Dee's Library Catalogue (London: Bibliographical Society, 1990), p. 42.\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 1 to page 17 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\nIII\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS\nHermes Trismegistus and Julius Caesar Scaligerus (Par. 53). Khunrath\nadmonishes true Christian alchemists that they should be meditating,\npraying, walking, reading scripture, as demonstrated in the second, third\nand fourth figures of his treatise (Par. 71). In contrast, he attacks blasphemers and black-magicians who operate with the sign of the pentacle,\ndirecting his reader, instead, to the fourth figure of his treatise in which\nthere appear the proper, truly spiritual, figures which are to be used in\nalchemy. This is probably an allusion to the 1595 engraving of the\nLullian-cabbalistic circles of the \"Archetypos\" (fig. 33), which is, however, absent from MS Alnwick 571.\nHic ANNULUM assistentia spiritu boni, Theosophorum: (In Tabulis Cordis)]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\n184\nCONCLUSION\nscribed, that the pictures were becoming transmuting philosopher's\nstones in their own right, nevertheless, alchemists such as Dee, Khunrath,\nMaier and Fludd still involved themselves in practical work. In this, they\nwere, admittedly, seeking a short-cut, setting-up their mirrors and lenses\nin order to trap God's own divine virtues in their chemicals, through the\nrays from the stars, a task more suited to their refined image of themselves as philosophers, than the grimy baking and boiling ofthe medieval\nalchemists. Even so , their texts reveal that they knew their chemistry and\nthat each specific symbol and phrase represented, as in Fludd's writings,\nnot only a \"spiritual\" process, but, usually, a practical equivalent.\nHistorians of chemistry are well-aware of the continuation ofpractical\nalchemy into the eighteenth century, the example of Newton's work being only the most famous, but, on the other hand, they have tended to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\ncircle of time. By the late hellenistic period, alchemy was conceived as\nbeing a circular process which began with perfection (the origins ofmatter in God) and ended in perfection (the spiritualised matter produced by\nthe alchemist). Hence, the geometric form of the circle was the fundamental signifier of alchemy.\nAnother basic tenet of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy in the first\nChristian centuries was that of the unity and dynamic interaction between God and human, spirit and matter, heaven and earth, body and\nsoul. It was believed that God enacted his will on the earth through the\nagency of the stellar spheres and planets. In alchemy the inter-relationship ofspirit and matter was represented by the marriage ofthe Sun and\nthe Moon (spirit with matter), whose offspring was the philosopher's\nstone ofthe medieval alchemists. Its essential form was the perfect circle,\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19,20\nII\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY IN LATE MEDIEVAL\nAND EARLY RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\nAlchemical geometry in the Renaissance can be described as passive or\noperative, either using geometrical structures to organise information\ninto tabulations, circular formats or tree-like structures, or, as in the case\nofpseudo-Lullian alchemy, employing a mobile computational system.\nAnother, more complex, type of alchemical geometry emerged in the late\nsixteenth century, based on optical and perspectival diagrams which inter-related Pythagorean geometry, optical science, Paracelsian alchemy\nand cabbalism.\nBy the fifteenth century, European alchemists had several goals,\nnamely, chemical work on matter to remove its impurities, spiritual work\nto redeem their own souls and, finally, a practical medical purpose.3\nFrom the late fourteenth century they were also attempting to develop a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in\nthe late fourteenth century, appearing in its full expression in the work of\nParacelsus ( 1493-1541). In addition, John Dee added his own distinctive\ncontribution to the sixteenth century theory ofthe generative stellar rays.\nThese alchemists provided the basic foundation for Khunrath's alchemi-\ncal deployment of light-rays and astral virtues, but Khunrath went beyond his original sources in uniting Paracelsian cabbalism with Weigel's\npietistic Christology, producing, thereby, an alchemical polemic expressing the concept of Christ as the philosopher's stone who transmuted the\nsoul through the light of Eternal Wisdom. Thus, by the early seventeenth\ncentury, the alchemical use of celestial rays and natural sun-light involved more than chemistry, since this practice was, in effect, a religious\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\nof nature, the alchemical process was conceptualised as being a circular\nprocess. Pagan alchemists of the Christian era, such as Zosimos, subscribed to gnostic and hermetic beliefs that the human soul could rise to\na higher level through meditative practices and esoteric rituals. The alchemists transposed this mystical idea into chemistry whereby, in the\ncourse of refining his materials, the operator simultaneously purified his\nown being and united with God. A related Orphic and Pythagorean\nconcept was that of the soul's reincarnation and immortality.5 In a similar manner, alchemists conceptualised matter as being reborn during the\nchemical work in a higher incarnation of its former corrupted self.\nHence, the hellenistic alchemists adopted the gnostic symbol of the\nOuroboros, a snake holding its tail in its mouth to represent the infinite\ncircle of time. By the late hellenistic period, alchemy was conceived as]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nhigher \"gnosis\" ofthe spirit, Paracelsus was drawing on cabbalistic thinking.18\nParacelsus rejected the ancient natural philosophers, replacing Aristotle with christianised neo-platonic and hermetic authorities, discarding\nalso the medical canon of Avicenna and Galen. 19 Instead , he believed\nthat physical ailments were the result of external forces rather than ofan\nimbalance offluids, as in the medieval theory ofthe four humours. Each\norgan of the body, Paracelsus explained, contained a dynamism called\nthe \"archeon\" which functioned as an internal alchemist. Moreover, he\nbelieved that each illness originated in a particular star whose virtue was\nembodied in the corresponding earthly \"arcanum\", a medicine which\ncould heal the ailment.20\nParacelsus was not the first to adapt alchemy to medicine, since John\nof Rupescissa and Arnold of Villanova in the fourteenth-century had\ndeveloped the alchemical concept of the fifth essence into a medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\noftheir meaning. In addition, as indexical generators of a contemplative\ntype of alchemy, some of Fludd's pictures were meant to integrate the\nviewer into their imaginary world, causing a spiritual and intellectual\nalchemy to ocurr in the moment of viewing the image (fig. 50).\nThere was a similar intention underlying many other seventeenth century alchemical illustrations, whose ever-increasing complexity of structure was designed for lengthy perusal, eventually eliminating the physical\naspects of alchemy altogether. Michelspacher's Cabala (Augsburg, 16151616) is one of the earliest of these imaginative alchemies , luring the\nviewer through the glass ofhis four fiery and jewel-like \"mirrors\" into the\nhigher intellectual and spiritual realms of the alchemical discourse (fig.\n23). When the viewer emerged from the trance-like state induced by\nparticipation in Michelspacher's visions, he was (perhaps) transformed,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=62\nPages: 62\nalchemical furnace, as a form of sympathetic magic (De Igne: 53). In this\noperation, he seems to intend the use of catoptrics, since later in the text\nhe provides some general instructions on the use of the catoptrical mirror, which appears in a little drawing at the side of the text, emphasising\nthe importance of these instructions (De Igne: 70). Like Dee in theMonas\nHieroglyphica, Khunrath advises that the alchemical work should be started under the astrological sign of Aries (March) at the beginning of the\nNew Year.28 In this context, he explains how to practice Paracelsian\nsympathetic magic through the use of the magnet (De Igne: 71), also referring to another aspect of Paracelsian theurgy (in De Tempore) by recommending the \"irradiation\" of the materials. A little is enough. The process of irradiation involves the exposure of the alchemical matter to the\nastral rays by means of catoptrics.\nwelches zwar wunderbarlich/jedoch die Weisen lehrens! zu bequemen Zeit/]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nThe influence of Paracelsian theosophy on German pietists such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt19 and their subsequent effects on alchemical ideas will be discussed in a later chapter.\nIn the immediate context, it is evident that Paracelsus' concept ofthe\nrole of the imagination in both magical and spiritual practices would\nencourage the use of visual imagery. For example, Khunrath's \"amphi-\ntheatre\" of 1595 and 1609 provides a public spectacle for an audience,\ndisplaying the actions of Eternal Wisdom on the physical chemistry ofthe\nmanifested creation. In Paracelsian terms, Khunrath shows how the\nphysical world is united to the divine principle by means ofthe \"quintessence\" or \"azoth\". The Paracelsian \"azoth\" was a concept adopted from\nthe late medieval theory ofthe \"coelum\", a medium between matter and\nsoul, world and God, in other words an \"astral\" substance, both physical\nand spiritual in nature. Therefore, it had exactly the same character and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.\nAstrology was an essential component of alchemical practice since\nalchemy, as a mirror of nature, was similarly affected by stellar influences. The medieval Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar, also stressed the necessity of watching the activity of the heavens in order to understand the\ncourse ofhuman affairs.10 The medieval alchemists, especially the pseudo-Lullians of the fifteenth century, emphasised the need to correlate\ntheir chemical\nwork with the motions of the planets and the signs ofthe\nZodiac.11 By the early sixteenth century, Paracelsus was teaching that the\nefficacy of alchemical medications was totally dependent on their concordance with the healing virtues emanating from the stars.12\nThe inter-dependency and unity between macrocosm and microcosm\nhad been summarised in the late Alexandrian text of the Emerald Table]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=57\nPages: 57\npyromantic alchemical art, very different in tenor and concept from De\nIgne Magorum for which the most appropriate date of composition would\nbe circa 1602-4. In the Athanor Khunrath does not employ the cabbalah,\nwhich is only mentioned once at the end of the treatise in connection\nwith the Amphiteatrum.\nIn the Athanor, Khunrath employs a Paracelsian discourse in his account ofthe higher spiritual and the lower elemental fires, the spiritual\nfire is termed \"Azoth\", being described as a triunity of Anima-CorpusSpiritus, or Sulphur-Salt-Mercury. He advises his reader thatthe alchemical fire should be similar to the digestive fire of the stomach, making a\nParacelsian reference to the \"Archeus\" who exists in the stomach controlling the inner degrees of heat.19 He explains that the inner and outer fires\nshould correlate in the alchemical process, that is, the heat applied externally to the material should be ofthe same strength as that which already]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=13\nPages: 13,14\nso favourably. Moreover, few of the later alchemists related the figure of\nChrist integrally to their alchemical discourse in the manner of Khunrath, whose writing was aimed primarily at a pietistic, German community, rather than at a general European audience.\nThe present study will concentrate on the intellectual and spiritual\nconcerns ofthe 1590s to 1620s, using Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae\nXX\n25 Donald R. Dickson, The Tessera ofAntilia (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 32-36.\n26 Dickson, pp. 62-88.\n27 Gilly (ed), Cimelia Rhodostaurotica ( 1988), pp. 63-90; Gilly, \"Iter Rosicrucianum\"\n(1995), pp. 21, 50-52, 70-72, 138-45.\n28 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), pp. 59-69, 91-92, 140-55.\nXXII\nINTRODUCTION\nAeternae (1595; 1609) as a focal-point in analysing the rhetorical practices\nof Paracelsian theosophists, specifically their use of certain types of visual\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nnature\" is one of the foundations of Khunrath's alchemy in which he\ndescribes an unbroken continuum of illuminated wisdom, incorporating\nboththe practical experience ofthe natural world, as well as the spiritual\nvision of the mystic.17\nIn Paracelsian theosophy, empathetic imagination was not a subjective and, therefore, neglible factor in human affairs, but a powerful astral\nforce which provided the basis for theurgy and prognostication, as well as\nfor prophecy and mystical inspiration. Consequently, the Paracelsian\ntheosophical system eliminated, or diminished, the role of the institutionalised Christian church as the interpreter of God's will by means ofthe\ncanonical scriptures. Replacing external authority, the individual intuition became a more immediate and truer guide to divine knowledge.\nEven more radically, Paracelsus stated that through the imaginative faculties ofthe astral body a human could attain beatific union with God.18]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=76\nPages: 76\nfoundation (basically witchcraft with spirit familiars), materialism and\ndoctrinal rigidity. The other texts in the circle include references to specific alchemical processes, while the section below the castle describes the\n\"Magnesia\" (Christ) as the \"medicina catholica\". It states that the stone\n(\"Elohim sal sapientiae\") is prepared \"vulcanically\" (\"vulcanicam\") and\n\"neptunically\" (\"neptunicam\"), that is, through the action of fire and\nwater.\nHence, there is only one spiritual path, the way of Christ, by which\nthe fortress ofWisdom may be entered and this is indicated by the elaborate gateway. Klossowski de Rola's interpetation of this image stresses\nthe protective nature ofthe fortress in which the secrets ofthe alchemical\nart are hidden. Twenty of the gates lead the false alchemists to ruin, the\nonly way into the castle is by the practice ofmoral virtue and through the\nilluminated knowledge granted by God.33\nAbove the main gateway to the castle, there is an image of Dee's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nand spiritual in nature. Therefore, it had exactly the same character and\nthe same function as the human imagination in the astral body. Paracelus\nhad, in fact, stated that the imagination was the \"coelum in homine\".20\nHence, in Paracelsian chemical theosophy the \"quintessence\" was not\nonly a chemical substance, but also a psychic faculty that of the imagination or fantasy.\nKhunrath reiterates precisely the same theosophical concepts in his\nwritings from 1595,21 providing not only instructions for practical and\nspiritual chemistry, but also, in the Amphiteatrum, giving \"tangible\" demonstrations ofthe astral and spiritual faculties. His engravings are intended to excite the imagination of the viewer so that a mystic alchemy can\ntake place through the act of visual contemplation. Khunrath's \"amphiteatrum\" is a \"spectaculum\", a word related linguistically to that of\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nregarded by Dee as being capable of attracting celestial influences and\nrendering them subject to the will of the magus. In the Mathematicall\nPreface, Dee was increasinglythinking of occult practices more as a system\nof philosophical contemplation, in which the image began to replace\npractical activity. Szonyi has similarly discussed this possibility in relation\nto Dee's earlier Monas Hieroglyphica.16 Hence, the single-point perspective\nspace in the alchemical engravings of Khunrath's and Maier's treatises\nneeds to be contextualised within Dee's theories of astronomical catoptrics, architecture and \"zographie\" (frontispiece and fig. 41).\nThe monistic theosophy of Paracelsus was the source for Dee's belief\nin the power ofa visual image to unify the spiritual and physical dimensions of experience. As discussed previously, Paracelsus had taught that a\nhuman-being had both a physical and an astral body, but that his real]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\nspirit, soul and matter.20 The voices also represent the three mythic characters ofAtalanta, Hippomenes and the golden apple. Most significantly,\nStreich has noted that the sequence for the apple voice wanders from the\nhigher to the lower pitch, as if it were describing the process of distillation.21 The fugue also runs as a mirror canon, or canon by inversion, in\nrespect to the voices of Atalanta and Hippomenes.22 Since music in the\nRenaissance represented the intellectual and spiritual spheres of the cosmos, its presence in Maier's alchemical treatise metaphorised the nature\nof alchemy as a process unifying the micro- and the macrocosm.23\nAs in de Vries' engraving for the Amphiteatrum, the musical motif alludes to Boethian musicology in which Pythagorean geometric ratios regulated the cosmic structure. The tonal sequence of Maier's composition\nwas based on the Pythagorean octave in which the third and sixth intervals were not considered to be consonant. Godwin and Streich have not]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105\nofthe physical world.\nParacelsian alchemy, thus, muted the distinction between physical and\npsychic chemistry. Amplified by the luministic cosmogenesis of the cabbalah, in Dee's theories in the 1560s an image of the magus began to\nemerge whose intellectual light mirrored, not only that of the stars and\nthe sun, but of God's own radiance . In a separate development, Weigel\nappropriated Paracelsian theosophy to make the same point, phrased in\nChristian terms, in which Christ became the essential light of the soul,\nthe real nature of each human-being, with the consequence that spiritual\nwisdom became an innate human faculty, rather than the gift of the\nLutheran sacraments. Khunrath merged Dee's image ofthe illuminated\nmagus with Weigel's alchemical Christ to create an \"alchemy of light\"\nwhich, henceforward, prioritised the inner transformation of the alchemist above that of his chemicals.\nIn the history of alchemy, perhaps the most important change in its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=49\nPages: 49\n\"Archemastrie\", thereby alluding to theurgy, alchemy and prognostication.\nAccording to Yates, Dee considered mathematics in three distinct aspects, pragmatic (mechanical problem-solving), conceptual (logic), spiritual (Ideal form). He used the term \"mathesis\" to describe the esoteric\naspects ofmathematics, considering that practical mathematics and logic\ncould not fulfil the highest goals of the natural philosopher which could\nbe attained only by means of\"Archemastrie\".\"\nThis Arte, teacheth to bryng to actuall experience sensible, all worthy conclusions by all the Artes Mathematicall purposed, & by true Naturall Philosophie concluded: & both addeth to them a further scope, in the termes ofthe\nsame Artes (f. Aiijr)\n... And though some Artes, have in them, Experiences: but neither, all, that\nthey may: nor yet sufficiently, and to the utmost, those, which they do,\nThere, then, the Archemaster steppeth in, and leadeth forth on, the Experiences,]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nThe influence of Paracelsian theosophy on German pietists such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt19 and their subsequent effects on alchemical ideas will be discussed in a later chapter.\nIn the immediate context, it is evident that Paracelsus' concept ofthe\nrole of the imagination in both magical and spiritual practices would\nencourage the use of visual imagery. For example, Khunrath's \"amphi-\ntheatre\" of 1595 and 1609 provides a public spectacle for an audience,\ndisplaying the actions of Eternal Wisdom on the physical chemistry ofthe\nmanifested creation. In Paracelsian terms, Khunrath shows how the\nphysical world is united to the divine principle by means ofthe \"quintessence\" or \"azoth\". The Paracelsian \"azoth\" was a concept adopted from\nthe late medieval theory ofthe \"coelum\", a medium between matter and\nsoul, world and God, in other words an \"astral\" substance, both physical\nand spiritual in nature. Therefore, it had exactly the same character and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nand spiritual in nature. Therefore, it had exactly the same character and\nthe same function as the human imagination in the astral body. Paracelus\nhad, in fact, stated that the imagination was the \"coelum in homine\".20\nHence, in Paracelsian chemical theosophy the \"quintessence\" was not\nonly a chemical substance, but also a psychic faculty that of the imagination or fantasy.\nKhunrath reiterates precisely the same theosophical concepts in his\nwritings from 1595,21 providing not only instructions for practical and\nspiritual chemistry, but also, in the Amphiteatrum, giving \"tangible\" demonstrations ofthe astral and spiritual faculties. His engravings are intended to excite the imagination of the viewer so that a mystic alchemy can\ntake place through the act of visual contemplation. Khunrath's \"amphiteatrum\" is a \"spectaculum\", a word related linguistically to that of\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nprogrammes since they are designed to hold the viewer's attention for a\nprolonged period of time. Earlier alchemical imagery, even that ofSalomon Trismosin, is basically a short-hand symbolic system, illustrating,\nabbreviating and decorating the accompanying text. It is designed to\nclarify and to deliver information as quickly (and pleasurably) as possible.\nParacelsus had awarded the human imagination a structural role in\nhis theurgy and, thereby, in his cosmology. He had taught that the human-being, as a mirror ofthe cosmic order, had two bodies, one ofwhich\nwas physical and the other astral. He considered that the imagination\nwas a faculty ofthe astral body whose function was related to intellectual\nand spiritual cognition. It was only due to the existence of the celestial\nspheres within the human body as its innate \"astra\" that the humanbeing could understand the stars. Moreover, since the stars generated all\nearthly phenomena, therefore , through the \"astra\" it was possible for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=71\nPages: 71\nof the action. This image is based on the Paracelsian theory of the\nimagination as a means of attaining spiritual union with the celestial\nrealms. Hence, Khunrath's engravings in the Amphiteatrum are \"stagesets\" into which the consciousness of the viewer is absorbed. By imaginatively performing within these scenes, that is, by following the spiritual\ninstruction of the imagery and their texts, the viewer enters into a contemplative state leading to \"gnosis\". Subsequent to the encomium, there\nis an epigram in praise of Khunrath, written by Johannes Seussius of\nDresden to the Elector of Saxony in 1604, which similarly locates Khunrath's alchemical theory within the spectacle of a macrocosmic theatre.6\nThe rhetorical devices of Khunrath's engravings may be usefully]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d'\nOptique\" depict a long depth-of-field, as well as strong contrasts oflight\nand shadow in the foreground. Thus, by means of catoptrics de Vries\ncould have been attempting to produce an unbroken spatial (indexical)\ncontinuum between the physical world and the illustration. For that very\npurpose Alberti in his De Pictura (1435) had originally introduced the\ndevice of single-point space into painting, in order to blur the division\nbetween imagination and reality. Alberti's spatial geometry was primarily\na rhetorical device designed to slip a message effortlessly pastthe viewer's\nobjective judgement. According to Obrist, the medieval alchemists had\nprovided visual depictions oftheir ideas with the same intention of confusing the viewer's sense of reality.54 Paracelsus had also considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nhuman-being had both a physical and an astral body, but that his real\nbody was astral. It was by means of the imagination located in the astral\nbodythat a person could attain to \"gnosis\" and, thereby, learn to control\nphysical manifestation through the \"astra\" present within all things.\nThus, for the Paracelsian magus it was sufficient to contemplate an object, instead of manipulating it physically. Visual imagery, such as talismanic cyphers or alchemical pictures, provided a stimulus to the imagination of the magus and acted as simulacra of the objects under his\ncontrol.\nDee's view of the theurgic function of Pythagorean-based drawing\nmay explain two particular alchemical images which Yates stated that she\nfound incomprehensible. The alchemical image which specifically puzzled her was Emblem VIII from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (1617) (fig. 41).\nHer attribution of a conceptual influence on Maier from Dee in this\ncontext is accurate, but she did not connect Emblem VIII specifically to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82,83\nhuman imagination to be an astral force, capable of theurgically manipulating the world of time and space. Hence, the prime function of de\nVries' engraving was to validate Khunrath's cabbalistic Christological\nalchemy.\nThere are two other pictures in Khunrath's iconographic repertoire\nwhich similarly provide a rhetorical defence of his position as a spiritual\nalchemist against the rising tide of objections to his theosophical Christology. These are the Magdeburg emblem of an owl and the 1602 image of\nthe \"calumniatores\".\n136\n52 Jung's drawing in Bibliotek Kopenhagen, MS GKS 1765 may be seen in thereproduction in Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 14, Item 12b.\n137\n53 Henry Moore Institute, Leeds, Peter Scheemakers: \"The Famous Statuary\" (1691-1781),\n1966, exhibition catalogue, No. 6, Vue d'Optique engraving, c. 1750, with mahogany\nand glass viewing machine.\n54 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND\nBLACK-MAGICIANS: THE PERSECUTION OF]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\noftheir meaning. In addition, as indexical generators of a contemplative\ntype of alchemy, some of Fludd's pictures were meant to integrate the\nviewer into their imaginary world, causing a spiritual and intellectual\nalchemy to ocurr in the moment of viewing the image (fig. 50).\nThere was a similar intention underlying many other seventeenth century alchemical illustrations, whose ever-increasing complexity of structure was designed for lengthy perusal, eventually eliminating the physical\naspects of alchemy altogether. Michelspacher's Cabala (Augsburg, 16151616) is one of the earliest of these imaginative alchemies , luring the\nviewer through the glass ofhis four fiery and jewel-like \"mirrors\" into the\nhigher intellectual and spiritual realms of the alchemical discourse (fig.\n23). When the viewer emerged from the trance-like state induced by\nparticipation in Michelspacher's visions, he was (perhaps) transformed,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly\nintended to retrieve from the original title ofthe treatise. Hence, Khunrath's theatre of images, like a mirror, catoptrically reflects the celestial\nspheres to the human mind, awakening the empathetic faculty of the\nhuman spirit which unites, through the imagination, with the heavenly\nrealms. Thus, the visual imagery of Khunrath's treatises has become the\nalchemical quintessence, the spiritualised matter of the philosopher's\nstone, transmuting both the human soul and the physical world into gold.\nIt is evident that late Renaissance alchemists were involved in a radical semiotic enterprise, intuiting the possibility of devising a visual signing-system which would resolve the dualistic conflict of the European\nlinguistic sign in which signifier and signified were arbitrarily related.22\nAccordingly, John Dee regarded his Monas Hieroglyphica as a graphic\nsystem which was also practical chemistry (figs. 17, 18), a metonymic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nnature\" is one of the foundations of Khunrath's alchemy in which he\ndescribes an unbroken continuum of illuminated wisdom, incorporating\nboththe practical experience ofthe natural world, as well as the spiritual\nvision of the mystic.17\nIn Paracelsian theosophy, empathetic imagination was not a subjective and, therefore, neglible factor in human affairs, but a powerful astral\nforce which provided the basis for theurgy and prognostication, as well as\nfor prophecy and mystical inspiration. Consequently, the Paracelsian\ntheosophical system eliminated, or diminished, the role of the institutionalised Christian church as the interpreter of God's will by means ofthe\ncanonical scriptures. Replacing external authority, the individual intuition became a more immediate and truer guide to divine knowledge.\nEven more radically, Paracelsus stated that through the imaginative faculties ofthe astral body a human could attain beatific union with God.18]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17,18\nwas made, remaining dependent on the stellar \"arcana\" (astral virtues) in\nthe celestial sphere.15\n13 William H. Huffman, Robert Fludd and the End ofthe Renaissance (London: Routledge,\n1988), pp. 12-35.\n14 Julian Roberts and Andrew G. Watson, John Dee's Library Catalogue (London: Bibliographical Society, 1990), p. 42.\n15 Walter Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" in Antoine Faivre and RolfChristian\nZimmermann (eds), Epochen der Naturmystik (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1979), pp. 57-58, 61,\n70, 89-99. The theological works of Paracelsus are found in Karl Sudhoff and Wilhelm\nMatthiesen (eds) Paracelsus. Samtliche Werke: Part II (Munich: O.W.Barth, 1923), 1, pp. 89110, De religione perpetua and pp. 111-32, De summo et aeterno bono.\n7\n8\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nBy means ofthe imaginative faculty residing in a human's astral body\n(the \"supercoelestis corpus\"), an empathetic union could beattained with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\nattack. Drawing on Gombrich's distinction between\nrevelatory and didactic images, as in Szonyi's useful argument,38 the 1595 engravings\ncould be defined as being revelatory cosmograms, while the 1602 imagery are primarily didactic narratives, although they also have a revelatory\naspect in their mystical intensity. Furthermore, the aerial view of the\nlandscape in many of the 1602 scenes, particularly in that ofthe \"Porta\nAmphiteatri Sapientiae\", not only produces a narrative, didactic sequence, it also creates an imaginative space into which the viewer seems\nto be absorbed.39 Hence, the panoramic aspect of some of the 1602\nimages in the Amphiteatrum, is an indexical device capturing the spectator\nwithin their discourse (figs. 29, 31), although the picture of the \"calumniatores\" is a purely didactic image since this was, indeed, its sole purpose\n(fig. 35).\nThe discourse of the enlightened mage, however, commences earlier]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nalso promote the spatial illusionism. Consequently, these various graphic\ndevices seem to indicate that the image should be viewed with the aid of\nan optical lens, such as a magnifying glass, or by means of a double\nreflection in two mirrors, or by a combination of mirrors and lenses.\nWhen it is viewed through a convex lens, the graphic exaggerations drop\nback and cease to intrude on the visual logic of the scene, for the depth\nofthe hall diminishes and the floor appears less raked. In particular, the\nspace around the table and the fire-place becomes \"real\" and the furniture stands-up, away from the background.\nBy the eighteenth-century there existed an apparatus known as the\n\"Vue d'Optique\" consisting of an arrangement of mirrors and lenses\nused to reflect the image of an engraving to a viewer, usually of an\narchitectural scene whose three- dimensional quality was thereby greatly\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d']","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nsimilar tothatofthe trance induced by the magical practice of\"scrying\",\nor looking into the astral realms with the aid ofmirrors and crystals, as in\nJohn Dee's sceances with Edward Kelley.12\nItis not coincidental that the philosophical context ofthese very elaborate, late Renaissance illustrations is that of Paracelsian theosophy.\nThey began to appear soon after the publication of Paracelsus' collected\nwritings in 1589-90 in the editions of Peter Barna in Basel and in those of\nJohn Huser in Cologne (1589-91; 1603; 1605). The first Paracelsian illustrative cycle was produced by Khunrath between 1595 and 1602 and the\nnext, in order of production, may have been Fludd's cosmological diagrams, since he claimed to have written most of his \"Macrocosm\" before\n4\n10 Stephen Clucas, \" \"Non est legendum sed inspicendum solum\": Inspectival knowledge and thevisual logic ofJohn Dee's LiberMysteriorum\", Glasgow Emblem Studies, 3 (1998),]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nmost obvious contrast is the developed graphic repertoire of the late\nsixteenth century with its heightened degree of naturalism. In addition,\nthe increased sensitivity of the late Renaissance artist to the topography\nof the picture-plane enabled him to weave together naturalistic and geometrical elements into a visually and conceptually coherent field. Michelspacher's artist, for example , splits the two-dimensional surface of the\npicture-plane into layers of realistic and abstract form, uniting them by\nmeans of perspectival geometry. This meant that the picture could be\nread simultaneously at both the representational and the abstract level, as\nif the viewer was being presented with a vision of the numinous Being\nimplicated within the gross fabric ofthe natural world. In the Paracelsian\ncontext ofKhunrath's and Fludd's alchemical imagery, this compositional structure expressed the essence of their theosophy in which the physical world was the emanation of the celestial spheres.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=50\nPages: 50\ndi Giorgio Martini (1439-1502), in which he had related the proportions\nofthe human-body to those of the macrocosm. His ideas were probably\nthe source ofAgrippa's similar account in De Occulta Philosophia.10\nIn Renaissance art-theory, the same aesthetic system governed the\nstructure of both organic and inorganic ideal form, the depiction ofthe\nhuman-form being related to that of spatial geometry. In De pictura\n(1435), Alberti had applied the geometrical rules of optics (\"perspectiva\nnaturalis\") to the art of painting in order to produce the illusion of a\nthree-dimensional space (\"perspectiva artificialis\").\" Alberti had imagined rays oflight being projected bythe eye in the form of a pyramid (fig.\n2). He then constructed their mirror-image on the canvas in the form of\na reversed pyramid with its apex located in the middle of the painting,\nwhich was the \"vanishing point\" absorbing all the orthogonal lines ofthe\ndrawing (fig. 1).12]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=102\nPages: 102,103\nVerbum, et Apollo, quamvis sit in hac mundo, similiterque eius tabernaculum\".\n50 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract I, p. 27: \"me solem visibilem pro ipso corpore Christi\nmystico accipere\".\n51 Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1494 ed.), pp. 95-103 andDe Arte\nCabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 143-55.\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nnew images is a somewhat novel and ungainly catoptrical conceit, incorporating a radiant sun, drawn with a face whose nose consists of the\nequilateral triangle of the Holy Trinity. It directs the rays of its solar\nvirtues onto a star, which reflects them to a wind-god, who, in turn,\nblows them down to the earth (Fludd, 1626: 189) (fig. 49). This picture\nmay have originated in Balthasar Schwan's engraving for Maier's Septimana Philosophica in which the rays ofthe sun are catoptrically reflected by\nthe mirror of the moon (fig. 37).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=97\nPages: 97,98\npresent study.\n2 Joscelyn Godwin, Robert Fludd (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), passim.\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nimagery itself. Fludd's engravings also frequently appear in popularised\naccounts of alchemy, though Klossowski de Rola did not include them in\nhis account of seventeenth century alchemical engravings. The most\nextensive discussion of Fludd's intellectual development has been provided by Huffman, though he also disregarded Fludd's visual work. It is\nregrettable that these authorities have largely neglected Fludd's engravings, for even Godwin's admirable interpretation is directed more at an\naudience of twentieth century alchemical adepts. This disregard for the\nintellectual significance of the illustrations could lead to misinterpretations of Fludd's ideas, since, according to Yates, his visual imagery was\nintegral to his theoretical concepts. Their importance is indicated by the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the\nvisual components of an alchemical treatise. Moreover, certain types of\nalchemical illustration are capable of functioning almost entirely as a\nvisual text, that is, as metonymic, or indexical, structures, as in the case of\none of Khunrath's illustrations (frontispiece). In such metonymic visual\nimages there is an implied physical continuity between the world ofthe\nviewer and that of the picture. In these instances, the reception of the\npicture's message does not need to be deferred until it can be decoded in\na linguistic form. In such sophisticated metonymic-indexical images the\nvisual structure is the essence ofthe meaning communicated to the viewer. This indexical quality of an image is not necessarily dependent onthe\nartist's use of naturalistic motifs (as Peirce had pointed out), since diagrammatic structures may also be indexical. It is more a question ofthe]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 18 to page 29 out of a total of 137:\nPages 18:\n8\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nBy means ofthe imaginative faculty residing in a human's astral body\n(the \"supercoelestis corpus\"), an empathetic union could beattained with\ncosmic Anthropos, a state of being which provided humans with true\nwisdom. Paracelsus found no contradiction between his concept of a\nknowledge intuited with the aid of the heavens and his parallel assertion\nthat it was necessary to undertake an empirical investigation of natural\nphenomena in \"das Licht der Natur\". Modernist science would find a\ndegree of conflict between these two modes of gaining knowledge, those\nofrevelation and empirical deduction. Pagel, however, has defended the\nintegrity of Paracelsus' theoretical programme, arguing that in the Paracelsian system the outward manifestations of the light of nature were\nreflected in the light of human understanding. Paracelsus believed the\nsame celestial light illuminated, created and sustained nature, as well as\nthe human-being at the core of his being.16 The concept ofthe \"light of\nnature\" is one of the foundations of Khunrath's alchemy in which he\ndescribes an unbroken continuum of illuminated wisdom, incorporating\nboththe practical experience ofthe natural world, as well as the spiritual\nvision of the mystic.17\nIn Paracelsian theosophy, empathetic imagination was not a subjective and, therefore, neglible factor in human affairs, but a powerful astral\nforce which provided the basis for theurgy and prognostication, as well as\nfor prophecy and mystical inspiration. Consequently, the Paracelsian\ntheosophical system eliminated, or diminished, the role of the institutionalised Christian church as the interpreter of God's will by means ofthe\ncanonical scriptures. Replacing external authority, the individual intuition became a more immediate and truer guide to divine knowledge.\nEven more radically, Paracelsus stated that through the imaginative faculties ofthe astral body a human could attain beatific union with God.18\nThe influence of Paracelsian theosophy on German pietists such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt19 and their subsequent effects on alchemical ideas will be discussed in a later chapter.\nIn the immediate context, it is evident that Paracelsus' concept ofthe\nrole of the imagination in both magical and spiritual practices would\nencourage the use of visual imagery. For example, Khunrath's \"amphi-\ntheatre\" of 1595 and 1609 provides a public spectacle for an audience,\ndisplaying the actions of Eternal Wisdom on the physical chemistry ofthe\nmanifested creation. In Paracelsian terms, Khunrath shows how the\nphysical world is united to the divine principle by means ofthe \"quintessence\" or \"azoth\". The Paracelsian \"azoth\" was a concept adopted from\nthe late medieval theory ofthe \"coelum\", a medium between matter and\nsoul, world and God, in other words an \"astral\" substance, both physical\nand spiritual in nature. Therefore, it had exactly the same character and\nthe same function as the human imagination in the astral body. Paracelus\nhad, in fact, stated that the imagination was the \"coelum in homine\".20\nHence, in Paracelsian chemical theosophy the \"quintessence\" was not\nonly a chemical substance, but also a psychic faculty that of the imagination or fantasy.\nKhunrath reiterates precisely the same theosophical concepts in his\nwritings from 1595,21 providing not only instructions for practical and\nspiritual chemistry, but also, in the Amphiteatrum, giving \"tangible\" demonstrations ofthe astral and spiritual faculties. His engravings are intended to excite the imagination of the viewer so that a mystic alchemy can\ntake place through the act of visual contemplation. Khunrath's \"amphiteatrum\" is a \"spectaculum\", a word related linguistically to that of\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly\nintended to retrieve from the original title ofthe treatise. Hence, Khunrath's theatre of images, like a mirror, catoptrically reflects the celestial\nspheres to the human mind, awakening the empathetic faculty of the\nhuman spirit which unites, through the imagination, with the heavenly\nrealms. Thus, the visual imagery of Khunrath's treatises has become the\nalchemical quintessence, the spiritualised matter of the philosopher's\nstone, transmuting both the human soul and the physical world into gold.\nIt is evident that late Renaissance alchemists were involved in a radical semiotic enterprise, intuiting the possibility of devising a visual signing-system which would resolve the dualistic conflict of the European\nlinguistic sign in which signifier and signified were arbitrarily related.22\nAccordingly, John Dee regarded his Monas Hieroglyphica as a graphic\nsystem which was also practical chemistry (figs. 17, 18), a metonymic\ncontinuum of physical and conceptual alchemy.\n16 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" (1979), pp. 59-60. For a different interpretation of Paracelsus' two kinds of knowledge, as interpreted by Valentin Weigel, see\nPeuckert, Pansophie (1956), 2, pp. 295-300.\n17 For example in Heinrich Khunrath, Chaos (Magdeburg: Johann Schemidt, 1616),\np. 68.\n18 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" ( 1979), pp. 60-62, 70-74.\n19 See Frick, Die Erleuchteten. Gnostische-theosophische und alchemistisch-rosenkeuzerische\nGeheimgesellschaften ( 1973), pp. 112-63.\n9\n20 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" in Epochen der Naturmystik (1979), pp. 60-62,\n91-92.\n21 For example, see Heinrich Khunrath, Chaos (Magdeburg: J. Schmeidt for Johann\nFrancken, 1616), pp. 68-72.\n22 Referto Szonyi, \"Ars Scintrilla\" (1999), passim, and his paper forthcoming in RenaissanceQuarterlyfor a discussion ofthe theurgic linguistics ofFicino, Agrippa and Paracelsus.\n\nPages 19:\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nAlchemy has always been a type of \"gnosis\", a non-rational esoteric\nphilosophy, fully explicable only by its initiates. Fundamentally an oral\nsystem of knowledge, the epistemic changes in alchemical theory cannot\nbe recovered in their entirety by contemporary historians, even from the\nconsiderable amount ofphysical evidence available to them. Problems of\ninterpretation are exacerbated by the fact that there are few immutable\nmeanings for the various symbols since they have become amplified in\nthe course of their historical use. In Barthes' terms, they should be considered as \"mythic\" secondary-level signifiers, each alchemical sign bearing with it the history of its use. Thus, although dictionaries ofalchemical\nterms, such as Dom Pernety's, are numerous, they have more value as\nhistorical artefacts in their own right, rather than as aids to the contemporary historian.23 The absence ofthe objective markers provided by oral\nwitness has occasionally produced strange results in contemporary alchemical research in which scholars may find themselves producing a\nparallel alchemical treatise to the original text, rather than an empirical\ncommentary on it. This happened in the case of Jung who produced a\nnew school ofalchemy, which was as much a continuation of the Paracelsian theosophical tradition, as a critique ofit.24\nIn the psychological approach of the Jungians and Freudians, alchemy\nis presented as a \"perennis philosophia\" of symbolic archetypes and ideas\nrepressed bythe rational mind. The misconception in these psychological\nstudies is that it is possible to \"explain\" alchemy while disregarding the\nepistomology of a particular concept. A more cautious iconographic approach may yield, at least, a partially verifiable rationale for the historical\ndevelopment of alchemical theory. For example, studies such as those of\nBarbara Obrist and Pamela Smith have demonstrated that alchemy is\nnot a transhistorical myth, but a construct which is culturallyproduced.25\nObrist's research is of particular importance to the present argument\nsince she has explained the reasons for the appearance ofelaborate cycles\nof visual illustration in the late fourteenth century.\nIt is debatable whether \"alchemy\" is an ageless \"prisca theologia\",\nalthough important elements have remained constant through-out its two\nthousand years of history. Perhaps it is more useful to view alchemy as an\nevolving language, which is both a self-contained structure, yet which\nchanges according to the dictates of its own chronological period. In\nPiaget's definition, a \"structure\" has an innate organic integrity and coherence, with a set of intrinsic laws self-regulating its dynamic transformations.26 The present study aims to demonstrate the operation ofsome\nof the geometric and optical signifiers which facilitated communication\nbetween the Renaissance alchemist and his audience.\nIO\n23 Dom Pernety, Dictionaire mytho-hermetique (Paris, 1787; Paris, 1972).\n24 For an example of a Freudian alchemical treatise see Johannes Fabricius, Alchemy\n(Copenhaven: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1976).\n25 Barbara Obrist, Les Debuts de l'Imagerie Alchimique (XIV -XVe siecles) (Paris: Le\nSycomore, 1982). A similar study on the political context ofalchemy is Pamela H. Smith,\nThe Business ofAlchemy (Princeton UP, 1994).\n26 Jean Piaget, Structuralism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971), pp. 5-16.\nII\n\nPages 20:\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY IN LATE MEDIEVAL\nAND EARLY RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\nAlchemical geometry in the Renaissance can be described as passive or\noperative, either using geometrical structures to organise information\ninto tabulations, circular formats or tree-like structures, or, as in the case\nofpseudo-Lullian alchemy, employing a mobile computational system.\nAnother, more complex, type of alchemical geometry emerged in the late\nsixteenth century, based on optical and perspectival diagrams which inter-related Pythagorean geometry, optical science, Paracelsian alchemy\nand cabbalism.\nBy the fifteenth century, European alchemists had several goals,\nnamely, chemical work on matter to remove its impurities, spiritual work\nto redeem their own souls and, finally, a practical medical purpose.3\nFrom the late fourteenth century they were also attempting to develop a\nvisual signing-system which could express paradox, specifically the concept of the union of opposites. Their semiotic quest was based on a\npantheistic intuition which had accompanied alchemy from its origins in\nlate hellenistic culture. The pagan alchemists had believed that matter\nwas pervaded by spirit since the world was God's emanation in a perpetual cycle ofcreation, dissolution and re-creation. Matter and spirit, thus,\nformed one essential identity.\nIn the fourteenth century, Arnald of Villanova and John of Rupescissa\nhad also introduced a new medical purpose into the traditional alchemical theories oftransmutation. Subsequently, alchemists sought not only to\ncreate the philosopher's stone, they also ventured on another, equally\nurgent, quest which was to produce the \"universal panacea\", said to be\ncomposed ofthe\"quintessence\" which had been described byAristotle as\na mean between matter and spirit out ofwhich the heavenly spheres were\nformed. The introduction of a medical purpose into alchemy also neces1-12 Szulakowska, \"Geometry and Optics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\" (1995):\n2 Urszula Szulakowska, \"Material Pantheism in the Pseudo-Lullian \"S\"-Circle of the\nPowers of the Soul\", Ambix, 35 (1988): 127-54.\n3 Coudert, pp. 14-35; F. Sherwood-Taylor, The Alchemists (St. Albans: Paladin, 1976),\npp. 15-23; G. F. Hartlaub, Der Stein der Weisen (Munich, 1959), passim.\n\nPages 21:\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nsitated a more refined use of astrological data in order to correlate the\nlaboratory work with the influences ofthe stars.\nOn the model, thus, of the circulating heavens governing the seasons\nof nature, the alchemical process was conceptualised as being a circular\nprocess. Pagan alchemists of the Christian era, such as Zosimos, subscribed to gnostic and hermetic beliefs that the human soul could rise to\na higher level through meditative practices and esoteric rituals. The alchemists transposed this mystical idea into chemistry whereby, in the\ncourse of refining his materials, the operator simultaneously purified his\nown being and united with God. A related Orphic and Pythagorean\nconcept was that of the soul's reincarnation and immortality.5 In a similar manner, alchemists conceptualised matter as being reborn during the\nchemical work in a higher incarnation of its former corrupted self.\nHence, the hellenistic alchemists adopted the gnostic symbol of the\nOuroboros, a snake holding its tail in its mouth to represent the infinite\ncircle of time. By the late hellenistic period, alchemy was conceived as\nbeing a circular process which began with perfection (the origins ofmatter in God) and ended in perfection (the spiritualised matter produced by\nthe alchemist). Hence, the geometric form of the circle was the fundamental signifier of alchemy.\nAnother basic tenet of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy in the first\nChristian centuries was that of the unity and dynamic interaction between God and human, spirit and matter, heaven and earth, body and\nsoul. It was believed that God enacted his will on the earth through the\nagency of the stellar spheres and planets. In alchemy the inter-relationship ofspirit and matter was represented by the marriage ofthe Sun and\nthe Moon (spirit with matter), whose offspring was the philosopher's\nstone ofthe medieval alchemists. Its essential form was the perfect circle,\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.\nAstrology was an essential component of alchemical practice since\nalchemy, as a mirror of nature, was similarly affected by stellar influences. The medieval Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar, also stressed the necessity of watching the activity of the heavens in order to understand the\ncourse ofhuman affairs.10 The medieval alchemists, especially the pseudo-Lullians of the fifteenth century, emphasised the need to correlate\ntheir chemical\nwork with the motions of the planets and the signs ofthe\nZodiac.11 By the early sixteenth century, Paracelsus was teaching that the\nefficacy of alchemical medications was totally dependent on their concordance with the healing virtues emanating from the stars.12\nThe inter-dependency and unity between macrocosm and microcosm\nhad been summarised in the late Alexandrian text of the Emerald Table\nattributed to Hermes Trismegistus (circa second century AD) which became the iconic statement ofthe alchemists, \"That which is above is like\nto that which is below\". The subject ofthis verse is an unidentified entity,\nstated to be the child of the moon, which is carried in the womb of the\nwind. It rises to the heavens above and sinks down again to the earth,\nrepeatedly.13 The Emerald Table became an appropriate description ofthe\nalchemical process with the subsequent invention of the chemical still.\nZosimos had discovered distillation in circa 300 AD, but it was the Arabs\n14\nH. J. Sheppard, \"The Redemption Theme and Hellenistic Alchemy\", Ambix, 8\n(1960): 98-110 and also H.J. Sheppard, \"Gnosticism and Alchemy\", Ambix, 6 (1957-58):\n140-48. For a different view of the role of gnosis in hellenistic alchemy see Frick, Die\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 77-80.\n5 This issue is discussed in Urszula Szulakowska, \"The Pseudo-Lullian Origins of\nGeorge Ripley's Maps and Routes\", Cosmos, 9 (1993): 107-26. See also Daniel Pickering\nWalker, \"Eternity and the After-Life\", JWCI(1964): 241-50.\n6 H.J. Sheppard, \"The Ouroboros and the Unity of Matter in Alchemy\", Ambix, 10\n(1962): 83 ff; Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 9-26.\n7 Marcelin P. E. Berthelot, Introduction a L'Etude de la Chimie des Anciens et de Moyen Age\n(Paris, 1889), passim; M. P. E. Berthelot, Les Origines de l'Alchimie (Paris, 1885), passim.\nFrick provides a succinct discussion of the alchemy ofthe late hellenistic period and its\ninfluence on the Arabs in Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 67-88.\n8 Andre Jean Festugiere, La Revelation d'Hermes Trismegiste, 1, L'Astrologie et les Sciences\nOccultes (Paris, 1944; Paris, 1950) and vol 2, Le Dieu Cosmique (Paris, 1949).\n15\n9 Joachim Telle, Sol und Luna (Hurtgenwald: Guido Pressler, 1980), pp. 55-64.\n10 Sherwood-Taylor (1976), pp. 21-22, 51-54. Also see Aby Warburg, Orientalisierende\nAstrologie (Leipzig, 1927). For astrology in cabbalism see Fischel Lachower and Isaiah\nTisby (eds), The Wisdom of the Zohar, 2 (Oxford U.P, 1989), pp. 662-66 and Frick, Die\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 58-66.\nSherwood-Taylor (1976), pp. 51-54; Lynn Thorndike, History ofMagic and Experimental Science, 4 (New York: Columbia U.P, 1953), p. 36. Henceforward, this work will be\ndesignated as \"M&ES\" ; Eugenio Garin, Lo Zodiaco della Vita (Rome and Bari, 1976); Aby\nWarburg, Italienische Kunst und internazionale Astrologie (Rome, 1922), pp.180-93.\n12 Karl Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiesen (eds), Paracelsus. Samtliche Werke, I, vols. 1-5,\n10-14 (Munich; Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1928-33), for example, vol. 3, pp. 92-200, Decem\nlibriArchidoxis and vol. 12, pp. 1-444, Astronomia Magna, as well as vol. 12, pp. 503-5, Ars\nsignatoria.Another central Paracelsian text concerning the influence ofthe stars on a long\nand healthy life is De vita longa, Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 221-48 (German text), 249-92 (Latin\nversion). The standard authority on the Paracelsian system is Walter Pagel, Paracelsus\n(Basel: Karger, 1982), see pp. 64-71.\n13 E. J. Holmyard, \"The Emerald Table\", Nature (1923): 525-26; Robert Steele and\nDorothea Waley Singer, \"The Emerald Table\", Proceedings ofthe Royal Society ofMedicine, 21\n(1928): 41-57. For an account of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy see Frick, Die\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 72-88.\n\nPages 22:\n16\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwho developed the full procedure in the seventh century. 14 In Arabic and\nmedieval European alchemy, the Emerald Table came to be regarded as a\nmetaphor ofthe circular process of distillation in which the volatile spirits\nwere repeatedly separated by heat from the material dregs and rewith them. When the spirits were deemed to be sufficiently purified,united\nwere conducted into a separate container, while the materials left inthey\nthe\nflask were calcinated and purified, eventually being re-united with the\nspirits . Hence, the volatile spirits left the dregs of \" dead\" matter, in the\nsame manner as the human soul left the body at death. So too,\nthey were\nreturned to the matter, just as in Christian belief the soul rejoined the\nbody at the Last Judgement. The process of distillation, thus, symbolised\nboth death and resurrection, as well as the union of macro and microcosm .\nA pantheistic current, promoting the concept of a\nbetween spirit and matter, entered medieval alchemy from the union\nmystical\nof\ndivine numbers invented by Pythagoras. He believed that thesystem\noriginal\nIdeal Numbers existed eternally in the Mind of God who created the\nworld by means of their emanation from the Monad to the Decad.\nTherefore, mathematical knowledge provided a direct link with God,\nsince the human soul was constituted from pure number. The\nsacred\nnumbers were the skeletal structure of manifestation and they could\nbe\ninterpreted as taking a corresponding geometrical form: 1 = point: 2 =\nline: 3 triangle (plane): 4 = cube (third-dimension). Pythagoras considered that the Ideal Numbers realised themselves in a material form by\nmeans of a trinitarian dialectic. In this process, the Monad produced the\nDyad, their opposition being resolved in the Ternary which producedthe\nQuaternary, the sequence continuing through the rest of the numbers to\nthe Decad. Pythagoras also developed a system of mathematical ratios to\nexplain the order of creation, obtaining these from a musical model, that\nof the monochord, which he believed to be generated by the motions of\nthe stellar spheres and planets.15\nArabian scholars translated many of the late hellenistic neoplatonic,\nneopythagorean and hermetic treatises and, through Latin\nfrom the Arabic in the late twelfth century, some ideas were translations\ntransmitted\nto the West.16 In the early medieval period, the Christian philosopher\nBoethius produced an influential doctrine based on Pythagorean geometryand arithmetic which he expounded in his De Institutione Musica andDe\nInstitutione Arithmetica.17 These works laid the foundation of medieval\nscholarship and his ideas supplied the parameters for the world-view of\nthe medieval period. Due to Boethius, Pythagorean mathematics, geometry and music were introduced into the medieval universities, becoming\nthe \"lingua franca\" of European science and art. This mystical ideology\nwas a major constituent of the liberal arts\ncurriculum, lying uneasily\nalongside Aristotelian natural philosophy.18\nHowever, it was not until the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries that the conceptual influence of Pythagorean geometry could be discerned in an alchemical context. It made its first appearance in a novel\ntype of alchemical imagery in the late fourteenth century, far more complex than earlier hellenistic and Arabic graphic cyphers since the new\nillustrations involved a whole sequence of pictorial imagery. In addition\nto figurative and narrative elements, the visual forms also involved geometrical schemes, though they lacked finesse in design and graphic skill.\nSuch crude geometries, accompanying equally rough symbolic figures,\nare first encountered in the untitled alchemical treatise of Gratheus and\nin another work by the alchemist Constantinus, Le livre des secrets de ma\ndame alchimie, but in these two treatises the geometrical structures are little\nmore than frames for the figurative imagery.19\nIn her investigation of the origins of alchemical illustration, Obrist\nargued that the function ofthese visual forms was rhetorical. They were\na strategy devised to counter the arguments of the scholastics who concurred with Aristotle in maintaining that a substance could not change\nspecies. In the Aristotelian definition, \"species\" constituted distinct orders\nwhich could not interchange their formal qualities. Therefore, since the\ndifferent metals belonged to different species, lead could not turn into\ngold. This scholastic argument completely invalidated the whole alchemical enterprise. In response, alchemists produced a rhetorical device, permitting them to ignore such pedestrian objections. They \"proved\" the\ntruth of alchemy by means of pictures which aimed to confuse reality\nwith its painted simulacrum. In addition, alchemical illustrators appropriated Christian iconography, deliberately conflating alchemical imagery\n14 Robert P.\n(1956): 439-46. Multhauf, \"The significance of distillation\", Bulletin ofthe History ofMedicine\n15 Peter Gorman , Pythagoras. A Life (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979). A more\ncomplex analysis can be found in Michael\nJ. B. Allen, Plato and Nuptial Arithmetic (Univ.\nCalifornia, 1994), pp. 44-80.\n16 For a general over-view see Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources\n(New York: Columbia U.P, 1979). A more specific argument is that of Brian P.\nCopenhaver in David C. Lindberg and Robert R. Westman, Reappraisals ofthe Scientific\nRevolution (Cambridge UP, 1990), pp. 261-301.\n17 Vincent Foster Hopper, MedievalNumber Symbolism (New York: Columbia U.P, 1938).\n18 Gordon Leff, Paris and Oxford Universities in the 13th-C and 14 th-C (New York, 1968).\n19 Obrist, figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11.\n17\n\nPages 23:\n18\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwith the sacred visions of the saints. In this manner, the alchemists\nmoved their theories from the ground of scholastic debate to that ofthe\nunquestionable truths of the Christian faith.20\nAnother major development in alchemical visual imagery took place\nin the early fifteenth century when a complex geometry intended as a\npractical device was created by pseudo-Lullian alchemists. These were a\ngroup of anonymous writers working under the name of the Catalan\nmystic Ramon Lull, although he had not accepted the claims of alchemy\nand had never discussed the subject. Regardless of this fact in the late\nfourteenth century the first unillustrated text appeared under his name in\nCatalonia. Transported to Northern Italy, the older texts were translated\nfrom the vernacular into Latin and new ones were produced, with the\nfirst alchemical Lullian geometries appeaing in the 1430s to 1440s (figs.\n4-7).21 The original Lullian Art (invented in circa 1272) had been designed as a system of logic using visual computational figures.22 The\ndiagrams were intended to be cut from paper and constructed into a\nmobile calculator, fastened in the middle with string. The pseudoLullians, similarly, appropriated the Lullian tabulations which had recorded the computations of the letters of the alphabet and they also\nemployed Lullian tree diagrams. The alphabet performed a symbolic\nfunction representing the various objects of discourse, a device which\nLull had encountered in the cabbalistic alphabets of Abraham Abulafia\nin thirteenth century Spain.\nThere are three main ideas in pseudo-Lullian theory, those of circularity, motion and of the medium between opposites, all of which originate in Aristotle's theory ofthe four elements. In his text On Coming-to-be\nand Passing Away Aristotle had demonstrated that the changing nature of\nthe world was the result of the constant transmutation of the elements\ninto one other.23 Since each element had two qualities (fire had heat and\ndryness), therefore, opposites united by moving through their common\nquality, for example, fire turning into water by passing through the quality of dryness shared with earth and then through the quality of coldness\nwhich earth shared with water. In the medieval period, Aristotle's theory\nwas pictured as a square with the elements placed at the four corners, the\nopposites being laid out across the diagonals (fig. 3). Around the edges of\nthe square the mutations took place in a circular motion.24\nHence, the symbolic picture of the alchemical process was not only\nthat of a circle, but also that of the squaring of the circle. The same idea\nis subsequently encountered in George Ripley's Compound of Alchemy as\nwell as in Michael Maier's Emblem XLVI in the Atalanta Fugiens (fig. 39).\nSince this geometrical feat cannot be accomplished in Euclidean geometry, therefore, the concept of the squaring of the circle came to signify\nany process which could be accomplished only by means of divine intervention. In fact, it became a generic sign for the alchemical process itself\nand Maier produced a treatise based on this idea, De Circulo Physico,\nQuadrato (Oppenheim: Luca Jennis, 1616), which was an account ofthe\nrole of the sun in the making ofpotable gold.\nIn alchemical theory, the squaring of the circle was a monistic concept\nsince it implied that nature (signified by the square of the four elements)\nwas God (signified by the perfect circle). Perhaps unwittingly, the pseudoLullian alchemists introduced a material pantheism into their conceptual\nstructures, thereby transgressing Catholic dogma which abhorred any\nidentification ofnature with God. Lull himself had encountered the same\nheresy in the design of his original geometry in the 1270s based on the\nnumber four, causing him to produce another model in the 1290s based\non a trinitarian structure. Whichever numerology was employed in the\nLullian Art, it radically altered the metaphysical universe conceptualised\nby the system.25\nLull's numerology of three represented the conventional Christian\nimage of the Triune God (Father; Son; Holy Spirit) in his alchemical\nmirror as soul, matter, spirit, while the numerology based on four represented matter (the four elements). In the Ars Compendiosa of the 1270s the\nfirst Lullian scheme consisted of a series of diagrams based on the \"Figura Animae A\"\", representing the soul. They took the form ofa numberof\nconcentric circles, around whose circumference Lull placed the names of\nthe dignities of God such as \"Magnitudo\", or \"Bonitas\", as established by\nneoplatonic Christian doctrine (fig. 4). In the middle of each circle there\nwere located four over-lapping squares, signifying the physical elements.\nGod was then allocated sixteen dignities (4 x 4) at the edges of the circle\nto accord with the inner squares. The conceptual outcome was that God\nwas given the form of matter (fig. 5, pseudo-Lullian version).\n20 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\n21 Michela Pereira, The Alchemical Corpus Attributed to Raymond Lull (London: Warburg\nInstitute, 1989), pp. 6-8, 12-15, 17-20, 22-28.\n22 Frances A. Yates, \"The Art of Ramon Lull\", J. W. C. I(1954): 115-73;\nF.A. Yates, \"Ramon Lull andJohn Scotus Erigena\", J. W. C. I (1960): 1-44.\n23 Aristotle, On Coming-to-be and Passing Away (Oxford: Clarendon, 1922). On pseudoLullism see Thorndike, M&ES, 4, pp.3-64, esp pp. 34-35.\n19\n24 Yates (1954): 149, fig. 2.\n25 Erardo-W Platzeck, \"Descubrimento y esencia del Arte del. Bto. Ramon Lull\",\nEstudios Lulianos, 8 (1964): 137-54.\n\nPages 24:\n20\n21\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nIt seems probable that in order to conform to Catholic orthodoxy,\nLull changed his geometrical system to one corresponding with the Augustinian theory of\"exemplarism\". In this neoplatonic system nature is a\nmirror of God and, thus, displays his trinitarian form without being any\npart of God himself. In his Ars Inventiva Veritatis (1289-90), Lull produced\na new circular diagram of the \"Figura Animae\", computed this time by\nthree triangles (3 x 3), with God being awarded nine dignities. This symbolically expressed the nature of God as pure spirit26in the three Persons\nof the Holy Trinity (fig. 6, pseudo-Lullian version).\nThe second fundamental figure ofthe Art was the circle ofthe \"Figura\nT\" which correlated the \"Figura A\" by means of a set of qualifying\ncategories. It was always provided with triangles in order to perform its\ncomputing function (fig. 7). On the inner circles were written the names\nof various aspects of the subject of investigation and a formulated set of\nquestions addressed the various issues. The over-lapping quadrangles (in\nthe first version of the Art in the 1270s), or triangles (in the second\nversion of the 1290s), computed the answers.\nThe pseudo-Lullian alchemists were little affected by Lull's theological\nproblems, since they used both of his numerological systems interchangeably, applying whichever geometry best suited their immediate purpose\n(figs. 5, 6). In fact, pseudo-Lullian alchemy, for all its heretical connotations, flourished above all other types through-out the fifteenth and into\nthe early sixteenth century. Its attraction undoubtedly lay in the possibility of building the diagrams as conceptual play-things. Pseudo-Lullian\ndiagrams appeared to rationalise alchemy, laying-open to human sight a\nmap, or vademecum, of the necessary procedures.\nLullian geometries influenced some of the engravings in Khunrath's\nAmphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (fig. 33), as well as illustrations produced\nfor Oswald Croll, Johann Mylius, Jacob Boehme and other alchemists.\nAgrippa in his De Occulta Philosophia (1533) was an influential force in the\nfurther dispersal and development of Lullian ideas in the early sixteenth\ncentury27 and in the same years, Pantheus of Venice introduced cabbalism into the Lullian geometry of his Voarchadumia (1530). Using complicated Latin alphabetical systems, magical cyphers and cabbalistic Hebrew letters and names, Pantheus made a significant amendment to the\nbasic Lullian \"Figura A\" by turning it into a static diagram, more like a\nmap with four compass points, than a computational device (fig. 8).28\nJohn Dee obtained a large number of Lullian and pseudo-Lullian treatises, as well as the Voarchadumia, but he rejected this system in favour of\ncabbalism and catoptrics for his own Monas Hieroglyphica,29 although, according to Clucas, Dee employed Lullian geometry for his angelic magic.30 Dee's alchemical collaborator, Edward Kelley, was strongly influenced by the pseudo-Lullians and by their English follower, George\nRipley, whose works also appear in Dee's library.31\nIn the late fifteenth century George Ripley, canon of Bridlington (active 1450 to 1490) introduced pseudo-Lullian alchemy into England, dispersing these ideas through his Cantilena (De lapide philosophorum, seu de\nphoenice).32 In his later treatise, the Duodecim Portae (first published in England as The Compound ofAlchemy in 1591), Ripley devised an alchemical\ntopography which translated the original Lullian computational circles\ninto a geographical map. He described a castle with twelve doors which\nhad to be negotiated by a circular sea-voyage. Both the castle and the\ncircular journey represented the pseudo-Lullian alchemical circles. Ripley speaks of\"turning the wheel\" to take a course into the four corners of\nthe earth, visualising the alchemist as a helmsman on a ship and the\nalchemical process as an expedition across the oceans. His \"wheel\" signified the Aristotelian square ofthe four elements (fig. 3).33 Ripleyobtained\nhis idea ofthe rotation ofthe elements from the pseudo-Lullians, making\nstatements such as,\nBut fyrst of these Elements make thou Rotacyon,\nAnd into Water thy Erth turne fyrst of all;34\n26 This issue is discussed at length in Szulakowska (1988): 127-54.\n27 Henry Cornelius Agrippa, \"in artem brevem Raymundi Lullii Commentaria\" in\nOpera, 2 (London, 1600), pp. 449-51. See also Thorndike, M&ES, 5, pp. 127-38.\n28 Joannes Pantheus, \"Ars et Theoria\", Theatrum Chemicum, (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1659/\n61), pp. 459-549, fig. p. 460. Also Clulee, pp. 101-3.\n29 Roberts and Watson, John Dee's Library Catalogue (1990), for Lull and ps. Lull see\n1401-1424, 2278-2281, B217, B241, B224, DM8, M16, M23, M46, M66; Pantheus 1437,\nD16.\n30 Clucas (1998), pp. 109-32.\n31 Elias Ashmole, \"Sir Edward Kelley to G. S. Gent.\" in Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum\n(London, 1652; New York and London, 1967), pp. 324-33. Other texts were translated into English by Arthur E. Waite in The Alchemical Writings of Edward Kelly (London,\n1893). For Dee's Ripleian collection see Roberts and Watson, for example, DM4, DM6,\nDM91.\n32 N. L. Brann, \" George Ripleyand the Abbot Trithemius\", Ambix, 26 (1979), 212-19;\nStanton J. Linden, \"The Ripley Scrolls and The Compound ofAlchemy \", Glasgow Emblem\nStudies, 3 (1998), pp. 73-94. Professor Linden is currently preparing a critical edition of\nthe33Compound ofAlchemy.\nSzulakowska ( 1993).\n34 Ashmole, p. 133.\n\nPages 25:\n22\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\n... Altytude, Latytude, and Profundyte,\nBy whych algates turne we must our Whele;\nKnowing thy entraunce in the West shall be;\nThy passage forth into the North yf thou do well35\nOn the model ofRipley's Duodecim Portae Michael Maier described similar\nalchemical voyages around a Lullian alchemical circle in the Cantilenae\nIntelectuales (1617), Viatorium (1618) and Tripus Aureus (1618).36\nRipley's probable disciple Thomas Norton was similarly influenced by\npseudo-Lullian alchemy,37 producing one of the most important Renaissance alchemical treatises, The Ordinal ofAlchemy (begun in 1477).38 Dee\ntranscribed a copy of this text in his own hand in 1577 and had it bound\nin purple velvet (Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 57).39 According to Ashmole, Maier came to England in 1611 specifically to learn English, so\nthat he could translate Norton's treatise into Latin for his compendium of\nalchemical texts, the Tripus Aureus (Frankfurt, 1618).40 Norton also referred to the importance of geometry in his alchemical theory, but he\ndeveloped this idea much further than either the pseudo-Lullians or Ripley. In fact, although Norton's Ordinal is related conceptually to the work\nof Ripley, it is very different in tone and structure from any of Ripley's\ntexts. Norton carries the authority of a learned university scholar and his\nalchemical claims are supported by discursive comments which evidence\na much wider philosophical background. He was not the first English\nalchemist to advocate the use of geometry in alchemy since in the thirteenth century Roger Bacon in his Mirror of Alchemy had noted the applicability of geometry and mathematics to alchemy.41 Norton, however,\nwas the first to recommend taking recourse to all seven liberal arts. In\nthis his direct influence was Boethius and he mentions Pythagorean musicology, specifically the tonal structures of the \"dyapason\", \"diapente\"\nand \"diatesseron\" . Most important in the context of the present study,\nNorton advised the alchemist to use \" science perspectyfe\".\nwhen Boicius seid: Tu numeris elementa ligas.\nIoyne your elementis Musicallye,\nFor ij causis: one is for melodye\nwhiche theire accordis wil make to your mynde\nThe trewe effecte when that ye shalle fynde;\nAnd al-so for like Dyapason,\nwith diapente & withdiatesseron,\nwith ypate ypaton & lekanos Muse(d),\nwith accordis which in musike de (used),\nwith theire proporcions cawsen Armonye,\nMuch like proporcions be in Alchymye ...\nWith astrologie ioyn Elementis also,\nTo fortune theire worchingis as thei go; ...\nAnd science perspectyfe gevith grete euydence\nTo al the mynysters of this science;\n(British Library MS Add. 10, 302)42\nNorton also emphasised the importance of astrology in alchemical work.\nA copy of his Ordinal in British Library MS 10. 302 (circa 1490) includes\na diagram of astrological calculations (f. 67v).\nIn the late fourteenth century another important theoretical interrelation between astrology and alchemy was developed in the work of\nJohn ofRupescissa. In his De consideratione quinte essentie (circa 1370) Rupescissa described the properties ofan elixir oflife, a \"fiery water\" whichhe\ncalled the \"coelum\", or quintessence, a union of two antagonistic principles. He adapted Aristotelian physical theory to a medical purpose, regarding his \"coelum\" as being the universal panacea. While modern\nchemists would identify this substance as alchoholic spirits, earlier alchemists preferred to award Rupescissa's panacea a spiritual significance far\ngreater than that of a euphoric beverage. Consequently, his life-giving\nelixir was appropriated by the pseudo-Lullians to become the foundation\noftheir own alchemical practice.43\nBythe late sixteenth century the concept ofthe \"coelum\" was merging\nwith that of the Paracelsian \"flamma vitalis\", the fiery virtue in the air\nproduced bythe sun's rays. Drawing on the work ofRupescissa, Paracelsus described the fifth essence as the vital spirit of life in his De natura\nrerum, Archidoxis and De vita longa among other texts. In the Volumen medicinae paramirum (circa 1520) he defined the fiery virtue as an \"ens astrale\",\n35 Ashmole, p. 137.\n36 Szulakowska (1993).\n3738 See GarethRoberts, TheMirror ofAlchemy (London: British Library, 1994), pp.41-42.\nThe Ordinal ofAlchemy (Oxford U. P, 1975).\n39 John\nThis isReidy,Thomas\nR&W: DM96Norton.\n.\n40 Ron Heisler, \"Michael Maier and England\", The Hermetic Journal (1989): 119-25.\n+ Stanton J. Linden (ed),TheMirror ofAlchemy Composed by the Thrice- Famous and Learned\nFryer Roger Bacon (New York: Garland, 1992), p. 30: \"first learne geometry, and her\nmeasures, that so he may rightlyframe his furnaces, not passing a meane, either by excess\nor defect: and withall, he must know the quantitie ofhis fire\".\n23\n42 Reidy, pp. 53-54.\n43 Joannes de Rupescissa, La Vertu et Propriete de la Quinte Essence de Toutes Choses (Lyon:\nJean de Thoumes, 1549; Milan: Bibliotheca Hermetica, 1971). For an examination ofhis\ntheories see Thorndike, M&ES, 4, pp. 37-41; 5, pp. 630-32.\n\nPages 26:\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\noriginating in the celestial bodies, while in the Liber Azothhe spoke ofthe\nastral virtue as a fire, or a vital saltpetre, or nitre. Through pseudoLullian texts, the followers of Paracelsus related the Paracelsian stellar\nfire to that of Rupescissa's \"coelum\", specifically Blaise de Vigenere\n(1523-1596) in his Discourse ofFire and Salt (1608). Vigenere described the\nlife-giving property in air as a vital Sulphur, or fire and Salt, stating that\nthese were the basic components of saltpetre. Peter Severinus (15421602), physician to the Danish court, related the properties of the thunder to that of saltpetre. Another Paracelsian, Gerhard Dorn, borrowed\ndirectly from Rupescissa's original text for his description of the vital\nproperties of air in his Chymisticum artificii (1569). John Dee owned copies\nof Rupescissa's original treatise, in one instance bound together with\nParacelsus Wunder Artznei, and he also acquired various works by Dorn,\nincluding the Chymisticum artificii.\nAccording to Debus it was the Paracelsian chemists ofthe early seventeenth century who developed the specific theory of the vital saltpetre in\nair, withJoseph Du Chesne (Quercetanus) producing the full theory.\nBy the year 1600 it had become a basic part of the Paracelsian tradition to\nspeak ofthe vital air, or more specifically, theflamma vitalis or the vital aerial\nSulphur.44\nKhunrath integrated Rupescissa's quintessence into his own theoretical\nprogramme as the Paracelsian \"azoth\". This aetherial fire increased in\nsignificance from its first mention in his Amphiteatrum of 1595, becoming\nthe main subject of De Igne Magorum (circa 1602-1604). Khunrath also\ncommented extensively on the \"azoth\" in his second Amphiteatrum of\n1609, identifying it with the \"Magnesia\" and with Christ. He also employed Rupescissa's term for the quintessence calling it the \"caelum\",\nstating that it corresponded to the cabbalistic \"Schamaim\", the original\nsubstance used by the \"Ruah-Elohim\" (Christ as Creator God) in the\nformation of the world. Indeed, Khunrath expanded Rupescissa's astrological medicine into a Christocentric alchemical cosmogenesis.\nFifteenth and early sixteenth alchemical manuscripts and printed\nbooks, had pictured the celestial virtue as the fall of a heavenly \"dew\", or\n\"ros coeli\", onto the earth. An illustration of this process, transformed\ninto a cabbalistic symbol, is also encountered in the engraving of the\n\"Archetypos\" in Khunrath's Amphiteatrum (1595) (fig. 33). At the top of\nthe illustration, God appears in the form of his Hebrew name, the Tetragrammaton, showering his divine virtues onto the flames of aspiring\nsouls. The original concept ofthe dew of heaven had been developed and\ndispersed by an influential alchemical text ofthe late fourteenth century,\nthe Rosarium Philosophorum. This was composed of quotations from the\nmaster alchemists ofthe middle ages, organised into a sequential account\nof the alchemical process with additional commentaries. Illustrations had\nbeen added to the text by circa 1400, although it also continued to be\nissued without the pictures, the pictorial versions being known as the\n\"Rosarium cum figuris\".45 The iconographic sequence remained constant between manuscript and printed versions, of which the first appeared in Lyons in 1504. The Rosarium did not refer to Rupescissa's\n\"coelum\" since it was based on the medieval Aristotelian tradition.\nIn the Rosarium, the picture of the dew of heaven illustrates the final\nstages of the alchemical work, that of the \"ablutio vel mundificatio\", a\nseries of purifications (fig. 9). The image depicts a dead hermaphrodite,\nsignifying the incomplete philosopher's stone, being washed by a heavenly efflux. The text cites the Arabian alchemist Senior, who explains that\nthe gross residues require purification on the departure of the volatile\nspirits.46 Later on, an anonymous philosopher is made to comment on\nthe alchemical axiom, \"Wash Latona and burn your books\".47 Latona\nwas the mother ofApollo and Diana, gods of the sun and moon. Some of\nthe aphorisms in the last section of the Rosarium became the subject of\nMaier's emblems in the Atalanta Fugiens (1618), including the washing of\nLatona in Emblem XI. This provides evidence ofMaier's interest in the\nsubject of the celestial virtue and it should be noted that he also refersto\ncatoptrics in the same treatise. The text of the Rosarium states that the\n24\n44 Allen G. Debus,\"The Paracelsian Aerial Nitre\", Isis, 55 (1964): 43-61, esp 44-45,\n49ff, quotefrom p. 51. Thorndike, M&ES, 5, pp. 630-32. See also Pagel for the influence\nofRupescissa on Paracelsus, Pagel \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), pp. 91-92.\nFor Dee's collection see R&W: Rupescissa and the ps. Lullian version of his theory,\n1405,1436, 1457, M16, M46; Paracelsus on fifth essence 1496; Dorn 1447, 1512, 1517,\n1518, 1524 (Chymisticum articifici), 1525, 2227, 2236; Quercetanus 1544.\n25\n45 Thorndike,M&ES, 4, pp. 10-12. In Roberts and Watson's catalogue ofhis library,\nJohn Dee does not appear to have had a copy ofthe Rosarium, but he had copies ofallthe\nauthors who are cited in it. The authoritative edition ofthe Rosarium is Lutz Claren and\nJoachim Huber (eds), Rosarium Philosophorum, 2 vols (Weinheim: VCH, 1992), see vol 2,\nJoachim Telle, \"Bemerkungen zum \"Rosarium Philosophorum\"\", pp. 180-86.\n46 Claren and Huber, p.78: \"est res de coelo descendens, et terra cum humore suo\nsuscipit eam et retineatur aqua coeli cum aqua terrae, et aqua terrae propter servitium\nsuum et arenam suam honorat eam, et congregatur aquam in aquam ... et dealbatur ...\nSenior in Epistola Solis et Lune\".\n47 Claren and Huber, p. 79: \"Ideo dicit Philsophus: dealbate latonem et libros rumpite,\nne corda vestra rumpantur. Haec est enim compositio omnium Sapientum, et etiam tertia\npars totius operis. Iungite ergo ut dicitur in turba, siccum humido, id est terram nigram\ncum aqua sua, et coquite donec dealbatur\".\n\nPages 27:\n26\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nblack ashes should be supplied with \"humiditas\" to remove their impurities. The author identifies \"humiditas\" with the \"azoth\".48\nThe washing ofthe stone is followed by another picture, depicting the\nsoul returning from heaven to the inert body of the hermaphrodite. This\nalchemical process is described as \"Animae Iubilatio seu Ortus seu Sublimatio\". At this stage, the reader is informed, the fire should be stoked\nup and the chemicals heated, calcinated, albefied (whitened) and otherwise processed. Most notably, the Rosarium connects these events with\nAristotle's theory ofthe rotation ofthe elements which is interpreted as\nbeing a process of chemical refinement.49 The text also relates this work\nto the account in Genesis, 1, where the spirit of God is described as moving over the waters in the first days of creation. Hence, the idea being\nexpressed in this section of text is that the celestial dew contains the\nvivifying quality required to animate and perfect the philosopher's\nstone.50 The alchemist Alanus is cited on the livid, metallic, viscous qualities of this celestial fluid which, surprisingly, resembles gross chemical\nmercury.51\nIn the next section of the Rosarium, Aristotle is made to state that\n\"Nullum tingens venenum generatur absque Sole et eius umbra, id est\nuxore\" which became the subject ofMaier's Emblem XLV in the Atalanta\nFugiens (fig. 39).52 The commentary in the Rosarium explains thatthe process ofsublimation consists of removing the purest parts from the faeces of\nimpure matter so that they may attain the quintessential virtue.53 The\naccompanying illustration pictures the soul departing once again from\nthe body to allow the ashes to undergo further purification.\nThe most important illustration in the Rosarium appears near the end\nofthe treatise in a section concerning \"Illuminatio\", which could provide\nevidence for the use of solar rays in late medieval alchemy. The picture\nshows a blazing sun, either rising out of a grave, or falling into it (fig. 10).\nAlthough the accompanying text makes no clear reference to the use of\nsun-light, yet, in its discussion of the perfect nature of gold there may be\na hidden allusion to this process. The reader is required to undertake a\ngeometrical exercise involving the form of the circle which is also said to\nbe that ofthe sun, the dominating astral body.54 The sun is described as\ngiving his light to the stars, planets and moon. This solar theme continues\ninto the next stage of the process, that of \"Multiplicatio\" which is the\naugmentation of the powers of the stone. The illustration of dew falling\nonto the dead hermaphrodite re-appears (fig. 9) and Geber is quoted on\nthe multiplication ofthe \"solaris medicinae\", potable gold. The reader is\ninstructed to project the elixir of gold, or of the sun's rays perhaps,\nrepeatedly over the ashes.55 The final process in the Rosarium is that of\n\"Revificatio\" which completes the making of the philosopher's stone and\nis signified by a picture of the soul returning to the bodyfrom heaven.56\nA common factor in all these alchemical theories, those of pseudoLull, Ripley, Norton and the Rosarium, is that the celestial virtue (occasionally related to the sun's rays) is often conceptualised by geometrical\nparadigms. It may be concluded that the geometry of these alchemical\ntreatises signifies the use of astrology which is wholly dependent on mathematics and geometry. Out of this general historical context, John Dee\nwas to devise a more specific deployment ofthe astral virtues in alchemy\nby means of scholastic optical theory and astronomy and, subsequently,\nby the cabbalah.\n48 Claren and Huber, p. 81. For more information see Pagel (1982), pp. 59-61, including the well-known portrait of Paracelsus in which the word \"azoth\" is written on the\nknob\nof his walking-stick. See also Debus (1964): 43-61.\n49 Claren\nand Huber, p. 86.\n50 Claren and Huber, pp. 87-88: \"Senior... Haec aqua divina est rex de coelo\ndescendens. Idem: Ipse est reductor animae ad corpus suum, quod vivificat post mortem\nfacta\nsuam, et per eum vita est, postquam non erit mors ... Genesis ... Ex aqua omniaea\".\nsunt, et super aquam ferebatur spiritus dei, et principium generationis hominis ex\n51 Claren and Huber, pp. 88-89: \"Alanus Philosophus. Una res ex omnibus est\neligenda, quae est lividi coloris, habens speciem metallicam limpideam et liquidam, et est\nres calida et humida, aquosa et adustiva, et est oleum vivum, et tinctura viva, lapis\nmineralis et aqua vitae mirae efficacie\"..\n52 Claren and Huber, p. 89.\n53 Claren and Huber, p. 89: \"Secunda Sublimatio est extractio, quod in ipsa est de\nnatura quintae essentiae, a fecibus elementaribus separata. Dico autem quintam\nessentiam animam tingentem, ad quam necessaria est ablutio, ut per eam extrahatur\nunctuosas arsenice ... sive natura oleaginosa, purissimae unctuositas, quae ligata estcum\nfecibus suis, quae feces non permittunt ipsam sublimari\".\n27\n54 Claren and Huber, p. 121: \"Fili recipe de simplicissimo et de rotundo corpore, et\nnoli recipere de triangula vel quadrangulo sed de rotundo est propinquius simplicitati\nquem triangulus. Notandum est ergo quod corpus simplum nullum habens angulum [p..\n122] quia ipsum est primum et posterium in planetis sicut sol in stellas, quia in\nAstronomia firmamenti videmus, quod sol est dominus planetarum, et omnes planetes\negent lumine suo, quia dat lumen suum sursum usque ad lunam, deinde respicit omnia\ntam superiora quam inferiora\".\n55 Claren and Huber, p. 146: \"multiplicatio elixiris sit duobus modus, una per\nreiterarium solutionem and coagulationem lapidis, secunda per proiectionem primi\nlapidisconvertetur\nelixir superincorpus,\naut \".albeum aut rubeum tali quantitate quod idem corpus,\nmedicinam\netiam\n56 Claren and Huber, p. 156. Other 15th-C and 16th-C century illustrated treatises\nalso refer to the dew of heaven, see Jacques van Lennep, Alchimie (Brussels: CreditCommunal, 1984), pp. 98, 100.\n\nPages 28:\nCHAPTER THREE\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS\nON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\nThe science ofoptics involves the study of light-rays, both in their effects\non the human eye and also in their reflective and refractive behaviour on\nobjects such as glass, crystal prisms, mirrors, water, the atmosphere and\nthe effects of distance. This scientific study had been initiated by Greek\npresocratic philosophers, such as Empedocles' and it was substantially\nextended by Arabian opticians, most especially, Avicenna, Alhazen and\nAl-kindi. In the middle ages, optics was also given the name \"perspective\", but from the late Renaissance this term was also used to describe\nthe geometrical construction of an illusionistic three-dimensional space\non a two-dimensional surface.\nIn the West, optics was developed by fourteenth century scholastics\nsuch as Bacon, Witelo, Ockham and Pecham following Arabian models,\nin particular, those of Alhazen's Optics and Al-kindi's De radiis stellarum.\nMedieval optical theories provided the foundation for John Dee's natural\nphilosophy, specifically for his ideas concerning the radiation oflight-rays\nand the effects ofthe stellar and planetary influences on the earth.3 He\ndevised a practical application for the occult powers ofthe celestial bodies by means of catoptrics which are described in his Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558) and Monas Hieroglyphica ( 1564).\nThe main historical influence on both pragmatic and theurgic optical\ntheories had been Plato, who had attributed the role of sight with a\nspiritual and practical function. Basing his ideas on Empedocles' concept\nofthe inner fire of the eye, Plato in the Theaetetus (153e, 156a-e) stated\nthat the fire within the eye produces a light which unites with the sun's\nrays to form a single body of light. In contrast, an empirical interpretation ofhuman vision was produced by Euclid in his treatise on optics, but\nhe continued to believe, like Plato, that there existed a visual ray in the\nHis theories are recorded in extant fragments and also by some ofhis followers such\nas Theophrastus in De sensu, see W. K. C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy, 2 (Cambridge\n1965), pp. 234-38.\n2 LeffUP,( 1968).\n3 Clulee, pp. 39-73. See also Garin (1976) for an account ofmedieval astrology.\n4 F. M. Cornford, Plato's Cosmology (London, 1948), p. 155; Vasco Ronchi, TheNatureof\nLight (London: Heinemann, 1970), pp. 5-7.\n\nPages 29:\nCHAPTER THREE\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\nform ofa cone oflight-rays emanating directly from the eye to illuminate\nits object.5 The ancient Greek extramissionist theory of light-rays was the\nmodel used at the schools ofChartres and Paris until the twelfth century.\nGalenic medicine similarly encouraged this particular explanation of vision.6\nIn the early medieval Arab world, a quite different concept of the\nrelationship between light and vision was developed in Baghdad by the\nmathematician, astronomer and optician Ibn al-Haytham, known as Alhazen (born circa 965). His optical ideas replaced the older extramissionist theories and became the most important influence on post-Chartrean\nWestern optics. Alhazen, following Avicenna, rejected Euclid's notion of\na light-ray produced by the eye, devising instead a model of vision as\nbeing the result of light entering the eye from the natural world. These\nlight-rays manifested in a geometrical form as \"cones\" of light (fig. 11).7\nJohn Dee procured several copies of Alhazen's Optics, but, according\nto Clulee, he was more influenced by an earlier Arabian philosopher,\nAl-kindi, whose treatise De radiis stellarum was the source of his ideas\nconcerning astral emanation in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica. Like the\nother Arabian opticians, Al-kindi inter-related optical theory with astrology.\nMeanwhile, in the parallel context of metaphysics there existed an\nexplanation of natural light as a divine emanation of God's own self.\nPlotinus in the Enneads (second century AD) inter-related the two formerly\ndistinct theories of the light emanating from the eye and the rays produced bythe sun. In his philosophical system, light became the creative\npower ofGod, an act of seeing which generated the physical world as his\nown reflection.10Mostly due to his influence, the Jewish Zohar explained\nin optical terms the statement from Genesis 1 : 3, \"And God said , Let there\nbe light, and there was light\". The Zohar commented\nThis is the primal light which God made. It is the light ofthe eye. This light\nGod showed to Adam, and by means ofit he was enabled to see from end to\nend of this world.11\nOn these neoplatoni\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 18 to page 29 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed\n\"iconic\", since they signify irrational concepts such as the \"union of opposites\", for example, offire with water. While this identification may be\ncorrect in the case of pre-Renaissance alchemical visual signs which are\nnot particularly \"realistic\" in their style of drawing (figs . 9, 10), this is not\napplicable to alchemical illustration from the late sixteenth century onwards when an irrational idea may be represented by naturalistic human\nfigures, as in examples from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (figs. 40, 41). In this\ncase, the realistic aesthetic of the Renaissance artist has started to transform an iconic signifier into an index. This issue has never been remarked by the few iconologists who have studied alchemical imagery,\nnonetheless, it is extremely important since stylistic differences in the\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the\nvisual components of an alchemical treatise. Moreover, certain types of\nalchemical illustration are capable of functioning almost entirely as a\nvisual text, that is, as metonymic, or indexical, structures, as in the case of\none of Khunrath's illustrations (frontispiece). In such metonymic visual\nimages there is an implied physical continuity between the world ofthe\nviewer and that of the picture. In these instances, the reception of the\npicture's message does not need to be deferred until it can be decoded in\na linguistic form. In such sophisticated metonymic-indexical images the\nvisual structure is the essence ofthe meaning communicated to the viewer. This indexical quality of an image is not necessarily dependent onthe\nartist's use of naturalistic motifs (as Peirce had pointed out), since diagrammatic structures may also be indexical. It is more a question ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In\nfact, Peirce devised a taxonomy of hybrid signs to describe the vacillations of such unstable significatory orders.\nFollowing his general approach, the present author would make only\none proposition which is that many late Renaissance alchemical signs\nincline towards the indexical mode. In other words, alchemical visual\nsemiosis from the late sixteenth century is deliberately \" contaminated\"\nnot, as Jung believed, by the collective unconscious of a society,5 but by\nthe viewer's imminent physical reality. Thus, the alchemical imagery\nunder present consideration does not merely copy, it also restructures the\nphysical world by forcing a continuum between the viewer's space and\nthat of the picture.\nPeirce defined the index as\nA sign, or representation, which refers to its object not so much because of\nany similarity or analogy with it, nor because it is associated with general]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=97\nPages: 97,98\npresent study.\n2 Joscelyn Godwin, Robert Fludd (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), passim.\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nimagery itself. Fludd's engravings also frequently appear in popularised\naccounts of alchemy, though Klossowski de Rola did not include them in\nhis account of seventeenth century alchemical engravings. The most\nextensive discussion of Fludd's intellectual development has been provided by Huffman, though he also disregarded Fludd's visual work. It is\nregrettable that these authorities have largely neglected Fludd's engravings, for even Godwin's admirable interpretation is directed more at an\naudience of twentieth century alchemical adepts. This disregard for the\nintellectual significance of the illustrations could lead to misinterpretations of Fludd's ideas, since, according to Yates, his visual imagery was\nintegral to his theoretical concepts. Their importance is indicated by the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=77\nPages: 77\ncosmograms from the use of similar architectural motifs in alchemical\nimagery, since he regards them as being more scenic elements, included\nwithin a didactic, slowly-unfolding, alchemical story. For his taxonomy of\nrevelatory and didactic images Szonyi has drawn on Gombrich's definition of symbolic types of imagery.34 According to this argument, Khunrath's 1595 illustrations would be revelatory since they are visually structured to illuminate the viewer's understanding through an empathetic\nengagement. In contrast, Khunrath's 1602 engravings are more narrative, both in their formal construction and in their semiotic mode, though\nelements within these images continue to operate with a revelatory intention. On the other hand, many other seventeenth century alchemical\nimages, such as those ofMaier in the Atalanta Fugiens, are primarily didactic in their intention.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nnaturalism and abstraction in an image produces an ambiguous space.\nRenaissance imagery whose discursive programme inter-relates alchemy to optical theory may have been an attempt to produce a visual\nmetonym, or, in Peirce's terms, an indexical affinity between reality and\n1 Gyorgy Szonyi, \"The Powerful Image: Towards a Typology of Occult Symbolism\",\nEuropean Iconography East and West (Leiden: Brill, 1996), pp. 250-63. See also Szonyi, \"Ars\nSintrilla\"in Clucas (ed), John Dee (1999), passim and his paper, \"Architectural Symbolism\nand Fantasy Landscapes in Alchemical and Occult Discourse: Revelatory Images', Glasgow Emblem Studies, 3 (University of Glasgow, 1998), pp. 49-69. Other attempts to analyse\nalchemical imagery in structuralist terms were Urszula Szulakowska, \"Geometry and\nOptics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\", Cauda Pavonis, n.s. 14, 1 (1995): 1-12 and\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22,23\n18 Gordon Leff, Paris and Oxford Universities in the 13th-C and 14 th-C (New York, 1968).\n19 Obrist, figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11.\n17\n18\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwith the sacred visions of the saints. In this manner, the alchemists\nmoved their theories from the ground of scholastic debate to that ofthe\nunquestionable truths of the Christian faith.20\nAnother major development in alchemical visual imagery took place\nin the early fifteenth century when a complex geometry intended as a\npractical device was created by pseudo-Lullian alchemists. These were a\ngroup of anonymous writers working under the name of the Catalan\nmystic Ramon Lull, although he had not accepted the claims of alchemy\nand had never discussed the subject. Regardless of this fact in the late\nfourteenth century the first unillustrated text appeared under his name in\nCatalonia. Transported to Northern Italy, the older texts were translated\nfrom the vernacular into Latin and new ones were produced, with the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=104\nPages: 104\nhave the some of the same quality of devices intended to facilitate public\ninstruction.\nIt is misleading, however, to discuss alchemical illustration without\ncontextualising it within the relevant social and political milieu and since\nthis is not possible within the scope of the present study, these issues will\nnot be pursued at any length. It is relevant, however, to make one further\npoint arising from this brief visual analysis of the semiotic function of\nGichtel's engravings, which is that they demonstrate the popularisation,\nwithin a generation, of alchemical imagery previously associated with\nGerman pietism. In this process, Fludd's illustrations had played a large\nrole, due to his voluminous output in very large print-runs, reusing many\nof the same cosmological diagrams through-out his series of works, as\nwell as seeing them copied by other artists. Moreover, Fludd's pictures\nlent themselves to public instruction, as was his intention, since they]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly\nintended to retrieve from the original title ofthe treatise. Hence, Khunrath's theatre of images, like a mirror, catoptrically reflects the celestial\nspheres to the human mind, awakening the empathetic faculty of the\nhuman spirit which unites, through the imagination, with the heavenly\nrealms. Thus, the visual imagery of Khunrath's treatises has become the\nalchemical quintessence, the spiritualised matter of the philosopher's\nstone, transmuting both the human soul and the physical world into gold.\nIt is evident that late Renaissance alchemists were involved in a radical semiotic enterprise, intuiting the possibility of devising a visual signing-system which would resolve the dualistic conflict of the European\nlinguistic sign in which signifier and signified were arbitrarily related.22\nAccordingly, John Dee regarded his Monas Hieroglyphica as a graphic\nsystem which was also practical chemistry (figs. 17, 18), a metonymic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14,15\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:\nmonism and dualism\" in Didier Kahn, Sylvain Matton, Alchimie: art, histoire et mythes (Paris;\nMilan, 1995), pp. 249-63.\n2 Goldberg (1976).\n2\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nthe illusionistic world of the picture. In Peirce's semiotic system, he has\ndistinguished an indexical sign from a \"symbol\" , which has an arbitrary\nvisual appearance unrelated to its conceptual content and, therefore, can\nonly convey a meaning within a specific context for a particular interpretant. Peirce also differentiated an indexical sign from an \"icon\" which,\nhe stated, \"would possess the character which renders it significant, even\nthough its object had no existence\". According to this definition , it\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nhuman-being had both a physical and an astral body, but that his real\nbody was astral. It was by means of the imagination located in the astral\nbodythat a person could attain to \"gnosis\" and, thereby, learn to control\nphysical manifestation through the \"astra\" present within all things.\nThus, for the Paracelsian magus it was sufficient to contemplate an object, instead of manipulating it physically. Visual imagery, such as talismanic cyphers or alchemical pictures, provided a stimulus to the imagination of the magus and acted as simulacra of the objects under his\ncontrol.\nDee's view of the theurgic function of Pythagorean-based drawing\nmay explain two particular alchemical images which Yates stated that she\nfound incomprehensible. The alchemical image which specifically puzzled her was Emblem VIII from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (1617) (fig. 41).\nHer attribution of a conceptual influence on Maier from Dee in this\ncontext is accurate, but she did not connect Emblem VIII specifically to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\ndisregard the visual imagery as if this were mere decoration. Hence,\nbetween the extremes of the twentieth century theosophists who will not\nread the texts and the historians of science who will not read the visual\nimagery, the \"alchemy of light\" has diminished in significance, since only\nthe study of both the visual and the literary documentation, as well as\nknowledge of its political context, can reveal the considerable importance\nof this alchemical concept in the late Renaissance.\nThe present work has taken an extended historical view of the evolution of Paracelsian astral and solar theurgy and its deployment by German theosophists in the late sixteenth century, as well as by some of their\nRosicrucian followers. Such a lengthy over-view has necessitated too brief\na mention of much important contextual history, nor has it been possible\nto provide an extensive analysis of specific theories. Further study is required to validate many of the suggestions concerning cross-influences]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,15\nsigns, on the model of the Hebrew alphabet, as an essential part oftheir\n3 Peirce, 2, pp. 170, 172-73.\n4 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n5 Carl GustavJung, Psychology and Alchemy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1993),\npp. 26, 112, 152ff, 158, 196.\n6 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n7 For example, Allison Coudert, Alchemy: the philosopher's stone (London: Wildwood\nHouse, 1980). Otherwise, this is an authoritative general study.\n8 Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology (New York: Harper, 1962).\n9 Szonyi (1996), pp. 250-53.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nmagical rituals.10These experiments with cryptography yielded few convincing results, since the linguistic signs of European languages are arbitrary phonetic symbols and, hence, cannot mirror their conceptual representant in the manner of visual signs. Consequently, it is essential that\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nillustration this discursive visual mode provided a demonstrative proof of\nalchemical claims that matter could be united with its opposite, spirit, in\nthe philosopher's stone. In Khunrath's image, however, there was more\nat stake, as will be discussed, for he employed this spatial rhetoric of the\ndivine presence in order to authenticate his pietistic alchemical theosophy.\nIt was Khunrath, in fact, who produced a fully-developed cabbalistic\n\"alchemy of light\" in three of his works, published as the Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae (1595; 1609), Chaos (circa 1598) and De Igne Magorum\n(circa 1602-1604). For his cabbalistic ideas Khunrath relied on Johannes\nReuchlin in De verbo mirifico (1494) and De arte cabbalistica (1517), as well as\non Paracelsian theosophy. The central Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar,\nhad derived its metaphysical concepts from neoplatonism, specifically\nfrom Plotinus' account of the manner in which the divine light of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nparticipation in Michelspacher's visions, he was (perhaps) transformed,\nlike base matter, into spiritual gold. Effectively, alchemical illustration in\nthe seventeenth century was usurping the transmutatory function of the\nphilosopher's stone. The sophisticated graphic repertoire of Renaissance\nartists enabled them to manipulate the semantics of their pictorial elements , producing imagery which could induce meditative, or visionary,\nstates in their viewers, uniting them with the depicted visions.\nAt least, this seems to have been the general aim. From this point of\nview, most late Renaissance alchemical illustrations could be interpreted\nas being indexical in their intention. The origins of this persuasive illustrative enterprise can be found in the late fourteenth century, as willbe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18,19\nFrancken, 1616), pp. 68-72.\n22 Referto Szonyi, \"Ars Scintrilla\" (1999), passim, and his paper forthcoming in RenaissanceQuarterlyfor a discussion ofthe theurgic linguistics ofFicino, Agrippa and Paracelsus.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nAlchemy has always been a type of \"gnosis\", a non-rational esoteric\nphilosophy, fully explicable only by its initiates. Fundamentally an oral\nsystem of knowledge, the epistemic changes in alchemical theory cannot\nbe recovered in their entirety by contemporary historians, even from the\nconsiderable amount ofphysical evidence available to them. Problems of\ninterpretation are exacerbated by the fact that there are few immutable\nmeanings for the various symbols since they have become amplified in\nthe course of their historical use. In Barthes' terms, they should be considered as \"mythic\" secondary-level signifiers, each alchemical sign bearing with it the history of its use. Thus, although dictionaries ofalchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22\nin another work by the alchemist Constantinus, Le livre des secrets de ma\ndame alchimie, but in these two treatises the geometrical structures are little\nmore than frames for the figurative imagery.19\nIn her investigation of the origins of alchemical illustration, Obrist\nargued that the function ofthese visual forms was rhetorical. They were\na strategy devised to counter the arguments of the scholastics who concurred with Aristotle in maintaining that a substance could not change\nspecies. In the Aristotelian definition, \"species\" constituted distinct orders\nwhich could not interchange their formal qualities. Therefore, since the\ndifferent metals belonged to different species, lead could not turn into\ngold. This scholastic argument completely invalidated the whole alchemical enterprise. In response, alchemists produced a rhetorical device, permitting them to ignore such pedestrian objections. They \"proved\" the\ntruth of alchemy by means of pictures which aimed to confuse reality]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105,106\nIn the history of alchemy, perhaps the most important change in its\ncentral concepts occurs in the period from the late 1550s to the early\n1600s in which appeared Dee's and Khunrath's Paracelsian treatises on\nthe use of astral magic and light-rays in the alchemical process. The\ninteresting aspect oftheir work is that they were still advocating practical\nwork, as well as contemplative practices involving visual imagery. This is\nan important point which modern scholarship, influenced by nineteenth\ncentury theosophy and Jungian psychology, tends to under-estimate.\nMost ofthe authors who have written popularised interpretations ofRenaissance alchemical illustration have rarely bothered to read the dense\naccompanying texts, still less have they attempted to place the visual\nimages in any historical context. Whereas it is true, as previously de-\n184\nCONCLUSION\nscribed, that the pictures were becoming transmuting philosopher's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22\nthe \"lingua franca\" of European science and art. This mystical ideology\nwas a major constituent of the liberal arts\ncurriculum, lying uneasily\nalongside Aristotelian natural philosophy.18\nHowever, it was not until the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries that the conceptual influence of Pythagorean geometry could be discerned in an alchemical context. It made its first appearance in a novel\ntype of alchemical imagery in the late fourteenth century, far more complex than earlier hellenistic and Arabic graphic cyphers since the new\nillustrations involved a whole sequence of pictorial imagery. In addition\nto figurative and narrative elements, the visual forms also involved geometrical schemes, though they lacked finesse in design and graphic skill.\nSuch crude geometries, accompanying equally rough symbolic figures,\nare first encountered in the untitled alchemical treatise of Gratheus and\nin another work by the alchemist Constantinus, Le livre des secrets de ma]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\non matter. Paracelsus argued that, due to the intimate unity between\nheaven and earth, alchemical processes had to be correlated with the\nmovements ofthe planetary bodies and the fixed stars. Through Ficino,\nAgrippa and Paracelsus, John Dee encountered the theory of astral influences which provided him with the foundation for his own naturalphilosophy, medicine and practical magic. In fact, it was Dee's ambition to\ndevise a more efficient way ofexploiting stellar and solar radiations in all\naspects of human endeavour, but most especially in medicine and alchemy.\nIn addition to his interest in astrological sympathetic magic, there was\nanother, very unusual, influence on Dee's alchemy which was of equal\nimportance to his hermetic sources, namely, optics , the medieval scholastic science of light. In his Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558) Dee used this\npragmatic body of knowledge for more esoteric purposes. Specifically,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.\nAstrology was an essential component of alchemical practice since\nalchemy, as a mirror of nature, was similarly affected by stellar influences. The medieval Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar, also stressed the necessity of watching the activity of the heavens in order to understand the\ncourse ofhuman affairs.10 The medieval alchemists, especially the pseudo-Lullians of the fifteenth century, emphasised the need to correlate\ntheir chemical\nwork with the motions of the planets and the signs ofthe\nZodiac.11 By the early sixteenth century, Paracelsus was teaching that the\nefficacy of alchemical medications was totally dependent on their concordance with the healing virtues emanating from the stars.12\nThe inter-dependency and unity between macrocosm and microcosm\nhad been summarised in the late Alexandrian text of the Emerald Table]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=33\nPages: 33\nfrom the stars.\nDee stated that the rays of the stars took a conical form, whose base\nwas located on the face ofthe star, with the apex on the earth below. The\nrays within the geometrical cone grew stronger as they approached the\ncentral ray which stood at the perpendicular within the cone ofrays.55\nHence, it was the centric ray which the theurgist had to project onto his\nmaterials.56 Therefore, according to Dee, it was necessary to perform\nmagical operations when the appropriate star stood at the perpendicular\nto the horizon ofthe earth and was nearest to the earth.57\nIn due course, these aspects ofDee's astrological theory will be considered in their influence on the alchemical illustrations of Khunrath, Maier\nand Fludd. Of specific importance to these later alchemists was Dee's\n43 Shumaker, p. 149.\n44 Shumaker, Aphorisms, LIIII, LV and LXXXIX, pp. 148-51, 174-75.\n45 See Szonyi (1999).\n46 Shumaker, pp. 134-35.\n47 Shumaker , pp. 122-23.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nJung, Friedrich, 104, 136\nKelley, Edward, 5, 21, 40, 50, 53\nKepler, Johannes, 58, 158-59\nKhunrath, Heinrich, xi, xv, 79-137; MS\nAlnwick 571, 106-10, 131, 149, 161; Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae, xv, xvii, 5, 9,\n20, 25, 31, 68, 77-79, 81, 84-86, 89-91,\n98, 103-37, 139-40, 142, 145, 147-49,\n151, 173, 174; andAndreae, xx, 85, 145-\n243\n46, 149-52; and Arndt, xx, 80, 85, 12122, 145, 151; astral virtues, xii-xiii, 93,\n94, 119; Athanor, 86-90, 98, 105, 142;\nazoth (quintessence), xvii, 9, 24, 87, 90,\n92-94, 96, 109, 111, 118, 120, 122-22,\n129, 132, 144, 147-48; cabbalism, xiii,\nxvii-xviii, 24, 31, 59, 87, 89-93, 109-9,\n116, 118, 120-22, 127, 144-45, 147-48;\nChaos, xvii, 82, 84-86, 88-93, 105, 147;\nChristology, xiii, xviii, 24, 80, 88, 90, 9293, 108-110, 113, 117-17, 120, 122-24,\n127-29, 132, 135, 144-45, 147-49; Dee's\ninfluence, xv, xvii, xviii, 6, 39-40, 50, 7779, 91, 97, 101, 121, 125-25, 135, 158,\n183; De Igne, xvii, 31, 48, 68, 81, 87, 90,\n93-100, 121, 149, 162, 176; and Hess,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=33\nPages: 33,34\n45 See Szonyi (1999).\n46 Shumaker, pp. 134-35.\n47 Shumaker , pp. 122-23.\n48 Allen G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy, 1 (London: Heinemann, 1977), pp. 51-76.\n49 Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 92-200 , Decem libri Archidoxis.\n50 Shumaker, pp. 128-29.\n51 Khunrath (Hanover, 1609), p. 6.\n5253 Shumaker, p. 62;. Clulee, pp. 56-57.\nShumaker , p. 63.\n54 Shumaker, p. 64.\n55 Shumaker, Aphorisms XXXII-XLVIII, pp. 136-37.\n56 Shumaker, Aphorism XXXIIII, pp. 136-38.\n57 Shumaker, Aphorism LIIII, pp. 148-51.\n38\nCHAPTER THREE\n40\nCHAPTER THREE\nportrayal ofthe geometrical cones of astral influences and the manner in\nwhich they imprinted their qualities onto base matter. Although Clulee\nhas stated that Dee made astrology of practical use to alchemists for the\nfirst time, he was referring only to Dee's specifically alchemical treatise,\nthe Monas Hieroglyphica.58 Yet, the earlier Propaedeumata Aphoristica had an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nvirtues) present within all natural bodies were the foundation of practical\nmedicine, since each person had an astral body which overlay and penetrated his physical body, so that the external and imminent \"astra\" were\neffectively the same entity. Thus, Parcelsus stated, a remedy was dependant on the astrological effects of the heavens.24 In the Volumen medicinae\nparamirum (circa 1520), he urged the physician to acquire a sound knowledge ofastronomy in order to understand the effects ofthe astral emanations by means of which God had impressed earthly things with \"signatures\",25\nFor a clearer understanding of Paracelsus' theory of\"signatures\", it is\nhelpful to consider Foucault's analysis of the Renaissance concept ofthe\nworld as being constructed on the basis of similitude and difference. The\nRenaissance taxonomy of phenomena, whether spiritual, physical, aesthetic or linguistic, was based on the idea that representation (similitude)]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20,21\ncomposed ofthe\"quintessence\" which had been described byAristotle as\na mean between matter and spirit out ofwhich the heavenly spheres were\nformed. The introduction of a medical purpose into alchemy also neces1-12 Szulakowska, \"Geometry and Optics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\" (1995):\n2 Urszula Szulakowska, \"Material Pantheism in the Pseudo-Lullian \"S\"-Circle of the\nPowers of the Soul\", Ambix, 35 (1988): 127-54.\n3 Coudert, pp. 14-35; F. Sherwood-Taylor, The Alchemists (St. Albans: Paladin, 1976),\npp. 15-23; G. F. Hartlaub, Der Stein der Weisen (Munich, 1959), passim.\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nsitated a more refined use of astrological data in order to correlate the\nlaboratory work with the influences ofthe stars.\nOn the model, thus, of the circulating heavens governing the seasons\nof nature, the alchemical process was conceptualised as being a circular]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nthe corresponding planetary influences. In other words , a painting could\nbecome a magical talisman, or a catoptrical mirror, registering and enhancing the celestial virtues. Dee's theory of drawing had revolutionary\nimplications for alchemical illustrators, for example, Michelspacher'sfour\nmirrors in the Cabala (1615-16) may well have originated in Dee's ideas of\na graphic theurgy.\nContextualised within Dee's Euclidean optical and alchemical system,\nthe semiotic function of single-point, spatial geometry is essentially the\nsame as that ofhis Monas Hieroglyphica, since they both have a metonymic\nrelationship with the physical world. As a sign in its own right, the Pythagorean-based system ofdrawing was reified by Dee to become a signifying mode which operated within real physical space, not only in that of\nthe painting. The Pythagorean ratios used in the single-point system were\nregarded by Dee as being capable of attracting celestial influences and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmirror on the earth into a dark cave. Kircher's illustration describes the\nvarious lights of nature, the senses and the intellect.\nIt remains to discuss the specific influences triggering Khunrath's\nideas concerning the use of astral virtue and catoptrics in alchemy. These\nmay have been inspired by the publication of Paracelsus' completeworks\nin the Basle edition of 1589-90, as well as the appearance ofdella Porta's\nsecond Magia Naturalis (1589). Another influence was undoubtedly Dee's\ncabbalistic astrology and catoptrics, as well as the enduring effects of Pico\ndella Mirandola's and Reuchlin's Christian cabbalism. In the context of\nthe political pressures on his pietistic beliefs between circa 1595 and\n1604, these influences led Khunrath to devise a cabbalistic alchemy of\nlight, founded on Paracelsian theosophy and Renaissance optical science.\nIOO\n34 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1962-78), 2,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29\nbeing the result of light entering the eye from the natural world. These\nlight-rays manifested in a geometrical form as \"cones\" of light (fig. 11).7\nJohn Dee procured several copies of Alhazen's Optics, but, according\nto Clulee, he was more influenced by an earlier Arabian philosopher,\nAl-kindi, whose treatise De radiis stellarum was the source of his ideas\nconcerning astral emanation in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica. Like the\nother Arabian opticians, Al-kindi inter-related optical theory with astrology.\nMeanwhile, in the parallel context of metaphysics there existed an\nexplanation of natural light as a divine emanation of God's own self.\nPlotinus in the Enneads (second century AD) inter-related the two formerly\ndistinct theories of the light emanating from the eye and the rays produced bythe sun. In his philosophical system, light became the creative\npower ofGod, an act of seeing which generated the physical world as his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=32\nPages: 32,33\n39 Shumaker, Prop. Aph, pp. 62-64; Clulee, p. 31. In the Propaedeumata Aphoristica, Dee\nalso acknowledged the influence of Gerard Mercator, Gemma Frisius and Gaspara\nMirica.\n40 Shumaker, p. 53.\n41 Shumaker, p. 51. The provenance and form of Dee's mirror is discussed by Clulee,\np. 262: n. 120.\n42 Shumaker, p. 67.\nAphorism LII\nIf you were skilled in \"catoptrics\" you would be able, by art, to imprint the\nrays of any star much more strongly upon any matter subjected to it than\nnature itself does. This, indeed , was by far the largest part of the natural\nphilosophy of the ancient wise men. And this secret is not of much less\nthe philosophers , called inferior,\ndignity than the very august astronomy ofcertain\nMonad 43\nwhose symbols ... [are] ... enclosed in a\nAccording to Dee, mirrors could imitate planetary influences, increasing\nand decreasing the intensity oftheir radiations catoptrically and imprinting their influences on matter and magical gems.44 In these statements,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\ncorpus with its astrology, the Rosarium, Dee's catoptrical theories and\nKhunrath's De Igne Magorum all produce the impression that celestial rays\nwere, indeed, being employed by alchemists to \"animate\" their materials.\nIn De Igne Magorum, as well as citing Paracelsus and the medieval\ncorpus , Khunrath also refers to the \"twelve books\" of Giambattista della\nPorta's Magia Naturalis, referring, thereby, to the enlarged second edition\nof 1589 (De Igne: 94). Other authorities mentioned in his account of the\nastral fires and catoptrics include Hermolaus Barbarus in Corollario super\nDioscorides ubi de Aquis in Commune (De Igne: 90), Trithemius in the Aureum\nvellus (De Igne: 94), Joannes Pontanus and Penotus's letter to Joannes Bartholomeus Burggravius (De Igne: 96, 103).\nThe most immediate influence of Khunrath's alchemical catoptrics\nwas on Stefan Michelspacher's Cabala, Spiegel der Kunst und Natur (Augsburg, 1615-1616), consisting of four engravings which represent mirrors]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21,22\nlibriArchidoxis and vol. 12, pp. 1-444, Astronomia Magna, as well as vol. 12, pp. 503-5, Ars\nsignatoria.Another central Paracelsian text concerning the influence ofthe stars on a long\nand healthy life is De vita longa, Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 221-48 (German text), 249-92 (Latin\nversion). The standard authority on the Paracelsian system is Walter Pagel, Paracelsus\n(Basel: Karger, 1982), see pp. 64-71.\n13 E. J. Holmyard, \"The Emerald Table\", Nature (1923): 525-26; Robert Steele and\nDorothea Waley Singer, \"The Emerald Table\", Proceedings ofthe Royal Society ofMedicine, 21\n(1928): 41-57. For an account of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy see Frick, Die\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 72-88.\n16\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwho developed the full procedure in the seventh century. 14 In Arabic and\nmedieval European alchemy, the Emerald Table came to be regarded as a\nmetaphor ofthe circular process of distillation in which the volatile spirits]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nIoyne your elementis Musicallye,\nFor ij causis: one is for melodye\nwhiche theire accordis wil make to your mynde\nThe trewe effecte when that ye shalle fynde;\nAnd al-so for like Dyapason,\nwith diapente & withdiatesseron,\nwith ypate ypaton & lekanos Muse(d),\nwith accordis which in musike de (used),\nwith theire proporcions cawsen Armonye,\nMuch like proporcions be in Alchymye ...\nWith astrologie ioyn Elementis also,\nTo fortune theire worchingis as thei go; ...\nAnd science perspectyfe gevith grete euydence\nTo al the mynysters of this science;\n(British Library MS Add. 10, 302)42\nNorton also emphasised the importance of astrology in alchemical work.\nA copy of his Ordinal in British Library MS 10. 302 (circa 1490) includes\na diagram of astrological calculations (f. 67v).\nIn the late fourteenth century another important theoretical interrelation between astrology and alchemy was developed in the work of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nparticular image was taken from the Rosarium, in which the analogy of\nthe sun and its shadow appears in its account of the illumination ofthe\nalchemical substance by the sun.\nThe use of catoptrical mirrors as a source of heat is described in\nEmblem XXIII where Maier explains the manner in which celestial influences are transmitted to the earth by the sun's rays (fig. 40). The\nillustration shows the alchemist, clad in the martial robes of Mars, splitting the head of Saturn to release the form of Pallas Athena. In the\nbackground appears a statue of the Apollo of Rhodes, whose head is\nencircled by an aureole of light. Meanwhile, on the right of the picture\nthe sun-god engages in sexual dalliance with Venus, while storm clouds\nshower rays of coins. The conjunction ofthe sun and Venus is a catoptrical hieroglyph in which the sun's rays are caught by a mirror (the emblem of Venus). Maier's commentary explains the meaning of the image\nas being related to the use of catoptrics.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44\nthe heavenly and the human spheres. 18 According to Szonyi, Ficino's\ntalismanic models in De Triplic Vitae were a direct source for Dee's Monas\nand his concept of an astronomical alchemy. Szonyi has indicated the\nsimilarity between Ficino's and Dee's astral magic, in particular, their\nconcept ofthe seven planets being grouped in two distinct families, thus,\nenabling the play of conjunctions and oppositions between the various\nmembers of the two alliances. There are also, as Szonyi demonstrates,\ncorrespondences between the numerology employed by Ficino in his\ncommentary on Book VII of Plato's Republic and Dee's geometrical\nnumerology in the Monas Hieroglyphica. Ficino's deployment of the concepts of squaring and triangulating planetary influences also re-appears\nin Dee's cabbalistic system. Moreover, Dee, like Ficino, uses the numer-\n14 For Dee's sources see R&W Reuchlin 1043, B25; Postel 1619, 1622, 1623, D18;]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nSzonyi, on the other hand, has considered a more immediate source\nfor Dee's astral rituals and sympathetic magic in Renaissance neoplatonism and hermeticism. Initially, he had located Dee's interests in the context ofAgrippan and Paracelsian astrology, but more recently he has put\na case for a direct line ofinfluence from Ficino's astral magic. He has also\ncontextualised Dee's magical cryptograms within the Renaissance quest\nfor the primal language.2 In the late Renaissance, an interest in magical\ncyphers, engraved gems, \"angelic\" languages, astrological sigils and ritual\nincantation formed a current of major intellectual significance. Agrippa's\nmagical inscriptions were modelled on the cryptographs of the German\nhumanist Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). His popular Steganographia\n(1518) was circulated widely in manuscript and it reached John Dee who\nhad copies ofit, among other works by Trithemius.3 Agrippa also revived]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=28\nPages: 28,29\nspiritual and practical function. Basing his ideas on Empedocles' concept\nofthe inner fire of the eye, Plato in the Theaetetus (153e, 156a-e) stated\nthat the fire within the eye produces a light which unites with the sun's\nrays to form a single body of light. In contrast, an empirical interpretation ofhuman vision was produced by Euclid in his treatise on optics, but\nhe continued to believe, like Plato, that there existed a visual ray in the\nHis theories are recorded in extant fragments and also by some ofhis followers such\nas Theophrastus in De sensu, see W. K. C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy, 2 (Cambridge\n1965), pp. 234-38.\n2 LeffUP,( 1968).\n3 Clulee, pp. 39-73. See also Garin (1976) for an account ofmedieval astrology.\n4 F. M. Cornford, Plato's Cosmology (London, 1948), p. 155; Vasco Ronchi, TheNatureof\nLight (London: Heinemann, 1970), pp. 5-7.\nCHAPTER THREE\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29,30\n13 M. D. Lambert, Medieval heresy (London: E. Arnold, 1977); Geo Widengren,Maniand\nManicheism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965).\n53.14 F. C. Copleston, A History ofMedieval Philosophy (London; Methuen, 1980), pp. 35, 52-\n32\nCHAPTER THREE\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\ncosmogony of light and darkness. Christ was occasionally given the Mithraic title of \"Sol Invictus\".15 Similarly, contemporary late Alexandrian\nneoplatonists and hermeticists identified the sun withthe divine firstprinciple. Thus, Asclepius had regarded the sun as the transmitter of God's\nbeneficence to the earth, nullifying the effects of the negative demonic\npowers.16 Subsequently, the neoplatonist Pseudo-Dionysos the Aeropagite propagated a Christian image of the sun as representing the quality of\nGod's Divine Intelligence.17\nIn the seventh century, Isidore of Seville integrated Christian and\nneoplatonic conceptions ofthe sun with those ofnaturalphilosophyin his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\ncone oflight.\nIn the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee had emphasised the theurgic power of the centric-rays emitted by the celestial spheres, which could be\n43 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n44 Fludd, \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim: J.T. de Bry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, pp.\n58, 64.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n165\ndeployed by the astronomer using catoptrical apparatus.\"45 Hence, in\nMaier's emblem the centric axis passing through the egg to the vanishing-point symbolises the transmutatory effects of the celestial influences\nand it alludes to the use of catoptrics. Maier states in his commentary on\nthe emblem that the aim of human life is to pass from a vegetable existence in the womb to the more perfect light of the macrocosm , just as\nwhen an egg is \"killed\" it attains the higher form ofa bird. This imagery\nalso refers to sexual impregnation which generates new life.46 The alchemical male and female principles may die in their old forms, but,]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\npractical function of a specific visual image. Hence, pseudo-Lullian diagrams, as mobile computers, are indexical (figs. 4-7), whereas Pantheus'\nstatic, neo-Lullian structure is merely symbolic (fig. 8).\nIn this sense,John Dee's mobile cypher of the Monas is the epitome of\nthe visual index (figs. 17, 18), perhaps influencing Khunrath's artist, Jan\nVredeman de Vries, to create a more complex version of its metonymic\nstructure (frontispiece). Some of Fludd's cosmological depictions also\nhave indexical qualities, although his illustrations are difficult to categorise, since an image may involve several different types ofsemiotic mode\n(figs. 44-50). At first glance, Fludd's diagrams appear to be symbolic\n(merely illustrating his text), but, in fact, they also have an iconic aspect,\nsince they can be isolated from their textual context while retaining most\noftheir meaning. In addition, as indexical generators of a contemplative]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nThe second major difference between early and late sixteenth century\nalchemical illustrations was that the later imagery could stand independently of the text of the treatise, as seems to have been the case with\nKhunrath's pictures. In other words, imagery of this type was able to\ncommunicate in either an iconic, or an indexical, form. In both Khunrath's and Fludd's pictures, however, there was some textual content\nwithin the image, helping it to stand freely from the rest of the book. On\nthe other hand, other Paracelsian imagery often has little, or no text,\nsuch as Michelspacher's engravings in his Cabala. Whether they contained literary signifiers or not, Paracelsian alchemical engravings were\nintended to be theosophies , that is, they were meant to promote prolonged contemplation leading to \"gnosis\", a wisdom inspired by the\nheavens. The pictures are dense and involved in their iconographical\nprogrammes since they are designed to hold the viewer's attention for a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",\nwhereby it delivers all of its information to the interpretant synchronically. Hence, it requires a broader range of semiotic strategies to correlate\nthe various paradigmatic levels of meaning. The written text, in contrast,\nis deciphered by the reader in a diachronic sequence and, hence, it is far\nmore dictatorial towards its interpretant than the visual artefact. Consequently, alchemical illustrators , like other Renaissance artists, capitalised\non thefactthat the synchronic reading of a visual text caused ambiguities\nto arise in the reception of its meaning. An additional semiotic difference\nbetween visual and literary texts is that visual imagery may be symbolic,\niconic or indexical, but most literary texts can only be symbolic. It is rare,\nin fact, to encounter a linguistic metonymic or indexical structure, although the compilers ofRenaissance grimoires struggled to produce such]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the\nvisual components of an alchemical treatise. Moreover, certain types of\nalchemical illustration are capable of functioning almost entirely as a\nvisual text, that is, as metonymic, or indexical, structures, as in the case of\none of Khunrath's illustrations (frontispiece). In such metonymic visual\nimages there is an implied physical continuity between the world ofthe\nviewer and that of the picture. In these instances, the reception of the\npicture's message does not need to be deferred until it can be decoded in\na linguistic form. In such sophisticated metonymic-indexical images the\nvisual structure is the essence ofthe meaning communicated to the viewer. This indexical quality of an image is not necessarily dependent onthe\nartist's use of naturalistic motifs (as Peirce had pointed out), since diagrammatic structures may also be indexical. It is more a question ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed\n\"iconic\", since they signify irrational concepts such as the \"union of opposites\", for example, offire with water. While this identification may be\ncorrect in the case of pre-Renaissance alchemical visual signs which are\nnot particularly \"realistic\" in their style of drawing (figs . 9, 10), this is not\napplicable to alchemical illustration from the late sixteenth century onwards when an irrational idea may be represented by naturalistic human\nfigures, as in examples from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (figs. 40, 41). In this\ncase, the realistic aesthetic of the Renaissance artist has started to transform an iconic signifier into an index. This issue has never been remarked by the few iconologists who have studied alchemical imagery,\nnonetheless, it is extremely important since stylistic differences in the\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\nthe iconographic tradition ofMelancholia, as do the musical instruments\non the table, designating the Pythagorean musical structure of the cosmos. In addition, the books on the altar within the tabernacle-tent depict\ngeometrical forms. De Vries, however, employs the devices of geometricised space with a more radical intention than that of Saturnian symbology. The spatial structure is a means whereby he can establish an indexical relationship between the viewer's physical world and that of the\npicture, enabling the viewer to enter the alchemist's laboratory and to\nparticipate in his work.\nIn the illustration, the hall is divided from a bedroom at the far-end by\na screen with a open door, above which appears a maxim stating \"dormiens vigila\" (while sleeping, be vigilant). The hall is lit by windows in the\nright-hand wall, with flasks and glass-vessels standing on the window-sills,\nwhile a fire-place against the wall on the right is loaded with yet more]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14,15\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:\nmonism and dualism\" in Didier Kahn, Sylvain Matton, Alchimie: art, histoire et mythes (Paris;\nMilan, 1995), pp. 249-63.\n2 Goldberg (1976).\n2\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nthe illusionistic world of the picture. In Peirce's semiotic system, he has\ndistinguished an indexical sign from a \"symbol\" , which has an arbitrary\nvisual appearance unrelated to its conceptual content and, therefore, can\nonly convey a meaning within a specific context for a particular interpretant. Peirce also differentiated an indexical sign from an \"icon\" which,\nhe stated, \"would possess the character which renders it significant, even\nthough its object had no existence\". According to this definition , it\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10,11\nXIV\nXV\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\nmodel can be amplified by taking additional recourse to Peirce's semiotic\ntaxonomy of three types ofsign, namely, those of symbol, icon and index.\nFirst, however, it is necessary to understand the original intentions behind the development of the single-point perspective system during the\nearly Renaissance.11\nThe geometrical theory of this spatial system was first expressed by\nLeone Battista Alberti in his treatise on painting, De Pictura (Florence,\n1435).12 He had explained that the orthogonal lines of any architecture\nillustrated by the artist should be drawn as if they were running into the\npicture to meet in a single vanishing-point. In accordance with this new\npictorial convention, in many fifteenth-century Florentine paintings ofan\ninterior scene the floor would be drawn in a chequer-board pattern to\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In\nfact, Peirce devised a taxonomy of hybrid signs to describe the vacillations of such unstable significatory orders.\nFollowing his general approach, the present author would make only\none proposition which is that many late Renaissance alchemical signs\nincline towards the indexical mode. In other words, alchemical visual\nsemiosis from the late sixteenth century is deliberately \" contaminated\"\nnot, as Jung believed, by the collective unconscious of a society,5 but by\nthe viewer's imminent physical reality. Thus, the alchemical imagery\nunder present consideration does not merely copy, it also restructures the\nphysical world by forcing a continuum between the viewer's space and\nthat of the picture.\nPeirce defined the index as\nA sign, or representation, which refers to its object not so much because of\nany similarity or analogy with it, nor because it is associated with general]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\nattack. Drawing on Gombrich's distinction between\nrevelatory and didactic images, as in Szonyi's useful argument,38 the 1595 engravings\ncould be defined as being revelatory cosmograms, while the 1602 imagery are primarily didactic narratives, although they also have a revelatory\naspect in their mystical intensity. Furthermore, the aerial view of the\nlandscape in many of the 1602 scenes, particularly in that ofthe \"Porta\nAmphiteatri Sapientiae\", not only produces a narrative, didactic sequence, it also creates an imaginative space into which the viewer seems\nto be absorbed.39 Hence, the panoramic aspect of some of the 1602\nimages in the Amphiteatrum, is an indexical device capturing the spectator\nwithin their discourse (figs. 29, 31), although the picture of the \"calumniatores\" is a purely didactic image since this was, indeed, its sole purpose\n(fig. 35).\nThe discourse of the enlightened mage, however, commences earlier]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nnaturalism and abstraction in an image produces an ambiguous space.\nRenaissance imagery whose discursive programme inter-relates alchemy to optical theory may have been an attempt to produce a visual\nmetonym, or, in Peirce's terms, an indexical affinity between reality and\n1 Gyorgy Szonyi, \"The Powerful Image: Towards a Typology of Occult Symbolism\",\nEuropean Iconography East and West (Leiden: Brill, 1996), pp. 250-63. See also Szonyi, \"Ars\nSintrilla\"in Clucas (ed), John Dee (1999), passim and his paper, \"Architectural Symbolism\nand Fantasy Landscapes in Alchemical and Occult Discourse: Revelatory Images', Glasgow Emblem Studies, 3 (University of Glasgow, 1998), pp. 49-69. Other attempts to analyse\nalchemical imagery in structuralist terms were Urszula Szulakowska, \"Geometry and\nOptics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\", Cauda Pavonis, n.s. 14, 1 (1995): 1-12 and\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nparticipation in Michelspacher's visions, he was (perhaps) transformed,\nlike base matter, into spiritual gold. Effectively, alchemical illustration in\nthe seventeenth century was usurping the transmutatory function of the\nphilosopher's stone. The sophisticated graphic repertoire of Renaissance\nartists enabled them to manipulate the semantics of their pictorial elements , producing imagery which could induce meditative, or visionary,\nstates in their viewers, uniting them with the depicted visions.\nAt least, this seems to have been the general aim. From this point of\nview, most late Renaissance alchemical illustrations could be interpreted\nas being indexical in their intention. The origins of this persuasive illustrative enterprise can be found in the late fourteenth century, as willbe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,\nsuch as Piaget's structuralism, as well as the post-structuralist critiques of\nBarthes, Foucault and Derrida, although this selection by no means exhausts the possible critical methods for the study of alchemical imagery.\nSzonyi is one of the very few scholars who, at this time, has provided a\nstructuralist analysis of alchemical illustration in his investigation ofmandalic structures in alchemical engravings of the seventeenth century, as\nwell as in his semantic study ofJohn Dee's theurgy.\nIn the case of late sixteenth century imagery involving optical diagrams , perspectival geometry and architectural designs there are some\nparticularly difficult problems of interpretation (frontispiece and figs. 23,\n30, 41), for, as Goldberg has demonstrated, the stylistic conflict between\nnaturalism and abstraction in an image produces an ambiguous space.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d'\nOptique\" depict a long depth-of-field, as well as strong contrasts oflight\nand shadow in the foreground. Thus, by means of catoptrics de Vries\ncould have been attempting to produce an unbroken spatial (indexical)\ncontinuum between the physical world and the illustration. For that very\npurpose Alberti in his De Pictura (1435) had originally introduced the\ndevice of single-point space into painting, in order to blur the division\nbetween imagination and reality. Alberti's spatial geometry was primarily\na rhetorical device designed to slip a message effortlessly pastthe viewer's\nobjective judgement. According to Obrist, the medieval alchemists had\nprovided visual depictions oftheir ideas with the same intention of confusing the viewer's sense of reality.54 Paracelsus had also considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,17\npp. 109-32. See also Szonyi \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim. For a related issue see Gyorgy\nSzonyi, \" \"O Worke Divine\": The Iconography and Intellectual Background ofAlma's\nHouse in The Faerie Queene\", Shakespeare and the Emblem (Szeged, 1984), pp. 353-94.\n5\n12 See Szonyi, \"Ars Scintrilla\" (1999), passim, and Clucas, \"Non est legendum\" (1998),\npassim, for accounts of Dee's theurgic practices.\n6\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\n1598 and his rich series of illustrations may also have been designed at\nthe same time.13The proto-type for these Paracelsian idexical images was\nJohn Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica, which appears to be considerably simpler in its form than Khunrath's, or Fludd's, pictorial devices. Nevertheless, it was even more complex in the manner ofits operation. Dee stated\nthat his Monas had been devised in circa 1558, for it is discussed in\nAphorism LXXVII of the Propaedeumata Aphoristica and its image certainly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\noftheir meaning. In addition, as indexical generators of a contemplative\ntype of alchemy, some of Fludd's pictures were meant to integrate the\nviewer into their imaginary world, causing a spiritual and intellectual\nalchemy to ocurr in the moment of viewing the image (fig. 50).\nThere was a similar intention underlying many other seventeenth century alchemical illustrations, whose ever-increasing complexity of structure was designed for lengthy perusal, eventually eliminating the physical\naspects of alchemy altogether. Michelspacher's Cabala (Augsburg, 16151616) is one of the earliest of these imaginative alchemies , luring the\nviewer through the glass ofhis four fiery and jewel-like \"mirrors\" into the\nhigher intellectual and spiritual realms of the alchemical discourse (fig.\n23). When the viewer emerged from the trance-like state induced by\nparticipation in Michelspacher's visions, he was (perhaps) transformed,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nDee probably ends, since Dorn's geometry contrasts with Dee's in several\nimportant respects. The prime difference is that Dorn's structures are\nconventional Euclidean symbols, rather than hieroglyphs, nor does he\nemploy cabbalism. Thus, in semiotic terms Dorn's geometrical signs do\nnot reify their conceptual content, functioning instead as a metaphorical\nsystem which represents practical alchemy by means of abstract signifiers.\nThere is a closer comparison between Dorn's system and that of other\nmetaphysical geometers in the early seventeenth century, such as Fortunatus of Padua who used Euclidean theorems to prove the truth ofthe\nChristian faith.41 In contrast, Dee believed that the operation of his\nMonas was contiguous with reality (a metonymic, or indexical relationship), asserting that the manipulation of the Monas was practical alchemy, rather than its symbolic substitute. By means of the universal language of cabbalism, Dee thought that he had created a uniquely potent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nalchemy may have been related to that ofreligious Christian imagery, as\na sympathetic magic drawing the viewer into the presence of God (frontispiece). Alberti in De Pictura had been interested in the use ofrhetorical\ndevices in painting and he had modelled his pictorial system on the\npersuasive techniques of Cicero and Quintillian. Hence, Alberti's perspectival construction aimed to promote such an effective illusion of reality that the viewer, automatically convinced by the visual text, would\nsurrender his resistance to its implications.17\nTaking the present analysis still deeper into the field ofsemiotics, the\nsignificatory mode of single-point perspective can be defined as that of\nthe metonym, or index, in Peirce's terms.18 As a signifying mode, this\ntype of space was intended to persuade the viewer that physical reality\ncontinued into the picture, progressing, in the case of Khunrath's engraving, to its culmination in the eye of God (frontispiece). In alchemical]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nuniversities. In contrast, Khunrath's work was written primarily for a\npietistic, local German community, while Fludd addressed a learned, international audience of natural philosophers and theologians.\nMichael Maier (1568-1622), as a Palatine count, moved among a leisured group of educated aristocrats, accustomed to the visual spectacle\nand musical entertainments of the court. These determined the style in\nwhich he presented his ideas, since he modelled his work on the aristocratic pastimes of his age including the private theatre ofthe court. For\nexample, the Atalanta Fugiens takes the form of a masque, with stage sets\ndisplaying scenes from classical mythology, accompanied by a musical\nscore. His other treatises are also intended to instruct by means ofentertaining devices, such as the anecdotal accounts of important alchemists in\nthe Symbola Aureae Mensae, while the Cantilenae Intellectuales employs an\nexpressive, lyrical mode. Maier structured his alchemical theory mainly]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90,91\n(1979): 1ff. Maier's Rose is found in British Library MS Royal 14B XVI. See also Ron\nHeisler, \"Michael Maier and England\", The HermeticJournal (1989): 119-25.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\npublish a supportive commentary on the Rosicrucian Manifestos in his\nThemis Aurea ( 1618).\nThe internal evidence of Maier's treatises indicates that, during his\nstay in England, he had been influenced by the Paracelsian alchemy of\nRobert Fludd. Although there exists no documented evidence of their\ndirect connection, they could have encountered each other in the same\ncourt circles. Yates has even suggested that Maier in 1616 transported\nthe manuscripts of Fludd's Utriusque Cosmi Historia to the publisher,\nJohann Theodore de Bry, in Oppenheim.3 Moreover, the meteorological\ntheory and imagery of Maier's Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt : Luca Jennis, 1620) is related to that of Fludd in his \"Microcosm\" (UCH, 1619).*]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nexpressive, lyrical mode. Maier structured his alchemical theory mainly\nin the form of stories for a courtly audience.\nAlthough Maier was himself a member of the central European aristocracy, he had trained as a physician and was employed at the courtof\nRudolph II in Prague. He subsequently travelled around Germany and\nHolland, arriving in England in early 1612 where he was similarly attached to the highest court circles, until his departure for Bohemia in\n1618. There exists a Christmas card addressed to James I and to Henry,\nPrince of Wales, in which the greeting has been constructed by Maier in\nthe shape of a rose. It has been cited by Adam McLean as evidence of\nMaier's Rosicrucian convictions.2 He was, in fact, among the first to\nFor Maier's biography see J. B. Craven, Count Michael Maier (Kirkwall, 1910).\n2 Adam McLean, \"A Rosicrucian Manuscript of Michael Maier\", The HermeticJournal\n(1979): 1ff. Maier's Rose is found in British Library MS Royal 14B XVI. See also Ron]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and\nKhunrath's pietistic discourse revolutionised the Paracelsian system ofhis\nUtriusque Cosmi ... Historia in its last volume, the \" Microcosm\" (1621). Its\nfervent cabbalistic Christology, and its transposition into a medical context, recalls Khunrath's embattled polemic twenty years earlier.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S\nALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nThe classical erudition of Michael Maier's alchemical treatises are a\nworld apart from the passionate intensity of Khunrath's embattled theosophy. Maier's main source for his alchemical symbolism was classical\nlegend, while his impeccable literary style is modelled on the best ancient\nauthorities. His work, in fact, emerges from the context of courtly humanism, rather than out of the academic discourses of the Protestant\nuniversities. In contrast, Khunrath's work was written primarily for a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=115\nPages: 115\n229\nSapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 36 Domenico Veneziano, Annunciation, Cambridge Fitzwilliam\n230\nMuseum (mid 15th-C Florentine).\nfig. 37 Michael Maier, catoptrical reflection of the sun in the\nmirror of the moon, Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca\n230\nJennis, 1620), p. 31.\nfig. 38 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry,\n231\n1619), Emblem XXI.\n231\nfig. 39 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XLV.\n232\nfig. 40 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII.\n232\nfig. 41 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem VIII.\nfig. 42 Robert Fludd, \"Theatrum Orbi\", Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia,\n2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I,\n233\np. 55.\nHistoria,\nfig. 43 Robert Fludd , secondary stages, Utriusque Cosmi ....\n2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract.\n234\nI, pp. 58, 64.\nfig. 44 Robert Fludd, formal and material cones oflight, Utriusque\nCosmi ... Historia , 2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim : J. T. de Bry,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nexistere, cuius millesima et interior pars sit formalis et agens, reliquae materiales et\nformatus\".\n7 Maier (1616) , p. 14: \"hinc Centrum seu formam (quae est sulfur rubeum et coagulatum)\nCirculo, Auro ... tanquam superficiei, suam essentiam puram et denomidedisse\".\nnationemin hoc\n8 Maier (1616), pp. 14-15: \"Adhaec Circulum Aurum\nquia ut in rotario opere\ntextorum observamus, stamino ex centro duci recta, diximus,\nsuperqua subtegmina circumgyrantur contiguem, donec sphaerica figura ... introducta sit, sic in auro forma ipse\nmateriae ex materiae sinu simul semelque intertexitur\".\n9 See also Szonyi (1984), pp. 373-74, on Edmund Spenser's use ofthe same concept in\nthe Faerie Queene.\n10 Michael Maier, Tripus Aureus (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1618), p. 407.\nMichael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens (1618) pp. 92-95. On p. 93 the text reads: \"Fac ex\nmasculine et foemina circulum, inde quadrangulum, fac circulum et habebis lapis Philosophorum.\nEpigramma XXI]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92,93\ndiscussed the philosophical implications of Maier's Pythagorean score,\nalthough Streich made an important point in her brief mention of the\n18 Joscelyn Godwin, Atalanta Fugiens. An Edition of the Fugues, Emblems and Epigrams\n(Phanes Press, 1989), p. 13. See also the less extensive references to Maier's composition\nin H. M. E de Jong, Michael Maier's \"Atalanta Fugiens\" (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), pp. 3ff\nand passim.\n19 Godwin, p. 14.\n20 Streich in Godwin (ed), Atalanta Fugiens , p. 27.\n21 Streich, p. 43.\n22 Streich, p. 61 .\n23 See also the discussion in Christoph Meinel, Alchemie und Musik, (Wiesbaden: Herzog\nAugust Bibliothek, 1986), pp. 201-27.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nfact that in certain parts of the fugues the fifth interval defines the structure ofthe composition and that it represents the sun (the golden apple).\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=129\nPages: 129,130\nILLUSTRATIONS\n230\n231\nFig. 36 Domenico Veneziano, Annunciation, Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum\n(mid 15th-C Florentine). (by permission ofthe Fitzwilliam Museum)\nPRIMA DIES: DE COLLO IT ELEM. 31\nFig. 38 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Emblem\nXXI. (bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\nSOL\nVNAT\nIN\nDRACONIS\nLVNA\nTCAVDAM\nFERENS\nCAPVT ET\nmoon,\nFig. 37 Michael Maier, catoptrical reflection ofthe sun in the mirror of theWellcome\nSeptimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1620), p. 31. (by permission ofthe\nInstitute Library, London)\nFig. 39 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XLV. (by permission ofthe Bodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\n232\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n233\nFig. 40 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII. (by permission ofthe Bodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\n33301\nFig. 42 Robert Fludd, \"Theatrum Orbi\", Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, 2, \"Microcosm\"]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94,95\n1983),\npassim.\n30 Adam McLean (ed), Salomon Trismosin. Splendor Solis (Phanes Press, 1991), pp. 7-9.\nMcLean notes that the earliest\nof this treatise date from circa 1532-5.\n31 McLean, Trismosin. Splendormanuscripts\nSolis (1991), p. 8.\n161\n32 Onthepseudo-Lullian corpus see Pereira (1989), pp. 22-25. For medieval aspects of\nMaier's theory see the examples in Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, pp. 14-15, 46, 64-67, 77-78.\n33 Translation by de Jong: Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII, pp. 100-3.\n34 See also Maier (1618), p. 46.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nwall, with a vanishing-point set at the edge of the picture rather than in\nthe centre as in Emblem VIII.\nThe subject ofthis illustration is the impregnation of base matter by\nthe seed ofgold carried in the sun's rays, as explained in the commentary\n(Maier 1618: 42-43). In the picture, these solar forces are signified by the\nperspectival structure of the tunnel. De Jong has compared the egg in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nillustration to Emblem XXI of the Atalanta Fugiens where a geometrical\ndiagram incorporates additional male and female figures (fig. 38).11\n154\n3 Yates (1986), pp. 80-90.\nMichael Maier, Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1620), pp. 34 ff, \"De\nMeteoris\", see frontispiece and illustration on p. 31.\n5 Maier (1616), p. 6:\nUtque Deus Soli, Sol auro, denique cordi\ndat, et hoc verso respicit orbe Deum:\nVim\nOmnia ab hoc et ad hunc mortalia conditatendunt,\nCirculus hic, quicquid constat ubique, replet\nDee uses the same idea see Shumaker, pp. 158-61.\n155\n6 Maier (1616) , p. 13: \"Hic est ille Circulus Physicis, quem si natura circumgyratione\nsui absolverit, merito quiescit: cum post motum quies appetatur ab omnibus\n... De qua\nloquendi ratione si quisquam dubitet, nodum, quod aiunt, Pythagoras ... illud esse\nCirculum, cuius centrum sit circumferentiae innatum, hoc est, homogeneam substantiam.\nexistere, cuius millesima et interior pars sit formalis et agens, reliquae materiales et]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=108\nPages: 108\nOppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1617; 1618 .\nMaier, Michael, Tripus Aureus, Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1618,\nMaier, Michael, Septimana Philosophica que Aenigmata Aureola, Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1620.\nMellon Collection, Alchemy and the Occult. The Collection ofPaul and Mary Mellon, 3,\nUniversity Press, 1977. Edited by\nManuscripts 1225-1671, New Haven: Yale\nLawrence C. Witten II and Richard Pachella.\nMichelspacher, Stefan, Cabala, Speculum Artis et Naturae in Alchymia, Augsburg:\nAndreas Erffurt, 1654.\nPolyhistoria\nMollerus, Johannes, \"Homonymoscopos\" in Daniel Georg Morhof, commentarii\n,\nliterarus, philosophicus et practicus sive de notititia auctorum et rerum\nedition\n.\nLubeck: Petrus Boeckmann, 1747, fourth\nMylius, Daniel Johann , Opus Medico- Chymicum, Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1618.\nMylius, Daniel Johann , Philosophia Reformata, Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1622.\nMylius, Daniel Johann, Chymica: Basilica philosophia, Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1622.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=110\nPages: 110\nConceptual Art\", The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism , 35, (1976): 153-68..\nGorman, Peter, Pythagoras. A Life, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979.\nGrossinger (ed), Richard, The Alchemical Tradition in the late Twentieth Century, California: North Atlantic Books , 1979.\nGuthrie, W. K. C., A History of Greek Philosophy, 2, The Presocratic Traditionfrom\nParmenides to Democritus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.\nHartlaub, G. F., Der Stein der Weisen, Wesen und Bildwelt, Munich, 1959.\nHartshorne, Charles and Paul Weiss, Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932.\nHeisler, Ron, \"Michael Maier and England\", The HermeticJournal(1989): 119-25.\nHersey, G. L., Pythagorean Palaces, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976.\nHolmyard, E. J., \"The Emerald Table\", Nature (1923): 525-26.\nHopper, Vincent Foster, Medieval Number Symbolism, New York: Columbia University Press, 1938.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\ncone oflight.\nIn the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee had emphasised the theurgic power of the centric-rays emitted by the celestial spheres, which could be\n43 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n44 Fludd, \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim: J.T. de Bry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, pp.\n58, 64.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n165\ndeployed by the astronomer using catoptrical apparatus.\"45 Hence, in\nMaier's emblem the centric axis passing through the egg to the vanishing-point symbolises the transmutatory effects of the celestial influences\nand it alludes to the use of catoptrics. Maier states in his commentary on\nthe emblem that the aim of human life is to pass from a vegetable existence in the womb to the more perfect light of the macrocosm , just as\nwhen an egg is \"killed\" it attains the higher form ofa bird. This imagery\nalso refers to sexual impregnation which generates new life.46 The alchemical male and female principles may die in their old forms, but,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nhis alchemical medicines did not work and, therefore, he was of no value\nto Andreae's most sacred concern, that ofthe public good. Hence, in this\nsatire, he was accusing Khunrath not of heresy, but ofstupidity. In short,\nKhunrath had failed to redirect the impacted, conceptual signifiers of\nhermeticism into an unequivocal pietistic context like that of Arndt. As a\nresult, his alchemical system had collapsed into the common pool of\npopular occultism.\nDespite Andreae's lack of enthusiasm for Khunrath's theosophical alchemy, it provided the inspiration for two ofthe earliest and most enthusiastic advocates of the Rosicrucian Brotherhood, Michael Maier and\nRobert Fludd. The influence on Maier was restricted to specific motifs\nchosen mostly from Khunrath's graphic repertoire, since Maier's pietism\nwas muted and indirectly expressed and he did not make extensive use of\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\n15 Maier (1616), p. 24: \"Ita ab auro res precio et aestimationi subjacentes aequaliter\ndistant, hoc est, Geometrica proportione, vel, si movis\nArithmetica omnes ab uno auro determinentur, earumque valor\".\n16 Maier (1616), pp. 26-27: \"Color in auro non pallidus est ... sed Citrinus, qui ex\nrubeo et albo, mixte inter se proportionibiliter generatur, utpote medios inter extremos,\nnigrum et album. Hic enim ut nimis dispergit visivam virtutem et ille in arctum contrahit,\nsic Citrinus color oculorum aerem, quemadmodum et viridis, reficit, in mediocritate\nconservat et delectat\"..\n17 Sylvain Matton and Jacques Rebotier, La Musique des Cantilenae Intellectuales (Alencon:\nJ-C Bailly, 1984), passim.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n157\n457\nconceptual art-work, rather than as a practical score to be used in a real\nperformance. His musical forms were based on those of the \"cantus firmus\" of Gregorian chants, although he provided only three voice-parts,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93,94\nin Allen, Ficino's Nuptial Arithmetic (1994), p. 29.\n159\n25 Peter J. Amman, \"The Musical Theory and Philosophy of Robert Fludd\", JWCI\n(1967): 198-227, esp 218-19.\n26 Yates ( 1969), pp.112-35.\n27 Yates (1986), pp. 9, 72.\n28 Yates (1969), pp. 70-77.\n160\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\ntion of two generations earlier , the background was depicted as ifit were\nrising up the page, rather than running into the distance at eye-level.\nAnother striking aspect of these early landscapes was the portrayal of\nmountains as large rocks, isolated in space. In the early seventeenth century, a new type of landscape had been developed by Rubens in Flanders\nwith a lower horizon and a broad, atmospheric effect in which the elevated landmarks were integrated coherently into the sweep of the landscape.29 In spite of these changes in pictorial style, they do not\nto\nhave affected the artists who worked for printing- houses such as seem\nde Bry.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=8\nPages: 8\npietism, scholars, such as Peuckert and Stoeffler, have acknowledged that\nan important contribution was made by radical theologians of the late\nsixteenth century, such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt, who\nwere influenced by Paracelsian cabbalism.2 Weigel and his followers began to produce their own interpretations of scripture in which the sacramental rituals of the Lutheran Church and its demands for political authority increasingly appeared superfluous and objectionable.\nMost historians have neglected the contribution of the alchemists to\nthese distinctive and revolutionary theological movements, at best mentioning in passing figures such as Heinrich Khunrath (1560-1605),\nMichael Maier (1568-1622) and Robert Fludd (1574-1637). Yet, their\nParacelsian- cabbalistic metaphysics of light revolutionised contemporary\nalchemical theory, even prompting its adepts to deploy the rays of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=109\nPages: 109\nCornford, F. M., Plato's Cosmology, London, 1937 (reprint 1948).\nCoudert, Allison, Alchemy: the philosopher's stone, London: Wildwood House, 1980,\nCraven, J. B., Count Michael Maier, Kirkwall, 1910.\nCrombie, Alistair C., Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimental Science, 11001700, Oxford, 1962.\nCumont. Franz, The Mysteries ofMithra, New York, 1956.\nDavies, Percival Vaughan, Macrobius the Saturnalia, New York: Columbia University Press, 1969.\nDebus, Allen G., \"The Paracelsian Aerial Niter\", Isis, 55 (1964): 43-46\nDebus, Allen G., The English Paracelsians, London: Oldbourne, 1965.\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n191\nDebus, Allen G., \"The Sun in the Universe ofRobert Fludd\" in ColloqueInternational organis\u00e9 par l'Institut pour l'\u00e9tude de la Renaissance et l'Humanisme del'Universit\u00e9\nde Bruxelles: Le Soleil \u00e0 la Renaissance, Science et Mythes, Brussels, 1965.\nDebus, Allen G., \"Renaissance Chemistry and the Work of Robert Fludd\",\nAmbix, 14 (1967): 42-59.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\nThis optical aspect of the illustration may be signified by its circular\nframe, whose significance was originally more pronounced in the Hamburg 1595 version, as is evidenced by the Basel copy of the treatise in\nwhich de Vries' illustration is surrounded by the text of the 1602 Isagoge\nradiating outwards like the spokes ofa wheel. This design has the appearance of an eye, the text forming the iris, with the picture itself as the\npupil. Such an interpretation would not be fanciful, since there existed\nproto-types for this \"eye of God\" format in Netherlandishpainting ofthe\nearly sixteenth century, such as Hieronymous Bosch's circular image of\nthe Seven Deadly Sins, in which a text warns the viewer \"Beware, beware,\nGod sees\".51 These refined allusions to optical theory are almost lost in\n47 Michael Maier, Symbola Aureae Mensae Duodecim Nationum (reprint Graz: Akademische\nDruck, 1972), Bk 11, p. 509.\n48 Andrew Weeks, Boehme (New York: State University ofNew York Press, 1991), quote]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=130\nPages: 130,131\n33301\nFig. 42 Robert Fludd, \"Theatrum Orbi\", Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, 2, \"Microcosm\"\n(Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I, p. 55. (by permission ofthe Bodleian Library,\nShlf. mk: L.1.1 (1,2) ART)\nFig. 41 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem VIII. (by permission of the Bodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\n234\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n.\n64\n,\n58\n.\npp\n,\nI\n.\nTract\n,\n)\n1619\nSphera\n,\nBry\nde\nT.\nJ.\n:\nOp enheim\nPyramidir\nfnI oigeR\nitroapuorqP itroporP\nirdauq\n.elpurdauq\n.esRitatil\na\ni\nd\ne\nm\no\ni\ng\n.sitaerc\nxe amerpus oigeR\n(\n\"\nMicrocosm\n\"\n,\n2\n,\nHistoria\n... )\nCosmi ART\n)\nUtriusque 1,2\n(\nL.1.1\n:\n,\nstages mk\n.\nShlf\nsecondary ,\nLibrary\n,\nFludd\nProportiones Premidi\n+ pe\nBodleian\nRobert the\nof\npermis ion\n43\n. by\nFig\n(\nMicrocosmus : tupaC\nhominntel\nis letus\n: xarohT\n.\nRatio. rationalium vi. Anim Elementarius retneV\nAnitalis\nma.Sph Spira ritus. Facultas\nMens\nta naturalisCorpus\nforma Ellis\nactite descriptio.\nvita]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19,20\nII\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY IN LATE MEDIEVAL\nAND EARLY RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\nAlchemical geometry in the Renaissance can be described as passive or\noperative, either using geometrical structures to organise information\ninto tabulations, circular formats or tree-like structures, or, as in the case\nofpseudo-Lullian alchemy, employing a mobile computational system.\nAnother, more complex, type of alchemical geometry emerged in the late\nsixteenth century, based on optical and perspectival diagrams which inter-related Pythagorean geometry, optical science, Paracelsian alchemy\nand cabbalism.\nBy the fifteenth century, European alchemists had several goals,\nnamely, chemical work on matter to remove its impurities, spiritual work\nto redeem their own souls and, finally, a practical medical purpose.3\nFrom the late fourteenth century they were also attempting to develop a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and\nKhunrath's pietistic discourse revolutionised the Paracelsian system ofhis\nUtriusque Cosmi ... Historia in its last volume, the \" Microcosm\" (1621). Its\nfervent cabbalistic Christology, and its transposition into a medical context, recalls Khunrath's embattled polemic twenty years earlier.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S\nALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nThe classical erudition of Michael Maier's alchemical treatises are a\nworld apart from the passionate intensity of Khunrath's embattled theosophy. Maier's main source for his alchemical symbolism was classical\nlegend, while his impeccable literary style is modelled on the best ancient\nauthorities. His work, in fact, emerges from the context of courtly humanism, rather than out of the academic discourses of the Protestant\nuniversities. In contrast, Khunrath's work was written primarily for a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\ncone oflight.\nIn the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee had emphasised the theurgic power of the centric-rays emitted by the celestial spheres, which could be\n43 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n44 Fludd, \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim: J.T. de Bry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, pp.\n58, 64.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n165\ndeployed by the astronomer using catoptrical apparatus.\"45 Hence, in\nMaier's emblem the centric axis passing through the egg to the vanishing-point symbolises the transmutatory effects of the celestial influences\nand it alludes to the use of catoptrics. Maier states in his commentary on\nthe emblem that the aim of human life is to pass from a vegetable existence in the womb to the more perfect light of the macrocosm , just as\nwhen an egg is \"killed\" it attains the higher form ofa bird. This imagery\nalso refers to sexual impregnation which generates new life.46 The alchemical male and female principles may die in their old forms, but,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93,94\nin Allen, Ficino's Nuptial Arithmetic (1994), p. 29.\n159\n25 Peter J. Amman, \"The Musical Theory and Philosophy of Robert Fludd\", JWCI\n(1967): 198-227, esp 218-19.\n26 Yates ( 1969), pp.112-35.\n27 Yates (1986), pp. 9, 72.\n28 Yates (1969), pp. 70-77.\n160\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\ntion of two generations earlier , the background was depicted as ifit were\nrising up the page, rather than running into the distance at eye-level.\nAnother striking aspect of these early landscapes was the portrayal of\nmountains as large rocks, isolated in space. In the early seventeenth century, a new type of landscape had been developed by Rubens in Flanders\nwith a lower horizon and a broad, atmospheric effect in which the elevated landmarks were integrated coherently into the sweep of the landscape.29 In spite of these changes in pictorial style, they do not\nto\nhave affected the artists who worked for printing- houses such as seem\nde Bry.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nfrom the vernacular into Latin and new ones were produced, with the\nfirst alchemical Lullian geometries appeaing in the 1430s to 1440s (figs.\n4-7).21 The original Lullian Art (invented in circa 1272) had been designed as a system of logic using visual computational figures.22 The\ndiagrams were intended to be cut from paper and constructed into a\nmobile calculator, fastened in the middle with string. The pseudoLullians, similarly, appropriated the Lullian tabulations which had recorded the computations of the letters of the alphabet and they also\nemployed Lullian tree diagrams. The alphabet performed a symbolic\nfunction representing the various objects of discourse, a device which\nLull had encountered in the cabbalistic alphabets of Abraham Abulafia\nin thirteenth century Spain.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\ncircle of time. By the late hellenistic period, alchemy was conceived as\nbeing a circular process which began with perfection (the origins ofmatter in God) and ended in perfection (the spiritualised matter produced by\nthe alchemist). Hence, the geometric form of the circle was the fundamental signifier of alchemy.\nAnother basic tenet of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy in the first\nChristian centuries was that of the unity and dynamic interaction between God and human, spirit and matter, heaven and earth, body and\nsoul. It was believed that God enacted his will on the earth through the\nagency of the stellar spheres and planets. In alchemy the inter-relationship ofspirit and matter was represented by the marriage ofthe Sun and\nthe Moon (spirit with matter), whose offspring was the philosopher's\nstone ofthe medieval alchemists. Its essential form was the perfect circle,\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=27\nPages: 27\n\"Revificatio\" which completes the making of the philosopher's stone and\nis signified by a picture of the soul returning to the bodyfrom heaven.56\nA common factor in all these alchemical theories, those of pseudoLull, Ripley, Norton and the Rosarium, is that the celestial virtue (occasionally related to the sun's rays) is often conceptualised by geometrical\nparadigms. It may be concluded that the geometry of these alchemical\ntreatises signifies the use of astrology which is wholly dependent on mathematics and geometry. Out of this general historical context, John Dee\nwas to devise a more specific deployment ofthe astral virtues in alchemy\nby means of scholastic optical theory and astronomy and, subsequently,\nby the cabbalah.\n48 Claren and Huber, p. 81. For more information see Pagel (1982), pp. 59-61, including the well-known portrait of Paracelsus in which the word \"azoth\" is written on the\nknob\nof his walking-stick. See also Debus (1964): 43-61.\n49 Claren\nand Huber, p. 86.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nof Ripley, it is very different in tone and structure from any of Ripley's\ntexts. Norton carries the authority of a learned university scholar and his\nalchemical claims are supported by discursive comments which evidence\na much wider philosophical background. He was not the first English\nalchemist to advocate the use of geometry in alchemy since in the thirteenth century Roger Bacon in his Mirror of Alchemy had noted the applicability of geometry and mathematics to alchemy.41 Norton, however,\nwas the first to recommend taking recourse to all seven liberal arts. In\nthis his direct influence was Boethius and he mentions Pythagorean musicology, specifically the tonal structures of the \"dyapason\", \"diapente\"\nand \"diatesseron\" . Most important in the context of the present study,\nNorton advised the alchemist to use \" science perspectyfe\".\nwhen Boicius seid: Tu numeris elementa ligas.\nIoyne your elementis Musicallye,\nFor ij causis: one is for melodye]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22\nthe \"lingua franca\" of European science and art. This mystical ideology\nwas a major constituent of the liberal arts\ncurriculum, lying uneasily\nalongside Aristotelian natural philosophy.18\nHowever, it was not until the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries that the conceptual influence of Pythagorean geometry could be discerned in an alchemical context. It made its first appearance in a novel\ntype of alchemical imagery in the late fourteenth century, far more complex than earlier hellenistic and Arabic graphic cyphers since the new\nillustrations involved a whole sequence of pictorial imagery. In addition\nto figurative and narrative elements, the visual forms also involved geometrical schemes, though they lacked finesse in design and graphic skill.\nSuch crude geometries, accompanying equally rough symbolic figures,\nare first encountered in the untitled alchemical treatise of Gratheus and\nin another work by the alchemist Constantinus, Le livre des secrets de ma]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmystical geometry is related to that of Michelspacher's first engraving\nentitled \"Der Spigel der Kunst und Natur\" which shows two geometrical\ndiagrams, the one on the left having the same configuration as thefourth\nengraving, that of circle, square and triangle (fig. 24b). In the first engraving this diagram is stated to be an image of the \"Azoth\", another\nWeigelian and Khunradian allusion to Christ. Thus, Michelspacher's\nadheres to Khunrath's Weigelian polemic in which union with the innate\nChrist as the philosopher's stone was attained through the inspiration of\nthe Holy Spirit. Michelspacher located Khunrath's alchemical Christologywithin a Rosicrucian context, for his treatise is specifically dedicated to\nthe Rosy Cross Fraternity.\nIn Michelspacher's \"Fountain of Life\" the lines of flight ofthe Holy\nSpirit were similar to the catoptrical refraction of light-rays by thesurface\nof a mirror. Comparable imagery of the refraction of light-rays is found]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nIn contrast to Dee, Khunrath and Fludd, Maier infrequently referred\nto the cabbalah, occasionally employing some general concepts, but never applying the system methodically. Instead, he based his alchemical\nprogramme on geometry, which was itself the subject of one of his earliest treatises on the Euclidean problem of squaring the circle, De Circulo\nPhysico, Quadrato (Oppenheim : Luca Jennis, 1616). Maier, like Khunrath,\nused the image ofthe squared circle as a theurgical sigil, representing the\nspiritual and alchemical union of opposites in the \"azoth\". A circle appears on the title-page of his treatise, bearing the names of the four\nuniversal qualities, \"calidum siccum frigidum humidum\", while a rectangle lists the four elements. The main subject of this essay is the Paracelsian theory of the universal panacea, the potable gold which ensured\nboth physical and spiritual health, due to its concordance ofthe macroand microcosms . These were signified by the sun, the human heart and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nIn alchemical theory, the squaring of the circle was a monistic concept\nsince it implied that nature (signified by the square of the four elements)\nwas God (signified by the perfect circle). Perhaps unwittingly, the pseudoLullian alchemists introduced a material pantheism into their conceptual\nstructures, thereby transgressing Catholic dogma which abhorred any\nidentification ofnature with God. Lull himself had encountered the same\nheresy in the design of his original geometry in the 1270s based on the\nnumber four, causing him to produce another model in the 1290s based\non a trinitarian structure. Whichever numerology was employed in the\nLullian Art, it radically altered the metaphysical universe conceptualised\nby the system.25\nLull's numerology of three represented the conventional Christian\nimage of the Triune God (Father; Son; Holy Spirit) in his alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=20\nPages: 20,21\ncomposed ofthe\"quintessence\" which had been described byAristotle as\na mean between matter and spirit out ofwhich the heavenly spheres were\nformed. The introduction of a medical purpose into alchemy also neces1-12 Szulakowska, \"Geometry and Optics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\" (1995):\n2 Urszula Szulakowska, \"Material Pantheism in the Pseudo-Lullian \"S\"-Circle of the\nPowers of the Soul\", Ambix, 35 (1988): 127-54.\n3 Coudert, pp. 14-35; F. Sherwood-Taylor, The Alchemists (St. Albans: Paladin, 1976),\npp. 15-23; G. F. Hartlaub, Der Stein der Weisen (Munich, 1959), passim.\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nsitated a more refined use of astrological data in order to correlate the\nlaboratory work with the influences ofthe stars.\nOn the model, thus, of the circulating heavens governing the seasons\nof nature, the alchemical process was conceptualised as being a circular]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=1\nPages: 1,4\nISBN 90-04-11690-7\n9789004 116900\"\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nBY\nGeometryand Optics in LateRenaissanceAlchemicalIllustration\nAKSWOKALUZS\nURSZULA SZULAKOWSKA\n.SALLA\nSUB\nAEGIDE\nUTA\nEHT\nYMEHCLA\nFO\nTHGIL\nBRILL\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nGeometry and Optics in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\nSYMBOLA ET EMBLEMATA\nStudies in Renaissance and Baroque Symbolism\nGeneral Editor\nBERNHARD F. SCHOLZ, Groningen\nEditorial Board\nCLAIRE J. FARAGO, Boulder, Colorado\nGY RGY SZ NYI, Szeged\nHELEN WILCOX, Groningen\nVOLUME X\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nGeometry and Optics in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\nUB AEGIDE\nATUT\nSALLA\nTHE ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nGeometry and Optics in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration\nBY\nURSZULA SZULAKOWSKA\nLIX CVT\nTATVM SVCCEDET ALIQUANDO\n.LOUTHS\nME13DE\n080\nSUB AEGIDE\nHinrimus\nkhunrath Le93 :\nHFpinxiresst.\n:Paullus\nTheosoneamater\ni\nn\nvent\no\nr\n.\ngral\ni\nd\nMedina uing19 ister, DLL\njest.\nwie\nAnd\ndoor\nvander\nJan Vredeman de Vries, \"Oratory/Laboratory\" (1595)]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nopposites being laid out across the diagonals (fig. 3). Around the edges of\nthe square the mutations took place in a circular motion.24\nHence, the symbolic picture of the alchemical process was not only\nthat of a circle, but also that of the squaring of the circle. The same idea\nis subsequently encountered in George Ripley's Compound of Alchemy as\nwell as in Michael Maier's Emblem XLVI in the Atalanta Fugiens (fig. 39).\nSince this geometrical feat cannot be accomplished in Euclidean geometry, therefore, the concept of the squaring of the circle came to signify\nany process which could be accomplished only by means of divine intervention. In fact, it became a generic sign for the alchemical process itself\nand Maier produced a treatise based on this idea, De Circulo Physico,\nQuadrato (Oppenheim: Luca Jennis, 1616), which was an account ofthe\nrole of the sun in the making ofpotable gold.\nIn alchemical theory, the squaring of the circle was a monistic concept]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical\nimagery was that it transformed them into theurgical talismans . Just as\nDee's and Khunrath's use of Pythagorean geometry was a means ofcapturing the astral forces in their theurgic sigils, in the same way, Maier's\nPythagorean music attracted the celestial powers into his emblems, turning them into magical instruments. In particular, the fifth interval, representing the solar rays and the philosopher's stone, magnetically attracted\nthe sun, introducing a potent theurgic charge into the alchemical procedure. (This motif may have even been a reference to the process of\ndistillation by the heat of the sun). Reinforced by the music, Maier's\nemblems were intended to become transmutatory instruments of the\nsame type as the catoptrical mirrors described by John Dee in the Monas\nHieroglyphica and the \"annuli\" pictured by Khunrath in the Amphiteatrum.\nIn these ideas, Maier could have been influenced by a reference in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48,49\n69\n48 Lawrence C. Witten II and Richard Pachella (eds), Alchemy and the Occult. The Collection ofPaul and Mary Mellon, 3, (New Haven: Yale U.P, 1977), pp. 333-36, esp p. 335.\n49 Iam grateful to Professor R. I. McCallum ofEdinburghfordrawing myattention to\nthis engraving.\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE AND\n\"ZOGRAPHIE\" IN AN ALCHEMICAL CONTEXT\nDee's Mathematicall Preface, written to accompany Henry Billingsley's\ntranslation of Euclid (1570), had a special relevance for illustrators of\nalchemical texts, due to his references to an esoteric drawing-practice\ncalled \"zographie\". This was a Pythagorean-based, geometrical system\nwhich had theurgical implications. Although Dee had composed the\nMathematicall Preface primarily with a practical intention, he could not\nhelp but hint at another, more profound, wisdom which he termed\n\"Archemastrie\", thereby alluding to theurgy, alchemy and prognostication.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nThe pseudo-Lullian alchemists were little affected by Lull's theological\nproblems, since they used both of his numerological systems interchangeably, applying whichever geometry best suited their immediate purpose\n(figs. 5, 6). In fact, pseudo-Lullian alchemy, for all its heretical connotations, flourished above all other types through-out the fifteenth and into\nthe early sixteenth century. Its attraction undoubtedly lay in the possibility of building the diagrams as conceptual play-things. Pseudo-Lullian\ndiagrams appeared to rationalise alchemy, laying-open to human sight a\nmap, or vademecum, of the necessary procedures.\nLullian geometries influenced some of the engravings in Khunrath's\nAmphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (fig. 33), as well as illustrations produced\nfor Oswald Croll, Johann Mylius, Jacob Boehme and other alchemists.\nAgrippa in his De Occulta Philosophia (1533) was an influential force in the\nfurther dispersal and development of Lullian ideas in the early sixteenth]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=24\nPages: 24\nRipley, whose works also appear in Dee's library.31\nIn the late fifteenth century George Ripley, canon of Bridlington (active 1450 to 1490) introduced pseudo-Lullian alchemy into England, dispersing these ideas through his Cantilena (De lapide philosophorum, seu de\nphoenice).32 In his later treatise, the Duodecim Portae (first published in England as The Compound ofAlchemy in 1591), Ripley devised an alchemical\ntopography which translated the original Lullian computational circles\ninto a geographical map. He described a castle with twelve doors which\nhad to be negotiated by a circular sea-voyage. Both the castle and the\ncircular journey represented the pseudo-Lullian alchemical circles. Ripley speaks of\"turning the wheel\" to take a course into the four corners of\nthe earth, visualising the alchemist as a helmsman on a ship and the\nalchemical process as an expedition across the oceans. His \"wheel\" signified the Aristotelian square ofthe four elements (fig. 3).33 Ripleyobtained]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,\nsuch as Piaget's structuralism, as well as the post-structuralist critiques of\nBarthes, Foucault and Derrida, although this selection by no means exhausts the possible critical methods for the study of alchemical imagery.\nSzonyi is one of the very few scholars who, at this time, has provided a\nstructuralist analysis of alchemical illustration in his investigation ofmandalic structures in alchemical engravings of the seventeenth century, as\nwell as in his semantic study ofJohn Dee's theurgy.\nIn the case of late sixteenth century imagery involving optical diagrams , perspectival geometry and architectural designs there are some\nparticularly difficult problems of interpretation (frontispiece and figs. 23,\n30, 41), for, as Goldberg has demonstrated, the stylistic conflict between\nnaturalism and abstraction in an image produces an ambiguous space.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nhis alchemical medicines did not work and, therefore, he was of no value\nto Andreae's most sacred concern, that ofthe public good. Hence, in this\nsatire, he was accusing Khunrath not of heresy, but ofstupidity. In short,\nKhunrath had failed to redirect the impacted, conceptual signifiers of\nhermeticism into an unequivocal pietistic context like that of Arndt. As a\nresult, his alchemical system had collapsed into the common pool of\npopular occultism.\nDespite Andreae's lack of enthusiasm for Khunrath's theosophical alchemy, it provided the inspiration for two ofthe earliest and most enthusiastic advocates of the Rosicrucian Brotherhood, Michael Maier and\nRobert Fludd. The influence on Maier was restricted to specific motifs\nchosen mostly from Khunrath's graphic repertoire, since Maier's pietism\nwas muted and indirectly expressed and he did not make extensive use of\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=86\nPages: 86\nKhunrath's theosophy, then how is it possible to explain Andreae's attack\non Khunrath in the Mythologiae Christianae?15 To understand Andreae's\napparently contradictory position in relation to Khunrath, it is necessary\n144\n8 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"HIEROGLYPHICON. SPIRITUS mundi sapientissimi et secretissimi quo universa animatio ... ac conservantur\".\n9 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"Ego LEO salis sapientiae fortis naturaliter triunus de\ntribu primateriali catholica mercuriali Magnesia solus vinco\".\n10 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"KOINAI-ENNOIAI hoc est Notitiae communes, ex\nLEGE in cordibus nostris Divinitus scripta nobiscum nascentes et Conscientialiter ortae:\nUnde Conscientiae testimonium; Iudicium Naturale sincerum; Ratio sana; in philosophia\net omnibus Artibus Xpi[o] nia doctrinarium et certitudine normae\".]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nhad simply tired of Khunrath's laboured and often hysterical verbosity,\nfinding it ridiculous, in the same way that he described cabbalism itselfas\na useless game. In fact, one of Andreae's most brilliant satires in the\nMythologiae Christianae is that on Khunrath, in the disguise of a pedlar\nselling quack medicines in the market-place and intimidating the public\nwith his pretentious \"bombitarantatarantia\". He offers for sale holy-pictures with specious titles drawn from his various treatises\npyxides cum speciossimimis titulis, Christiano- cabalicum, Divino- Magicum,\nPhicochymicum, Tertriunum Catholicon, Hallelui-Iah, Chaos Magnesiae,\nPyramis Triumphalis, bonum Macrocosmicon, ... et similia Orbimperipotendi ficuncta, undiquoquoversum bombitarantatarantia, verbocinatoria & c.\n(Andreae (1619), Bk. III: 271).\nNonetheless, apart from the sonorous monotony of his symbolic language, Andreae's major objection to Khunrath seems to have been that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=86\nPages: 86,87\nCatholicam hanc ... et in Scriptura, et in Pictura, non Offensive sed Defensive\".\n15 Andreae, Mythologiae Christianae (1619), Bk. III, 45, p. 271-72.\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nto review briefly his role in the history of the Rosicrucians . Andreae's\nantagonism to Khunrath illustrates the differing affiliations in hermetic\ncircles, displaying a more complicated picture than Yates' image of a\nunified, anti-Habsburg front.\nYates had also commented on the intense piety expressed in the Fama\nFraternitatis (Cassel, 1614) and Confessio (Cassel, 1615), whose pious axiom\nwas \"Jesus mihi omnia\", while the Fama, in particular, described the\nfollowers of Christian Rosenkreutz as being members of the Lutheran\ncommunity. Likewise, the Manifestos expressed the Brotherhood's foremost regard for the Bible, although it was closely matched by an undisclosed book of secret wisdom, which they claimed to have recovered from]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=13\nPages: 13\nthe hermeticists. Dickson , in contrast, favours a different view which is\nthat Andreae was eventually compelled by the need to distinguish between his youthful goals of a socially- and politically-responsible Christian brotherhood and the materialistic drive for power of those who had\nsubmitted\nto the delirium of cabbalism, alchemy and chiliastic prophe26\ncy.2\nIn this aim, Andreae's position was similar to that of Khunrath, since\nboth had been influenced by Weigel, as well as by Arndt. Nonetheless,\nKhunrath was also finally rejected by Andreae, due to his cabbalistic\nalchemical terminology which Andreae found absurd. There may, in\nfact, have been another, more paradoxical, reason for Andreae's animosity towards him, which was that Khunrath could have been in dispute\nwith Tobias Hess. Yates, Gilly and Dickson are in agreement concerning\nAndreae's earlier connections with hermeticist magi, in particular, with\nHess with whom he maintained contact through-out his life. Andreae]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=89\nPages: 89,90\nomnes medicare auritos nos, ocularos\nnon illi nos, non nos illos intelligimus . Nam\nquod felicitatem nostram impediat, quoniam\nDamacarica linquae illorum est Persia, Chaldacea, Brachmannica, Druidica,, eaeFessana,\nprius\nnobis vitam\nhaud\net\nparadoxa\n,\ntriplicitates\ndivinationes\npicturae\nsunt\n,\nquae\ngua\nreformabunt, quam artis terminos capiamus\".\n30 Dickson (1998), p. 77.\n31 Dickson (1998), pp. 32-35, 65-67, 71, 77, 88.\n151\n152\nCHAPTER TEN\npromoted as a proto- Rosicrucian, which may have forced Andreae to\nturn against him. Furthermore, if Khunrath had earned the animosity of\nthe scholastic Lutherans, as well as that of the court of Dresden under\nChristian II and of his Imperial ally then it may also have served Andreae's political purpose to be seen publically denouncing him.\nBy 1619, these events were in the past and it is possible that Andreae\nhad simply tired of Khunrath's laboured and often hysterical verbosity,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=88\nPages: 88,89\n(1998), pp. 71-80 and Gilly, Das Erbe der Christian Rosenkreutz (1988), pp. 70-72, well as),\nGilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), pp. 30-42, 50-52. Also see Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973\npp. 145-58.\n24 The millenial significance ofthe year 1604 and the appearance ofthe new starinthe\nsigns of the Serpent and the Swan has been discussed in Peuckert, Pansophie. Das\nRosenkreutz (1973), 3, pp. 39-44.\n25 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), pp. 140-55.\n26 Dickson (1998), pp. 80-88.\n148\n149\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nGilly, have not found reason to question Andreae's fidelity to his youthful\nideals and hermetic companions.27\nIn the foreword to the Mythologiae Christianae, Andreae urged submission to the rule of Christ, attacking much the same range of heretics as\nKhunrath, namely tyrants, heretics , epicureans, sophists. Ranged on the\nother side, against these evil-doers, were a group ofreformist theologians,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=56\nPages: 56\nsecretary of the upper consistorial court in Dresden (\"Secretarius in\nThursachsischen Ober- Consistorio zu Dresden\") (Arnold (1700): 12).\nThis argues for a degree of support for Khunrath on the part of respected\nfigures in the Lutheran hierarchy.\nThe scholarly problems of ascertaining Khunrath's precise role in the\ndevelopment of the Rosicrucian discourse are exacerbated by the fact\nthat Andreae in his Mythologiae Christianae in 1619 condemned him.18At\nfirst glance, this would seem to imply that Khunrath was closely associated with heretical elements, but there exists evidence that Andreae had\nnot always been so antagonistic to him, since the Chaos names both Andreae and Arndt as Khunrath's champions (f. 5r). Moreover, the motivations behind Andreae's change of attitude towards hermeticist circles are\nfar from clear and require further analysis. Where Khunrath was concerned, it may be that his contemporaries based their opinion of him less]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=89\nPages: 89\ncontingency, to be disregarded in any serious analysis of his real position,\nor he is attempting to rescue the name of one specific friend, while condemning Hess' original mentors out ofgenuine mistrust. Hence, ifKhunrath was on poor terms with Hess, this would partly explain his consignment to the tip of unsatisfactory theosophists, regardless of the fact that\nhis theological and political ideals had much in common with those of\nArndt and Andreae.\nAndreae was fearful for his own position in a war-torn Germany and\nit is difficult to establish his true motives in his later writings, but it is\nclear that he was trying to distance himself from the most notorious\nclaims of the Rosicrucian texts, especially ridiculing their self-image as\nhealers ofthe sick using Paracelsian alchemical remedies (the \"azoth\"). It\nis also possible that Andreae, although he may have remained privately\nloyal to the idea of a brotherhood of moral reformists, in his need to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=89\nPages: 89\nloyal to the idea of a brotherhood of moral reformists, in his need to\ndisassociate himself publically from the most publicised extremists, felt\ncompelled to reject Khunrath's work, specifically the Amphiteatrum, whose\npresence in the political arena was far from subtle. Whatever his misgivings concerning black-magic, Khunrath had not diminished his admiration for the mystical and magical systems of Agrippa, Paracelsus and the\ncabbalah. In a precarious public context, Khunrath's careful distinction\nbetween his own type of Christian cabbalism and that of chiliastic figures,\nsuch as Studion, was likely to be ignored. Thus, by 1619, he was being\n150\n27 Gilly, Das Erbe der Christian Rosenkreutz (1988), pp. 70-72; Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica\n(1995), pp. 30-42, 50-52. Christianae ), Bk. 1, p. 27: \"Nam dum per kabalam de\n(1619\n28 Andreae, Mythologiae\naenigmatibus,\nmanu ad manum. abaure in aurem traduntur, et multis hieroglyphicis\nobvelentur,\naures\nhominem\noculi\nsemper\nperaguntur,\nfit,\nut]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=88\nPages: 88\nThe publication ofthe 1602 edition of the Amphiteatrum may have been\nsuppressed by Khunrath's enemies, who were likely to have been the\nLutheran subscribers to the Saxon Book of Concord. This version, from\nthe evidence of MS Alnwick 571, had retained the original brief text of\n1595. The expanded text, which was eventually published in Hanover in\n1609, would, therefore, have been composed between 1602-1604 and\nKhunrath may have intended this to appear in 1604, in order to counter\nthe effects of Studion's Naometria, which was due to be published in the\nsame year.24\nRegardless of his conflicts with some of its forefathers, Khunrath's\nalchemical theosophy was subsequently adopted into the Rosicrucian discourse, while, paradoxically, Andreae, in the Mythologiae Christianae, produced a scathing public criticism ofthe movement that he had helped to\ninitiate, castigating instead Khunrath, among others, for instigating its\nprogramme.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=54\nPages: 54\nChrist himself\nMontgomery has noted that the most important champion of Khunrath's\nalchemy was Johannes Arndt ( 1555-1621), citing his position as a respected Lutheran pastor in order to validate Khunrath's own doctrinal regularity. Montgomery, however, chose to disregard the irregularity ofArndt's own religious beliefs, for his introduction of a pietistic element into\nthe doctrinaire creed of his time was the result of influences from highly\nirregular sources. In fact, Arndt's frequently reprinted work, Vier Bucher\nvon wahren Christentum (1605), was based on the writings of Valentin\nWeigel (1535-88), a Lutheran pastor from Chemnitz . Weigel promoted\nmystical practices based on the concept of the imminent and eternal\npresence of Christ within the human soul, drawing on Paracelsian alchemical theosophy. He was developing an increasingly separatist spiritual path which came to be designated as spiritual \"enthusiasm\", in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=86\nPages: 86\nabominably humiliating him.14 In contrast to these horrible attacks,\nKhunrath's pictures were not intended to be an aggressive act, but, only\na justification of his own probity, \"non Offensive sed Defensive\", in a\n\"responsionem Catholicam ... et in Scriptura, et in Pictura\". There is no\ndoubt that Khunrath's chief enemies were the \"sophists\", academic theologians, whose lust for power was the source of the grave disruption of\nthe Saxon states in the 1590s and early 1600s, which may even have been\nthreatening Khunrath's own life.\nAndreae castigated a similar range of miscreants, both the pagan epicureans and the sophists, in his Mythologiae Christianae (1619). Since, therefore, Khunrath in 1602 and Andreae by 1619 appeared to be fighting on\nthe same pietistic front, against the same types of enemies, both aligned\nwith the revered figure of Johannes Arndt, who especially favoured\nKhunrath's theosophy, then how is it possible to explain Andreae's attack]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=88\nPages: 88\ninitiate, castigating instead Khunrath, among others, for instigating its\nprogramme.\nThe seemingly embittered relations ofAndreae with the Rosicrucians\nby 1619 have puzzled many scholars, especially Yates who attempted to\nprove, that he had, in fact, retained his original beliefs in the possibilityof\nan ideal Brotherhood of teachers and healers, who would promote the\nreformed religion.25 Dickson has made a slightly different case forAndreae's attitude, arguing that the public disreputability of the occultist currents within Rosicrucianism threatened his position as a Lutheran pastor,\nnecessitating a public rejection of them. But, in his Christianopolis, also\npublished in 1619, there are statements indicating his continued sympathy with the original goals of the Brotherhood.26 Other scholars, such as\n23 Eco, p. 14. For the role ofAndreae in the composition of the Manifestos seeasDickson\n(1998), pp. 71-80 and Gilly, Das Erbe der Christian Rosenkreutz (1988), pp. 70-72, well as),]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=72\nPages: 72\nmore from the private court-theatre in which performances were staged\nin front of the dividing-partition at the end of the hall, enabling the\nactors to use the door as an entrance from a make-shift dressing-room.\nWhatever his direct sources, Khunrath clearly realised, as did Andreae and the later Rosicrucians, that a theatrical spectacle could provide a\nrhetorical validation of their politicised hermeticism. For the same reasons, according to Obrist, visual illustrations had been employed by late\nmedieval alchemists in order to deflect scholastic criticism from their\nideas, since the graphic realisation of an alchemical discourse provided\nevidence of its validity. Khunrath aimed to reinforce the rhetorical potential of his imagery by locating it within a theatrical atmospheric of\n\"live\" performance, an even more seductive artistic medium. As Seussius\nexplained in his poem, the function of Khunrath's engravings was to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=13\nPages: 13\nHess with whom he maintained contact through-out his life. Andreae\neven justified Hess' probity in the Mythologiae Christianae (1619), although\nin this work he castigated most of the other proto -Rosicrucians.27 Khunrath, on the other hand, for all his cabbalistic paraphenalia, may have\nconflicted with Hess over the latter's promotion of Studion's chiliastic\nNaometria, a text whose Christian content was slim, leading Khunrath to\nsuspect him ofpaganistic magical practices.\nIn view of such evidence concerning disputes between members of\nhermetic circles in the 1590s to 1620s, a more specific account is required\noftheir ideologies and affiliations. Scholars, for example, have neglected\nto analyse Khunrath's specific involvement with these esoteric groups,\nbeing content to follow uncritically Yates' view of him as one of the most\nsignificant influences on the evolution of Rosicrucian ideas,28 despite the\nfact that Montgomery had denied this. The most valid assessment of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=89\nPages: 89\nintellectual knowledge (Andreae, 1619, Bk. 1 : 26-27). He considered the\nuse ofthis system to be an affectation, which was deliberately obscurantist and quite inappropriate for Christian use.228 This \"lingua Damcarica\"\n(cabbalism), originated in the work of Jakob Brocard, Julius Sperber,\nValentin Weigel , Aegidius Gutmann, Sebastian Franck, as well as the\nCatholic French cabbalist Guillaume Postel. Andreae also named Simon\nStudion in this context.29 Some of these had been an influence on Arndt\nhimself, although Andreae chose to diregard this fact. Furthermore, he\nincluded Khunrath in this list.\nIn contrast, Andreae presented a supportive, if very subtle, account of\nTobias Hess, vindicating him of all doctrinal irregularity, probablydue to\nthe fact that he continued to associate with Hess even at the time when\nhe was accusing other proto-Rosicrucians of heretical ideas.30 The scenario in the Mythologiae Christianae involves the fictional dissection ofHess']","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nillustration this discursive visual mode provided a demonstrative proof of\nalchemical claims that matter could be united with its opposite, spirit, in\nthe philosopher's stone. In Khunrath's image, however, there was more\nat stake, as will be discussed, for he employed this spatial rhetoric of the\ndivine presence in order to authenticate his pietistic alchemical theosophy.\nIt was Khunrath, in fact, who produced a fully-developed cabbalistic\n\"alchemy of light\" in three of his works, published as the Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae (1595; 1609), Chaos (circa 1598) and De Igne Magorum\n(circa 1602-1604). For his cabbalistic ideas Khunrath relied on Johannes\nReuchlin in De verbo mirifico (1494) and De arte cabbalistica (1517), as well as\non Paracelsian theosophy. The central Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar,\nhad derived its metaphysical concepts from neoplatonism, specifically\nfrom Plotinus' account of the manner in which the divine light of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=56\nPages: 56\nof Khunrath as a god-fearing thinker and he himself exhonerates Khunrath's work on the grounds that he relied on scripture and that his main\naim was to elucidate God's word for others (Arnold, III: 12, col. 1).\nArnold points out the kinship between Khunrath's emphasis on the Holy\nSpirit and that ofWeigel whom he names as the founder of\"enthusiasm\"\n(pietism influenced by Paracelsian theosophy) and, hence, of the Rosicrucian movement (Arnold, II: 588, col. 1). In fact, he identifies Khunrathas\nbeing a similar \"enthusiast\", that is, one who prioritises the individual\ninspiration of the Holy Spirit, rather than the dictates of the Lutheran\nChurch. Arnold considered that Khunrath had explained his religious\n84\n17 Introduction, Chaos (Frankfurt, 1708), f. 4r. He was drawing on two of Bredling's\ntexts, namely, Fridericus Breklingius, Anti-Calovium s. Calovio cum Asseclis suis prostrato andJ.\nBcum aliis testibus veritatis defensio (1688), see Arnold, II, p. 614, cols. 1-2. For Bredling see]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=53\nPages: 53,54\n3 Evans, pp. 212, 214.\n80\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nstrong degree of opposition from some quarter. This issue requires further study since the antagonistic forces surrounding Khunrath may explain the course of his spiritual and intellectual development in the period 1595-1604.\nThe Christological orientation of Khunrath's ideas has not received\nsufficient attention from scholars , apart from that of Montgomery who\nhas described his theological position as being firmly based in orthodox\nLutheranism.\n[F]or Khunrath the alchemical quest of the Philosophers Stone was a quest\nto reveal the true wholeness of the physical universe (the Macrocosm) on the\nbasis of Christ's restoration of wholeness to man (the Microcosm ) .... Khunrath conceives ofthe Stone as the Filius Macrocosmi ... and identifies it with\nChrist himself\nMontgomery has noted that the most important champion of Khunrath's]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical\nimagery was that it transformed them into theurgical talismans . Just as\nDee's and Khunrath's use of Pythagorean geometry was a means ofcapturing the astral forces in their theurgic sigils, in the same way, Maier's\nPythagorean music attracted the celestial powers into his emblems, turning them into magical instruments. In particular, the fifth interval, representing the solar rays and the philosopher's stone, magnetically attracted\nthe sun, introducing a potent theurgic charge into the alchemical procedure. (This motif may have even been a reference to the process of\ndistillation by the heat of the sun). Reinforced by the music, Maier's\nemblems were intended to become transmutatory instruments of the\nsame type as the catoptrical mirrors described by John Dee in the Monas\nHieroglyphica and the \"annuli\" pictured by Khunrath in the Amphiteatrum.\nIn these ideas, Maier could have been influenced by a reference in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=77\nPages: 77\nthe Propaedeumata Aphoristica and to the theurgic cypher of the Monas\nHieroglyphica. Dee's account of \"zographie\" in the Mathematicall Preface\nimplied that a graphic system based on Pythagorean geometry would act\nas a theurgic talisman absorbing the celestial virtues. Dee's theories\nwould resonate with Khunrath's own Agrippan influences, as well as with\nhis Paracelsian theosophy in which Christ-Anthropos operated through\nthe light of\"Hochmah\" to pervade the universe. Khunrath's engravings\nwere, thus, spiritual catoptrical mirrors, reflecting the light of Eternal\nWisdom to the mind of the viewer.\nAccording to Szonyi, architectural motifs in mystical imagery are cosmograms in which the buildings and their ground-plans signify the construction of the cosmos, producing a revelation in the viewer's mind'\nconcerning the fabric of reality. Szonyi has, however, distinguished such\ncosmograms from the use of similar architectural motifs in alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30\nwell as by the earlier Orphic poems, Ficino in De Triplici Vitae (1489)\ndeveloped talismanic and magical rituals invoking the beneficial attributes of the sun, stars and planets. The recent research of Michael\nAllen into Ficino's Pythagorean numerology has revealed his interest in\noptical geometry as a theurgic device, enabling the spirit of the magus to\nact as a mirror of the \"idola\" flowing from animate and inanimate objects. Effectively, the mental planes of the magus, like mirror-surfaces,\nwere programmed by geometrical formulae corresponding to the various\nastral forces. Szonyi in his study of John Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica has\nconcluded that Ficino's theurgy was as significant in its influence on\nDee's magical practices as were medieval scholastic sources.22\nSince the ancient imagery ofthe sun had already acquired a Christian\nmeaning by this period, therefore, Ficino's magical operations involving]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\ndisplays geometrical symbols, with an upright pentacle in a circle on the\nleft-page and, opposite it, an image ofthe squaring ofthe circle on which\nappears the word \"Time\" and the Tetragrammaton. The appearance of\nthe pentacle is somewhat puzzling in view of Khunrath's diatribe in the\n1595 Amphiteatrum against black magicians who used this sign instead of\nthe truly Christian \"annulus \" (of the \"Archetypos\").\nThis is explained by examining Agrippa's description of theurgical\nsigils in De Occulta Philosophia. Agrippa used the geometrical form of the\npentacle in his account ofthe harmonic relations between the macrocosm\nand the human body.42 This image, nonetheless , was not the only \"pentacle\" desribed by Agrippa who also published the work of Peter ofAbano on magical sigils and the rituals associated with them. In the fourth\nbook ofthis treatise, Abano describes the rites associated with the \"pentacle\". Agrippa illustrates this device which, it turns out, does not have]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96,97\napex in heaven (signified by the vanishing-point), represents the quest for\nthe philosopher's stone by means of celestial alchemy. Even more significantly, Maier's emblem like that of de Vries in the Amphiteatrum is an\nalchemical sigil, a catoptrical mirror reflecting the light of the quintessence. It is, in itself, a theurgical instrument whose potency is amplified\nbyMaier's Pythagorean musical score whose motif of the diapentic interval as the golden apple ofAtalanta, introduces the power ofthe solar rays\ninto the process of alchemical transmutation.\n45 Shumaker, pp. 136-38, 148-51.\n46 Maier (1618), p. 42: \"Sic foetui humanam vitam vegetabili (qua solam in utero\nmatris fruebatur) defuncto, alia perfectior per transitum in hanc lucem mundanam sive\nper nativitatem accedit. Imo et nobis hac praesenti vitam, quam agimus, alia\nperfectissima et aeterna imminet\".\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD:\nTHE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nhuman-being had both a physical and an astral body, but that his real\nbody was astral. It was by means of the imagination located in the astral\nbodythat a person could attain to \"gnosis\" and, thereby, learn to control\nphysical manifestation through the \"astra\" present within all things.\nThus, for the Paracelsian magus it was sufficient to contemplate an object, instead of manipulating it physically. Visual imagery, such as talismanic cyphers or alchemical pictures, provided a stimulus to the imagination of the magus and acted as simulacra of the objects under his\ncontrol.\nDee's view of the theurgic function of Pythagorean-based drawing\nmay explain two particular alchemical images which Yates stated that she\nfound incomprehensible. The alchemical image which specifically puzzled her was Emblem VIII from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (1617) (fig. 41).\nHer attribution of a conceptual influence on Maier from Dee in this\ncontext is accurate, but she did not connect Emblem VIII specifically to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=75\nPages: 75,76\n152.\nand Zeller,\n28 Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), pp. 43-44. See Peuckert\n. Samtliche Schriften, 4, pp. 7ff, 133-51, 320-22, esp. Ch. 3 on \"Christus\nWeigel\nValentin\ncrucifixus\".\n29 Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), p. 44.\n123\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nthe words \"Christo inductus et eum imitans\" (\"led by Christ and imitating him\"). On the outer circle of the diagram there is another reference\nto the resurrected, triunary \"Xptotoo crucifixus\" who sits on the throne\n(of God) and who leads the soul to the Truth.30 It will be recalled that in\nthe manuscript copy of the 1595 Amphiteatrum (MS Alnwick 571) Khunrath had chastised the black magicians for their use of the pentacle,\nstating that the \"annulus\" (Agrippa's term for a magical talisman) is the\nlegitimate cabbalistic cypher. It is probable that by these words Khunrath\nwas indicating the theurgic authority of the circular engraving of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=33\nPages: 33\nthere45 are traces of the talismanic magic of Ficino, Agrippa and Paracelsus.\nAphorism XXVI\nThe stars and celestial powers are like seals whose characters are imprinted\ndifferently by reason of differences in the elemental matter. In the same way,\nthe engraved forms ofour seals are imprinted more easily upon one material\nthan upon another ... You will therefore consider talismans rather attentively, and other still greater things.46\nDee also refers to the powerful esoteric practice ofpyromancy, the art of\nfire, in alchemy.\nAphorism II\nwonderful changes may be produced by us in natural things by means ofthe\nprinciples of pyronomia.47\nPyrologians (alchemists) are mentioned again in another section whose\nobstetrical character recalls Paracelsus' alchemical cosmogony in Philosophia ad Athenienses. Dee speaks of the \"four separate great wombs ofthe\nworld\" (air, fire, water, earth) which are constituted of \"three separate]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=87\nPages: 87\nthe pietistic atmospheric ofKhunrath's treatises could not be more different from the obsessive manipulations of Studion's cabbalistic cryptography. In fact, Studion's graphic structures, as well as those ofTobias Hess,\nare related to the theurgic emblems of Peter of Abano and other medieval necromancers publicised by Agrippa. These may, in fact, have been\nthe \"pentacles\" denounced by Khunrath in the 1595 Amphiteatrum for\ntheir anti-Christian connotations, while pronouncing his own \"annulus\"\nof Christ as the \"azoth\" to be the true cabblistic insignia. Such differences in the interpretation of cabbalism and Paracelsian theosophy by different German philosophers raise the question, discussed by Stoeffler, concerning the exact role of hermeticism in the history of religious\nreformism.21 Certainly, the ideological position ofStudion and hiscollaborator, Tobias Hess, in their jointly-authored Prophetica is ofa different\norderfrom that ofWeigel, Arndt or Khunrath. Studion and Hess seem to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=81\nPages: 81\ntheurgic device, since it was based on Euclidean optical models and on\nPythagorean mystic geometry. Relating the proportional ratios underlying geometrical drawing to the mystical numerology of Pythagoras, Dee\nhad implied that this type of drawing (\" zographie\") produced a theurgic\nmirror which catoptrically reflected the divine qualities ofthe heavens to\nthe viewer. In addition, Dee had stressed the intellectual and spiritual\nvalues ofVitruvian architecture, such as the classical elements and spatial\nproportions which are shown in de Vries' picture. The whole hall-way, in\nfact, symbolises a cone of light-rays whose apex lies in the eye of God.\nThe picture is, thus, a reflection of God's divine vision, becoming a\ntheurgic mirror of enormous power which, rightly used, could effect spiritual and material transmutations.\nThis optical aspect of the illustration may be signified by its circular]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82,83\nhuman imagination to be an astral force, capable of theurgically manipulating the world of time and space. Hence, the prime function of de\nVries' engraving was to validate Khunrath's cabbalistic Christological\nalchemy.\nThere are two other pictures in Khunrath's iconographic repertoire\nwhich similarly provide a rhetorical defence of his position as a spiritual\nalchemist against the rising tide of objections to his theosophical Christology. These are the Magdeburg emblem of an owl and the 1602 image of\nthe \"calumniatores\".\n136\n52 Jung's drawing in Bibliotek Kopenhagen, MS GKS 1765 may be seen in thereproduction in Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 14, Item 12b.\n137\n53 Henry Moore Institute, Leeds, Peter Scheemakers: \"The Famous Statuary\" (1691-1781),\n1966, exhibition catalogue, No. 6, Vue d'Optique engraving, c. 1750, with mahogany\nand glass viewing machine.\n54 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND\nBLACK-MAGICIANS: THE PERSECUTION OF]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\npurified by fire, they will arise in the perfected form of the philosopher's\nstone. Hence, in Emblem VIII, the perspectival grid signifies the divine\nlight of the heavens, the alchemical quintessence which carries the seed\nof gold from the sun. It is placed directly above the egg to denote the\npotential evolution of prime matter to a higher spiritual condition.\nTherefore, the theurgic meaning of Emblem VIII lies within a set of\nassociations inter- relating Vitruvian architecture, perspectival geometry\nand catoptrics, in short, the same themes explored by Dee. Consequently,\nMaier's emblem, like that of Khunrath, explains the theory of an alchemy of light. The diagrammatic tunnel of orthogonal lines, like de Vries'\nhallway, refers to Paracelsian astral influences and Dee's astrological catoptrics. This geometrical structure, with its base on the earth and its\napex in heaven (signified by the vanishing-point), represents the quest for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a\nconceptual structure which could be called an \"alchemy oflight\", a syncretic philosophy integrating the discrete intellectual and mystical currents of Pythagorean geometry, neoplatonism, medieval optics, Paracelsian alchemy and cabbalism.\nThe concept of the divinity of light had been transmitted from the\nmost ancient times to the late hellenistic philosopher Plotinus, as well as\nto various gnostic and hermetic groups, such as those connected with the\ntheosophical writings known to the Renaissance as the Pymander of\nHermes Trismegistus. In origins the term \"hermeticism\" referred to the\nlate hellenistic teachings ofTrismegistus and his followers, such as Asclepius. This theosophical system had emerged by the second century BC in\nEgypt, but at first it did not include alchemy which developed only during the first Christian centuries, alchemical literature being added to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=86\nPages: 86\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nciples, while in the lower level there appear a lion and a dragon, the\nlatter being the alchemical Ouroboros (\"ego draco sapientum\"). Thetext\non his heraldic shield explains his significance as a hieroglyph ofthe spirit\nof the most wise and secret world by which the cosmos is animated and\nconserved. The lion also bears a shield which explains that he is the Salt\nofWisdom and the alchemical Magnesia. A stream of water issues from\nthe cave across a text on the ground which pronounces Khunrath's philosophical convictions to be of the highest natural and moral rectitude,\ntestified by the conscience, born of sane reasoning, according to Christian doctrine.10 The texts around the cave, as well as those on the left and\nright-hand sides of the engraving, cite Seneca, Gratus, Hieronymous]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nprogrammes since they are designed to hold the viewer's attention for a\nprolonged period of time. Earlier alchemical imagery, even that ofSalomon Trismosin, is basically a short-hand symbolic system, illustrating,\nabbreviating and decorating the accompanying text. It is designed to\nclarify and to deliver information as quickly (and pleasurably) as possible.\nParacelsus had awarded the human imagination a structural role in\nhis theurgy and, thereby, in his cosmology. He had taught that the human-being, as a mirror ofthe cosmic order, had two bodies, one ofwhich\nwas physical and the other astral. He considered that the imagination\nwas a faculty ofthe astral body whose function was related to intellectual\nand spiritual cognition. It was only due to the existence of the celestial\nspheres within the human body as its innate \"astra\" that the humanbeing could understand the stars. Moreover, since the stars generated all\nearthly phenomena, therefore , through the \"astra\" it was possible for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nAbano's rituals and entering the grounds of superstition and demonology.\nThe critical factor for Khunrath would always have been the presence or\nabsence ofChrist in a theurgy whose purpose was to intensify the Christian experience of the Holy Spirit, thus healing both the soul and the\nbody. For his own pentacle, or \"annulus\", Khunrath was using the form\nof Agrippa's cosmically-harmonised man, which Khunrath expanded\ninto the image of cosmic \"Anthropos\", or Christ as the \"anima mundi\",\nthe soul pervading the universe. The pentacle in this case would refer by\nits numerology to the alchemical \"azoth\", which in Khunrath's Weigelian theosophy is also Christ.\nThe pentacle is placed opposite another geometrical image expressing\nthe same pietistic Christology, that ofthe squaring ofthe circle. Since the\nresolution ofthis Pythagorean problem could only be a superhuman feat,\nhence in the context of Khunrath's theosophy it becomes an icon ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=104\nPages: 104\nof cosmic and human existence was to balance the oppositions within\ninternal and external nature and to unite them with the Eternal Light.59\nGichtels' mystical emblems signify the spiritual alchemy initiated by\nthe inner inspiration of the Word, Christ and the dawning of the light\nbrought by his incarnation within the individual soul. A frequent symbol\nin these images is that of the eye of God, sometimes profusely inscribed\non the \"wheels\" of the Ezekiel's Chariot (the cabbalistic \"Merkebah\").60\nGichtel inter-related Ezekiel's symbols into those of Christian iconography, such as the dove of the Holy Spirit, the sacred name and form of\nChrist, the emblem of the sacred heart, the equilateral triangle of the\nHoly Trinity and a profusion of the eyes of God, often containing the\nTetragrammaton. These are set within the aurora of the divine light of\nthe Son of God who in Boehme's Aurora (1612) replenished the world\nafter its corruption by the fall of Lucifer from grace.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=76\nPages: 76\nwas indicating the theurgic authority of the circular engraving of the\n\"Archetypos\" which was derived from the risen Christ.31\nThe same Christian intention ofbelittling the practices ofblackmagic\nis encountered in one of the engravings made for the Amphiteatrum in\n1602, that of a circular fortress with twenty-one gates (fig. 29). The concept promoted in this image is that Christ, as the illuminating principle of\nnature in the philosopher's stone, is the only path to the kingdom ofGod.\nThe texts in the centre of the castle refer to the light of nature and the\nhealing powers of Christ as the universal Salt, the philosopher's stone and\nthe water of life. He is to be attained by spagyric and orthodox philosophical principles. Sophistry will not prevail against them.32 In contrast,\nthe texts around the fortress denounce black magical practices, false alchemical principles and sophistry, that is, theurgy without a Christian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nmanner in which the magus could turn his own spirit into a theurgical\n\"mirror\", through the esoteric application of optical geometry and Pythagorean ratios.33 As Dee explained in the introduction to the Monas\nHieroglyphica,\nthe optician will confound the stupidity of his art; he had worked in all\nmanner of ways to shape a mirror into the parabolic line of a (suitably\nrotated) conical section, so as to attack any matter (liable to fire) with that\nincredible heat (issuing) from the rays of the Sun; yet here a line is revealed\nas resulting from a trigonal section of the tetrahedron after whose shape,\nwhen rendered three-dimensional, a mirror may be formed which ... can\nreduce any stones or any metal to, as it were, impalpable powders by the\nforce of ... heat.34\n28 Josten, pp. 194-95.\n29 Linda Fierze-David, The Dream ofPoliphilo (New York: Pantheon, 1950).\n30 Alexander Turner Cory, The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo Nilous (London: William\nPickering, 1840).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\ntrine of signatures, xiv, 45-46; Expositio\nMichelspacher, Stefan, xxi, 5 , 7, 40, 69, 76,\nmagicarumfigurarum, 45; imagination, 7-8,\n99-101, 181\n61, 77, 114; light ofnature, 8, 43; mediMithras, 31-32\ncal theory, 15, 42-45, 51-53, 95; nitre\nMoffett, Thomas, 48\n(saltpetre), 24, 46-48, 52, 93; Paragranum,\n42, 98; Philosophia ad Athenienses, 41;\nMoller, Johannes, 83\n, xix-xx, 80, 82,\nMontgomery,JohnWarwick\nPhilosophia Magna, 43; theosophy, xix, 784, 146\n8, 41, 43, 55, 77, 83, 84, 183; theurgy,\n38 , 42, 45-46, 49 , 55, 77, 97; Volumen\nmoon, 14, 25, 62-63, 66, 160, 178\nmedicinae, 45\nMorhof, Georg, 83\nParacelsian influences on alchemical illusMorienus, 96\nmusic(alchemical), 21-22, 130, 133, 156-59, tration, 5-9, 61, 77, see Fludd, Khunrath\n165, 172, 173, 174, see Boethius, Pytha- (illustrations)\nPecham, John, 29, 35, 36\ngoreani\nPeirce, Charles Sanders, xvi, xvii, 1-3, 4\nMylius ,Johann, 20, 69, 174, 179\nPenotus, 99\nMythologiae Christianae, see Andreae]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 30 to page 40 out of a total of 137:\nPages 30:\n32\nCHAPTER THREE\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\ncosmogony of light and darkness. Christ was occasionally given the Mithraic title of \"Sol Invictus\".15 Similarly, contemporary late Alexandrian\nneoplatonists and hermeticists identified the sun withthe divine firstprinciple. Thus, Asclepius had regarded the sun as the transmitter of God's\nbeneficence to the earth, nullifying the effects of the negative demonic\npowers.16 Subsequently, the neoplatonist Pseudo-Dionysos the Aeropagite propagated a Christian image of the sun as representing the quality of\nGod's Divine Intelligence.17\nIn the seventh century, Isidore of Seville integrated Christian and\nneoplatonic conceptions ofthe sun with those ofnaturalphilosophyin his\nTreatise on Nature. Other sources for Isidore's imagery ofthe sun were late\nhellenistic texts which had interpreted the ancient gods as signifying different aspects of the One Divine Being, such as Cornutus in De Natura\nDeorum, or Hyginus on the stellar constellations in his Fabulae. The most\nimportant source, however, for the development ofthe subsequent identity of sun and Christ was Macrobius in the Saturnalia, who ventured to\nprove that all gods were subsumed by the Sun as the sole absolute deity.18\nIsidore christianised Macrobius' analogical interpretations and developed\nthem into a cosmogenesis. The sun became Christ's \"modus operandi\"\nwhereby he conferred life and health on the world (XV: 3).19 Thereby,\nIsidore inspired a lineage of medieval texts which implicated the sun into\nChrist's role as Creator. The lines of Isidore's account of the sun are\nfound in the French Ovide moralisee of the early fourteenth century and in\nthe fifteenth century Latin commentary, the Reductorium morale by Petrus\nBerchorius on Chapter XV ofOvid's De natura deorum. These texts provided an analogical commentary on Ovid's poem concerning the nature of\nthe pagan gods, regarding them as being various attributes of Christ.\nAnother significant influence on this medieval exegetical tradition was\nthe late antique Fulgentius whose fables of the gods became a popular\nsecular workin the fifteenth century, frequently illustrated.20\nDuring the Florentine revival of classical learning in the fifteenth century, the neoplatonic philosophers Ficino, Pico della Mirandola and, later, Campanella in the early sixteenth century engaged with hermetic\nideas of the sacred and magical attributes of the physical sun.21 Influenced by the theurgic hermeticism of Iamblichus, Psellus, Porphyry, as\nwell as by the earlier Orphic poems, Ficino in De Triplici Vitae (1489)\ndeveloped talismanic and magical rituals invoking the beneficial attributes of the sun, stars and planets. The recent research of Michael\nAllen into Ficino's Pythagorean numerology has revealed his interest in\noptical geometry as a theurgic device, enabling the spirit of the magus to\nact as a mirror of the \"idola\" flowing from animate and inanimate objects. Effectively, the mental planes of the magus, like mirror-surfaces,\nwere programmed by geometrical formulae corresponding to the various\nastral forces. Szonyi in his study of John Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica has\nconcluded that Ficino's theurgy was as significant in its influence on\nDee's magical practices as were medieval scholastic sources.22\nSince the ancient imagery ofthe sun had already acquired a Christian\nmeaning by this period, therefore, Ficino's magical operations involving\nthe solar rays had a particularly numinous potency. His method, however, was a misapplied semiotic system, that is, he reified immaterial metaphors by means of false analogies between the abstract sign and its, supposedly physical, referent. In other words, the conceptual contents ofa\n15 Franz Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra (New York, 1956), passim.\n16 Copenhaver, Hermetica (1992), pp. 59-61.\n17 There is a full discussion of neoplatonic and hermetic solar imagery in Debus (1965).\n18 Fridericus Osannus, Lucius Annaeus Cornutus. De natura deorum (Gottingen: Johannis\nBapt. Casp. d'Ansse, 1844), pp. 194, 200, 225, 328, 372-77, 433, 516-17,\n524; H. I. Rose,\nHygini Fabulae (Brussels: A.W. Sijthoff, 1978), pp. 12, 15, 20, 22, 36, 38; Percival Vaughan\nDavies, Macrobius the Saturnalia (New York: Columbia UP, 1969), Bk I, Caps 17-23, pp.\n137-46.\n19 Jacques Fontaine (ed), Isidore de Seville, Traite de la Nature, (Bordeaux: Foret et Fils,\n1960), pp. 237- 43: \"sol Christus est, sicut in Malachia scriptum est: ... Merito autem\nChristus sol intelligitur dictus, quia ortus occidit secundum carnem, et secundum spiritum\nde occasu rursus exortus est. Item sol inluminat et exurit et opaco tempore confovet\nsanos, febricitantes vero flagrantia geminati caloris incendit. Ita est Christus credentes\nfidei spiritu vegetante inluminat, negantes se aeterni ignis ardore torrebit\".\n33\n20 Cornelis de Boer, Ovide moralisee en prose (Amsterdam: N. Holland, 1954), Bk I, Cap\nXLIV-XLVI, pp. 64-68; Bk III, Cap 1, pp. 113; Bk IX, Cap VII, p. 248. Also C. de Boer,\nOvide moralisee (Amsterdam: Johannes Muller, 1915), pp. 117-32 and Maria S. Van der\nBijl, \"Petrus Berchorius, Reductorium morale\", Vivarium, 9, 1 (1971): 25-48, esp pp. 2733. For Fulgentius see Rudolfus Helm, Fabii Planciadis Fulgenti Opera (Leipzig, 1898), BkI,\nCap XII p. 23; Bk III, Cap IX, pp. 73-77. The medieval illustrated Fulgentius is reproduced in Stanislas Klossowski de Rola, Alchemy (London: Thames and Hudson, 1973), figs\n53-62. Dee had copies ofsome ofthese works see R&W: Fulgentius M7, Macrobius 971\nand Hyginus 609.\n21 Kristeller ( 1979) & D. P. Walker(1958), passim.\n22 Michael Allen (1994), pp. 97-99; Szonyi's paper on Ficino and Dee is forthcomingin\nRenaissance Quarterly. Professor Szonyi has kindly drawn my attention to Ficino's optical\ninterests and their consequences for Dee's theories. For Ficino's magical rituals see his De\nTriplici Vitae libri tres (1978), for example, Bk III, Cap I, similitudes of the sun such as\nheliotrope, myrrh, amber, crocus. Ficino's works are found in Dee's collection see R&W:\n404, 736, 1124, 1282, B83, B120, B132, B141, B157, B177. Dee also had a copy ofFicino\nDe Triplici Vitae R&W 779, his translation ofPlotinus R&W: 108 and his Opera R&W: 204,\nas well as his Theologia Platonica R&W: 893.\n\nPages 31:\n34\nCHAPTER THREE\nsign were regarded as being a physical reality. In the same way, Fludd's\ncabbalistic alchemy and medicine in his Philosophia Sacra (1626) relied for\nits effect on the reification of a metaphorical sequence in which the sun\nwas personified as the demiurge, the eye ofgod, the altar of Christ as the\ncabbalistic Messiah, as well as the primal medicine. Fludd's sun-based\nmedicine, like Ficino's astrological talismanic magic, was based on a semiotic fallacy concerning the ontological status of similitude within a sign.\nDue to this unconscious process of reification in mystical symbols, itis\nnot surprising to find the idea ofthe divinity of light also influencing late\nmedieval experimental optics, otherwise a dour and sober science. In\nparticular, Robert Grosseteste created an optical theory which was based\nnot on the Greeks and Arabs, but on Platonic mysticism. In fact, Grosseteste's treatise De Luce, written in the fourteenth century, was modelled on\nPlato's cosmology in the Timaeus which had described a process of creation effected by means of light, fire and geometric measure. Grosseteste\ninter-related Platonic cosmology with optical theories concerning the\nemanation ofphysical light. Thus, he stated, light was the first corporeal\nform, multiplying itself from a single-point in all directions, whereby it\nformed a sphere and within it there arose matter. In the subsequent\nstages of the cosmic creation, there were a series of differentiations in\nphysical matter according to the Pythagorean mode of number, measure\nand proportion.23 Fludd mentions Grosseteste in his Utriusque Cosmi ...\nHistoria (1619) and even illustrates his cosmogenesis in a magnificent visual image (fig. 46). This engraving shows the dove of the Holy Spirit\nemerging from the primal divine Word \"FIAT\" and circling the dark\nvoid with a ring of light.24 Fludd, like Plato and Grosseteste, thought that\nmatter was condensed light and he also concurred with them in distinguishing between its material form and the incorporeal Light of Intelligence emanating directly from the Mind of God. Similarly, medieval\nopticians such as Grosseteste and Witelo influenced one of Fludd's contemporaries, Jacob Boehme ( 1575-1624), the Protestant German theosophist, who described a remarkable theogony of light in his treatise, Aurora\n(1612), in which the natural light of the sun became the body of the\nredeeming Son of God.25\n23 James McEvoy, The Philosophy of Robert Grosseteste (Clarendon Press: Oxford, 1982),\npp.\n53-54, 167-80; Alistair C. Crombie, Robert Grosseteste (Oxford, 1962); Eastwood, 9, pp.\n306-21.\n24 Robert Fludd, Utriusque Cosmi Historia , \"Macrocosm\", 1 (Oppenheim: J. T. de\nBry,25 1617), Tract I, p. 49.\nMcEvoy, p. 55; Eastwood, 9, pp. 306-21. For Boehme's concept of the sun in the\nAurora see Pierre Deghaye, \"Dieu et la Nature dans L'Aurore Naissante deJacob Boehme\"\nin Faivre and Zimmermann (eds), Epochen der Naturmystik (1979), pp. 125-56, see esp pp.\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\n35\nJohn Dee also referred to Grossesteste's idea of the creative action of\nlight in his Propaedeumata Aphoristica,26 but he relied more onAl-kindi and\nRoger Bacon for the specifc details of his astronomy. Both French and\nClulee have argued that Dee revived the knowledge ofscholastic scientific and mathematical ideas in an age whose main intellectual interest lay\nin humanism, to the neglect of the older medieval empirical sciences.\nAgainst this argument is the case put by Mordechai Feingold which evidences the continuing strength ofthe scholastic mathematical tradition in\nEnglish Renaissance universities.27\nIn addition, Szonyi's recent examination of Ficino's influence on Dee,\nspecifically that of Ficino's astral magic and his related optical interests,\nnecessitates some modification of Clulee's claim for scholastic philosophy\nas being Dee's most important resource prior to the 1560s. Partlyfrom\nthe evidence of Dee's library, Clulee had argued that Roger Bacon (midtwelfth century) was Dee's major preceptor for his astronomical theory,\nadditional ideas being drawn from the Arabs, Grosseteste, Witelo and\nJohn Pecham.28 It may be that further investigation by Szonyi will lead to\na re-assessment of Clulee's argument.\nDee had a great interest in catoptrics, as is demonstrated in Roberts\nand Watson's catalogue of his library which contains many Arabic and\nscholastic resources. Catoptrics was a branch of the science of optics\ninitiated by the ancient Greeks and defined by Archimedes as the study\nof the refraction and reflection of light-rays by mirrors or prisms. The\nincendiary properties of parabolic mirrors, which collected and focused\nthe rays ofthe sun, had already been known in the sixth century AD by\nphilosophers such as Anthemius of Thralles.29 In the medieval period,\n129-31. For Boehme's account of Christ as the redeeming light see Will-Erich Peuckert,\nBoehme. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart: Frommanns Verlag, 1955), 1, \"Aurora Signatura Rerum oder Morgenrothe in Anfang\", pp. 263-84.\n26 Clulee, pp. 54-57, 67, 153, 164-65. For the large numbers of optical treatises owned\nby Dee see R&W through-out.\n27 Clulee, pp. 52-73; Peter French, John Dee (London: Routledge, 1987), pp.26-27. See\na contrasting view in Mordechai Feingold, The mathematician's apprenticeship (Cambridge\nUniversity Press, 1984), pp. 45-85.\n28 See Szonyi's paper, forthcoming in Renaissance Quarterly. Professor Szonyi is currently\npursuing further research on this issue. Clulee's argument is found in his John Dee's Natural\nPhilosophy, pp. 39-73. For the history of medieval optics see Eastwood, 10, pp. 51-55 and\nRonchi, pp. 60-76. See R&W for Dee's extensive collection ofBacon's work: M96, M17,\nM19, M20, M41, M61, M72, esp M26. Also Dee's collection of Pecham's workin R&W:\n83, 617, M38. Dee had a copy ofBacon's Liber de sigillis solis insignis secundum Hermetem with\nother texts by Bacon on sigills, R&W: M26.\n29 Smith, pp. 355-59. The various manuscripts owned by Dee are too numerous to list\nhere, see R&W, for example, M2, M109.\n\nPages 32:\n36\nCHAPTER THREE\nRoger Bacon, in particular, dispersed and popularised catoptrical science\nthrough his treatise De speculis comburentibus.30 These optical theories were\nimportant for the development of Dee's astronomy, but there was one\nparticular idea which may also have affected Dee's alchemy. Bacon had\nstated in De multiplicatione specierum (I, i) that every point on a luminous or\ncoloured body sent forth the image of its visible qualities as \"species\" in\na succession of\"multiplications\" which were transmitted through a medium such as light, or air, to the eye of the viewer.31 Another widely-read\nfourteenth century optician, John Pecham, had modelled his ideas ofthe\nemanation of \"species\" on those of Alhazen and Bacon.32\nSuch medieval optical, astronomical and theurgical resources were\ncollected together and systematised for practical application by Dee who\nwas a mathematician, technologist, educator and medical practitioner, as\nwell as a magician, alchemist and necromancer.33 In circa 1556 he began\nto engage in the study of medieval optics,34 an interest recorded in his\nlibrary catalogue which included three manuscripts of Alkindi's De radiis\nstellarum, along with the works of many other optical theorists.35 Clulee\nhas described the years 1548-1558 as being Dee's Aristotelian phase,36\nwhereas, in the later stages of his career, hermeticism, cabbalah and\nneoplatonism played a much larger role than scholasticism.37\nIt is well-known that in Dee's immediate circle there was a highly\ndeveloped astronomical interest, for example, the mathematician Thomas Digges was a friend and pupil. Another associate with an equal\ninterest in optics was the mathematician and astronomer Thomas Harriot (1560-1621), a member of the circle at Syon House of Henry Percy,\n30 Lindberg (1976), p. 108; Clulee, pp. 64-66. For Dee's holdings ofBacon's optics, see\nR&W: M17, M19, M20, esp M26, M41, M61, M72, M96.\n31 Smith, pp. 29-31; Clulee, pp. 56-57; Lindberg (1976), pp. 107-16.\n32 David C. Lindberg, John Pecham and the Science ofOptics (Madison: University ofWisconsin , 1970), passim.\n33 Clulee, pp. 203-30; R&W, pp. 3-54.\n34 Clulee, pp. 39-73, esp pp. 64-65; R&W, pp. 30-34.\n35 R&W: 307, M28, M37, pp. 30-34. He also acquired Alhazen's works, Boethius's\nArithmetica, Nicolas Oresme's Liber divinationum, Witelo's Perspectiva, Bacon's Opus Tertium,\nGrosseteste's De luce, calore etfrigide and Pecham's Perspectiva Communis. These are listed in\nR&W through-out.\n36 Clulee, pp. 40-42.\n37 Clulee, pp. 79-80. For Dee's cabbalistic texts see the comment in R&W, pp. 28-29.\nHis Hebrew, Syrian and \"Chaldean\" collection is mostly catalogued in R&W: 1558-1624.\nThere are more Syrian and Hebrew grammars through-out the rest of the R&W catalogue,\nPostel. as well as the cabbalistic treatises ofps. Lull, Pico della Mirandola, Reuchlin and\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\n37\n52\nEarl of Northumberland.38 It has been established that Dee also gained\ninformation concerning the properties of lenses and mirrors from Gogava's edition ofAlhazen on catoptrics (included in his translation ofPtolemy\nOpus quadripartium, 1548). Gogava probably instructed Dee in the manufacture and use of astronomical and optical apparatus.39\nDee himself wrote an richly illustrated but unfinished tract on catoptrics (dated 1558) which is found in British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\nC.VII, art. 5, De Speculis comburentibus libri 5 (ff. 280r-309v) (figs. 12-15).\nFrom the internal evidence, it seems that Dee intended to prepare this\nmanuscript for publication. In the text he states briefly that his ideas were\ngathered from ancient philosophers (f. 280r). Dee's subject-matter concerns the Euclidean rules of optical conic sections (f. 309v) (fig. 15),\nas well as the angles of incidence and refraction of light by mirrors\n(f. 284r ff), illustrated by several detailed drawings of light-rays reacting\nto a parabolic surface (f. 282r) (figs. 12-14). Other similar experiments\nwith mirrors and lenses are recorded in manuscripts located in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, such as MS Sloane 3854 which contains a section\nentitled Experimenta in Speculo (ff. 76r ff), among a set of treatises concerning angelic magic. On one folio, there is a drawing of a mirror inscribed\nwith a magic pentacle which demonstrates how Dee enrolled practical\noptics into the service of his magical rituals (f. 80v).\nDee's optical and astronomical treatise, the Propaedeumata Aphoristica\nwas printed in London by Henry Sutton in 1558 and re-printed with his\nown augmentations by Reginald Wolfe in London in 1568. According to\nShumaker, in this work Dee aimed to reduce astrological practice to a set\nof comprehensible rules based on the physical properties of the planets.\"40\nDee considered that by means of optical instruments it was possible to\ncollect the occult virtues of the stellar radiations,41 particularly42recommending the use of catoptrics in the making of theurgical sigils.4\n38 On Dee and Harriot see Feingold, pp. 136-47. For an intellectual biography of\nHarriot see R. H. Kargon, Atomism in England from Harriot to Newton (Oxford U.P, 1966),\npp. 18 ff. See also John W. Shirley, Thomas Harriot Renaissance Scientist (Clarendon Press:\nOxford, 1974).\n39 Shumaker, Prop. Aph, pp. 62-64; Clulee, p. 31. In the Propaedeumata Aphoristica, Dee\nalso acknowledged the influence of Gerard Mercator, Gemma Frisius and Gaspara\nMirica.\n40 Shumaker, p. 53.\n41 Shumaker, p. 51. The provenance and form of Dee's mirror is discussed by Clulee,\np. 262: n. 120.\n42 Shumaker, p. 67.\n\nPages 33:\nAphorism LII\nIf you were skilled in \"catoptrics\" you would be able, by art, to imprint the\nrays of any star much more strongly upon any matter subjected to it than\nnature itself does. This, indeed , was by far the largest part of the natural\nphilosophy of the ancient wise men. And this secret is not of much less\nthe philosophers , called inferior,\ndignity than the very august astronomy ofcertain\nMonad 43\nwhose symbols ... [are] ... enclosed in a\nAccording to Dee, mirrors could imitate planetary influences, increasing\nand decreasing the intensity oftheir radiations catoptrically and imprinting their influences on matter and magical gems.44 In these statements,\nthere45 are traces of the talismanic magic of Ficino, Agrippa and Paracelsus.\nAphorism XXVI\nThe stars and celestial powers are like seals whose characters are imprinted\ndifferently by reason of differences in the elemental matter. In the same way,\nthe engraved forms ofour seals are imprinted more easily upon one material\nthan upon another ... You will therefore consider talismans rather attentively, and other still greater things.46\nDee also refers to the powerful esoteric practice ofpyromancy, the art of\nfire, in alchemy.\nAphorism II\nwonderful changes may be produced by us in natural things by means ofthe\nprinciples of pyronomia.47\nPyrologians (alchemists) are mentioned again in another section whose\nobstetrical character recalls Paracelsus' alchemical cosmogony in Philosophia ad Athenienses. Dee speaks of the \"four separate great wombs ofthe\nworld\" (air, fire, water, earth) which are constituted of \"three separate\nparts\", probably alluding to the Paracelsian trinity of Sulphur, Mercury\nand Salt.48 Moreover, Dee's euology of the occult properties of fire is\nsimilar to that of Paracelsus in the Archidoxa which may have influenced\nDee even at this early date.49 He also refers to the cabbalistic practice of\n\"notarikon\".\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY 39\nAphorism XVIII\nIn the four separate great wombs of the larger world are three distinct parts;\nthese are , however, at the same time condensed, structured and regulated by\ntheir own appropriate weights and may now be called, by notariacal design,\nAOS, or OSA, or SOA (for pyrologians will understand me if I speak so) 50\nSince Khunrath admitted to an admiration for Dee's work and specifically referred to the Propaedeumata Aphoristica in his Amphiteatrum, it is probable that his own pyromantic theories were influenced by this passage in\nDee's treatise.51\nOf similar importance to Khunrath's alchemical practices were Dee's\nreferences to Bacon's theory of the \"multiplication of species\".52 Dee\nargues that everything sent forth rays as \"species\" of itself which emanated from every point of the object in a spherical fashion,53 but, whereas\nspecies in general did not require light in order to create an effect on\nanother object,\nthose ofthe celestial spheres could only operate by means\nof light- rays .54 In addition, the distance of a heavenly body from the\nearth determined the effect of the stellar species on the lower world. In\nother words, in Dee's account, the rays of the stars operate in the same\nmanner as the cones of light-rays emanating from an object to the human\neye. The crucial point is that the geometrical laws governing human\nvision are exactly the same as those determining the radiation of light\nfrom the stars.\nDee stated that the rays of the stars took a conical form, whose base\nwas located on the face ofthe star, with the apex on the earth below. The\nrays within the geometrical cone grew stronger as they approached the\ncentral ray which stood at the perpendicular within the cone ofrays.55\nHence, it was the centric ray which the theurgist had to project onto his\nmaterials.56 Therefore, according to Dee, it was necessary to perform\nmagical operations when the appropriate star stood at the perpendicular\nto the horizon ofthe earth and was nearest to the earth.57\nIn due course, these aspects ofDee's astrological theory will be considered in their influence on the alchemical illustrations of Khunrath, Maier\nand Fludd. Of specific importance to these later alchemists was Dee's\n43 Shumaker, p. 149.\n44 Shumaker, Aphorisms, LIIII, LV and LXXXIX, pp. 148-51, 174-75.\n45 See Szonyi (1999).\n46 Shumaker, pp. 134-35.\n47 Shumaker , pp. 122-23.\n48 Allen G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy, 1 (London: Heinemann, 1977), pp. 51-76.\n49 Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 92-200 , Decem libri Archidoxis.\n50 Shumaker, pp. 128-29.\n51 Khunrath (Hanover, 1609), p. 6.\n5253 Shumaker, p. 62;. Clulee, pp. 56-57.\nShumaker , p. 63.\n54 Shumaker, p. 64.\n55 Shumaker, Aphorisms XXXII-XLVIII, pp. 136-37.\n56 Shumaker, Aphorism XXXIIII, pp. 136-38.\n57 Shumaker, Aphorism LIIII, pp. 148-51.\n38\nCHAPTER THREE\n\nPages 34:\n40\nCHAPTER THREE\nportrayal ofthe geometrical cones of astral influences and the manner in\nwhich they imprinted their qualities onto base matter. Although Clulee\nhas stated that Dee made astrology of practical use to alchemists for the\nfirst time, he was referring only to Dee's specifically alchemical treatise,\nthe Monas Hieroglyphica.58 Yet, the earlier Propaedeumata Aphoristica had an\nequal practical import for alchemists since it was offering them a shortcutto their goal oftransmutation by means ofDee's system of astronomical catoptrics. The use of his optical theory in their laboratories would\nallow alchemists to summon species from the stars to impregnate and\nthereby transmute their gross \"prima materia\" into a higher form. For\nexample, they could summon the species ofsilver from the moon, orgold\nfrom the sun.\nA substantial re-orientation of alchemical theory towards astral-magic\nhad already been initiated by the publication of Paracelsus' writings in\nthe mid-1550s, as well as by the cabbalah. As a result of such influences,\na cabbalistic theogony of light was eventually developed by Paracelsian\nalchemists such as Heinrich Khunrath, Edward Kelley, Oswald Croll,\nMichael Sendivogius and Stefan Michelspacher. Even the Jesuit encyclopaedist Athanasius Kircher, though declaring himself to be a sceptic,\nnevertheless, considered alchemical theory with deep interest in his treatises which also proudly displayed his own catoptrical apparatus (fig. 20).\nThus, from the late sixteenth century, alchemists increasingly lifted their\neyes from their furnaces to inspect the divine actions of the heavenly\nfires.\nIn his later treatise, the Monas Hieroglyphica of 1564, Dee presented a\nmore sophisticated metaphysical structure based on cabbalism to justify\nhis catoptrical alchemy. Nevertheless, in terms of effective benefit to contemporary alchemists, Dee had already provided much the same information in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica. Although Clulee does not consider\nthat alchemy was of interest to Dee in the 1550s, there are, nevertheless,\nsufficient hints within the text of the Propaedeumata Aphoristica to indicate\nthat Dee envisaged an alchemical purpose for his astral catoptrics.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY:\nTHE \"ASTRAL VIRTUE\" AND\nTHE \"AERIAL SALTPETRE\"\nThe controversy generated by the medical theories of Paracelsus (14931541) was caused not only by his adoption of alchemical methods for\npreparing medicines and his innovatory use of inorganic substances, but\nalso by his disturbing synthesis of medicine, magic, theology and cosmology. Paracelsus' ambitiously expansive (and often self-contradictory) vision forced his educated contemporaries to re-assess both their professional activities as physicians, as well as their philosophical systems and\neven their religious beliefs.\nParacelsus' own Christian commitment cannot be doubted, for this\nwas one of his declared reasons for his attack on pre-Christian medical\ntheorists such as Galen. Nonetheless, Paracelsus developed a monistic\ntheosophical structure for his chemical universe in his account of the\nunion between the astral human faculties and the macrocosm. Similarly,\nin his cosmogenical theories, the primal four elements emerged directly\nfrom the soul of the universe. The chief adversary of Paracelsus in the\nsecond half of the sixteenth century was the Protestant theologian Thomas Erastus (1523-1583) who castigated Paracelsus for his superstitious\nmedical practices, specifically his use of astrology.2 Alchemists such as\nKhunrath and Fludd who joined the Paracelsian school had to address\nsignificant theological issues to avoid constructing a philosophical system\nequating God with nature.\nIn the Philosophia ad Athenienses, Paracelsus described a cosmos whose\nform was that of an alchemical still,4 fabricating a monistic model of the\nworld's emergence from the \"mysterium magnum\", a prime matter un-\n58 Clulee, p. 106.\n1 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" (1979), pp. 60-62, 70-74. For Erastus see\nThorndike, M&ES, 5, pp. 617-51. See also Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 112-122.\n2 Debus (1977), 1, pp. 129-34; Thorndike, M&ES, 5, pp. 652-67.\n3 Walter Pagel, \"The Prime Matter of Paracelsus\", Ambix, 9 (1961): 117 ff.\n4 Debus (1977), 1, pp. 51-61, 76, 86-87. These texts are found in Sudhoff, I, 8, Das\nBuch Paragranum, pp. 31-126, see esp pp . 31, 115, 133 and I, 9, Opus Paramirum, pp. 37-223\nand also I, 10, pp. 7-487, der Grossen Wunderarznei.\n\nPages 35:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nderstood to be life itself, or the soul,5 the mother of all phenomena, both\nsubstantial and insubstantial. In the primal creative act God separated\nthe elements7 from each other, acting in the manner of a chemist in his\nlaboratory. Out of insubstantial prime matter there emerged the four\nproto-elements which were the primal qualities of fieriness , airiness, wacreated the secondary material\nteriness and earthiness, which, in turn,\n8\nelements offire, water, earth and air. The chemical processes ofseparation and coagulation produced a mixture ofthe four secondary elements\nwhich Paracelsus termed the \"Ilyaster\", containing all the objects of material creation. In addition to these elements, the cosmic order rested on\nthree other principles, Mercury, Sulphur and Salt.10\nIn a variety of other texts, Paracelsus promoted the idea that the\nhuman-being was an integral unity with the macrocosm of stars and\nplanets, formulating, therefore, a series of practical techniques, such as\nastrology, astral-magic, rituals, chemical potions and talismans, whereby\nthis relationship could be exploited in medicine, as well as in prognostication. In De pestilate Paracelsus explained that a human-being consisted\nof both an animal and a sidereal body, made from fire and air.12 For\nexample, in Das Buch Paragranum Paracelsus explained that\nThe inner stars of man are, in their properties, kind, and nature, by their\ncourse and position, like his outer stars, and different only in form and in\nmaterial . Just as the sun shines through a glass as though divested of\nbody and substance-so the stars penetrate one another in the body ... For\nthe sun and the moon and all planets, as well as all the stars and thewhole\nchaos, are in man .... The body attracts heaven ... and this takes place in\naccordance with the great divine order.13\nMoreover, a human-being partook of the character of the four elements.\nMan consists of the four elements, not only as some hold-because he has\nfour tempers, but also because he partakes ofthe nature, essence and properties of these elements. In him there lies the \"young heaven\" which is their\nfather. For man was created from heaven and earth, and is therefore like\nthem.14\nSimilarly, the heavens reflected the nature of the human constitution.\nIn the heavens you can see man, each part for itself; for man is made of\nheaven. And the matter out of which man was created also indicates to you\nthe pattern after which he was formed.15\nConsequently, humanity was a mirror of the cosmic structure, reflecting\nthe cosmic body of Anthropos.\nWithin the metaphysical construction ofthe world, Paracelsus placed\nthe supreme influence of divine light which he considered to be the\nhigher intelligence in both the natural world, as well as in humans.16\nIn the Philosophia magna, Liber de nymphis, however, he distinguished\nbetween the light of nature (\"das Licht der Natur\") and that of the human spirit and intelligence.17 The idea of the light of nature was developed in mathematical terms in the Astronomia Magna (1537-8) in which\nParacelsus discussed the importance ofmathematics in the study of natural philosophy. He explained that astronomical mathematics examined\nthe manner in which the stars caused generation and creation on the\nearth, their effects being related to their height, profundity, amplitude\nand angular juxtapositions. There is a close relationship between these\nParacelsian ideas in the Astronomia Magna and Dee's theories in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica of 1558, although neither Debus, nor Clulee, have\ndiscussed this relationship. In some of his ideas concerning the essential\nrole of astronomy in developing both intellectual understanding and the\n42\n5 Sudhoff, I, 13, Philosophia ad Athenienses, pp. 389-423 . See also Walter Pagel, \"The\nPrime Matter of Paracelsus\", Ambix, 9 (1961): 117 ff.\n6 Sudhoff, I, 13, Philosophia ad Athenienses, pp. 390-92. See Pagel, \"Paracelsus als\n\"Naturmystiker\" (1979), pp. 63-67.\n7 Sudhoff, I, 13, Philosophia ad Athenienses, p. 393.\n, pp. 396-98. See also Debus, (1977), 1, pp. 5161.8 Sudhoff, I, 13, Philosophia adAthenienses\nWinder, \"The Higher\n; Walter Pagel\nand Marianne\npp. 51-61\n9 Debus,and(1977),\nElements\nPrime1,Matter\nin Renaissance\nNaturalism\nand in Paracelsus\", Ambix, 21\n(1974): 93 ff.\n10 Sudhoff, I, 13, pp. 7-123, Philosophia de generationibus etfructibus quatuorelementorum, see\nesp pp. 9-23 on the elements and the Ilyaster. These ideas are discussed in Pagel,\n\"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\"\"\" (1979), pp. 67-69.\n11 Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 92-200, Decem libri Archidoxis; I, 12, pp . 1-444, Astronomia Magna;\nI, 12, pp. 503-4; I,\nI, 12, pp. 500 ffDe probatione magiae. I, 12, pp. 502-3, De divinatione.\n. See Pagel(1982), pp. 64,\nde\ndivinis\noperibus\net\nsecretis\nnaturae\n,\npp.\n1-378,\nPhilosophia\nmagna\n14\n67.\n12 Jolande Jacobi (ed), Paracelsus Selected Writings (New York: Pantheon, 1951), p. 92\n(translation of Sudhoff, I/14, 597-98 De pestilate. Sudhoff lists this text as spurious).\n43\n13 Jacobi, pp. 160-64 (Paragranum); Pagel (1982), pp. 65-68.\n14Jacobi, pp. 160-64 (Paragranum).\n15 Jacobi, pp. 31ff(Paragranum).\n16 Jacobi, p. 117 (Sudhoff, I/9, p. 253 Opus Paramirum). The full transcription of this\nwork is found in Sudhoff, I, 9, pp. 37-229, 231-47.\n17Jacobi, pp. 115 ff, esp pp. 117-18 (Sudhoff, 1/14, pp. 115-51, Philosophia magna Liber\nde nymphis); Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), pp. 59-60.\n\nPages 36:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nhigher \"gnosis\" ofthe spirit, Paracelsus was drawing on cabbalistic thinking.18\nParacelsus rejected the ancient natural philosophers, replacing Aristotle with christianised neo-platonic and hermetic authorities, discarding\nalso the medical canon of Avicenna and Galen. 19 Instead , he believed\nthat physical ailments were the result of external forces rather than ofan\nimbalance offluids, as in the medieval theory ofthe four humours. Each\norgan of the body, Paracelsus explained, contained a dynamism called\nthe \"archeon\" which functioned as an internal alchemist. Moreover, he\nbelieved that each illness originated in a particular star whose virtue was\nembodied in the corresponding earthly \"arcanum\", a medicine which\ncould heal the ailment.20\nParacelsus was not the first to adapt alchemy to medicine, since John\nof Rupescissa and Arnold of Villanova in the fourteenth-century had\ndeveloped the alchemical concept of the fifth essence into a medical\ntheory. Paracelsian alchemy was not concerned with transmutation, but\nwith the preparation ofmedicines. Paracelsus departed from Arabic medicine mostly in his conviction that chemically prepared inorganic medicines were superior to the herbal preparations ofmedievalphysicians. To\nthis end, he stressed the importance of the metals, particularly mercury,\nantimony and iron salts, advocating also the medicinal use of poisons,\nsuch as arsenic, in strict dosages.22 He prepared these by means of distillation in order to purify and intensify the volatile spirits ofthe substance\nby removing the impure earths. This would introduce the hidden virtue\nof the star governing the disease and induce healing by homeopathic\nmeans.23\nAccording to the Paracelsian doctrine of signatures, the \"astra\" (stellar\nvirtues) present within all natural bodies were the foundation of practical\nmedicine, since each person had an astral body which overlay and penetrated his physical body, so that the external and imminent \"astra\" were\neffectively the same entity. Thus, Parcelsus stated, a remedy was dependant on the astrological effects of the heavens.24 In the Volumen medicinae\nparamirum (circa 1520), he urged the physician to acquire a sound knowledge ofastronomy in order to understand the effects ofthe astral emanations by means of which God had impressed earthly things with \"signatures\",25\nFor a clearer understanding of Paracelsus' theory of\"signatures\", it is\nhelpful to consider Foucault's analysis of the Renaissance concept ofthe\nworld as being constructed on the basis of similitude and difference. The\nRenaissance taxonomy of phenomena, whether spiritual, physical, aesthetic or linguistic, was based on the idea that representation (similitude)\nwas that which guaranteed their authenticity. Similitude was judged in\nthe terms of adjacency (\"convenientia\"), analogy (\"aemulatio\") and sympathy (\"concordia\"). This taxonomy was inscribed within the universe in\nthe form of signs, decipherable only by an elite of natural philosophers.\nAs Foucault points out, in the sixteenth century no distinction was made\nbetween the empirical observations ofthe natural philosophers and those\noftheologians, or occultists. All of these systems of knowledge were dependent on their ability to read the inscriptions which already pre-existed\nin the forms of the world. Foucault argues that Renaissance signs were\norganised into a conceptual structure consisting of three qualities which\nwere the marks of the sign, the things designated by those marks and the\nsimilitude between them. Since it was \"aemulatio\" which constituted\nboth the form and the content of the sign, these three elements operated\nas a single figure. Foucault's contention is that in the seventeenth century\nthis triple construction of a sign became a binary in which a signifier\n(\"significans\") was connected to a significance (\"significandum\"), abandoning the quality of similitude.26\nFoucault's argument provides one explanation for the intensity ofthe\nlate Renaissance search for the \"lingua Adamica\" through the devices of\nmagical cryptography. The issue of the Adamic language has been discussed by Szonyi in his study of the influence of Paracelsian talismanic\nlinguistics on Dee's theurgy. (Dee had certainly procured two copies of\nParacelsus Expositio magicarum figurarum). In contrast to the characterisa-\n44\n18 Pagel (1982), pp.71-76; Allen G. Debus, \"Mathematics and Nature in the Chemical\nTexts ofthe Renaissance\", Ambix (1968): 1-28; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \"\n(1979), pp. 59, 65-66\n19 J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 2 (London: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 115-51;\n(1982): 130-58.\nPagel\n20 Pagel\n(1982): 105-12; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), p. 85 \"jede\nKrankheit ein Stern\".\n21 Thorndike, M&ES, 3, pp. 347-69; 4, pp. 37-41; F. N. L. Poynter (ed), Chemistryin the\nService ofMedicine (London, 1963), pp. 5-26, esp p. 17.\n22 Pagel (1982), pp. 133-56.\n23 Pagel (1982), p. 70; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), p. 63.\n45\n24 Pagel (1982), pp. 67-71. Pagel gives an excellent explanation of the Paracelsian\n\"astra\" in his \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), pp. 70-74.\n25 Pagel ( 1982), pp. 59-61.\n26 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things (London; New York: Tavistock; Pantheon,\n1970), pp. 30-94. For a more specific historical account ofthe epistemologicalchanges in\nsixteenth century culture see Will-Erich Peuckert, Die Grosse Wende (Hamburg: Claassen\nand Goverts, 1948), pp. 299-474.\n\nPages 37:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\ntion of Dee by previous historians such as Yates, Clulee and Sherman,\nSzonyi has offered a rather different interpretation of Dee's intellectual\nactivity.\nDee as a\"magus\" ... had an amazingly wide range of interests but [he] also\nincreasingly had a focusing obsession, a magical program, not necessarilyto\nimprove the sciences in order to prepare the scientific revolution, rather to\nfind an alternative system ofknowledge ... Dee clearly distinguished between\nscience after the Fall and that of primordial wisdom. His aim was to restore\nthe Adamic or Enochian wisdom of the Golden Age and that would not be\ncompatible with the methods and means of the fallen science relying on\ndiscursive logic.27\nIf it was indeed the case that late sixteenth century intellectual culture\nwas in the process of inaugurating a new episteme, that of the scientific\nrevolution and the enlightenment, then there may well have been a sense\nof existential panic, a feeling that meaning was becoming ever more\ndifficult to retrieve from the open book of nature. The interest in magical\ncyphers may have been an attempt to close the widening gap arising in\ncultural semiosis in which the signifier was slipping away from its referent.\nThe Renaissance came to a halt before the brute fact that language existed:\nin the density of the world, a graphism mingling with things or flowing\nbeneath them ... the existence oflanguage preceded, as if by a mute stubborness, what one could read in it and the words that gave it sound. From the\nseventeenth century, it is this massive and intriguing existence of language\nthat is eliminated\n... one might say that language in the Classical era does\nnot exist: it functions.28\nFor Paracelsus, the primal language of signatures was inspired by God's\nmanner of sustaining the cosmic order, inscribing the forms of all manifestation with a stellar emanation, the \"azoth\". In his Liber Azoth he had\nreferred to it as an aerial nitre, or saltpetre, transmitted by the rain to the\nearth from the spirit of the sun.29 His followers, Severinus, de Vigenere,\nSendivogius, Quercetanus and Fludd developed the full idea ofthe aerial\nsaltpetre at the end of the sixteenth and in the early years of the seventeenth centuries. Another origin for the concept of this astral virtue was\nthe use of nitrates in the manufacture of gunpowder, a major European\nindustry in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In the industrial\nprocess, nitrate salts were exposed to the elements and the solar rays in\norder to enhance their explosive, preservative and generative properties.\nParacelsus in the Grossen Wunderarznei considered that such virtues were\nimpregnated into the salts by the aerial virtue, explaining thunder and\nlightening as being caused by a \"Saltniter-Sulphur\", while the stars themselves were composed either of sulphur, or nitre. John Dee had at least\ntwo copies ofthe Grossen Wunderarznei, as well as the work ofBodenstein,\nSuchten, Quercetanus, Severinus and Dorn.30\nQuercetanus (1544-1609) stated that Salt was the true and essential\nmedicine appearing in three forms, marine, fixed and nitrous. All ofthese\nwere related to generation, but of these three spirits of Salt, he considered that saltpetre, originating in urine, was the highest form since it\npartook ofthe three kinds of life, animal, vegetable and mineral and also\nembodied the three principles of Sulphur, Mercury and Salt. Du Chesne\nbelieved thatthe highest form of saltpetre was alchemical, rather than the\nvulgar version produced by industrial chemists and fireworks specialists.31\nDespite Du Chesne's rejection ofempirical chemistry, the Paracelsian\nalchemist Michael Sendivogius (1566-1636) referred to the industrial\nprocess of weathering nitric salts by means of the sun and the elements in\nhis Novum Lumen Chymicum ( 1604). Szydlo has argued that his chemical\nwork demonstrates that Sendivogius intuited the existence of oxygen,\neven producing this gas prior to Lavoisier.32 Andreas Orthelius wrote a\ncommentary on Sendivogius' Novum Lumen Chemicum which was published\nin Eberhard Zetzner's Theatrum Chemicum (Strassburg, 1656), accompanied by a set of engravings, one ofwhich shows an open alchemical flask\npositioned in front ofa window, while another depicts a tub of chemicals\nstanding in the open air (fig. 16).33\nParacelsus had examined the alchemical role of the sun in his Neun\nBucher Archidoxis (circa 1526-1527) in which he compared the earthly fire\n46\n27 Quote from Szonyi \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim. See also Szonyi \"O Worke Divine\"(1984), pp. 353-94. Dee's Paracelsian texts on sigils are listed in R&W: 844, 956.\n28 Foucault, p. 79. See also Brian Vickers, \"Analogy versus identity: the rejection of\noccult symbolism, 1589-1680\" in Brian Vickers (ed), Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the\nRenaissance (Cambridge UP, 1984), pp. 95-163.\n29 Debus (1964): 43-61 , esp. 44-45, 49ff.\n47\n30 Zbigniew Szydlo, Water Which Does Not Wet Hands (Warszawa: Polish Academy of\nSciences, 1994), pp. 67-92. For Paracelsus see Sudhoff, 10, pp. 7-423 der Grossen\nWunderarznei; Debus (1964): 44-47. For Dee's collection see R&W: 521, 1447, 1457, 1465,\n1526, 1544, 2227, 2236,\n31 Debus (1964): 51-54.\n32 R.J. W. Evans, RudolfII and his world(Oxford U. P, 1973), p. 211-12; Szydlo (1994).\nSendivogius appears as \"Sarmatus\" in Michael Maier, Symbola Aureae Mensae (Oppenheim:\nJ. T. de Bry), Bk XII, pp. 553-60 esp. pp. 555-58.\n33 Andreas Orthelius, \"Commentator In Novum Lumen Chymicum Sendivogii\" in\nTheatrum Chemicum, 6 (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1656), illustrations on pp. 413, 415.\n\nPages 38:\n48\nCHAPTER FOUR\nin the alchemical furnace to the sun's heat. This text was issued in many\neditions from the 1570's and it had a considerable influence on occultist\npractices. Paracelsus described the aethereal spirit, or fire, of the celestial\nbodies as creating the corresponding earthly phenomena, stating that the\nalchemical tincture obtained its virtues not from earthly chemicals, but\nfrom the spirit ofthe sun as its imminent \"astra\".34 Certainly, Khunrath's\nconcept ofthe philosophical fire in De Igne Magorum was closely modelled\non the Archidoxa.\nMost of Paracelsus' treatises were published after his death, the greatest number appearing in the 1570's when the Archidoxa was issued in a\nnumber of editions (including spurious versions). The first full compendium of Paracelsus' texts was issued in Basle by Peter Barna in 1589-90\nand another important collected edition was that of John Huser ofWaldkrich in Cologne (1589-91 ; 1603; 1605). In England, according to Debus,\nthe use of chemical medicines had been long accepted prior to the Paracelsian influences due to the writings of Arnald of Villanova, the pseudoLullians and Hieronymous Brunschwig. By the 1580's, there were a great\nnumber of reputable Paracelsian followers both on the continent and in\nEngland, such as Conrad Gesner ofZurich ( 1516-1565) who was a friend\nof Dee. Gesner's treatise on distillation was translated by Thomas Hill\nand published in England by George Baker as the Treasure of Euonymous\n(1559). Leonhard Thurneysser, whom Dee had met in Frankfurt-onOder in 1578, was another influential source in England for distillation\ntechniques.35 English Paracelsians included Richard Bostocke who borrowed Dee's Paracelsian texts and wrote the first Paracelsian apology in\nEnglish, The Difference between Auncient Phisicke... and the latter Phyicke (1585).\nThomas Moffett (1553-1604), member of the College of Physicians, was\nanother influential Paracelsian who wrote of his respect for Dee. Paracelsian theosophy was publicised by Thomas Tymme, rector of St. Antholin's church in London from 1605, who also proposed to translate Dee's\nMonas36 Hieroglyphica into English and he prepared an introduction to the\ntext.\nItwas within this social and intellectual milieu that in the 1560's John\nDee redirected his interests from scholasticism to alchemy, cabbalism and\nstar-magic. Although Dee can be described as a hermeticist in being\ninfluenced by that historical corpus, not all scholars are agreed that Dee\nwas himself a Paracelsian alchemist. In fact, Debus made a categorical\ndistinction between Paracelsus and Dee on the grounds that Dee's alchemy was of a pre-eminently mathematical character. Consequently, neither Debus nor Clulee take any account ofpotential influences from the\nParacelsians on Dee.37 Szonyi, on the other hand, has argued for the\ndirect influence of Paracelsus on Dee's angelic magic, comparing Paracelsus' definition of \"Gamaaea\", magical talismans with Dee's account in\nthe Propaedeumata Aphoristica and the Monas Hieroglyphica. Szonyi has found\nthat Dee's Monas had the same two levels of reference as the Paracelsian\ntalismans, namely, the earthly material which is rendered into a supernatural substance by the alchemical process, as well as the talismanic\naspect which transforms the alchemist himself into a more elevated spiritual state. Szonyi has also related the triple-level magical cosmos of Paracelsus and Dee to that ofAgrippa and, more recently, to Ficino's in De\nTriplici Vitae.38\nOther important evidence ofDee's Paracelsian interests has been supplied by Roberts' and Watson's analysis of Dee's library which has revealed that he was the major exponent of Paracelsian theory in England.39 Although there is no evidence that he specifically trained as a\nphysician at Cambridge,40 it appears that in private he both practised\nand taught Paracelsian medicine. Between 1560 and 1583 Dee's library\nwas one of the largest in Europe, especially in the areas of medieval\nscience and alchemy. From the late 1540's he had enthusiastically collected manuscripts and printed books, but Paracelsus and the Paracelsians\ndominated his alchemical collection.41 Roberts and Watson have remarked on the large number of duplicates in his library, mostly of alchemical, mathematical and scientific works.\n34 Sudhoff, 3, pp. 86 ff Neun Bucher Archidoxis. For the various versions ofthis text, both\nauthentic and spurious see Karl Sudhoff, Bibliographia Paracelsica\n(1527-1893) (Berlin:\nReimer, 1894), pp. 183-207, 215-17, 239-41 .\n35 For the detailed chronology of Paracelsian\nsee Sudhoff, Bibliographia\nParacelsica (1894), pp. 3-39 Paracelsus' own work inpublications\nthe\nyears\n1549-57\npp. 60-365 for\nParacelsian followers in the period 1560-88 . For English Paracelsiansand\nsee\n( 1965),\npp. 49-85 and Robert Multhauf, \"Medical Chemistry and the \"Paracelsians\"Debus\n\",\nBulletin\nthe History of Medicine, 28 ( 1954): 101-26. ForDee's collection see R&W: Thurneyser 240,of\n258, 1455, 1456, 2183, 2275; Gesner 210, 1448, B138.\n36 R&W, p. 179; Debus (1965), pp. 70ff.\n37 Debus, (1977), 1, pp. 44-46; Clulee, pp. 96-106.\n38 Szonyi (1999) and also forthcoming in Renaissance Quarterly. For Dee's ownership of\ntwo\n956. copies ofParacelsus on magical insignia Expositio magicarumfigurarum see R&W: 844,\n39 R&W, pp. 41-45, 53.\n40 Peter French, John Dee (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987), pp. 23-28.\n41 R&W, pp. 3-6, 26-40, 53. Dee's Paracelsian texts included the Astronomia Magna,\nParamirum, Paragranum, Philosophia Magna, Philosophia ad Athenienses, Wunderarznei, Archidoxa\nand his work on theurgic sigills, as well as books by Bodenstein, Toxites and Suchten\namong others, see R&W: 65, 289, 844, 956, 1457, 1461-1535, 2220-2276.\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\n49\n\nPages 39:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nIf our theory that duplicates were intended for use by pupils is correct, it is\nvery likely that Dee taught Paracelsian medicine. 42\nDee's chief associate in the 1580s was Edward Kelley who was wellversed in Ripley and Agrippa. Kelley had moved into Dee's house at\nMortlake on 10 March 1582, collaborating with him until 1589, a period\nwhich included their joint travels in Eastern Europe from 21 September\n1583 until November 1589.43 They had journeyed initially to Poland\nwith Albert Laski, Palatine of Sieradz, who had financed the first published edition of Paracelsus' Archidoxa Philosophiae (Cracow, 1569). From\nSeptember 1584, Dee and Kelley sojourned at the Imperial court in\nPrague where they would have encountered Paracelsian alchemists and\nphysicians such as Oswald Croll, Leonhard Thurneysser (whom Dee had\nknown since the 1570s) and Heinrich Khunrath. Later in the 1590's\nMichaelMaier and Michael Sendivogius attended the same court.44 Kelley remained in Prague on Dee's return to England in 1589.45\nAlthough Kelley's alchemical theory exhibits a dependence on Ripley,\nhe may have been influenced to a certain extent by Dee's catoptrics,\nsince in one of his alchemical poems he describes the lighting conditions\nnecessary for the preparation of chemicals.\nSublyme thine Earth with stinkeing Water erst,\nThen in a place where Phoebus onely tayle\nIs seene att midday, see thou mingle best :\nFor nothing shineth that doth want his light,\nNor doubleth beames, unlesse it first be bright.46\nThe alchemist Oswald Croll, a close associate of Kelley's in Prague, was\nanother ofthe Paracelsians responsible for developing the concept ofthe\naerial saltpetre and its relation to the solar forces. Croll's Basilica Chymica\n(Frankfurt, 1609) describes the central importance of the sun in the making of the universal panacea.47 He refers to the sun as the fount of life,\nthe eye both of the material world and of the heavens, as well as the\nbreathing-vent ofthe life ofthe elements.48 Croll's recipe for the production of potable gold included the most fearsome ingredients. Itwas based\non sublimed calx of Sol (chemical gold), to which was added a pound of\ncommon ferric aqua fortis (iron dissolved in nitric acid). In this liquid\nthere was to be dissolved one ounce of ammonia salts on a low heat,\nproducing \"aqua regis\" (a savagely corrosive, foaming mix of hydrochloric and nitric acids). This would dissolve as much gold as was required.\nFortunately, Croll provided additional recipes for refining this potent\nbrew.49\nDee's own chemistry is recorded in his widely-dispersed diaryjottings,\nas well as in several notebooks in the British Library and the Bodleian\nLibrary, Oxford.50 These fragmentary documents, accounting for Dee's\nalchemical practice from the 1580s through to the early 1600s, have had\nlittle attraction for scholars, but they are worth considering since they\ncontain some evidence that Dee was interested in the Paracelsian \"materia medica\". One ofthe most complete journals of Dee's practical chemistry is found in Bodleian Library Rawlinson MS D 241 (13050). Although dated 1601, it is an account ofvarious experiments undertaken by\nDee from June 1581, prior to his European journey. Since some ofthis\ntext is notwritten in his own hand, it seems likely that he was employing\nan assistant. Another manuscript which provides additional clues concerning Dee's personal alchemical practice is Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 1486, in which the early part (pars. VI) is a compendium oftexts\nbought into his library and occasionally annotated by Dee. At the end of\nthis collection (pars V, bound in reverse order) are found Dee's laboratory notes, written just prior to 1609.51\nAccording to these sources, Dee used considerable amounts of saltpetre and nitric acid, which argues for a Paracelsian influence. Sometimes\nthese were combined with sulphur and its compounds. For example, in\nBodleian Library Rawlinson MS D 241, he notes that from 8 June he\n50\n42 R&W, p. 42. Dee acquired ninety-two editions of Paracelsus in one-hundred and\nfifty-seven copies. See also Sherman, John Dee (1995) on the political aspects of Dee's\nlearning and on his role as a magus within Elizabethan society.\n43 For Deein Europe see French, pp. 113-17, 120-2; R&W, pp. 47-49; Evans, pp. 219is found in James Orchard Halliwell,\n20. An example of Kelley and Dee's use of),Ripley\nDiary ofDrJohn Dee (Camden: London, 1842 p.43 and also in Edward Fenton, The Diaries\nofJohn Dee (Charlbury, Oxon: Day Books, 1998), p. 233.\nEvans, pp. 219 ff.\n45 French, p. 113 & R&W, pp. 50-51.\n46 Ashmole, Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, pp. 324-33, quote from pp. 332-33. See also\nKelley's treatises in K. C. Schmeider, Geschichte der Alchemie (Halle, 1832), pp: 304ff, 308.\nOne such treatise is Oxford Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 1420, ff. 89-94. Others may\nbe found in Waite (London, 1893), passim.\n51\n47 Oswald Croll, Basilica Chymica (Frankfurt, 1609), pp. 208-15.\n48 Croll , p . 209.\n49 Croll, pp. 211-17.\n50 See French, pp. 210-16; Fenton, Appendix 2, pp. 308-9. This is a transcription of\nanother experiment undertaken by Dee from 24 July 1581 (ff. 6,7). It concerns the working of silver with aquafortis.\nR&W: DM103.\n\nPages 40:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\n\"dyed\" vitriol (sulphuric acid) for twenty-two days and worked saltpetre,\nadding mercury and repeatedly distilling the ensuing chemical mix. He\nalso used repeated quantities of sulphur and marcasite, frequently circulating the products (ff. 2r-4r). Similarly, in Dee's diary, he records that on\n30 August 1594 Walter Mallet left for Toulouse with the fixed oil of\nsaltpetre , presumably having been taught the method of its preparation\nby Dee.52 Comparing Dee's work with that of Paracelsus in his various\nmedicinal treatises, there is some similarity. One of the most important\nParacelsian chemical preparations was the production of potassium arsenate from the fusion of arsenic with saltpetre. Paracelsus had washed the\nmetals with alchohol and water, then heated them with saltpetre which\ncaused the metals to oxidise and become soluble.53 Also, in this context,\nthere exists a strange record of Dee's preparation of \"AER SIMPLEX\"\nin August 1581.\nThe 29 day after 11 ofthe clok I did sett 7 oz and a half of pure Ayre forto\nCirculate in balneo.\n(Bodleian Library MS D 241 (13050), f. 8r)\nUnfortunately, the experiment is not fully documented, but it may indicate that Dee was attempting to work with the Paracelsia\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 30 to page 40 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=31\nPages: 31\nadditional ideas being drawn from the Arabs, Grosseteste, Witelo and\nJohn Pecham.28 It may be that further investigation by Szonyi will lead to\na re-assessment of Clulee's argument.\nDee had a great interest in catoptrics, as is demonstrated in Roberts\nand Watson's catalogue of his library which contains many Arabic and\nscholastic resources. Catoptrics was a branch of the science of optics\ninitiated by the ancient Greeks and defined by Archimedes as the study\nof the refraction and reflection of light-rays by mirrors or prisms. The\nincendiary properties of parabolic mirrors, which collected and focused\nthe rays ofthe sun, had already been known in the sixth century AD by\nphilosophers such as Anthemius of Thralles.29 In the medieval period,\n129-31. For Boehme's account of Christ as the redeeming light see Will-Erich Peuckert,\nBoehme. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart: Frommanns Verlag, 1955), 1, \"Aurora Signatura Rerum oder Morgenrothe in Anfang\", pp. 263-84.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=61\nPages: 61\nthe Zoroastians by further consideration of their god \"ORIMASDA\"\nwhose form was that of eternal fire. Khunrath provides an account of\nvarious other religions and philosophies which have venerated the fire as\nsacred, most of his examples being taken from the Old Testament, with\nsome from Greek and Roman classical literature, such as stories of the\nVestal Virgins, as well as other ancient sacrifical fire cults. All ofthese he\nconsiders to be the secret external fire of the sages (De Igne: 4-20).\nFrom the very beginning of his treatise, Khunrath promotes the use of\ncatoptrics in alchemy, by initially recalling the words of Paracelsus in\nBook VII of the Rerum Naturalium de transmutatione (De Igne: 26) on the\ndegrees ofheat to be used in alchemy. He relates these pyromantic theories to catoptrics, describing how the virtues of the sun are to be deployed in alchemy by means of steel or crystal mirrors . In this celestial]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=74\nPages: 74\nHuc pertinet Cabalistarum Gimetria; Teusrasche; et Neoteriken. Sive (ut\nJoannes ab Dee Londinensis exprimit, in suis ad Parisienses Aphorismis, etin\nPraefatione ad Regem Maximilianum Monadi Hieroglyphicae praefixam)\nGeometria, Notariacon et Tzyruph (Khunrath, 1609: 6)\nFurthermore, there are allusions to catoptrics in certain details of the\nillustrations in the Amphiteatrum, such as the hand-lens in Khunrath's portrait of 1602, which depicts him holding pair of dividers with which heis\ninscribing a circle (a Pythagorean reference) (fig. 26). Similarly, in de\nVries' engraving of the Oratory-Laboratory, a hand-mirror is depicted\namong the objects on the table (frontispiece). The owl in Khunrath's\nemblem of 1599 is also provided with optical and luminary accessories\nsuch as spectacles, tapers and candle-sticks (fig. 28). It is probable, in fact,\nthat Khunrath was writing his treatise on alchemical catoptrics De Igne\nMagorum, in the same years, 1602-4, as he was reworking the Amphiteatrum.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\ncorpus with its astrology, the Rosarium, Dee's catoptrical theories and\nKhunrath's De Igne Magorum all produce the impression that celestial rays\nwere, indeed, being employed by alchemists to \"animate\" their materials.\nIn De Igne Magorum, as well as citing Paracelsus and the medieval\ncorpus , Khunrath also refers to the \"twelve books\" of Giambattista della\nPorta's Magia Naturalis, referring, thereby, to the enlarged second edition\nof 1589 (De Igne: 94). Other authorities mentioned in his account of the\nastral fires and catoptrics include Hermolaus Barbarus in Corollario super\nDioscorides ubi de Aquis in Commune (De Igne: 90), Trithemius in the Aureum\nvellus (De Igne: 94), Joannes Pontanus and Penotus's letter to Joannes Bartholomeus Burggravius (De Igne: 96, 103).\nThe most immediate influence of Khunrath's alchemical catoptrics\nwas on Stefan Michelspacher's Cabala, Spiegel der Kunst und Natur (Augsburg, 1615-1616), consisting of four engravings which represent mirrors]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48\nItalian medical chemistry, such as Hieronymous Brunschwig (circa 14501533), Liber de arte distillandi (1500-1512) and Pierandrea Mattioli (15001577) \"De ratione distillandi aquas\" in his Commentarii a Dioscoride , Venice (1544). Another influence was Conrad Gesner in his Thesaurus Euonymi\nPhiliatri (1555).46\nIt was Khunrath who related della Porta's catoptrics specifically to\nalchemy, mentioning him in the Amphiteatrum of 1609 as well as in De Igne\nMagorum (circa 1602-1604). Subsequently, Athanasius Kircher (1602-80)\nclaimed to have invented distillation by means of catoptrics, illustrating\nthe process in his Mundus subterraneus (Amsterdam, 1665) (fig. 20).47 His\nclaim for primacy has to be disregarded since by this date the catoptrical\ndistillation process was well-established. For example, there exists an earlier drawing of similar apparatus in the Mellon collection of occult and\nalchemical manuscripts (circa 1625), belonging to an anonymous Italian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\ndisguised willy-nilly in the texts.31\nIt is certainly true that this process of vivification was never clearly described bythe alchemists, as in the case ofthe section concerning \"Illuminatio\" in the Rosarium. The illustration plainly shows the sun enteringthe\ntomb ofdead matter (fig. 10), but the accompanying text speaks only of\nperfect circles and the astronomical role of the sun. It is Khunrath's De\nIgne Magorum which had, in fact, provided the first clear instructions for\nthe practice of catoptrics in an alchemical context, on the basis ofJohn\nDee's technique in the Mathematicall Preface and the Monas Hieroglyphica.\nDobbs argued further that\nthe activating agent in illumination was broadly conceived and was related to\nvisible light more metaphorically than literally.32\nIn this conclusion, she was being too cautious since the pseudo-Lullian\ncorpus with its astrology, the Rosarium, Dee's catoptrical theories and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=61\nPages: 61\nfire the three principles of alchemy (Sulphur-Mercury-Salt) are refined.\nEs ist ein Unsichtbar Feuer, darbei wir vermeinen die radios oder strahlen\nder Sonnen, welches Feuer durch einen stahlenen Spiegel oder Christallen\nsich er offnet ... Mit diesem Feuer die Drei Principia, von einem jeden\nCorporalischen dinge/ frei auff einem tische gescheiden werden (De Igne:\n26-27)\nKhunrath continues his examination of catoptrics at length, referring also\nto Agrippa's description of magical mirrors in De Occulta Philosophia (De\nIgne: 28-32). He quotes Paracelsus once more in order tojustifythe use of\ncatoptrics in alchemy, employing his concept of the \"Arcanum\", the hidden virtue in nature which is the true medicine (De Igne: 27-28). He\nrecalls how Paracelsus had explained that the effectiveness of the \"Arcanum\" was dependent on the method of its preparation. This had to be\nundertaken during the appropriate period of the sun's cycle in order to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=62\nPages: 62\nalchemical furnace, as a form of sympathetic magic (De Igne: 53). In this\noperation, he seems to intend the use of catoptrics, since later in the text\nhe provides some general instructions on the use of the catoptrical mirror, which appears in a little drawing at the side of the text, emphasising\nthe importance of these instructions (De Igne: 70). Like Dee in theMonas\nHieroglyphica, Khunrath advises that the alchemical work should be started under the astrological sign of Aries (March) at the beginning of the\nNew Year.28 In this context, he explains how to practice Paracelsian\nsympathetic magic through the use of the magnet (De Igne: 71), also referring to another aspect of Paracelsian theurgy (in De Tempore) by recommending the \"irradiation\" of the materials. A little is enough. The process of irradiation involves the exposure of the alchemical matter to the\nastral rays by means of catoptrics.\nwelches zwar wunderbarlich/jedoch die Weisen lehrens! zu bequemen Zeit/]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nas being related to the use of catoptrics.\nWithplants and animals reproduction takes place by means ofseed, but with\nsimple bodies or bodies of a simple composition this takes place by introducing force and by means of assimilation.\nThus, the sun, the celestial luminary, sends its beams to the earth and when\nthese beams are bundled in a sun-glass, shapes are seen, which are, as it\nwere, form projections ofthe sun. On these grounds it is established that sunbeams are nothing but flames offire, which are spread out over a wide space;\nwhen, however, they are focused, they burn everything that comes within the\npoint offocus33\nMaier frequently refers to the secret fire of alchemy, the quintessence, as\nin Emblem XXXVII (Maier, 1618: 158-59).34\nThe quintessential fire is the theme also of Emblem VIII, which alludes to alchemical geometry and catoptrics (fig. 41) on the model ofde\nVries' engraving for Khunrath's Amphiteatrum. The illustration displays an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d'\nOptique\" depict a long depth-of-field, as well as strong contrasts oflight\nand shadow in the foreground. Thus, by means of catoptrics de Vries\ncould have been attempting to produce an unbroken spatial (indexical)\ncontinuum between the physical world and the illustration. For that very\npurpose Alberti in his De Pictura (1435) had originally introduced the\ndevice of single-point space into painting, in order to blur the division\nbetween imagination and reality. Alberti's spatial geometry was primarily\na rhetorical device designed to slip a message effortlessly pastthe viewer's\nobjective judgement. According to Obrist, the medieval alchemists had\nprovided visual depictions oftheir ideas with the same intention of confusing the viewer's sense of reality.54 Paracelsus had also considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\ncone oflight.\nIn the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee had emphasised the theurgic power of the centric-rays emitted by the celestial spheres, which could be\n43 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n44 Fludd, \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim: J.T. de Bry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, pp.\n58, 64.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n165\ndeployed by the astronomer using catoptrical apparatus.\"45 Hence, in\nMaier's emblem the centric axis passing through the egg to the vanishing-point symbolises the transmutatory effects of the celestial influences\nand it alludes to the use of catoptrics. Maier states in his commentary on\nthe emblem that the aim of human life is to pass from a vegetable existence in the womb to the more perfect light of the macrocosm , just as\nwhen an egg is \"killed\" it attains the higher form ofa bird. This imagery\nalso refers to sexual impregnation which generates new life.46 The alchemical male and female principles may die in their old forms, but,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\npragmatic body of knowledge for more esoteric purposes. Specifically,\nby means ofcatoptrics (the reflection and refraction of light-rays by mirrors and lenses), Dee thought that celestial rays could be manipulated\nmore reliably to enhance all aspects of human affairs. The metaphysical\nrationale for Dee's astronomical and optical magic was provided bythe\ncabbalah, which he integrated into his alchemy in the 1560s. His fully\ndeveloped system of natural philosophy was published in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564) which combined optics, geometry, magic, alchemy, medicine and cabbalism.8\nDee's last published treatise was the Mathematicall Preface to Henry\nBillingsley's translation of Euclid's Principles of Geometry (1570). Although\nthis essay has not been related to alchemy by Dee's scholars, nonetheless,\nitmay have been an additional influence on Maier, Khunrath and Fludd.\nIn the Mathematicall Preface Dee examined Pythagorean geometry in its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmirror on the earth into a dark cave. Kircher's illustration describes the\nvarious lights of nature, the senses and the intellect.\nIt remains to discuss the specific influences triggering Khunrath's\nideas concerning the use of astral virtue and catoptrics in alchemy. These\nmay have been inspired by the publication of Paracelsus' completeworks\nin the Basle edition of 1589-90, as well as the appearance ofdella Porta's\nsecond Magia Naturalis (1589). Another influence was undoubtedly Dee's\ncabbalistic astrology and catoptrics, as well as the enduring effects of Pico\ndella Mirandola's and Reuchlin's Christian cabbalism. In the context of\nthe political pressures on his pietistic beliefs between circa 1595 and\n1604, these influences led Khunrath to devise a cabbalistic alchemy of\nlight, founded on Paracelsian theosophy and Renaissance optical science.\nIOO\n34 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1962-78), 2,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=32\nPages: 32\nThere are more Syrian and Hebrew grammars through-out the rest of the R&W catalogue,\nPostel. as well as the cabbalistic treatises ofps. Lull, Pico della Mirandola, Reuchlin and\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\n37\n52\nEarl of Northumberland.38 It has been established that Dee also gained\ninformation concerning the properties of lenses and mirrors from Gogava's edition ofAlhazen on catoptrics (included in his translation ofPtolemy\nOpus quadripartium, 1548). Gogava probably instructed Dee in the manufacture and use of astronomical and optical apparatus.39\nDee himself wrote an richly illustrated but unfinished tract on catoptrics (dated 1558) which is found in British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\nC.VII, art. 5, De Speculis comburentibus libri 5 (ff. 280r-309v) (figs. 12-15).\nFrom the internal evidence, it seems that Dee intended to prepare this\nmanuscript for publication. In the text he states briefly that his ideas were]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48\nalchemical manuscripts (circa 1625), belonging to an anonymous Italian\ntext on distillation.48 In addition, there are other seventeenth century\nillustrations which depict alchemical catoptrics, for example, Mylius in\nhis pictorial chronology of famous alchemists depicts \"Ademarus philosophus\" reflecting the sun in a mirror (Opus Medico-Chymicum, Frankfurt:\nLucas Jennis, 1618). Also, later seventeenth practical chemists are sometimes shown employing the sun's rays to calcinate antimony, such as an\nimage in Nicasius le Febure's A Compleat Body of Chemistry (London,\n1670).49\nOther related seventeenth century texts and illustrations such as those\nof Stefan Michelspacher, Jacob Boehme and Isaac Newton will be considered in relation to Khunrath's metaphysics of light and his catoptrical\npractice of \"irradiating\" alchemical prime matter.\n43 Giambattista della Porta, Magiae Naturalis Libri Viginti (Naples: Horatius Salvianus,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nparticular image was taken from the Rosarium, in which the analogy of\nthe sun and its shadow appears in its account of the illumination ofthe\nalchemical substance by the sun.\nThe use of catoptrical mirrors as a source of heat is described in\nEmblem XXIII where Maier explains the manner in which celestial influences are transmitted to the earth by the sun's rays (fig. 40). The\nillustration shows the alchemist, clad in the martial robes of Mars, splitting the head of Saturn to release the form of Pallas Athena. In the\nbackground appears a statue of the Apollo of Rhodes, whose head is\nencircled by an aureole of light. Meanwhile, on the right of the picture\nthe sun-god engages in sexual dalliance with Venus, while storm clouds\nshower rays of coins. The conjunction ofthe sun and Venus is a catoptrical hieroglyph in which the sun's rays are caught by a mirror (the emblem of Venus). Maier's commentary explains the meaning of the image\nas being related to the use of catoptrics.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\n(f. dijv)\nAmong the true \"Zographers\", Dee included the art-theorists Giorgio\nVasari, Pietro Aretino and Pomponius Gauricus.\nZographie, is an Arte Mathematicall, which teacheth and demonstrateth,\nhow, the Intersection of all visuall Pyramides, made by any playne assigned,\n(the Centre, distance, and lightes, beying determined) may be, by lynes, and\ndue propre colours, represented (f. dijv)\nIn Dee's ideas, \"Zographie\" was related integrally to his optical theories,\nsince the Pythagorean-based system ofsingle-point perspective was a type\nof magical catoptrics, with the same function as the catoptrics of the\nPropaedeumata Aphoristica and the later Monas Hieroglyphica. He seems to\nhave believed that a painting whose spatial system was organised in accordance with Pythagorean geometrical ratios would theurgically attract\nthe corresponding planetary influences. In other words , a painting could]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=32\nPages: 32,33\n39 Shumaker, Prop. Aph, pp. 62-64; Clulee, p. 31. In the Propaedeumata Aphoristica, Dee\nalso acknowledged the influence of Gerard Mercator, Gemma Frisius and Gaspara\nMirica.\n40 Shumaker, p. 53.\n41 Shumaker, p. 51. The provenance and form of Dee's mirror is discussed by Clulee,\np. 262: n. 120.\n42 Shumaker, p. 67.\nAphorism LII\nIf you were skilled in \"catoptrics\" you would be able, by art, to imprint the\nrays of any star much more strongly upon any matter subjected to it than\nnature itself does. This, indeed , was by far the largest part of the natural\nphilosophy of the ancient wise men. And this secret is not of much less\nthe philosophers , called inferior,\ndignity than the very august astronomy ofcertain\nMonad 43\nwhose symbols ... [are] ... enclosed in a\nAccording to Dee, mirrors could imitate planetary influences, increasing\nand decreasing the intensity oftheir radiations catoptrically and imprinting their influences on matter and magical gems.44 In these statements,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52,53\n16 Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim.\n17 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), p. 83.\n77\n78\nCHAPTER SIX\nIn answer to Yates' query, it may now be possible to suggest that, first,\nthe image in Emblem VIII does not present mathematics in the guise of\nalchemy, but alchemy in the guise of optics . Second, the missing link in\nestablishing the meaning ofthis engraving is Dee's catoptrics and \"zographie\". It could be added that, from the internal evidence oftheir texts,\none of the purposes of Khunrath's and Maier's employment of singlepoint perspective and classical architecture was to instruct the alchemist\nin the science of catoptrics. An important influence on the development\nof this practice was Dee's astrological catoptrics, Pythagorean geometry\nand cabbalism.\nMaier would have been able to read the Mathematicall Preface since he\nknew English, but it is not possible to assume that Khunrath would have\nknown the contents of this treatise since there is no evidence that he]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=74\nPages: 74\nnature, rather than with his hands.\nsine manuali cooperatione, solius Naturae laboribus\n(Khunrath, 1609: 201)\nInthe last stages ofthe alchemical process, he explains, when the purified\nbody and spirit ofthe materials are being re-united, the alchemist should\nuse the \"Olympian fire\" (Khunrath, 1608: 73-74). He refers less directly\nto the practice ofcatoptrics in the Amphiteatrum, informing the reader only\nthat he has to work in an occult manner with fire, or by means ofdivine\npower in a cabbalistic manner.224 This work takes three days to complete\nand it involves all the levels of creation, divine, macrocosmic and microcosmic (Khunrath, 1609: 203).\nThis catoptrical reference is related to John Dee's ideas, since in an\nearlier section ofthe Amphiteatrum, Khunrath had referred to Dee's cabbalism in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica and the Monas Hieroglyphica.\nHuc pertinet Cabalistarum Gimetria; Teusrasche; et Neoteriken. Sive (ut]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\nauthentic and spurious see Karl Sudhoff, Bibliographia Paracelsica\n(1527-1893) (Berlin:\nReimer, 1894), pp. 183-207, 215-17, 239-41 .\n35 For the detailed chronology of Paracelsian\nsee Sudhoff, Bibliographia\nParacelsica (1894), pp. 3-39 Paracelsus' own work inpublications\nthe\nyears\n1549-57\npp. 60-365 for\nParacelsian followers in the period 1560-88 . For English Paracelsiansand\nsee\n( 1965),\npp. 49-85 and Robert Multhauf, \"Medical Chemistry and the \"Paracelsians\"Debus\n\",\nBulletin\nthe History of Medicine, 28 ( 1954): 101-26. ForDee's collection see R&W: Thurneyser 240,of\n258, 1455, 1456, 2183, 2275; Gesner 210, 1448, B138.\n36 R&W, p. 179; Debus (1965), pp. 70ff.\n37 Debus, (1977), 1, pp. 44-46; Clulee, pp. 96-106.\n38 Szonyi (1999) and also forthcoming in Renaissance Quarterly. For Dee's ownership of\ntwo\n956. copies ofParacelsus on magical insignia Expositio magicarumfigurarum see R&W: 844,\n39 R&W, pp. 41-45, 53.\n40 Peter French, John Dee (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987), pp. 23-28.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nThe influence of Paracelsian theosophy on German pietists such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt19 and their subsequent effects on alchemical ideas will be discussed in a later chapter.\nIn the immediate context, it is evident that Paracelsus' concept ofthe\nrole of the imagination in both magical and spiritual practices would\nencourage the use of visual imagery. For example, Khunrath's \"amphi-\ntheatre\" of 1595 and 1609 provides a public spectacle for an audience,\ndisplaying the actions of Eternal Wisdom on the physical chemistry ofthe\nmanifested creation. In Paracelsian terms, Khunrath shows how the\nphysical world is united to the divine principle by means ofthe \"quintessence\" or \"azoth\". The Paracelsian \"azoth\" was a concept adopted from\nthe late medieval theory ofthe \"coelum\", a medium between matter and\nsoul, world and God, in other words an \"astral\" substance, both physical\nand spiritual in nature. Therefore, it had exactly the same character and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\ndeveloped the alchemical concept of the fifth essence into a medical\ntheory. Paracelsian alchemy was not concerned with transmutation, but\nwith the preparation ofmedicines. Paracelsus departed from Arabic medicine mostly in his conviction that chemically prepared inorganic medicines were superior to the herbal preparations ofmedievalphysicians. To\nthis end, he stressed the importance of the metals, particularly mercury,\nantimony and iron salts, advocating also the medicinal use of poisons,\nsuch as arsenic, in strict dosages.22 He prepared these by means of distillation in order to purify and intensify the volatile spirits ofthe substance\nby removing the impure earths. This would introduce the hidden virtue\nof the star governing the disease and induce healing by homeopathic\nmeans.23\nAccording to the Paracelsian doctrine of signatures, the \"astra\" (stellar\nvirtues) present within all natural bodies were the foundation of practical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\ntechniques.35 English Paracelsians included Richard Bostocke who borrowed Dee's Paracelsian texts and wrote the first Paracelsian apology in\nEnglish, The Difference between Auncient Phisicke... and the latter Phyicke (1585).\nThomas Moffett (1553-1604), member of the College of Physicians, was\nanother influential Paracelsian who wrote of his respect for Dee. Paracelsian theosophy was publicised by Thomas Tymme, rector of St. Antholin's church in London from 1605, who also proposed to translate Dee's\nMonas36 Hieroglyphica into English and he prepared an introduction to the\ntext.\nItwas within this social and intellectual milieu that in the 1560's John\nDee redirected his interests from scholasticism to alchemy, cabbalism and\nstar-magic. Although Dee can be described as a hermeticist in being\ninfluenced by that historical corpus, not all scholars are agreed that Dee\nwas himself a Paracelsian alchemist. In fact, Debus made a categorical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nhigher \"gnosis\" ofthe spirit, Paracelsus was drawing on cabbalistic thinking.18\nParacelsus rejected the ancient natural philosophers, replacing Aristotle with christianised neo-platonic and hermetic authorities, discarding\nalso the medical canon of Avicenna and Galen. 19 Instead , he believed\nthat physical ailments were the result of external forces rather than ofan\nimbalance offluids, as in the medieval theory ofthe four humours. Each\norgan of the body, Paracelsus explained, contained a dynamism called\nthe \"archeon\" which functioned as an internal alchemist. Moreover, he\nbelieved that each illness originated in a particular star whose virtue was\nembodied in the corresponding earthly \"arcanum\", a medicine which\ncould heal the ailment.20\nParacelsus was not the first to adapt alchemy to medicine, since John\nof Rupescissa and Arnold of Villanova in the fourteenth-century had\ndeveloped the alchemical concept of the fifth essence into a medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nsimilar tothatofthe trance induced by the magical practice of\"scrying\",\nor looking into the astral realms with the aid ofmirrors and crystals, as in\nJohn Dee's sceances with Edward Kelley.12\nItis not coincidental that the philosophical context ofthese very elaborate, late Renaissance illustrations is that of Paracelsian theosophy.\nThey began to appear soon after the publication of Paracelsus' collected\nwritings in 1589-90 in the editions of Peter Barna in Basel and in those of\nJohn Huser in Cologne (1589-91; 1603; 1605). The first Paracelsian illustrative cycle was produced by Khunrath between 1595 and 1602 and the\nnext, in order of production, may have been Fludd's cosmological diagrams, since he claimed to have written most of his \"Macrocosm\" before\n4\n10 Stephen Clucas, \" \"Non est legendum sed inspicendum solum\": Inspectival knowledge and thevisual logic ofJohn Dee's LiberMysteriorum\", Glasgow Emblem Studies, 3 (1998),]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34,35\nform was that of an alchemical still,4 fabricating a monistic model of the\nworld's emergence from the \"mysterium magnum\", a prime matter un-\n58 Clulee, p. 106.\n1 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" (1979), pp. 60-62, 70-74. For Erastus see\nThorndike, M&ES, 5, pp. 617-51. See also Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 112-122.\n2 Debus (1977), 1, pp. 129-34; Thorndike, M&ES, 5, pp. 652-67.\n3 Walter Pagel, \"The Prime Matter of Paracelsus\", Ambix, 9 (1961): 117 ff.\n4 Debus (1977), 1, pp. 51-61, 76, 86-87. These texts are found in Sudhoff, I, 8, Das\nBuch Paragranum, pp. 31-126, see esp pp . 31, 115, 133 and I, 9, Opus Paramirum, pp. 37-223\nand also I, 10, pp. 7-487, der Grossen Wunderarznei.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nderstood to be life itself, or the soul,5 the mother of all phenomena, both\nsubstantial and insubstantial. In the primal creative act God separated\nthe elements7 from each other, acting in the manner of a chemist in his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38,39\n40 Peter French, John Dee (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987), pp. 23-28.\n41 R&W, pp. 3-6, 26-40, 53. Dee's Paracelsian texts included the Astronomia Magna,\nParamirum, Paragranum, Philosophia Magna, Philosophia ad Athenienses, Wunderarznei, Archidoxa\nand his work on theurgic sigills, as well as books by Bodenstein, Toxites and Suchten\namong others, see R&W: 65, 289, 844, 956, 1457, 1461-1535, 2220-2276.\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\n49\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nIf our theory that duplicates were intended for use by pupils is correct, it is\nvery likely that Dee taught Paracelsian medicine. 42\nDee's chief associate in the 1580s was Edward Kelley who was wellversed in Ripley and Agrippa. Kelley had moved into Dee's house at\nMortlake on 10 March 1582, collaborating with him until 1589, a period\nwhich included their joint travels in Eastern Europe from 21 September\n1583 until November 1589.43 They had journeyed initially to Poland]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34\nthat alchemy was of interest to Dee in the 1550s, there are, nevertheless,\nsufficient hints within the text of the Propaedeumata Aphoristica to indicate\nthat Dee envisaged an alchemical purpose for his astral catoptrics.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY:\nTHE \"ASTRAL VIRTUE\" AND\nTHE \"AERIAL SALTPETRE\"\nThe controversy generated by the medical theories of Paracelsus (14931541) was caused not only by his adoption of alchemical methods for\npreparing medicines and his innovatory use of inorganic substances, but\nalso by his disturbing synthesis of medicine, magic, theology and cosmology. Paracelsus' ambitiously expansive (and often self-contradictory) vision forced his educated contemporaries to re-assess both their professional activities as physicians, as well as their philosophical systems and\neven their religious beliefs.\nParacelsus' own Christian commitment cannot be doubted, for this\nwas one of his declared reasons for his attack on pre-Christian medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nearthly phenomena, therefore , through the \"astra\" it was possible for\nhumans to comprehend all phenomena, both natural and supernatural.\nParacelsus conceived of human intelligence as merging with its object of\nstudy, so that it gained knowledge, not by rational logic, but through an\nempathetic union with the world, that is, through \"gnosis\".\nAccording to Pagel, the Paracelsian universe was a monistic construct\nin which the world and the human-being formed a single identity. Paracelsus had drawn some of his ideas from the neoplatonic and cabbalistic\nmyth of\"Anthropos\", the primeval cosmic being who was both the exemplar and the constituent material ofthe physical universe. This cabbalistic idea had originated in the neoplatonic concept of the demi-urge, or\n\"Anthropos\", out of whose macrocosmic body the lesser material world\nwas made, remaining dependent on the stellar \"arcana\" (astral virtues) in\nthe celestial sphere.15]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40\nsaltpetre, then pouring the mixture onto a slab of marble and standing it\nin a cool place. This would become a dough-like substance which required repeated kneading. The Paracelsian alchemist known by the name\nof\"Basil Valentine\" (probably to be identified with his \"editor\"Johannes\nTholde) was a popular source from the 1580s for a potable antimony.\nThis medicinal potion, apparently, was sweet in smell and taste and coloured ruby-red.54\nAt the end of Bodleian MS Ashmole 1486, Dee records that he used a\nmix of two ounces of maracasite, four ounces of vitriol, common tartar,\none ounce of gold and sal ammoniac. There followed much distilling\nwhich indicates that he was attempting to dissolve metals in vitriol. Paracelsian remedies against the plague included sulphur and metals in the\nform of spirit of vitriol, that is, sulphur sublimate. Sulphur derived from\nvitriol and its salts has narcotic and analgesic properties.5\nThis small selection of items from Dee's record can only be indicative]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40\nmedicinal treatises, there is some similarity. One of the most important\nParacelsian chemical preparations was the production of potassium arsenate from the fusion of arsenic with saltpetre. Paracelsus had washed the\nmetals with alchohol and water, then heated them with saltpetre which\ncaused the metals to oxidise and become soluble.53 Also, in this context,\nthere exists a strange record of Dee's preparation of \"AER SIMPLEX\"\nin August 1581.\nThe 29 day after 11 ofthe clok I did sett 7 oz and a half of pure Ayre forto\nCirculate in balneo.\n(Bodleian Library MS D 241 (13050), f. 8r)\nUnfortunately, the experiment is not fully documented, but it may indicate that Dee was attempting to work with the Paracelsian aerial virtue.\nDee also favoured \"maracasite\" ( Bodleian Library MS D 241, ff. 2r,\n2v, 3r, 5r), distilling it with sulphur and sulphuric acid (f.5r). (Marcasite is\ncommonly denoted by the symbol of a star). Unfortunately, the name was]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\nTriplici Vitae.38\nOther important evidence ofDee's Paracelsian interests has been supplied by Roberts' and Watson's analysis of Dee's library which has revealed that he was the major exponent of Paracelsian theory in England.39 Although there is no evidence that he specifically trained as a\nphysician at Cambridge,40 it appears that in private he both practised\nand taught Paracelsian medicine. Between 1560 and 1583 Dee's library\nwas one of the largest in Europe, especially in the areas of medieval\nscience and alchemy. From the late 1540's he had enthusiastically collected manuscripts and printed books, but Paracelsus and the Paracelsians\ndominated his alchemical collection.41 Roberts and Watson have remarked on the large number of duplicates in his library, mostly of alchemical, mathematical and scientific works.\n34 Sudhoff, 3, pp. 86 ff Neun Bucher Archidoxis. For the various versions ofthis text, both\nauthentic and spurious see Karl Sudhoff, Bibliographia Paracelsica]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=57\nPages: 57\nexists within the materials in the flask.20 The central interest in theAthanor is the Paracelsian preparation of medicines by means of the \"Magnesia\nUniversalis\" and \"mercurial waters\". The \"Magnesia\" is the Paracelsian\nprime matter, also known as the Salt, or Sulphur, \"sal sapientiae naturae\nsive sulphure\" (Athanor (1615): 12-14, 19-20). Khunrath provides an account of the alchemical fires, the process of digestion, the humid heat of\nthe \"balneum\" and the use ofthe philosophical glass- vessel. The philosopher's stone, he explains, contains its own intrinsic heat which is a volatile aether, awakened by the application of external heat.21 Finally,\nKhunrath mentions his Amphiteatrum, briefly referring to the cabbalah\nand the \"Gradus Magie\" (Athanor (1615): 59).\n86\n87\n19 For Paracelsian medical theory see Pagel (1982), pp. 104-9.\n20 Heinrich Khunrath, Athanor, 3rd ed. (Magdeburg: In Verlegung des Autoris, 1615),\npp. 32, 10-11 , 28-29.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73\nUNIVERSUM mundanum tripliciter distribuit ELOHIM (Khunrath, 1609:\n127)\nKhunrath describes a Paracelsian cosmos in which the macrocosmic\n\"caelum\" generates the physical species,17 while in its lower material\nform, the \"caelum\" is the chemical spirits of wine, purified by fire and\nreleased from impure matter.18 In \"Gradus Quintus\" and \"Gradus Sixtus\", Khunrath explains further the astrological basis of his Paracelsian\nalchemy, referring to Paracelsus' interpretation of the creation of the\nstars in Genesis, 1. He explains that all natural objects manifest various\nsigns, constituting an alphabet in the book of the world,19 produced by\nthe innate\"astra\", mirroring those in the heavens (Khunrath, 1609 : 142).\nThe alchemist 20must, therefore, know astronomy and watch the progress\nof the seasons. Khunrath refers specifically to Paracelsus' \"doctrine of\nsignatures\", calling him the \"Germanicus Asclepiades\" and quoting him\non reading the book of nature. In this context, Khunrath also names]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=26\nPages: 26\nproperties of air in his Chymisticum artificii (1569). John Dee owned copies\nof Rupescissa's original treatise, in one instance bound together with\nParacelsus Wunder Artznei, and he also acquired various works by Dorn,\nincluding the Chymisticum artificii.\nAccording to Debus it was the Paracelsian chemists ofthe early seventeenth century who developed the specific theory of the vital saltpetre in\nair, withJoseph Du Chesne (Quercetanus) producing the full theory.\nBy the year 1600 it had become a basic part of the Paracelsian tradition to\nspeak ofthe vital air, or more specifically, theflamma vitalis or the vital aerial\nSulphur.44\nKhunrath integrated Rupescissa's quintessence into his own theoretical\nprogramme as the Paracelsian \"azoth\". This aetherial fire increased in\nsignificance from its first mention in his Amphiteatrum of 1595, becoming\nthe main subject of De Igne Magorum (circa 1602-1604). Khunrath also\ncommented extensively on the \"azoth\" in his second Amphiteatrum of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\nwas himself a Paracelsian alchemist. In fact, Debus made a categorical\ndistinction between Paracelsus and Dee on the grounds that Dee's alchemy was of a pre-eminently mathematical character. Consequently, neither Debus nor Clulee take any account ofpotential influences from the\nParacelsians on Dee.37 Szonyi, on the other hand, has argued for the\ndirect influence of Paracelsus on Dee's angelic magic, comparing Paracelsus' definition of \"Gamaaea\", magical talismans with Dee's account in\nthe Propaedeumata Aphoristica and the Monas Hieroglyphica. Szonyi has found\nthat Dee's Monas had the same two levels of reference as the Paracelsian\ntalismans, namely, the earthly material which is rendered into a supernatural substance by the alchemical process, as well as the talismanic\naspect which transforms the alchemist himself into a more elevated spiritual state. Szonyi has also related the triple-level magical cosmos of Paracelsus and Dee to that ofAgrippa and, more recently, to Ficino's in De]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36,37\n(1979), pp. 59, 65-66\n19 J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 2 (London: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 115-51;\n(1982): 130-58.\nPagel\n20 Pagel\n(1982): 105-12; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), p. 85 \"jede\nKrankheit ein Stern\".\n21 Thorndike, M&ES, 3, pp. 347-69; 4, pp. 37-41; F. N. L. Poynter (ed), Chemistryin the\nService ofMedicine (London, 1963), pp. 5-26, esp p. 17.\n22 Pagel (1982), pp. 133-56.\n23 Pagel (1982), p. 70; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), p. 63.\n45\n24 Pagel (1982), pp. 67-71. Pagel gives an excellent explanation of the Paracelsian\n\"astra\" in his \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), pp. 70-74.\n25 Pagel ( 1982), pp. 59-61.\n26 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things (London; New York: Tavistock; Pantheon,\n1970), pp. 30-94. For a more specific historical account ofthe epistemologicalchanges in\nsixteenth century culture see Will-Erich Peuckert, Die Grosse Wende (Hamburg: Claassen\nand Goverts, 1948), pp. 299-474.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=38\nPages: 38\nnumber of editions (including spurious versions). The first full compendium of Paracelsus' texts was issued in Basle by Peter Barna in 1589-90\nand another important collected edition was that of John Huser ofWaldkrich in Cologne (1589-91 ; 1603; 1605). In England, according to Debus,\nthe use of chemical medicines had been long accepted prior to the Paracelsian influences due to the writings of Arnald of Villanova, the pseudoLullians and Hieronymous Brunschwig. By the 1580's, there were a great\nnumber of reputable Paracelsian followers both on the continent and in\nEngland, such as Conrad Gesner ofZurich ( 1516-1565) who was a friend\nof Dee. Gesner's treatise on distillation was translated by Thomas Hill\nand published in England by George Baker as the Treasure of Euonymous\n(1559). Leonhard Thurneysser, whom Dee had met in Frankfurt-onOder in 1578, was another influential source in England for distillation]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21,22\nlibriArchidoxis and vol. 12, pp. 1-444, Astronomia Magna, as well as vol. 12, pp. 503-5, Ars\nsignatoria.Another central Paracelsian text concerning the influence ofthe stars on a long\nand healthy life is De vita longa, Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 221-48 (German text), 249-92 (Latin\nversion). The standard authority on the Paracelsian system is Walter Pagel, Paracelsus\n(Basel: Karger, 1982), see pp. 64-71.\n13 E. J. Holmyard, \"The Emerald Table\", Nature (1923): 525-26; Robert Steele and\nDorothea Waley Singer, \"The Emerald Table\", Proceedings ofthe Royal Society ofMedicine, 21\n(1928): 41-57. For an account of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy see Frick, Die\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 72-88.\n16\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwho developed the full procedure in the seventh century. 14 In Arabic and\nmedieval European alchemy, the Emerald Table came to be regarded as a\nmetaphor ofthe circular process of distillation in which the volatile spirits]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nearlier hermetic corpus by the second century AD. According to Copenhaver, these alchemical texts, as well as other magical treatises, are integrally related to the seventeen, purely theological, hermetic writings. He\nargues that eighteenth century scholars, prejudiced against occultism,\nhad made a false distinction between the various components of the corpus which would have been meaningless to the contemporary followers of\nthe original school of thought. Consequently, hermeticism is not only a\ntheosophical system, but also a practical theurgy.\nThe development of hermeticism was historically distinct from that of\nneoplatonism and it had been ruthlessly criticised by Plotinus for its superstitious practices and inconsistent theological structures. Nevertheless,\nRenaissance philosophers, such as Ficino, disregarded Plotinus' animosity\ntowards the hermeticists and they accomodated both systems within their]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9,10\ntowards the hermeticists and they accomodated both systems within their\nvision of a \"prisca theologia\" anticipating the Christian religion.5 Plotinus' sophisticated theogony of light was received by medieval Western\nphilosophers in the moderated Christian versions of Pseudo-Dionysos\nand St.Augustine. In the fifteenth century, as a result ofthe recovery and\n3 Allen G. Debus, \"The Sun in the Universe ofRobert Fludd\", Le Soleil a la renaissance\n(Brussels, 1965).\n4 Nicholas Clulee, John Dee's Natural Philosophy (London; New York: Routledge, 1988).\n5 For discussion of the hermetic corpus see Brian P. Copenhaver, Hermetica (Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. xxxii-l.\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\ntranslation of the neoplatonic and hermetic Greek texts, the Florentine\nhumanist Marsilio Ficino began to promote the use of astral rituals in a\nmedical and psychological context. His younger contemporary Pico della\nMirandola, like Ficino, integrated these practices with Christianity, butin]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=12\nPages: 12\ndisconnect its origins from those of Yates' proto-Rosicrucian circles.22\nFurthermore, Yates' alignment of the Protestant cause with hermeticism was countered by scholars eager to distance Lutheranism from such\nobjectionable associates. In particular, Montgomery, adopting a conservative Lutheran perspective, argued for the negative effects ofhermeticism\non the reformed Church in Germany. He refuted Yates' interpretation of\nthe Rosicrucians as being the esoteric outpost ofthe Protestant reformed\nchurch, especially removing the theologian Johann Valentin Andreae\n(1586-1654) from that context. Montgomery, in fact, developed a contrary argument to Yates, considering that neoplatonic and hermetic literature had inspired the educated German elite to devise a paganistic system, decentering Christ from his redemptive role in human salvation.23\nIn this line ofthinking he concurred with Frick (though from a different]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=8\nPages: 8\nthe repentant sinner with God. Subsequently, this vision of the divine\nlight of the Holy Spirit, as the instrument of union with God, was expressed less doctrinally in the moderated pietism ofthe seventeenth century Cambridge Platonists. Such historical currents evolving a personalised interpretation of scripture, in which God and human were united\nthrough the indwelling light ofthe Spirit, rather than through the rites of\nthe Church, were strengthened in hermetic and neoplatonic circles bythe\nChristian cabbalah. This theosophical system envisaged God creating the\nworld out ofhis own divine luminosity; hence, for cabbalists, the universe\nwas not only pervaded by the divine light of God, it was united monistically to him.\nAlthough there has been much dispute among historians concerning\nthe specific role of hermetic theosophy in the development of Lutheran\npietism, scholars, such as Peuckert and Stoeffler, have acknowledged that]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\ncircle of time. By the late hellenistic period, alchemy was conceived as\nbeing a circular process which began with perfection (the origins ofmatter in God) and ended in perfection (the spiritualised matter produced by\nthe alchemist). Hence, the geometric form of the circle was the fundamental signifier of alchemy.\nAnother basic tenet of hellenistic hermeticism and alchemy in the first\nChristian centuries was that of the unity and dynamic interaction between God and human, spirit and matter, heaven and earth, body and\nsoul. It was believed that God enacted his will on the earth through the\nagency of the stellar spheres and planets. In alchemy the inter-relationship ofspirit and matter was represented by the marriage ofthe Sun and\nthe Moon (spirit with matter), whose offspring was the philosopher's\nstone ofthe medieval alchemists. Its essential form was the perfect circle,\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a\nconceptual structure which could be called an \"alchemy oflight\", a syncretic philosophy integrating the discrete intellectual and mystical currents of Pythagorean geometry, neoplatonism, medieval optics, Paracelsian alchemy and cabbalism.\nThe concept of the divinity of light had been transmitted from the\nmost ancient times to the late hellenistic philosopher Plotinus, as well as\nto various gnostic and hermetic groups, such as those connected with the\ntheosophical writings known to the Renaissance as the Pymander of\nHermes Trismegistus. In origins the term \"hermeticism\" referred to the\nlate hellenistic teachings ofTrismegistus and his followers, such as Asclepius. This theosophical system had emerged by the second century BC in\nEgypt, but at first it did not include alchemy which developed only during the first Christian centuries, alchemical literature being added to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29,30\n13 M. D. Lambert, Medieval heresy (London: E. Arnold, 1977); Geo Widengren,Maniand\nManicheism (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1965).\n53.14 F. C. Copleston, A History ofMedieval Philosophy (London; Methuen, 1980), pp. 35, 52-\n32\nCHAPTER THREE\nTHE INFLUENCE OF MEDIEVAL OPTICS ON RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\ncosmogony of light and darkness. Christ was occasionally given the Mithraic title of \"Sol Invictus\".15 Similarly, contemporary late Alexandrian\nneoplatonists and hermeticists identified the sun withthe divine firstprinciple. Thus, Asclepius had regarded the sun as the transmitter of God's\nbeneficence to the earth, nullifying the effects of the negative demonic\npowers.16 Subsequently, the neoplatonist Pseudo-Dionysos the Aeropagite propagated a Christian image of the sun as representing the quality of\nGod's Divine Intelligence.17\nIn the seventh century, Isidore of Seville integrated Christian and\nneoplatonic conceptions ofthe sun with those ofnaturalphilosophyin his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\nhigher \"gnosis\" ofthe spirit, Paracelsus was drawing on cabbalistic thinking.18\nParacelsus rejected the ancient natural philosophers, replacing Aristotle with christianised neo-platonic and hermetic authorities, discarding\nalso the medical canon of Avicenna and Galen. 19 Instead , he believed\nthat physical ailments were the result of external forces rather than ofan\nimbalance offluids, as in the medieval theory ofthe four humours. Each\norgan of the body, Paracelsus explained, contained a dynamism called\nthe \"archeon\" which functioned as an internal alchemist. Moreover, he\nbelieved that each illness originated in a particular star whose virtue was\nembodied in the corresponding earthly \"arcanum\", a medicine which\ncould heal the ailment.20\nParacelsus was not the first to adapt alchemy to medicine, since John\nof Rupescissa and Arnold of Villanova in the fourteenth-century had\ndeveloped the alchemical concept of the fifth essence into a medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22\nexplain the order of creation, obtaining these from a musical model, that\nof the monochord, which he believed to be generated by the motions of\nthe stellar spheres and planets.15\nArabian scholars translated many of the late hellenistic neoplatonic,\nneopythagorean and hermetic treatises and, through Latin\nfrom the Arabic in the late twelfth century, some ideas were translations\ntransmitted\nto the West.16 In the early medieval period, the Christian philosopher\nBoethius produced an influential doctrine based on Pythagorean geometryand arithmetic which he expounded in his De Institutione Musica andDe\nInstitutione Arithmetica.17 These works laid the foundation of medieval\nscholarship and his ideas supplied the parameters for the world-view of\nthe medieval period. Due to Boethius, Pythagorean mathematics, geometry and music were introduced into the medieval universities, becoming\nthe \"lingua franca\" of European science and art. This mystical ideology]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=29\nPages: 29\nfull logic ofthe ontological anxieties concerning the nature ofthe Divine.\nIn a bold, but not altogether heretical, gesture he produced a unique\nalchemical image in the Medicina Catholica (Frankfurt: William Fitzer,\n1629-31) which promoted the idea that light and darkness were two\ndispositions of the same God (fig. 50).\nIn response to Gnostic qualms concerning the nature ofAbsolute Being, Christianity produced a symbol of Christ as the one pure Light, an\nimage which was developed into a Christian tenet by St. Augustine, a\nformer Manichean. Influenced by neoplatonism, Augustine also created\nan aesthetic in which divine light manifested in the natural world as\nabsolute beauty.14 Another image incorporated into early Christian iconography was adapted from the late Roman cult of Mithras, a dualistic\n30\n5 David C. Lindberg, Theories of Visionfrom Al-Kindi to Kepler, (Chicago; London: University ofChicago Press, 1976), pp. 58-67; Ronchi, pp. 15-26.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=12\nPages: 12\nhermetic circles and also as an expression of a pietistic Lutheranism\nwhich was critical of the doctrinaire, institutionalised creed of the time.\nHis work, thus, belongs to the diverse ideological currents of the late\nsixteenth and early seventeenth centuries which, subsequently, manifested as the \"Rosicrucian\" movement. The supporters of the \"Rosicrucian\nManifestos\" (1614; 1615) were a heterogeneous mix of reformist Lutherans, hermeticists, neoplatonists and practitioners of Agrippan and Paracelsian theurgy. Although many devoted Protestants , such as Maier and\nFludd, polemicised on behalf of the Rosicrucians, there were also pagan\nand non-Christian influences within the movement related to the chiliasm ofSimon Studion, Julius 19Sperber, Christoph Besold and Tobias Hess\nin the late sixteenth century.\"\nAccording to Yates, it was Dee's travels in central Europe in the 1580s\nwhich had stimulated the reformist currents that later emerged as the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=87\nPages: 87\norderfrom that ofWeigel, Arndt or Khunrath. Studion and Hess seem to\nhave favoured the idea of reform almost as an end in itself, fascinated\nwith cabbalistic techniques of prognostication and the image of the allpowerful magus, whereas the three pietists were using cabbalism and\nParacelsian alchemy for the sake of a reformed Protestant Christianity.\nConsequently, although Khunrath's work should be placed within the\nhistory of German pietism, in contrast, that of Studion and Hess belongs\nto the broader intellectual currents diverting central European culture\naway from the Christian tradition.\nItis clearthat Khunrath was deeply troubled and aggravated by such\ntendencies and, at the time that Studion and Hess were evolving their\nsystem, he may have turned to Weigel's theosophy as a basis for recentering Christ at the heart of hermetic concerns. Khunrath's view of the role\nof Christ is far more specific than that of the subsequent Rosicrucian]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=88\nPages: 88\nuse of Christian doctrine is slight.\nIn the period 1595 to circa 1620, Khunrath placed an unusual emphasis on the structural role of Christ in his theosophy, the nearestresemblance to his alchemical system being found in the mystical writings of\nJacob Boehme (1575-1624) . It is probable, in fact, that, from the date of\nthe 1595 Amphiteatrum, Khunrath was removing himself from the euphoric intellectual experimentation of chiliastic circles, such as those at Tubingen, which were relatively politically secure. Increasingly, he grew\nmore concerned with the encouragment of reformist pietism in the devastated religious community of the eastern Lutheran states. Thus, Khunrath in the late 1590s had more pressing issues at stake than those ofthe\nacademic hermeticism of Tubingen, his unsatisfactory relations with\nmembers ofthat coterie being evidenced by an indirect reference to his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nyears and its effect is found in the work of Meister Eckhart and Ramon\nLull. The cabbalistic texts are based on the early chapters of the biblical\nbooks of Genesis and Ezekiel, but in the course of the middle ages further\nideas were adopted from Christian neo-platonism. These included the\ntrinitarian dialectic of divine manifestation, known as the \"Tree ofLife\".\nThe oldest cabbalistic text appears to be the Book of Formation or Book of\nCreation (Sepher Jezirah) (circa 600 AD) which is a cosmological account.\nModelled on the Pythagorean system, it states that the fundamental principles of all things are numbers, letters and sounds. Furthermore, the\nHebrew alphabet is said to have been composed by God himself.6\nCabbalists described the Hebrew alphabet as being composed out of\nthe divine flame, or light, of God. The central cypher which generated\nthe rest of the letters was \"Jod\", meaning \"flame\" and, moreover, the\nvery form of this sign was said to resemble that of a flame. Hence, the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=87\nPages: 87\nthe pietistic atmospheric ofKhunrath's treatises could not be more different from the obsessive manipulations of Studion's cabbalistic cryptography. In fact, Studion's graphic structures, as well as those ofTobias Hess,\nare related to the theurgic emblems of Peter of Abano and other medieval necromancers publicised by Agrippa. These may, in fact, have been\nthe \"pentacles\" denounced by Khunrath in the 1595 Amphiteatrum for\ntheir anti-Christian connotations, while pronouncing his own \"annulus\"\nof Christ as the \"azoth\" to be the true cabblistic insignia. Such differences in the interpretation of cabbalism and Paracelsian theosophy by different German philosophers raise the question, discussed by Stoeffler, concerning the exact role of hermeticism in the history of religious\nreformism.21 Certainly, the ideological position ofStudion and hiscollaborator, Tobias Hess, in their jointly-authored Prophetica is ofa different\norderfrom that ofWeigel, Arndt or Khunrath. Studion and Hess seem to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11,12\nXVII\n16 Roland Barthes, Mythologies (Paris: Seuil, 1957), pp. 109-59.\n17 Kubovy, pp. 166-72. See also James S. Ackerman, \"Alberti's Light\" in Irving Lavin\nandJohn Plummer, Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting in Honour ofMillard Meiss\n(New York, 1978), pp. 1-27.\n18 Peirce, 2, pp. 170-72.\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\napply cabbalism to alchemy, since Joannes Pantheus of Venice had devised a comparable system in his Voarchadumia (1530) and Dee had also\nproduced a cabbalistic alchemy in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564). Khunrath, however, placed his cabbalism within a Christological framework,\nso much so, that his main concern from 1595 was not alchemical theory,\nbut pietistic Christian theology, anticipating, perhaps, the alchemical\nmysticism of Jacob Boehme.\nKhunrath may have developed his Christological alchemy in the mid1590s, both as a response to anti-Christian tendencies within German\nhermetic circles and also as an expression of a pietistic Lutheranism]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=87\nPages: 87\nthe tomb of their founder.16 Despite these apparent Lutheran loyalties,\nMontgomery, nevertheless, contended against Yates that the Manifestos\nwere fundamentally anti-Christian, since they had discarded the redemptive role ofChrist, favouring both private contemplation on the neoplatonic model, as well as privileged initiation into a path of spiritual knowledge unrelated to Christian doctrine. Yates, in fact, had emphasised the\ncommunity character17 ofthe Rosicrucian Brotherhood, in contrast to the\nself-inspired magus.\nBoth scholars associated the Manifestos with the circles ofSimon Studion, whose Naometria had been circulating in manuscript since the late\n1580s, or early 1590s. Influenced by the chiliasm ofJoachim of Fiore,\nStudion predicted that the third age of the Holy Spirit would be inaugurated by a major political and social change in the European order,\ncommencing in 1604. He even delayed the completion of his treatise]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30\nmeaning by this period, therefore, Ficino's magical operations involving\nthe solar rays had a particularly numinous potency. His method, however, was a misapplied semiotic system, that is, he reified immaterial metaphors by means of false analogies between the abstract sign and its, supposedly physical, referent. In other words, the conceptual contents ofa\n15 Franz Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra (New York, 1956), passim.\n16 Copenhaver, Hermetica (1992), pp. 59-61.\n17 There is a full discussion of neoplatonic and hermetic solar imagery in Debus (1965).\n18 Fridericus Osannus, Lucius Annaeus Cornutus. De natura deorum (Gottingen: Johannis\nBapt. Casp. d'Ansse, 1844), pp. 194, 200, 225, 328, 372-77, 433, 516-17,\n524; H. I. Rose,\nHygini Fabulae (Brussels: A.W. Sijthoff, 1978), pp. 12, 15, 20, 22, 36, 38; Percival Vaughan\nDavies, Macrobius the Saturnalia (New York: Columbia UP, 1969), Bk I, Caps 17-23, pp.\n137-46.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nSzonyi, on the other hand, has considered a more immediate source\nfor Dee's astral rituals and sympathetic magic in Renaissance neoplatonism and hermeticism. Initially, he had located Dee's interests in the context ofAgrippan and Paracelsian astrology, but more recently he has put\na case for a direct line ofinfluence from Ficino's astral magic. He has also\ncontextualised Dee's magical cryptograms within the Renaissance quest\nfor the primal language.2 In the late Renaissance, an interest in magical\ncyphers, engraved gems, \"angelic\" languages, astrological sigils and ritual\nincantation formed a current of major intellectual significance. Agrippa's\nmagical inscriptions were modelled on the cryptographs of the German\nhumanist Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). His popular Steganographia\n(1518) was circulated widely in manuscript and it reached John Dee who\nhad copies ofit, among other works by Trithemius.3 Agrippa also revived]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\nParacelsian model, he considers the central fires within the earth.16\nCentrum Terrae physice, ubi fit, Vulcan. Is ex quibus corpore terreno, obstericaute Neptuni limpidissima ... candidissimum Physico Chemice manifestando, ad sensum omnes tibi demonstrabit: Videbis illud: fig. 3 (Par. 111).\nKhunrath next instructs the reader that the philosopher's stone is Christ\nand that God is reconciled with humanity through Christ's sacrifice on\nthe cross. The cross of Christ is the \"Salt\" which conquers demonic\nrealms. He mentions vitriol, thus, in Weigelian terms, integrating Paracelsian alchemy into his Christology and referring the reader to the first\nfigure of the treatise for an explanation of these analogies.\nCrux Sancta Christi ipse crucifixus, fig. Amph. huius prima Cruciformitvincens diaboli regnum ...\n= SAL\nSapientia antiquissimum vitriolum naturae catholicon (Par. 237)]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34\nthat alchemy was of interest to Dee in the 1550s, there are, nevertheless,\nsufficient hints within the text of the Propaedeumata Aphoristica to indicate\nthat Dee envisaged an alchemical purpose for his astral catoptrics.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY:\nTHE \"ASTRAL VIRTUE\" AND\nTHE \"AERIAL SALTPETRE\"\nThe controversy generated by the medical theories of Paracelsus (14931541) was caused not only by his adoption of alchemical methods for\npreparing medicines and his innovatory use of inorganic substances, but\nalso by his disturbing synthesis of medicine, magic, theology and cosmology. Paracelsus' ambitiously expansive (and often self-contradictory) vision forced his educated contemporaries to re-assess both their professional activities as physicians, as well as their philosophical systems and\neven their religious beliefs.\nParacelsus' own Christian commitment cannot be doubted, for this\nwas one of his declared reasons for his attack on pre-Christian medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nearthly phenomena, therefore , through the \"astra\" it was possible for\nhumans to comprehend all phenomena, both natural and supernatural.\nParacelsus conceived of human intelligence as merging with its object of\nstudy, so that it gained knowledge, not by rational logic, but through an\nempathetic union with the world, that is, through \"gnosis\".\nAccording to Pagel, the Paracelsian universe was a monistic construct\nin which the world and the human-being formed a single identity. Paracelsus had drawn some of his ideas from the neoplatonic and cabbalistic\nmyth of\"Anthropos\", the primeval cosmic being who was both the exemplar and the constituent material ofthe physical universe. This cabbalistic idea had originated in the neoplatonic concept of the demi-urge, or\n\"Anthropos\", out of whose macrocosmic body the lesser material world\nwas made, remaining dependent on the stellar \"arcana\" (astral virtues) in\nthe celestial sphere.15]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in\nthe late fourteenth century, appearing in its full expression in the work of\nParacelsus ( 1493-1541). In addition, John Dee added his own distinctive\ncontribution to the sixteenth century theory ofthe generative stellar rays.\nThese alchemists provided the basic foundation for Khunrath's alchemi-\ncal deployment of light-rays and astral virtues, but Khunrath went beyond his original sources in uniting Paracelsian cabbalism with Weigel's\npietistic Christology, producing, thereby, an alchemical polemic expressing the concept of Christ as the philosopher's stone who transmuted the\nsoul through the light of Eternal Wisdom. Thus, by the early seventeenth\ncentury, the alchemical use of celestial rays and natural sun-light involved more than chemistry, since this practice was, in effect, a religious\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25,26\nJean de Thoumes, 1549; Milan: Bibliotheca Hermetica, 1971). For an examination ofhis\ntheories see Thorndike, M&ES, 4, pp. 37-41; 5, pp. 630-32.\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\noriginating in the celestial bodies, while in the Liber Azothhe spoke ofthe\nastral virtue as a fire, or a vital saltpetre, or nitre. Through pseudoLullian texts, the followers of Paracelsus related the Paracelsian stellar\nfire to that of Rupescissa's \"coelum\", specifically Blaise de Vigenere\n(1523-1596) in his Discourse ofFire and Salt (1608). Vigenere described the\nlife-giving property in air as a vital Sulphur, or fire and Salt, stating that\nthese were the basic components of saltpetre. Peter Severinus (15421602), physician to the Danish court, related the properties of the thunder to that of saltpetre. Another Paracelsian, Gerhard Dorn, borrowed\ndirectly from Rupescissa's original text for his description of the vital\nproperties of air in his Chymisticum artificii (1569). John Dee owned copies]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=37\nPages: 37\nnot exist: it functions.28\nFor Paracelsus, the primal language of signatures was inspired by God's\nmanner of sustaining the cosmic order, inscribing the forms of all manifestation with a stellar emanation, the \"azoth\". In his Liber Azoth he had\nreferred to it as an aerial nitre, or saltpetre, transmitted by the rain to the\nearth from the spirit of the sun.29 His followers, Severinus, de Vigenere,\nSendivogius, Quercetanus and Fludd developed the full idea ofthe aerial\nsaltpetre at the end of the sixteenth and in the early years of the seventeenth centuries. Another origin for the concept of this astral virtue was\nthe use of nitrates in the manufacture of gunpowder, a major European\nindustry in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In the industrial\nprocess, nitrate salts were exposed to the elements and the solar rays in\norder to enhance their explosive, preservative and generative properties.\nParacelsus in the Grossen Wunderarznei considered that such virtues were]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\nOvide\n, 32\nsemiotics\nofillusmoralisee\n153-55,\n174;\n84, 152,\ntrations, 158, 164-65, 181; Septimana\nPhilosophica, 101, 154, 178; Symbola Aureae Pacioli, Luca, 727\nMensae, 133-34, 153; Themis Aurea, 154; Pagel, Walter,\nTripus Aureus, 21, 155, 163; Viatorium, 21 Panofsky, Erwin, 3,\nManicheans, 31\nPantheus, Joannes, xviii, 4, 20-21, 56, 62\nParacelsians, 48\nManutius, Aldus, 64\nParacelsus, 5, 40, 41-52, 84; alchemy, 13,\nMasaccio, xv\nMattioli, Pierandrea, 68\n41, 43, 47-48, 52; Archidoxa, 47, 48, 50,\nMcLean, Adam, 153, 160\n98; astrology, 15, 42-43, 44-45; astral.\nMederus, David, 84\nbody, 7-8, 42-43, 61, 77; astral virtue,\nmedieval alchemical illustration, 17-18, see xii, xiv, 7-8, 23-24, 42-45, 46, 48; AstronoObrist\nmia magna, 43; azoth (quintessence)55,, xvii,\n23-24, 44, 46-47, 61; cabbalism, 58;\nMelancthon, xii, 150\nMerian, Matthieu, 159, 163\ncosmogony, 41-42; De pestilate, 42; docMersenne, Martin, 58, 174, 178\ntrine of signatures, xiv, 45-46; Expositio]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmirror on the earth into a dark cave. Kircher's illustration describes the\nvarious lights of nature, the senses and the intellect.\nIt remains to discuss the specific influences triggering Khunrath's\nideas concerning the use of astral virtue and catoptrics in alchemy. These\nmay have been inspired by the publication of Paracelsus' completeworks\nin the Basle edition of 1589-90, as well as the appearance ofdella Porta's\nsecond Magia Naturalis (1589). Another influence was undoubtedly Dee's\ncabbalistic astrology and catoptrics, as well as the enduring effects of Pico\ndella Mirandola's and Reuchlin's Christian cabbalism. In the context of\nthe political pressures on his pietistic beliefs between circa 1595 and\n1604, these influences led Khunrath to devise a cabbalistic alchemy of\nlight, founded on Paracelsian theosophy and Renaissance optical science.\nIOO\n34 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1962-78), 2,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=60\nPages: 60\nvirtue is derived from the \"azoth\" and the Salt which are related to the\n\"Magnesia\" (Chaos: 230).\nIn the Chaos of circa 1597 the strongest influences are those of Paracelsian alchemy, the cabbalah and Lutheran pietism on the model of\nWeigel, but Khunrath makes no reference either to astrology, or to catoptrics. These are encountered in, possibly his last treatise, De Igne Magorum Philosophorumque (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1608) which interprets\nthe alchemical furnace in mystical terms as the site in which the aetherial\nlight and the astral virtues work their effects. The properties of the alchemical furnace are determined by the sacred fire of the divine light, as\nwell as by the natural virtues of the sun. For the first time, Khunrath\ngives clear instructions for the use of catoptrics in order to draw the astral\nvirtues into the alchemical work. In its medical theory, De Igne Magorum is\npre-occupied with the subject of the \"aurum potabile\". Khunrath draws]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17,18\nwas made, remaining dependent on the stellar \"arcana\" (astral virtues) in\nthe celestial sphere.15\n13 William H. Huffman, Robert Fludd and the End ofthe Renaissance (London: Routledge,\n1988), pp. 12-35.\n14 Julian Roberts and Andrew G. Watson, John Dee's Library Catalogue (London: Bibliographical Society, 1990), p. 42.\n15 Walter Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" in Antoine Faivre and RolfChristian\nZimmermann (eds), Epochen der Naturmystik (Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1979), pp. 57-58, 61,\n70, 89-99. The theological works of Paracelsus are found in Karl Sudhoff and Wilhelm\nMatthiesen (eds) Paracelsus. Samtliche Werke: Part II (Munich: O.W.Barth, 1923), 1, pp. 89110, De religione perpetua and pp. 111-32, De summo et aeterno bono.\n7\n8\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nBy means ofthe imaginative faculty residing in a human's astral body\n(the \"supercoelestis corpus\"), an empathetic union could beattained with]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=61\nPages: 61\n\"middle sphere\" ofthe macrocosm as being composed of equal amounts\noflight and darkness (Fludd, Medicina Catholica, 1629: 4).\nParacelsian alchemical theory enters the discourse when the anonymous commentator explains Khunrath's equation of the divine fire with\nthe \"azoth\" (quintessence), which Khunrath designates as the \"Spiritus\nAnimatus\" (the spirit animating life) (De Igne: f. 3v). Thus, fire is a unity,\nbut it takes both an internal and an external form; the former is natural\nand the latter is artificial. Neither is effective without the other. The\nexternal natural quality is the sun which operates as the inner virtue of\nthe artifical spagyric fire in alchemy. This is a reference to Paracelus'\ntheory ofthe astral virtue of the sun within material fire (De Igne: ff4v-5r).\nThe main text by Khunrath commences by mentioning his earlier\ntreatise, the Athanor (De Igne: 2-3). He elaborates on his earlier account of\nthe Zoroastians by further consideration of their god \"ORIMASDA\"]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nmajor alchemists of the period, such as Khunrath and Maier, still await a\ndefinitive study.\nIn view of the fact that scholarly research into the alchemical discourse oflight is relatively little developed, the present study will attempt\nto redress this absence byfocusing on Renaissance ideas ofthe generative\npower ofthe light of the sun, stars and planets. Renaissance alchemists,\nsuch as Khunrath and Fludd, conceptualised the astral rays of light as\nbeing the agents ofthe \"anima Mundi\", the cosmic soul or \"Anthropos\",\nout of whose primeval substance, the quintessence or \"azoth\", the universe was generated. Cabbalistic alchemists, moreover, identified the cosmic Anthropos with Christ, whose sacred presence within the alchemical\nprocess transformed it into a sacramental act, paralleling that of the\nLutheran Eucharist.\nAlchemists, since hellenistic times, had relied on the effects of the\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nMirandola, like Ficino, integrated these practices with Christianity, butin\naddition he introduced the cabbalah into Renaissance hermeticism.6\nThe German natural philosopher and magus Cornelius Agrippa\n(1486-1533) popularised astral magic through his treatise, De Occulta\nPhilosophia (1533), justifying such practices by claiming the existence of a\nnatural sympathy between the human-being and the universe, an idea\nalready well-known to the middle ages. On the model of Agrippa, this\nvenerable notion of the harmony between celestial and human realms\nwas systematised for medical use by Paracelsus who created an analogical\nstructure known as the \"doctrine of signatures\". He taught that in all\nmaterial entities there existed hidden virtues whose qualities corresponded to those ofthe planetary bodies in the heavens. These occult virtues he\ncalled \"astra\" to designate the \"signatures\" (the impressions) of the stars\non matter. Paracelsus argued that, due to the intimate unity between]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=27\nPages: 27\n\"Revificatio\" which completes the making of the philosopher's stone and\nis signified by a picture of the soul returning to the bodyfrom heaven.56\nA common factor in all these alchemical theories, those of pseudoLull, Ripley, Norton and the Rosarium, is that the celestial virtue (occasionally related to the sun's rays) is often conceptualised by geometrical\nparadigms. It may be concluded that the geometry of these alchemical\ntreatises signifies the use of astrology which is wholly dependent on mathematics and geometry. Out of this general historical context, John Dee\nwas to devise a more specific deployment ofthe astral virtues in alchemy\nby means of scholastic optical theory and astronomy and, subsequently,\nby the cabbalah.\n48 Claren and Huber, p. 81. For more information see Pagel (1982), pp. 59-61, including the well-known portrait of Paracelsus in which the word \"azoth\" is written on the\nknob\nof his walking-stick. See also Debus (1964): 43-61.\n49 Claren\nand Huber, p. 86.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34\nwas one of his declared reasons for his attack on pre-Christian medical\ntheorists such as Galen. Nonetheless, Paracelsus developed a monistic\ntheosophical structure for his chemical universe in his account of the\nunion between the astral human faculties and the macrocosm. Similarly,\nin his cosmogenical theories, the primal four elements emerged directly\nfrom the soul of the universe. The chief adversary of Paracelsus in the\nsecond half of the sixteenth century was the Protestant theologian Thomas Erastus (1523-1583) who castigated Paracelsus for his superstitious\nmedical practices, specifically his use of astrology.2 Alchemists such as\nKhunrath and Fludd who joined the Paracelsian school had to address\nsignificant theological issues to avoid constructing a philosophical system\nequating God with nature.\nIn the Philosophia ad Athenienses, Paracelsus described a cosmos whose\nform was that of an alchemical still,4 fabricating a monistic model of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nvirtues) present within all natural bodies were the foundation of practical\nmedicine, since each person had an astral body which overlay and penetrated his physical body, so that the external and imminent \"astra\" were\neffectively the same entity. Thus, Parcelsus stated, a remedy was dependant on the astrological effects of the heavens.24 In the Volumen medicinae\nparamirum (circa 1520), he urged the physician to acquire a sound knowledge ofastronomy in order to understand the effects ofthe astral emanations by means of which God had impressed earthly things with \"signatures\",25\nFor a clearer understanding of Paracelsus' theory of\"signatures\", it is\nhelpful to consider Foucault's analysis of the Renaissance concept ofthe\nworld as being constructed on the basis of similitude and difference. The\nRenaissance taxonomy of phenomena, whether spiritual, physical, aesthetic or linguistic, was based on the idea that representation (similitude)]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=134\nPages: 134\nArchimedes, 35\nAretino, Pietro, 76\nAristotle, 13, 17, 18-19, 23, 26, 44, 155, 160\nArnald of Villanova, 13, 44, 48, 88, 93\nArnold, Gottfried, 83-86, 142\nArndt, Johannes, xi, xxi, 8, 80-81, 83, 86,\n105, 121-21, 127-27, 145, 147, 150-52\nAsclepius, 32\nastral virtues, xiii, xiv, see Paracelsus\nastrology,\n160 xii, 15-16, 22, 27, 33-34, 37-40,\nAugustine, xiii, 31, 178\nAugustus (Elector ofSaxony), 141-42\naurum potabile, see universal panacea\nAvicenna, 29, 30, 44\nazoth, see Paracelsus, Khunrath,\nMichelspacher\nBacon, Roger, 22, 29, 35, 36, 39, 56, 84\nBaker, George, 48\nBaltens, Raphael, 99\nBarbarus, Hermolaus, 99\nBarthes, Roland, xvii, 1, 10, 140\nBarna, Peter, 5, 48\nBerchorius , Petrus, 32\nBesold, Christoph, xviii, 82\nBoehme,Jacob, xviii, 20, 34, 69, 83, 108 n.\n14, 117, 142, 148; Gichtel's illustrations,\n179-82\nBoethius, 17, 22, 157\nBook of Concord, 141-42, 149\nBosch, Hieronymous, 135, 140\nBostocke, Richard, 48\nBredling, Friedrich, 84, 85\nBrentius, Johan, 150\nBrocard,Jakob, 150]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73\nUNIVERSUM mundanum tripliciter distribuit ELOHIM (Khunrath, 1609:\n127)\nKhunrath describes a Paracelsian cosmos in which the macrocosmic\n\"caelum\" generates the physical species,17 while in its lower material\nform, the \"caelum\" is the chemical spirits of wine, purified by fire and\nreleased from impure matter.18 In \"Gradus Quintus\" and \"Gradus Sixtus\", Khunrath explains further the astrological basis of his Paracelsian\nalchemy, referring to Paracelsus' interpretation of the creation of the\nstars in Genesis, 1. He explains that all natural objects manifest various\nsigns, constituting an alphabet in the book of the world,19 produced by\nthe innate\"astra\", mirroring those in the heavens (Khunrath, 1609 : 142).\nThe alchemist 20must, therefore, know astronomy and watch the progress\nof the seasons. Khunrath refers specifically to Paracelsus' \"doctrine of\nsignatures\", calling him the \"Germanicus Asclepiades\" and quoting him\non reading the book of nature. In this context, Khunrath also names]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\nJung, Friedrich, 104, 136\nKelley, Edward, 5, 21, 40, 50, 53\nKepler, Johannes, 58, 158-59\nKhunrath, Heinrich, xi, xv, 79-137; MS\nAlnwick 571, 106-10, 131, 149, 161; Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae, xv, xvii, 5, 9,\n20, 25, 31, 68, 77-79, 81, 84-86, 89-91,\n98, 103-37, 139-40, 142, 145, 147-49,\n151, 173, 174; andAndreae, xx, 85, 145-\n243\n46, 149-52; and Arndt, xx, 80, 85, 12122, 145, 151; astral virtues, xii-xiii, 93,\n94, 119; Athanor, 86-90, 98, 105, 142;\nazoth (quintessence), xvii, 9, 24, 87, 90,\n92-94, 96, 109, 111, 118, 120, 122-22,\n129, 132, 144, 147-48; cabbalism, xiii,\nxvii-xviii, 24, 31, 59, 87, 89-93, 109-9,\n116, 118, 120-22, 127, 144-45, 147-48;\nChaos, xvii, 82, 84-86, 88-93, 105, 147;\nChristology, xiii, xviii, 24, 80, 88, 90, 9293, 108-110, 113, 117-17, 120, 122-24,\n127-29, 132, 135, 144-45, 147-49; Dee's\ninfluence, xv, xvii, xviii, 6, 39-40, 50, 7779, 91, 97, 101, 121, 125-25, 135, 158,\n183; De Igne, xvii, 31, 48, 68, 81, 87, 90,\n93-100, 121, 149, 162, 176; and Hess,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nsympathetic magic which would eliminate, at a stroke, the confusions in\ntraditional alchemical discourse.\nAnother natural philosopher who located Dee's optics within a Paracelsian context was the alchemist and cosmologist Nicholas Hill who had\noriginally been a member of the retinue of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland where he would have encountered the direct legacy ofDee's\ninfluence, as well as the optical interests ofthat circle. In his Philosophia\nEpicurea (Paris, 1601), Hill discussed the astral influences transmitted by\nlight -rays, relating this effect to Paracelsian alchemy. He stated that the\nextraction of the elixir of life and the transmutation of metals were a\ndivine process equivalent to the emanation of the second person ofthe\nHoly Trinity from the Father. He believed that light was the impression\nof God in nature and that it gave both form and life to matter.42]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nnature\" is one of the foundations of Khunrath's alchemy in which he\ndescribes an unbroken continuum of illuminated wisdom, incorporating\nboththe practical experience ofthe natural world, as well as the spiritual\nvision of the mystic.17\nIn Paracelsian theosophy, empathetic imagination was not a subjective and, therefore, neglible factor in human affairs, but a powerful astral\nforce which provided the basis for theurgy and prognostication, as well as\nfor prophecy and mystical inspiration. Consequently, the Paracelsian\ntheosophical system eliminated, or diminished, the role of the institutionalised Christian church as the interpreter of God's will by means ofthe\ncanonical scriptures. Replacing external authority, the individual intuition became a more immediate and truer guide to divine knowledge.\nEven more radically, Paracelsus stated that through the imaginative faculties ofthe astral body a human could attain beatific union with God.18]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in\nthe late fourteenth century, appearing in its full expression in the work of\nParacelsus ( 1493-1541). In addition, John Dee added his own distinctive\ncontribution to the sixteenth century theory ofthe generative stellar rays.\nThese alchemists provided the basic foundation for Khunrath's alchemi-\ncal deployment of light-rays and astral virtues, but Khunrath went beyond his original sources in uniting Paracelsian cabbalism with Weigel's\npietistic Christology, producing, thereby, an alchemical polemic expressing the concept of Christ as the philosopher's stone who transmuted the\nsoul through the light of Eternal Wisdom. Thus, by the early seventeenth\ncentury, the alchemical use of celestial rays and natural sun-light involved more than chemistry, since this practice was, in effect, a religious\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nSzonyi, on the other hand, has considered a more immediate source\nfor Dee's astral rituals and sympathetic magic in Renaissance neoplatonism and hermeticism. Initially, he had located Dee's interests in the context ofAgrippan and Paracelsian astrology, but more recently he has put\na case for a direct line ofinfluence from Ficino's astral magic. He has also\ncontextualised Dee's magical cryptograms within the Renaissance quest\nfor the primal language.2 In the late Renaissance, an interest in magical\ncyphers, engraved gems, \"angelic\" languages, astrological sigils and ritual\nincantation formed a current of major intellectual significance. Agrippa's\nmagical inscriptions were modelled on the cryptographs of the German\nhumanist Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). His popular Steganographia\n(1518) was circulated widely in manuscript and it reached John Dee who\nhad copies ofit, among other works by Trithemius.3 Agrippa also revived]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9,10\ntowards the hermeticists and they accomodated both systems within their\nvision of a \"prisca theologia\" anticipating the Christian religion.5 Plotinus' sophisticated theogony of light was received by medieval Western\nphilosophers in the moderated Christian versions of Pseudo-Dionysos\nand St.Augustine. In the fifteenth century, as a result ofthe recovery and\n3 Allen G. Debus, \"The Sun in the Universe ofRobert Fludd\", Le Soleil a la renaissance\n(Brussels, 1965).\n4 Nicholas Clulee, John Dee's Natural Philosophy (London; New York: Routledge, 1988).\n5 For discussion of the hermetic corpus see Brian P. Copenhaver, Hermetica (Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. xxxii-l.\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\ntranslation of the neoplatonic and hermetic Greek texts, the Florentine\nhumanist Marsilio Ficino began to promote the use of astral rituals in a\nmedical and psychological context. His younger contemporary Pico della\nMirandola, like Ficino, integrated these practices with Christianity, butin]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=106\nPages: 106\ndisregard the visual imagery as if this were mere decoration. Hence,\nbetween the extremes of the twentieth century theosophists who will not\nread the texts and the historians of science who will not read the visual\nimagery, the \"alchemy of light\" has diminished in significance, since only\nthe study of both the visual and the literary documentation, as well as\nknowledge of its political context, can reveal the considerable importance\nof this alchemical concept in the late Renaissance.\nThe present work has taken an extended historical view of the evolution of Paracelsian astral and solar theurgy and its deployment by German theosophists in the late sixteenth century, as well as by some of their\nRosicrucian followers. Such a lengthy over-view has necessitated too brief\na mention of much important contextual history, nor has it been possible\nto provide an extensive analysis of specific theories. Further study is required to validate many of the suggestions concerning cross-influences]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nand theurgical ritual. Indeed, late Renaissance alchemists developed a\nconceptual structure which could be called an \"alchemy oflight\", a syncretic philosophy integrating the discrete intellectual and mystical currents of Pythagorean geometry, neoplatonism, medieval optics, Paracelsian alchemy and cabbalism.\nThe concept of the divinity of light had been transmitted from the\nmost ancient times to the late hellenistic philosopher Plotinus, as well as\nto various gnostic and hermetic groups, such as those connected with the\ntheosophical writings known to the Renaissance as the Pymander of\nHermes Trismegistus. In origins the term \"hermeticism\" referred to the\nlate hellenistic teachings ofTrismegistus and his followers, such as Asclepius. This theosophical system had emerged by the second century BC in\nEgypt, but at first it did not include alchemy which developed only during the first Christian centuries, alchemical literature being added to the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\npurified by fire, they will arise in the perfected form of the philosopher's\nstone. Hence, in Emblem VIII, the perspectival grid signifies the divine\nlight of the heavens, the alchemical quintessence which carries the seed\nof gold from the sun. It is placed directly above the egg to denote the\npotential evolution of prime matter to a higher spiritual condition.\nTherefore, the theurgic meaning of Emblem VIII lies within a set of\nassociations inter- relating Vitruvian architecture, perspectival geometry\nand catoptrics, in short, the same themes explored by Dee. Consequently,\nMaier's emblem, like that of Khunrath, explains the theory of an alchemy of light. The diagrammatic tunnel of orthogonal lines, like de Vries'\nhallway, refers to Paracelsian astral influences and Dee's astrological catoptrics. This geometrical structure, with its base on the earth and its\napex in heaven (signified by the vanishing-point), represents the quest for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical\nimagery was that it transformed them into theurgical talismans . Just as\nDee's and Khunrath's use of Pythagorean geometry was a means ofcapturing the astral forces in their theurgic sigils, in the same way, Maier's\nPythagorean music attracted the celestial powers into his emblems, turning them into magical instruments. In particular, the fifth interval, representing the solar rays and the philosopher's stone, magnetically attracted\nthe sun, introducing a potent theurgic charge into the alchemical procedure. (This motif may have even been a reference to the process of\ndistillation by the heat of the sun). Reinforced by the music, Maier's\nemblems were intended to become transmutatory instruments of the\nsame type as the catoptrical mirrors described by John Dee in the Monas\nHieroglyphica and the \"annuli\" pictured by Khunrath in the Amphiteatrum.\nIn these ideas, Maier could have been influenced by a reference in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nthis as being a poetic expression of some vague mystical experience, or a\nflowery literary convention. Debus is one of the few to have discussed this\nParacelsian metaphysics of light in his extensive studies of Fludd's alchemy.3 More recently, Clulee has examined the natural philosophy ofthe\nElizabethan theurgist, John Dee (1527-1609), noting, in particular, Dee's\nuse ofscholastic optical theory in the astronomical magic ofhis Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558). Clulee, however, did not relate Dee's astral theurgy to alchemy, nor to theosophy, since he did not consider Dee to be a\nParacelsian, although he acknowledged the innovatory significance of\nDee's cabbalism in his later alchemical treatise, the Monas Hieroglyphica\n(1564). Few other scholars have examined critically the references to\ncelestial light in late Renaissance alchemical texts and illustrations and\nmajor alchemists of the period, such as Khunrath and Maier, still await a\ndefinitive study.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nmajor alchemists of the period, such as Khunrath and Maier, still await a\ndefinitive study.\nIn view of the fact that scholarly research into the alchemical discourse oflight is relatively little developed, the present study will attempt\nto redress this absence byfocusing on Renaissance ideas ofthe generative\npower ofthe light of the sun, stars and planets. Renaissance alchemists,\nsuch as Khunrath and Fludd, conceptualised the astral rays of light as\nbeing the agents ofthe \"anima Mundi\", the cosmic soul or \"Anthropos\",\nout of whose primeval substance, the quintessence or \"azoth\", the universe was generated. Cabbalistic alchemists, moreover, identified the cosmic Anthropos with Christ, whose sacred presence within the alchemical\nprocess transformed it into a sacramental act, paralleling that of the\nLutheran Eucharist.\nAlchemists, since hellenistic times, had relied on the effects of the\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=63\nPages: 63\ncorpus with its astrology, the Rosarium, Dee's catoptrical theories and\nKhunrath's De Igne Magorum all produce the impression that celestial rays\nwere, indeed, being employed by alchemists to \"animate\" their materials.\nIn De Igne Magorum, as well as citing Paracelsus and the medieval\ncorpus , Khunrath also refers to the \"twelve books\" of Giambattista della\nPorta's Magia Naturalis, referring, thereby, to the enlarged second edition\nof 1589 (De Igne: 94). Other authorities mentioned in his account of the\nastral fires and catoptrics include Hermolaus Barbarus in Corollario super\nDioscorides ubi de Aquis in Commune (De Igne: 90), Trithemius in the Aureum\nvellus (De Igne: 94), Joannes Pontanus and Penotus's letter to Joannes Bartholomeus Burggravius (De Igne: 96, 103).\nThe most immediate influence of Khunrath's alchemical catoptrics\nwas on Stefan Michelspacher's Cabala, Spiegel der Kunst und Natur (Augsburg, 1615-1616), consisting of four engravings which represent mirrors]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nhuman-being had both a physical and an astral body, but that his real\nbody was astral. It was by means of the imagination located in the astral\nbodythat a person could attain to \"gnosis\" and, thereby, learn to control\nphysical manifestation through the \"astra\" present within all things.\nThus, for the Paracelsian magus it was sufficient to contemplate an object, instead of manipulating it physically. Visual imagery, such as talismanic cyphers or alchemical pictures, provided a stimulus to the imagination of the magus and acted as simulacra of the objects under his\ncontrol.\nDee's view of the theurgic function of Pythagorean-based drawing\nmay explain two particular alchemical images which Yates stated that she\nfound incomprehensible. The alchemical image which specifically puzzled her was Emblem VIII from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (1617) (fig. 41).\nHer attribution of a conceptual influence on Maier from Dee in this\ncontext is accurate, but she did not connect Emblem VIII specifically to]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105,106\nIn the history of alchemy, perhaps the most important change in its\ncentral concepts occurs in the period from the late 1550s to the early\n1600s in which appeared Dee's and Khunrath's Paracelsian treatises on\nthe use of astral magic and light-rays in the alchemical process. The\ninteresting aspect oftheir work is that they were still advocating practical\nwork, as well as contemplative practices involving visual imagery. This is\nan important point which modern scholarship, influenced by nineteenth\ncentury theosophy and Jungian psychology, tends to under-estimate.\nMost ofthe authors who have written popularised interpretations ofRenaissance alchemical illustration have rarely bothered to read the dense\naccompanying texts, still less have they attempted to place the visual\nimages in any historical context. Whereas it is true, as previously de-\n184\nCONCLUSION\nscribed, that the pictures were becoming transmuting philosopher's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nsympathetic magic which would eliminate, at a stroke, the confusions in\ntraditional alchemical discourse.\nAnother natural philosopher who located Dee's optics within a Paracelsian context was the alchemist and cosmologist Nicholas Hill who had\noriginally been a member of the retinue of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland where he would have encountered the direct legacy ofDee's\ninfluence, as well as the optical interests ofthat circle. In his Philosophia\nEpicurea (Paris, 1601), Hill discussed the astral influences transmitted by\nlight -rays, relating this effect to Paracelsian alchemy. He stated that the\nextraction of the elixir of life and the transmutation of metals were a\ndivine process equivalent to the emanation of the second person ofthe\nHoly Trinity from the Father. He believed that light was the impression\nof God in nature and that it gave both form and life to matter.42]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmirror on the earth into a dark cave. Kircher's illustration describes the\nvarious lights of nature, the senses and the intellect.\nIt remains to discuss the specific influences triggering Khunrath's\nideas concerning the use of astral virtue and catoptrics in alchemy. These\nmay have been inspired by the publication of Paracelsus' completeworks\nin the Basle edition of 1589-90, as well as the appearance ofdella Porta's\nsecond Magia Naturalis (1589). Another influence was undoubtedly Dee's\ncabbalistic astrology and catoptrics, as well as the enduring effects of Pico\ndella Mirandola's and Reuchlin's Christian cabbalism. In the context of\nthe political pressures on his pietistic beliefs between circa 1595 and\n1604, these influences led Khunrath to devise a cabbalistic alchemy of\nlight, founded on Paracelsian theosophy and Renaissance optical science.\nIOO\n34 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1962-78), 2,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\nnature\" is one of the foundations of Khunrath's alchemy in which he\ndescribes an unbroken continuum of illuminated wisdom, incorporating\nboththe practical experience ofthe natural world, as well as the spiritual\nvision of the mystic.17\nIn Paracelsian theosophy, empathetic imagination was not a subjective and, therefore, neglible factor in human affairs, but a powerful astral\nforce which provided the basis for theurgy and prognostication, as well as\nfor prophecy and mystical inspiration. Consequently, the Paracelsian\ntheosophical system eliminated, or diminished, the role of the institutionalised Christian church as the interpreter of God's will by means ofthe\ncanonical scriptures. Replacing external authority, the individual intuition became a more immediate and truer guide to divine knowledge.\nEven more radically, Paracelsus stated that through the imaginative faculties ofthe astral body a human could attain beatific union with God.18]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nvirtues) present within all natural bodies were the foundation of practical\nmedicine, since each person had an astral body which overlay and penetrated his physical body, so that the external and imminent \"astra\" were\neffectively the same entity. Thus, Parcelsus stated, a remedy was dependant on the astrological effects of the heavens.24 In the Volumen medicinae\nparamirum (circa 1520), he urged the physician to acquire a sound knowledge ofastronomy in order to understand the effects ofthe astral emanations by means of which God had impressed earthly things with \"signatures\",25\nFor a clearer understanding of Paracelsus' theory of\"signatures\", it is\nhelpful to consider Foucault's analysis of the Renaissance concept ofthe\nworld as being constructed on the basis of similitude and difference. The\nRenaissance taxonomy of phenomena, whether spiritual, physical, aesthetic or linguistic, was based on the idea that representation (similitude)]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=69\nPages: 69\nIII\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS\nHermes Trismegistus and Julius Caesar Scaligerus (Par. 53). Khunrath\nadmonishes true Christian alchemists that they should be meditating,\npraying, walking, reading scripture, as demonstrated in the second, third\nand fourth figures of his treatise (Par. 71). In contrast, he attacks blasphemers and black-magicians who operate with the sign of the pentacle,\ndirecting his reader, instead, to the fourth figure of his treatise in which\nthere appear the proper, truly spiritual, figures which are to be used in\nalchemy. This is probably an allusion to the 1595 engraving of the\nLullian-cabbalistic circles of the \"Archetypos\" (fig. 33), which is, however, absent from MS Alnwick 571.\nHic ANNULUM assistentia spiritu boni, Theosophorum: (In Tabulis Cordis)]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=34\nPages: 34\nthat alchemy was of interest to Dee in the 1550s, there are, nevertheless,\nsufficient hints within the text of the Propaedeumata Aphoristica to indicate\nthat Dee envisaged an alchemical purpose for his astral catoptrics.\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY:\nTHE \"ASTRAL VIRTUE\" AND\nTHE \"AERIAL SALTPETRE\"\nThe controversy generated by the medical theories of Paracelsus (14931541) was caused not only by his adoption of alchemical methods for\npreparing medicines and his innovatory use of inorganic substances, but\nalso by his disturbing synthesis of medicine, magic, theology and cosmology. Paracelsus' ambitiously expansive (and often self-contradictory) vision forced his educated contemporaries to re-assess both their professional activities as physicians, as well as their philosophical systems and\neven their religious beliefs.\nParacelsus' own Christian commitment cannot be doubted, for this\nwas one of his declared reasons for his attack on pre-Christian medical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nMirandola, like Ficino, integrated these practices with Christianity, butin\naddition he introduced the cabbalah into Renaissance hermeticism.6\nThe German natural philosopher and magus Cornelius Agrippa\n(1486-1533) popularised astral magic through his treatise, De Occulta\nPhilosophia (1533), justifying such practices by claiming the existence of a\nnatural sympathy between the human-being and the universe, an idea\nalready well-known to the middle ages. On the model of Agrippa, this\nvenerable notion of the harmony between celestial and human realms\nwas systematised for medical use by Paracelsus who created an analogical\nstructure known as the \"doctrine of signatures\". He taught that in all\nmaterial entities there existed hidden virtues whose qualities corresponded to those ofthe planetary bodies in the heavens. These occult virtues he\ncalled \"astra\" to designate the \"signatures\" (the impressions) of the stars\non matter. Paracelsus argued that, due to the intimate unity between]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82,83\nhuman imagination to be an astral force, capable of theurgically manipulating the world of time and space. Hence, the prime function of de\nVries' engraving was to validate Khunrath's cabbalistic Christological\nalchemy.\nThere are two other pictures in Khunrath's iconographic repertoire\nwhich similarly provide a rhetorical defence of his position as a spiritual\nalchemist against the rising tide of objections to his theosophical Christology. These are the Magdeburg emblem of an owl and the 1602 image of\nthe \"calumniatores\".\n136\n52 Jung's drawing in Bibliotek Kopenhagen, MS GKS 1765 may be seen in thereproduction in Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 14, Item 12b.\n137\n53 Henry Moore Institute, Leeds, Peter Scheemakers: \"The Famous Statuary\" (1691-1781),\n1966, exhibition catalogue, No. 6, Vue d'Optique engraving, c. 1750, with mahogany\nand glass viewing machine.\n54 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND\nBLACK-MAGICIANS: THE PERSECUTION OF]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 40 to page 51 out of a total of 137:\nPages 40:\nCHAPTER FOUR\nPARACELSIAN ALCHEMY\n\"dyed\" vitriol (sulphuric acid) for twenty-two days and worked saltpetre,\nadding mercury and repeatedly distilling the ensuing chemical mix. He\nalso used repeated quantities of sulphur and marcasite, frequently circulating the products (ff. 2r-4r). Similarly, in Dee's diary, he records that on\n30 August 1594 Walter Mallet left for Toulouse with the fixed oil of\nsaltpetre , presumably having been taught the method of its preparation\nby Dee.52 Comparing Dee's work with that of Paracelsus in his various\nmedicinal treatises, there is some similarity. One of the most important\nParacelsian chemical preparations was the production of potassium arsenate from the fusion of arsenic with saltpetre. Paracelsus had washed the\nmetals with alchohol and water, then heated them with saltpetre which\ncaused the metals to oxidise and become soluble.53 Also, in this context,\nthere exists a strange record of Dee's preparation of \"AER SIMPLEX\"\nin August 1581.\nThe 29 day after 11 ofthe clok I did sett 7 oz and a half of pure Ayre forto\nCirculate in balneo.\n(Bodleian Library MS D 241 (13050), f. 8r)\nUnfortunately, the experiment is not fully documented, but it may indicate that Dee was attempting to work with the Paracelsian aerial virtue.\nDee also favoured \"maracasite\" ( Bodleian Library MS D 241, ff. 2r,\n2v, 3r, 5r), distilling it with sulphur and sulphuric acid (f.5r). (Marcasite is\ncommonly denoted by the symbol of a star). Unfortunately, the name was\nused by alchemists to describe a wide range of different substances. Genuine marcasite is a mineral form of iron disulphide (FeS2), having the\nsame composition as pyrites, but with a different crystalline structure as\nwhite iron pyrites. In fact, marcasite is simply an immature metallic substance. White marcasite is bismuth, a metal which was attracting considerable attention in the sixteenth century and which was confused with\nantimony. Marcasite of lead is antimony. The most interesting, though\nunproveable, interpretation would be to identify Dee's \"marcasite\" with\nantimony, a poisonous semi-metal much used by the Paracelsians.\nParacelsus had given directions for removing the lethal qualities of\npoisonous minerals and metals in order to render them suitable for homeopathic use. His method involved mixing the poisonous mineral with\nsaltpetre, then pouring the mixture onto a slab of marble and standing it\nin a cool place. This would become a dough-like substance which required repeated kneading. The Paracelsian alchemist known by the name\nof\"Basil Valentine\" (probably to be identified with his \"editor\"Johannes\nTholde) was a popular source from the 1580s for a potable antimony.\nThis medicinal potion, apparently, was sweet in smell and taste and coloured ruby-red.54\nAt the end of Bodleian MS Ashmole 1486, Dee records that he used a\nmix of two ounces of maracasite, four ounces of vitriol, common tartar,\none ounce of gold and sal ammoniac. There followed much distilling\nwhich indicates that he was attempting to dissolve metals in vitriol. Paracelsian remedies against the plague included sulphur and metals in the\nform of spirit of vitriol, that is, sulphur sublimate. Sulphur derived from\nvitriol and its salts has narcotic and analgesic properties.5\nThis small selection of items from Dee's record can only be indicative\nof his general interests. The most important question arising from these\nmanuscript notes is whether Dee was intending in his laboratory workto\nproduce medicines, or whether he was still in quest of the philosopher's\nstone. The latter purpose certainly dominates Kelley's alchemical practice. Similarly, Dee's questions to the angels during his spiritual sceances\nin Eastern Europe, as well as the notes in his diary during the time ofhis\ncollaboration with Kelley, suggest that he was still preoccupied with the\ntraditional alchemical goal of transmutation.56 In contrast, Dee's alchemical diaries show that he had developed an interest in nitric preparations\nand, possibly, in those involving antimony which indicates some medical\nintention. Unfortunately, his laboratory notes are limited remains only,\nscribbles written in haste, and they cannot provide a full picture ofDee's\nalchemy. They have to be read against the broader record of his intellectual life.\n52\n52 Halliwell, p. 50; Fenton, p. 267.\n53 Pagel (1982), p. 276.\n53\n54 For example, Paracelsus on antimony in Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 275-76. See also J. R.\nPartington, A History ofChemistry (London : Macmillan, 1961), pp. 146-51 and BasilValentine, Der Triumph-WagenAntimonii (Leipzig, 1604). Suchten issued an influentialtexton\nantimony see Sudhoff, Bibliographia Paracelsica (1894), pp. 280-81.\n55 Pagel (1982), pp. 87: n. 230, 276-77.\n56 See Clulee, pp. 203-30; Clucas, \"Non est legendum sed inspicendum solum\" (1998),\nPP. pp. 109-32.\n\nPages 41:\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT:\nTHE MONAS HIEROGLYPHICA AND THE CABBALAH\nParacelsian theosophy was related conceptually to other neoplatonised\nmetaphysical structures, such as the cabbalah, which entered the western\nphilosophical context in the early sixteenth century. The distant ancestor\nof both the Paracelsian chemical cosmogony of the aerial fire and that of\nthe cabbalistic divine light is to be found in late hellenistic esotericism.\nThe present study will analyse the manner in which the cabbalah, specifically the cosmogenical account in the Zohar, provided a theologicaljustification for an \"alchemy of light\" through its vision ofthe world's emanation from God by means of his divine will, \"Kav\", in the form ofa beam\noflight.\nKnowledge of cabbalistic texts was dispersed through-out Europe on\nthe expulsion ofthe Jews from Spain in 1492. A Christian version ofthe\ncabbalah was devised by Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494) in\nhis Nine Hundred Theses (1496), which provided the model for the more\ndetailed version ofthe German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455-1522)\nin De Verbo Mirifico (1494) and De Arte Cabbalistica (1517). In the early\nsixteenth century, cabbalism supported a natural philosophy orientated\ntowards magic. The work of Pico and Reuchlin was publicised by Cornelius Agrippa in his De Occulta Philosophia (1533) and further developed\nby Guillaume Postel, Johannes Pistorius and John Dee. Agrippa was the\nmain source ofpublic information concerning theurgical systems and his\naccount ofmystical practices influenced both Paracelsus' theurgy, as well\nas his theosophical system.\nScholars differ in their accounts of the sources ofJohn Dee's angelic\nmagic and cabbalism, his \"Ars Sintrilla\". It was Yates who first laid stress\non the importance of Dee's theurgic mathematics for the empirical sciences ofthe seventeenth century. Both Clulee and Clucas considered that\na significant influence on the development of Dee's magical practices,\nJohannes Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico; De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart: Frommann,\n1964), facsimiles offirst editions. See Charles Zika, \"Reuchlin's \"De Verbo Mirifico\" \",\nJWCI (1976): 104-38; Pico della Mirandola, Conclusiones Nongentae (1532 ed), pp. 151-64;\nScholem, Major Trends in JewishMysticism (New York: Schocken, 1973), pp. 244\nffGershom\n.\n\nPages 42:\n56\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nparticularly on his esoteric linguistics, came from medieval theurgy since\nhe had copies, for example, of Roger Bacon's work on sigils, as well as\nthat ofPeter ofAbano. Clulee was also inclined to favour Trithemius and\nPantheus as additional Renaissance mentors for Dee's occultist linguistics. Sherman, however, has concentrated on the syncretic aspects of\nDee's learning, tending to view his magical interests as an almost counter-humanistic enterprise which favoured the medieval concept of \"given\" esoteric knowledge, instead of empirical experimentation.\nSzonyi, on the other hand, has considered a more immediate source\nfor Dee's astral rituals and sympathetic magic in Renaissance neoplatonism and hermeticism. Initially, he had located Dee's interests in the context ofAgrippan and Paracelsian astrology, but more recently he has put\na case for a direct line ofinfluence from Ficino's astral magic. He has also\ncontextualised Dee's magical cryptograms within the Renaissance quest\nfor the primal language.2 In the late Renaissance, an interest in magical\ncyphers, engraved gems, \"angelic\" languages, astrological sigils and ritual\nincantation formed a current of major intellectual significance. Agrippa's\nmagical inscriptions were modelled on the cryptographs of the German\nhumanist Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). His popular Steganographia\n(1518) was circulated widely in manuscript and it reached John Dee who\nhad copies ofit, among other works by Trithemius.3 Agrippa also revived\nknowledge ofthe Picatrix, an Arabic book of magic, and he publicised the\nmystical scripts of Peter of Abano, Gerald of Cremona and Georgius\nPictorius Villinganus.4\nBut it was the cabbalah which provided the foundation for the semiotic endeavours of the Renaissance magi which reached their peak in the\nearly seventeenth century.5 The cabbalah expounded a theology in which\nGod emanated and continually pervaded the universe in the form of\nspiritual and natural light. Scholarly authorities consider that many cabbalistic ideas originated in North African neoplatonism during the late\nantique period. The name \"cabbalah\" (meaning \"received tradition\")\noriginated in the circles of Rabbi Isaac the Blind in thirteenth century\nsouthern France. The full system was developed in Spain in the same\nyears and its effect is found in the work of Meister Eckhart and Ramon\nLull. The cabbalistic texts are based on the early chapters of the biblical\nbooks of Genesis and Ezekiel, but in the course of the middle ages further\nideas were adopted from Christian neo-platonism. These included the\ntrinitarian dialectic of divine manifestation, known as the \"Tree ofLife\".\nThe oldest cabbalistic text appears to be the Book of Formation or Book of\nCreation (Sepher Jezirah) (circa 600 AD) which is a cosmological account.\nModelled on the Pythagorean system, it states that the fundamental principles of all things are numbers, letters and sounds. Furthermore, the\nHebrew alphabet is said to have been composed by God himself.6\nCabbalists described the Hebrew alphabet as being composed out of\nthe divine flame, or light, of God. The central cypher which generated\nthe rest of the letters was \"Jod\", meaning \"flame\" and, moreover, the\nvery form of this sign was said to resemble that of a flame. Hence, the\ncabbalah was offering at its core a metonymic linguistic sign which was\nnot transposable to the Latin alphabet. The similarity in the appearance\nof other Hebrew linguistic significators to their referent fascinated European cabbalists. Thus, in the context of the Renaissance epistemological\ncrisis described by Foucault, the analogical potential of the Hebrew alphabet satisfied the intellectual and emotional need for a signifying mode\nwhich would close the increasing conceptual divide between linguistic\nforms and the physical world. Consequently, the psychological situation\ndemanded a substitute analogical system which was provided bythe cabbalah. As the divine text of God in nature was erased by the epistemic\nchanges wrought by proto-capitalism in northern Europe, so the yearning\nto recover God's primal words of creation intensified.\n2 Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa, Opera, 2 vols (London, 1600: Hildesheim; New York:\nGeorg Olms Verlag, 1970); Sherman (1995), pp. 12-19. Also Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\"\n(1999), passim, and his forthcoming paper in Renaissance Quarterly. These and other points\nofview maybe retrieved from the discussions concerning Dee's magic in Clucas (ed),John\nDee (1999), passim. Compare Szonyi's position on this issue with Clucas (1998), pp. 10932.Clulee also offers a different analysis of Dee's angelic languages, see Clulee,JohnDee's\nNatural Philosophy, pp. 203-5, 212, 219. For Agrippa's influence note that Dee had copies\nof De Occulta Philosophia, see R&W 742, 743, 1118, 1424, B208, B241. He also had\nPantheus' treatise R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).\n3Johannes Trithemius, Steganographia (Frankfurt: Mattias Becker; Joannes Bernerus,\n1606); A. Gentili, La Steganografia dell'Abate Trithemio, 2 vols (Milan: Editrice Kemi, 1980).\nFor Dee's copies of this text see R&W: 218, 359, 622, 646, 678, 1844 ; other books of\nmagic are found in R&W: 1551-1550, BM13, CM4.\nAgrippa, Opera, pp. 532-33, 562-67, 574-607; Vittoria Perrone Compagni, Picatrix\nlatinus (Padua: Antenore, 1975); David Pingree, Picatrix (London: Warburg Institute,\n1986).\n57\n5 Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim. See also the account in Frick, DieErleuchteten\n(1973), pp. 89-111.\n6 Scholem (1973), pp. 244 ff and Frick on Eckhart in Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 128,\n162, 240. For the SepherJezirah see Ithamar Gruenwald, \"A Preliminary CriticalEdition\nof Sefer Yezira\", Israel Oriental Studies (1971):132-77 and for details of the sephirothic\nsystem see Guillaume Postel ( ed. and comm.), SeferJezirah (Paris, 1552), edited by Wolf\nPeter Klein (Stuttgart; Bad Cannstatt, 1994), pp. 89-90, 92-100, 110-11.\n7 Foucault, pp. 30-94.\n\nPages 43:\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nThe obsessive belief in cabbalism lay in the hope that it would supply\nan empowering magical system for its initiates, both an assurance of the\ncontinued validity of medieval theurgy, as well as its regeneration. An\nexample ofthe conflict in the 1620s and 1630s generated by the emerging empiricist systems was the battle between the devout Paracelsian and\npro-Rosicrucian Robert Fludd and the French mechanicians Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655) and Marin Mersenne (1588-1648), as well as Johannes\nKepler (1571-1630). These prolonged and much-publicised debates are\nsome of the best evidence of the scale of emotional investment in late\nRenaissance analogical linguistics by those who aligned themselves with\nthe concept of the cabbalistic sage.8\nThe power of the late Renaissance esoteric philosopher rested on his\nability to manipulate the names of things, since those names were considered to be the essence of the physical form of his subject. The Hebrew\nalphabet, being the closest to the pristine language of humanity, was the\nmost powerful enabling tool for his proposed deconstruction of the physical world. Since each letter of the Hebrew alphabet had a numerical\nvalue, from this fortuity evolved the two computational aspects ofthe\ncabbalah known as \"gematria\" and \"notarikon\".9 With these esoteric\ntools , philosophers such as Reuchlin, Paracelsus, Pistorius and Postel,\nfound in cabbalism a new justification for the practice of philosophy.\nReuchlin, especially, had sought to provide the Renaissance magus with\nan elite role in society through the practice of cabbalism.10\nFor the cabbalist, the secret name of God \"YHVH\", known as the\n\"Tetragrammaton\", was the source of power. Reuchlin turned the original Judaic form ofthe Tetragrammaton into a Christian sign by placing\nthe Hebrew letter \"Shin\" at its centre, thereby, devising the form\n\"YHSVH\", which located Christ at the heart ofthe cabbalistic system. It\nhad been Pico della Mirandola in his Conclusiones who initially identified\nthe Jewish Messiah of the cabbalistic discourses with Christ. Reuchlin's\nChristian cabbalah was the source of Khunrath's alchemical theology in\nthe 1590s, while Fludd was so impressed by Reuchlin's conceptual conceit on the name ofJesus that he used it as his primary structural unit in\ngenerating his own alchemical universe in the \"Microcosm\" (UCH, 2,\n1619) and the Philosophia Sacra (1626).12 Fludd had realised that the location of the letter \"Shin\", the sign for fire, within the Tetragrammaton\nhad created an intensely concentrated symbol ofthe cabbalistic theogony\nof divine light and divine fire.\nIn fact, the cabbalistic Tree of Life is an emanation of the light, or\nfire, of God's will. Although the Godhead is transcendent, he appears in\nhis immanent form as the sephiroth \"Ayin\"\" which emanates yet another\naspect of God as the sephiroth \"Ayin Sof\" (Eternal) who is the actual\nCreator-God. \"Ayin Sof\" withdraws a part of himself in a contraction\ntermed \"zimzum\" which allows a void to appear. A further aspect of\nGod, the eternal light \"Ayin Sof Or\", surrounds the void, emanating a\nbeam of light,\"Kav\", which penetrates to the centre of the void. Divine\nwill manifests itself as ten stages ofemanation which are the ten sephiroth\ncomposing the Tree of Life. The divine light flows down the Tree ofLife\nin a zigzag form, acting across the three \"pillars\" into which the Tree is\ndivided. These are commonly interpreted as being Grace in the centre,\nMercy on the right and Severity on the left. The first three sephiroth are\n\"Kether\" (Crown)\n\"Binah\" (Understanding)\n\"Hochmah\" (Wisdom)\nThese are the ones which appear most frequently in Khunrath's alchemical theory. Fludd also prioritised this primal trinity in his account, but\nhis use of the cabbalistic system is far more extensive and detailed than\nKhunrath's.\nOut of a further progression of sephiroth there finally appears the\nlowest which is \"Malkhut\" (Kingdom), or the physical universe. Since\nthe whole creation is accomplished by means of a beam of light which is\nGod himself, the universe exists in a monistic unity with him.\n58\n8 For details and bibliography of this argument, see Debus (1977), 1, pp. 256 ff;\nThorndike, M&ES, 7, pp. 426-64 and Huffman, Robert Fludd (1988), pp. 173 ff.\n9 Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim.\n10 Charles Zika, \"Reuchlin's 'De Verbo Mirifico' (1976): 104-38; Charles Zika,\n\"Reuchlin and Erasmus\",Journal ofReligious History (1977): 223-46. For thepsychology of\nthe magus see Frick (1973), pp. 53-56 and his account of the cabbalah on pp. 89-111.\nPeuckert provides an account of the cultural changes caused by the shifting economic\nsituation in early sixteenth century Germany, see Die Grosse Wende (1948), pp. 690-95.\n151-64. See Reuchlin\nPico della Mirandola, Conclusiones Nongentae (1532 edition), pp.(Stuttgart,\n1964 facs. of\nin De Verbo Mirifico\non the Tetragrammaton and the name ofJesusMettatron\nin\nDe\nArte\nCabbalistica\nand\nChrist\nand\non\nthe\nMessiah\nas\ned.),\npp.\n95-103\n1494\n(Stuttgart, 1964 facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 133, 143-55. See also Giulio Busi and Saverio\n59\nCampiani (eds), Johannes Reuchlin L'Arte Cabbalistica (Firenze: Opus Libri, 1995), pp. 54-68,\n89-95, 185-92. On Pico and Reuchlin see also Zika (1976) and Frick, Die Erleuchteten\n(1973), pp. 106-9. Guillaume Postel also makes the same identification in his commentary\non the Sefer Jezirah in the 1552 edition, see Sefer Jezirah (Paris, 1552), edited by Klein\n(1994), pp. 143-75.\n12 Fludd, UCH, \"Microcosm\", 2 (1621), Sect I, pp. 28-33.\n13 See Lachower and Tisby (1989), 1, pp. 268ff for an account ofthe process of emanation and also Frick (1973), pp. 97-101, pp. 319-22.\n\nPages 44:\n60\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nJohn Dee by no means applied the whole of the original cabbalistic\nsystem in hisMonas Hieroglyphica and its theological implications are largely absent from his own design. Dee was more concerned with the specifics of the alchemical process and he used the cabbalah to weave an\nelegant demonstration of his more limited pantheism concerning the relation ofmicrocosm to macrocosm. The cabbalah also served to display his\nown intellectual prowess, as well as his claim to superior rank as a magus\nof the highest order. He seems to have relied primarily on Reuchlin,\nParacelsus and Postel for his knowledge of cabbalism, acquiring a copy of\nReuchlin's De Verbo Mirifico, as well as works by Postel. Moreover, Dee's\ncollection of Paracelsian texts included the theosophical and cabbalistic\ntreatises. He also had a copy ofPico della Mirandola's Conclusiones Nongentae. Surprisingly, the Hebrew texts in his library were not cabbalistic,\nproviding mostly grammatical information and this was also the case with\nhis \"Syrian\" and \"Chaldean\" books. He did not have a copy of the Zohar\nitself, nor ofthe Sepher Jezirah. In fact, Dee may have gained some of his\ninformation on the cabbalah from an older medieval source, De auditu\ncabbalistico ofthe late thirteenth century which is spuriously attributed to\nRamon Lull. It has to be recognised that Dee's cabbalistic system is based\non a variety ofmodels and that his use of the original Hebrew texts may\nhave been limited. His other sources would have included non-cabbalistic\nmaterial found in the Hermetica and in Ficino's writings.14\nIn the Monas Hieroglyphica, Dee applied only the general concepts underlying cabbalism, specifically the manipulation of cyphers, translating\nits linguistic modes into his own astrological, Euclidean and alchemical\nsyntax. Dee stated that he was already planning his treatise at a time\nwhen he was still writing the Propaedeumata Aphoristica. Dee's hieroglyphic\nwas drawn in the form of a hand-glass, recalling his own magic mirror,\nused in scrying (fig. 17).15 The Monas Hieroglyphica was eventually published in Antwerp on 31 March 1564 and it was reprinted in the Theatrum\nChemicum (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1609) which ensured a wide dispersal ofits influence in the early seventeenth century.16\nDee's Monas is conceived as being a linguistic alchemy, since by manipulating this sign the magus can control nature. Moreover, the pragmatic mechanician who was a large part ofJohn Dee's character intended that his Monas should have a practical use for alchemists. Working\nwith impure substances, poor quality glassware and lacking thermometers, the alchemists could only gauge their progress by relying on their\nsenses of smell, touch and taste. One saving grace for them was the fact\nthat most of the traditional alchemical substances belonged to Group V\nofthe Periodic Table of the Elements. These included the sulphides and\nnitrates, which reliably produce spectacular evidence of chemical change,\nthereby providing an encouraging incentive for the alchemist.\nTo these problems of interpretation and procedure, Dee's Monas offered more than a guide. Within his union of catoptrics, astrology and\ncabbalism, Dee perceived distinct benefits for alchemy, ensuring precision in correlating the effects of the heavens with the chemical process.\nYet, in the Monas Hieroglyphica there is relatively little mention of specific\nchemistry. Instead, Dee uses the planetary rays to perform his alchemical\noperations, defining his method as being an astronomical alchemy. In\nthis idea he was clearly influenced by Paracelsus' gnosticism in the\nAstronomia Magna, as well as by his theory of the illuminated imagination\nin the astral body communicating with the celestial macrocosm. It is\nessential to note that the graphic form of Dee's Monas (figs. 17, 18)\ndiffers entirely from the diagrammatic plans of astronomical star-charts,\nor of Lullian figures (figs. 4-7).17\nDee's Monas arose out ofthe context ofthe sixteenth century interest\nin devising secret cyphers which would act as an indexical bond between\nthe heavenly and the human spheres. 18 According to Szonyi, Ficino's\ntalismanic models in De Triplic Vitae were a direct source for Dee's Monas\nand his concept of an astronomical alchemy. Szonyi has indicated the\nsimilarity between Ficino's and Dee's astral magic, in particular, their\nconcept ofthe seven planets being grouped in two distinct families, thus,\nenabling the play of conjunctions and oppositions between the various\nmembers of the two alliances. There are also, as Szonyi demonstrates,\ncorrespondences between the numerology employed by Ficino in his\ncommentary on Book VII of Plato's Republic and Dee's geometrical\nnumerology in the Monas Hieroglyphica. Ficino's deployment of the concepts of squaring and triangulating planetary influences also re-appears\nin Dee's cabbalistic system. Moreover, Dee, like Ficino, uses the numer-\n14 For Dee's sources see R&W Reuchlin 1043, B25; Postel 1619, 1622, 1623, D18;\nHebrew, Syrian and Chaldean texts 1558-1586, 1591, 1594, 1601, 1612, 1845; Lull \"de\nauditu cabbalistico\" 1419, 1518; Ficino De triplici vitae 779, Ficino's translation ofPlotinus\n108, Opera 204, Theologia Platonica 893; Pico della Mirandola Conclusiones 190, B121.\n15 Schumaker, pp. 162-63.\n16 C. H.Josten, \"A translation ofJohn Dee's 'Monas Hieroglyphica' (Antwerp, 1564)\",\n, 12 (1964): 84-221. The Latin version is also found in the Theatrum chemicum, 2,\nAmbix192-215.\npp.\n61\n17 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), pp. 55-57, 89-99; Clulee, p. 211.\n18 Clulee, pp. 81-96.\n\nPages 45:\n62\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\n63\nology ofthe Latin and Greek alphabet and also optical geometry.19\nDee's mathematical approach to natural philosophy urged him to favour concise, visual structures. In fact, the Monas is the ancient, astrological sign for mercury, with two half-moons added to the base of the cross.\nThis form may have been inspired by the diagram of Pantheus' cabbalistic universe in the Voarchadumia (fig. 8) which shows the sign for mercury\natthe heart ofthe system with a reversed crescent-moon at its feet. Dee's\nmeticulously worked\ncopy of this text is copiously annotated and he has\nthrough all the numerology of Pantheus' system.20\nIn the rhetorical structure of his theorems, Dee adopted the model of\nEuclid's Elements of Geometry. Both Clulee and Walton have thoroughly\nanalysed the cabbalistic operations of the Monas which was designed, on\nthe basis of\"notarikon\" and \"gematria\", as a cypher facilitating esoteric\ncomputations. Clulee has concluded that Dee intended the Monas to be\n\"a new form of writing that is meant to mirror nature because it reflects\nthe geometrical and numerological principles inherent in creation\". The\nMonas is, thus, an alphabet, a lexicon of nature, as well as a \"kabbalistic\"\ngrammar of \"notarikon, tsiruf, and gematria by which these elements are\nmanipulated\". Clulee argued that the Monas served to \" constitute a discourse or text that reveals and illuminates the alchemical nature ofthe\nuniverse\".\nwhat [Dee] gives in the Monas is essentially a series of examples of how his\nhieroglyphic writing embodies alchemical principles and disclaims giving a\ncomplete elaboration of his new discipline of alchemy.21\nThe cypher ofthe Monas is a deconstructive device in which the significator is unstable, constantly mutating into other forms in order to follow\nthe traditional stages of the alchemical process. Unlike traditional alchemy, however, Dee's procedure dismantles the very fabric ofthe universe.\nFor example, in Theorem XII, he analyses the conventional symbols of\nthe five planets, relating their graphic design to that of the signs for the\nSun, Moon and Aries (fire).\nAll ofthem are indeed composed of [elements derived from] the symbols of\nMoon and Sun and [from] the hieroglyphic sign(s) of the elements and of\nAries ... Mercury. You see how lunar it is\nAnd in Theorem XIII, Dee enquires,\nIs not, then, the mystical sign ofMars produced from the hieroglyphs ofthe\nSun and Aries? With the doctrine of the elements included to some extent?\nAnd is not, I ask, the sign ofVenus produced by a fuller unfolding oftheSun\nand the elements. These [two] planets, therefore, have regards to the solar\nrevolution and to the work of rehabilitating [metals] by fire, in whose\nprogress there becomes at length apparent that other Mercury ... He is ...\nthat most famous Mercury of the philosophers23\nIn Theorem XII, Dee explains how prime matter may be imprinted by\nthe astral virtue of Mercury without any effort on the part of the alchemist.\nthe purest magic spirit [sc. Mercury] will carry out the work of albification in\nplace ofthe Moon ... if by his spiritual virtue, he may, without words, speak\nhieroglyphically ... for about the length of an average day, introducing and\nimpressing into the very pure and simple earth prepared by us those four\ngeogamic figures [here depicted] or, in their stead, that other figure [also\nshown here]24\nThe Monas is constructed from a circle and two straight lines which take\nthe form ofa cross beneath the circle (fig. 17). The point at the centre of\nthe circle represents the earth and revolving around it are the Sun (the\ncircle), the Moon and the rest of the planets.25 In Dee's Pythagorean\ngeometry, the rectilinear cross represents both the ternary, as well as the\nquaternary. The ternary consists of two straight lines and one point,\nwhile the quaternary is four straight lines, including four right angles.\nThe four elements are the four straight lines emerging from the point.26\nDee explains that the two half circles at the bottom of the cross represent\nAries, or fire. Thus, the Monas contains the power of the three levels of\ncreation, corresponding to the cosmic alchemical egg, the prime matter\nwhich contains the All.27\nThe most elaborate Euclidean dissection ofthe Monas occurs in Theorem XXI in which the sign for the Monad is turned upside-down, permitting new relationships to be established between the Moon, Sun,Aries\nand the other planets (fig. 18). Dee implies that there exists an even more\nawe-inspiring relationship between the alchemical art offire, represented\nby the sign of Aries, and the astronomy of the Monas. In this instance,\n19 Szonyi forthcoming in Renaissance Quarterly. An analysis of Ficino's numerology is\nprovided by Allen (1994), pp. 106, 130-34, 138-42.\n20 R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).\n21 Michael Walton, \"Geometrical Cabala\", Ambix (1976): 116-23; Clulee, pp. 89-95,\nquotes from pp. 105-6.\n22Josten, pp. 162-63.\n23 Josten, pp. 163, 165.\n2425 Josten, pp. 162-63.\nJosten, pp . 103-4, 107-8.\n26 Josten,\n. 107-8.\n27 Josten, pp\npp. 177-79.\n\nPages 46:\n64\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nDee is inferring the use of cabbalistic graphology.\nYet in the hands of learned men and literati there resides yet a stronger and\nmore unfailing motive for shaping these letters ... I at least advise and urge\nthem to elicit more carefully now what was the fire of Aries of the first\ntriplicity, what our equinoctial , [and] who was responsible for allowing the\nSun to be raised to exaltation above its ordinary grade.28\nEarlier alchemy had occasionally played such games of visual semiotics,\nbut never with such economy and precision. In fact, the Monas is a type\nof emblem, a poetical conceit, a condensation of a discursive text into a\nunique sign.\nThe emblem was a popular semiotic game in learned and courtly\ncircles of the Renaissance, being erroneously identified with \"Egyptian\nhieroglyphics\". The Renaissance emblem is first encountered in the humanistic circles of mid-fifteenth century Florence, Ferrara and other\nnorth Italian courts. In Venice there appeared one of the most famous\nRenaissance emblematised stories , The Dream of Poliphilo, issued by the\nforemost publisher of Greek and hellenistic writings, Aldus Manutius, in\nthe late fifteenth century.29 The real source of these symbols was a late\nhellenistic text written by Horapollo of Nilous who spuriously claimed it\nto be a dictionary of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics.30 It was nothing of\nthe kind since Horapollo had invented his own method of exegesis. The\nrediscovery of Horapollo in the mid-fifteenth century produced a ragefor\nboth the original Egyptian artefacts, as well as for his system of reading\nsuch imagery which was used as a model to create contemporary devices.\nRenaissance emblems were intended to be personal insignia, demarcating\na particular quality of their patron. These motifs appeared on Renaissance medals, coinage, portraiture and in many printed emblematic compendia through into the sixteenth century, some of the most popular\nbeing Andrea Alciatus' Emblematum liber (Milan, 1522) and Sambucus'\n(Johannes Zsambok) Emblemata (Antwerp, 1556). The visual devices\nwere\n31\nby\na\naccompanied\ncryptic motto and a textual commentary.3.\nAlthough Dee's Monas belongs to this humanistic tradition of pictorial\ninvention, his own hieroglyph has a different semiotic structure from that\nof the conventional Renaissance emblem. The difference resides not in\nthe fact that Renaissance emblems are figural, whereas Dee's Monas is\ndiagrammatic, but in their distinctive semiotic functions. Horapollo's\nsigns operate as metaphors or symbols, that is, the visual signifier rarely\nmirrors its conceptual content. Consequently, most of his imagery could\nnot be decoded without the explanatory text. Renaissance emblems were\nintended to be a cryptic language, decipherable only by members ofelite\ncircles. The emblem's often bizarre components were an attempt to\ntranspose a verbal phrase into its equivalent visual elements, since this\nwas thought to be the authentic mode of the ancient Egyptians.32\nIn contrast, Dee's Monas was intended to be an index and, in this\nfunction, it was probably unique among Renaissance emblems, since it\nnot only symbolised the process of transmutation, but displayed that\nprocess in its very form. In other words, Dee believed that the form ofhis\nMonas was identical to its physical referent, for, as the alchemist worked\nthrough the geometrical proofs ofthe Monas, he simultaneously engaged\nin \"real\" alchemy in a very special way. Through the Monas, in fact, the\nalchemist operated the occult powers of the heavens themselves, forcing\nthe stars to enact transmutation without involving himself in practical\ntoil.\nDee explained the difference between the indexical function of the\nMonas and his earlier practical methods, stating these had been crude in\ncomparison with his new system in which the Monas replaced the mirrors\nofconventional catoptrics. The Monas, effectively, could be used to make\na perfect mirror, without the previous mental and mechanical tedium. In\nthis concept, Dee may have been influenced by Ficino's account ofthe\nmanner in which the magus could turn his own spirit into a theurgical\n\"mirror\", through the esoteric application of optical geometry and Pythagorean ratios.33 As Dee explained in the introduction to the Monas\nHieroglyphica,\nthe optician will confound the stupidity of his art; he had worked in all\nmanner of ways to shape a mirror into the parabolic line of a (suitably\nrotated) conical section, so as to attack any matter (liable to fire) with that\nincredible heat (issuing) from the rays of the Sun; yet here a line is revealed\nas resulting from a trigonal section of the tetrahedron after whose shape,\nwhen rendered three-dimensional, a mirror may be formed which ... can\nreduce any stones or any metal to, as it were, impalpable powders by the\nforce of ... heat.34\n28 Josten, pp. 194-95.\n29 Linda Fierze-David, The Dream ofPoliphilo (New York: Pantheon, 1950).\n30 Alexander Turner Cory, The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo Nilous (London: William\nPickering, 1840).\n31 Dee had copies of works by Sambucus including his emblem book see R&W: 720,\n964.\n65\n32 Karl Giehlow,\"Die Hieroglyphenkunde des Humanismus in der Allegorie der Renaissance\",Jahrbuch\nder Kunsthistorisches Sammlungen der Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, 32 (1915); 1232.\n33 Allen (1994), pp. 97-99.\n\nPages 47:\n66\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nIn Theorem XIV, Dee explained that the philosopher's stone was \"nourished in Lemnian earth by lunar and solar rays which exert a singular\ninfluence around it\".35 Theorem XIX refers more specifically to the operations of the celestial virtues in alchemy.\nThe analysis by fire of all things corporeal shows in its effect that Sun and\nMoon infuse their corporeal virtues into all inferior bodies that consist of\nelements in a far stronger manner than do all the other planets, by pouring\nout the aqueous moisture ofthe Moon and the fiery liquid of the Sun36\nThe alchemical theory ofthe Monas Hieroglyphica emerges from a Paracelsian cabbalistic context since by the 1560s Dee had redirected his studies\ninto the field of hermeticism which included Paracelsian alchemy. Despite this evidence, Debus has argued for a distinction between Dee's\nideas and those of Paracelsus on the grounds that Dee's treatises were\nbased on Pythagorean and Euclidean mathematical principles and had\nlittle in common with Paracelsian chemical theory.\n[if]John Dee exemplifies one way in which Hermetic, mystical, mathematical\nand alchemical strains were blended in Renaissance natural philosophy, Paracelsus may be chosen as a very different example... both claimed that their\nown interpretation of alchemy or chemistry would lead to a new understanding of nature.37\nDebus, however, considerably underestimated the Paracelsian influences\non Dee. An argument against his view is Szonyi's demonstration ofDee's\nuse of Paracelsian astral magic.38 In addition, Roberts and Watson have\nestablished that Dee's interest in Paracelsus began earlier than the\n1580s.39 There is also a further argument against Debus' characterisation\nof Paracelsus and Dee as being different types of magi in the fact that\ntheir followers occasionally unified their respective practices in a single\nconceptual structure which incorporated both Paracelsian chemistry and\nPythagorean geometry.\nThe most notable example of this is Gerhard Dorn (flourished circa\n1566-84) who was the principal apologist for Paracelsus in the late sixteenth century. He employed Euclidean geometry to present his own\nParacelsian alchemy in the Monarchia triadis (1577).40 Nonetheless, in their\nbasic recourse to Euclidean theorems, the similarity between Dorn and\nDee probably ends, since Dorn's geometry contrasts with Dee's in several\nimportant respects. The prime difference is that Dorn's structures are\nconventional Euclidean symbols, rather than hieroglyphs, nor does he\nemploy cabbalism. Thus, in semiotic terms Dorn's geometrical signs do\nnot reify their conceptual content, functioning instead as a metaphorical\nsystem which represents practical alchemy by means of abstract signifiers.\nThere is a closer comparison between Dorn's system and that of other\nmetaphysical geometers in the early seventeenth century, such as Fortunatus of Padua who used Euclidean theorems to prove the truth ofthe\nChristian faith.41 In contrast, Dee believed that the operation of his\nMonas was contiguous with reality (a metonymic, or indexical relationship), asserting that the manipulation of the Monas was practical alchemy, rather than its symbolic substitute. By means of the universal language of cabbalism, Dee thought that he had created a uniquely potent\nsympathetic magic which would eliminate, at a stroke, the confusions in\ntraditional alchemical discourse.\nAnother natural philosopher who located Dee's optics within a Paracelsian context was the alchemist and cosmologist Nicholas Hill who had\noriginally been a member of the retinue of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland where he would have encountered the direct legacy ofDee's\ninfluence, as well as the optical interests ofthat circle. In his Philosophia\nEpicurea (Paris, 1601), Hill discussed the astral influences transmitted by\nlight -rays, relating this effect to Paracelsian alchemy. He stated that the\nextraction of the elixir of life and the transmutation of metals were a\ndivine process equivalent to the emanation of the second person ofthe\nHoly Trinity from the Father. He believed that light was the impression\nof God in nature and that it gave both form and life to matter.42\nBesides Dee's there was another important influence on the adaptation of optical theory to alchemy in the work of Giambattista della Porta\n(circa 1535-1615), who was the first to provide an illustration ofsolar rays\n34 Josten, p. 131.\n35 Josten, p. 167.\n36 Josten, p. 181.\n37 Debus (1977), 1, pp. 44-46, quote from p. 45.\n38 Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim.\n39 R&W, pp. 41-45.\n67\n40 Gerhard Dorn, \"Monarchia Triadis\" in Paracelsus, Aurora Thesaurusque Philosophorum\n(Basel: Palma Guarini, 1577), pp. 65-127. John Dee had copies ofDorn'sworkincluding\nthe Monarchia of 1577: R&W: 1512. For an analysis of Dorn's theory see Thorndike,\nM&ES, 7, pp. 630-32.\n41 Fortunatus (Patavino) monachus et Praefato Acad, Iustinae, Decas Elementorum\nMysticae Geometriae (Padua: Petrus Paulus Tozzi, 1617).\n42Jean Jacquot, \"Harriot, Hill, Warner and the New Philosophy\" in Kargon (ed.),\npp. 107390-405.\nff; Grant McColley, \"Nicholas Hill and the philosophia epicurea\", Annals ofScience\n(1939):\n\nPages 48:\n68\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nbeing employed in the process of distillation (fig. 19). Della Porta published hisMagia Naturalis in 1558, with a second enlarged edition in 1589\n(Naples: Horatius Salvianus), both of which were very popular and were\nfrequently reprinted. The earlier edition consisted of four books on magic, magnetism and physics, including the first published description ofthe\n\"camera obscura\", while the 1589 Magia Naturalis comprised twenty\nbooks, examining optics, astronomy, geometry, architecture and cryptography, among a wide range of other subjects. The second edition also\nprovided an illustration of the technique of distillation by means of the\nsun's rays (Bk. X, Ch. IV), although this method did not involve catoptrical apparatus which was described in a separate section, unrelated to\nalchemy. In fact, there was no mention of either the use of light, or of\ncatoptrics in the section concerning the transmutation of metals in which\ndella Porta merely provided a traditional account of medieval alchemical\ntheory (Bk. V).44 In isolation from the rest of the treatise the section De\nDistillationibus was published in Rome in 1608 and reprinted by Lazarus\nZetzner (Strassburg, 1609), who also included an illustration of distillation by means of the sun's rays.45 Della Porta relied on German and\nItalian medical chemistry, such as Hieronymous Brunschwig (circa 14501533), Liber de arte distillandi (1500-1512) and Pierandrea Mattioli (15001577) \"De ratione distillandi aquas\" in his Commentarii a Dioscoride , Venice (1544). Another influence was Conrad Gesner in his Thesaurus Euonymi\nPhiliatri (1555).46\nIt was Khunrath who related della Porta's catoptrics specifically to\nalchemy, mentioning him in the Amphiteatrum of 1609 as well as in De Igne\nMagorum (circa 1602-1604). Subsequently, Athanasius Kircher (1602-80)\nclaimed to have invented distillation by means of catoptrics, illustrating\nthe process in his Mundus subterraneus (Amsterdam, 1665) (fig. 20).47 His\nclaim for primacy has to be disregarded since by this date the catoptrical\ndistillation process was well-established. For example, there exists an earlier drawing of similar apparatus in the Mellon collection of occult and\nalchemical manuscripts (circa 1625), belonging to an anonymous Italian\ntext on distillation.48 In addition, there are other seventeenth century\nillustrations which depict alchemical catoptrics, for example, Mylius in\nhis pictorial chronology of famous alchemists depicts \"Ademarus philosophus\" reflecting the sun in a mirror (Opus Medico-Chymicum, Frankfurt:\nLucas Jennis, 1618). Also, later seventeenth practical chemists are sometimes shown employing the sun's rays to calcinate antimony, such as an\nimage in Nicasius le Febure's A Compleat Body of Chemistry (London,\n1670).49\nOther related seventeenth century texts and illustrations such as those\nof Stefan Michelspacher, Jacob Boehme and Isaac Newton will be considered in relation to Khunrath's metaphysics of light and his catoptrical\npractice of \"irradiating\" alchemical prime matter.\n43 Giambattista della Porta, Magiae Naturalis Libri Viginti (Naples: Horatius Salvianus,\n1589), pp. 179-99, esp pp. 182-83. See also Bk XVII, pp. 259-86 \"De catoptricis\nimaginibus\". His ideas are discussed in Ronchi, pp. 78-87. Note that Dee's library included della Porta's work see R&W 1583 catalogue: 613 \"de furnibus\", 776 \" Magia\nNaturalis\". For Dee's copy of the first version ofthe Magia Naturalis see R&W: 776.\nDella Porta (1589), Bk. V, pp. 106-16.\n45 G. B. della Porta, De distillationibus (Lazarus Zetzner: Strassburg, 1609) esp pp. 46-49.\n46 See Debus (1977), 1, pp. 111-12, 115-17 and n. 111.\n47 Athanasius Kircher, Mundus Subterraneus (Amsterdam, 1665), 2, p. 241; Martha\nBaldwin, \"Alchemy and the Society ofJesus in the 17th-C\", Ambix, (1993): 52. Kircher's\ntreatise on light, Ars Magna Lucis et Umbrae (Rome, 1646; Amsterdam, 1671) examines\neclipses, comets and astrological influences, as well as optical phenomena such as burning-mirrors.\n69\n48 Lawrence C. Witten II and Richard Pachella (eds), Alchemy and the Occult. The Collection ofPaul and Mary Mellon, 3, (New Haven: Yale U.P, 1977), pp. 333-36, esp p. 335.\n49 Iam grateful to Professor R. I. McCallum ofEdinburghfordrawing myattention to\nthis engraving.\n\nPages 49:\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE AND\n\"ZOGRAPHIE\" IN AN ALCHEMICAL CONTEXT\nDee's Mathematicall Preface, written to accompany Henry Billingsley's\ntranslation of Euclid (1570), had a special relevance for illustrators of\nalchemical texts, due to his references to an esoteric drawing-practice\ncalled \"zographie\". This was a Pythagorean-based, geometrical system\nwhich had theurgical implications. Although Dee had composed the\nMathematicall Preface primarily with a practical intention, he could not\nhelp but hint at another, more profound, wisdom which he termed\n\"Archemastrie\", thereby alluding to theurgy, alchemy and prognostication.\nAccording to Yates, Dee considered mathematics in three distinct aspects, pragmatic (mechanical problem-solving), conceptual (logic), spiritual (Ideal form). He used the term \"mathesis\" to describe the esoteric\naspects ofmathematics, considering that practical mathematics and logic\ncould not fulfil the highest goals of the natural philosopher which could\nbe attained only by means of\"Archemastrie\".\"\nThis Arte, teacheth to bryng to actuall experience sensible, all worthy conclusions by all the Artes Mathematicall purposed, & by true Naturall Philosophie concluded: & both addeth to them a further scope, in the termes ofthe\nsame Artes (f. Aiijr)\n... And though some Artes, have in them, Experiences: but neither, all, that\nthey may: nor yet sufficiently, and to the utmost, those, which they do,\nThere, then, the Archemaster steppeth in, and leadeth forth on, the Experiences,\nby order ofhis doctrine Experimentall, to the chief and finall power of Naturall\nand Mathematicall Artes, ... this Art is no fantasticall Imagination ... Under\nthis cometh Ars Scintrilla, by Artephius (f. Aiijv)\nWithin this cloud of obscure insinuation, Dee refers to the use of \"Ars\nScintrilla\", prognostication or \"scrying\" by means ofmirrors and crystals.\nHe may also be recalling the use of catoptrics in alchemy, since Artephius\nwas a noted alchemical author.2\nSee Frances A. Yates, The Theatre ofthe World (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,\n1969), pp. 42ff.\n2 Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim.\n\nPages 50:\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE\nBut the chief Science, of the Archemaster, ... is an other\n(as it were) OPTICAL Science (f. Aiijv)\nDee interrupts himself by saying that, unfortunately, he has run out of\ntime and must desist from his account, but perhaps he would write more\nabout this optical art at some future date. In addition to Dee's brief\nreferences to occultist practices, even his more rationalistic explanations\nof mathematics in the Mathematicall Preface would permit a theurgical interpretation. In fact, there were significant implications for magic and\nalchemy in his discourse on Pythagorean geometry, classical architecture\nand single-point perspective.\nThe development of early Renaissance architecture had been profoundly influenced by the discovery of the complete text of Vitruvius'\ntreatise on architecture (f. Aiijr). During the early Florentine Renaissance\nVitruvius provided the basis for Alberti's De re aedificatoria (1452: published 1485). The works of these two authorities are found in Dee's library. The aesthetic programme ofboth Vitruvius and Alberti had been\ndevised on the model of Pythagorean geometry and mathematics, specifically on the theory of commensurate proportions based on the ideal\nhuman figure. A neoplatonic element was contributed to Renaissance\nart-theory by Ficino's notion of an invisible, ideal architecture. He believed that exact adherence to Pythagorean ideal ratios would generate\nwithin the visible shell of a physical building another invisible form belonging to the higher Intellectual Realm. Ficino had formulated this idea\nafter reading the neoplatonic commentary of Proclus on Euclid.5\nComparable ideas to those of Vitruvius and Alberti were developed by\nother theorists who similarly related the mathematical proportions and\ngeometry of architecture to those ofthe human body. The most complex\nofthese was the mathematical system invented by the Italian artist Piero\ndella Francesca (circa 1420-92) for the depiction of the perspective ofthe\nhuman-body. Although Dee's library lacked both della Francesca's De\nprospectiva pingendi and his De quinque corporibus regularibus, he did aquire\nseveral other Renaissance texts on geometrical mathematical ratios, such\nas De divina proportione (Venice, 1503) by della Francesca's pupil, Luca\nPacioli (1445-circa 1510). Other treatises on proportional physical ratios\nin Dee's collection included Pomponius Gauricus' De Sculptura (Florence,\n1504). Dee also had several copies of the writings of Albrecht Durer\n(1471-1528) which were the most influential sixteenth century texts on\nthe rational proportions ofthe human-figure in painting, namely his Unterweisung der Messung (Instruction in Measurement) (1525) and his Vier Bucher\nvon menschlicher Proportion (Four Books on Human Proportions) (1528).9 Dee also\nhad a copy ofDe harmonia mundi (Venice, 1525) by the architect Francesco\ndi Giorgio Martini (1439-1502), in which he had related the proportions\nofthe human-body to those of the macrocosm. His ideas were probably\nthe source ofAgrippa's similar account in De Occulta Philosophia.10\nIn Renaissance art-theory, the same aesthetic system governed the\nstructure of both organic and inorganic ideal form, the depiction ofthe\nhuman-form being related to that of spatial geometry. In De pictura\n(1435), Alberti had applied the geometrical rules of optics (\"perspectiva\nnaturalis\") to the art of painting in order to produce the illusion of a\nthree-dimensional space (\"perspectiva artificialis\").\" Alberti had imagined rays oflight being projected bythe eye in the form of a pyramid (fig.\n2). He then constructed their mirror-image on the canvas in the form of\na reversed pyramid with its apex located in the middle of the painting,\nwhich was the \"vanishing point\" absorbing all the orthogonal lines ofthe\ndrawing (fig. 1).12\nDee did not have a copy of Alberti's treatise on painting, only his\nwork on architecture, but he produced his own treatise on perspective\nwhich is found in British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C. VII. Durer is\nbriefly mentioned in the text as having been the main exemplar (f. 16r).\nDee states that he has explained his ideas in a manner suitable for use\nby artisans, from artists to all types of mechanicians (ff. 15r-25r). He\nexplains the construction of the vanishing-point by means of\"quadratura\" (f. 17v ff) which is illustrated by two incomplete drawings of the\n3 Vitruvius , On Architecture (London; New York: Loeb Classical Library, 1934); Leone\nBattista Alberti, De re aedificatoria, l'architettura (Milan: Il Polifilo\n, 1966). For Dee's copies\nsee R&W: Vitruvius 664, 822, 2153, B12; Alberti 1553 edition, 2152.\nG. L. Hersey, Pythagorean Palaces (Ithaca:\nUniversity Press, 1976).\n5 Rudolf Wittkower, \"The changing conceptCornell\nof\nproportion\"\nhis Idea and Image(London: Thames and Hudson, 1978), pp. 109-23; Rudolf Wittkower,inThe\nofHumanism (London, 1952); Erwin Panofsky, Idea (New York: HarperArchitecturalPrinciples\nand Row, 1968),\npp. 47-126; for Dee's copy of Proclus see R&W: 266, 1789.\n6 Piero della Francesca, De prospectiva pingendi, 2 vols (Florence: Sansoni, 1974).\n7 Luca Pacioli, De Divina proportione (Vienna: C. Graeser, 1896). This was in Dee's\ncollection see R&W, Paccioli 1509 edition, 303.\n8 Pomponius Gauricus, De sculptura (Geneva, 1969). For Dee's copy see R&W 468, B9.\n9 Albrecht Durer, The Painter's Manual (New York: Abaris, 1977); Albrecht Durer,\nWritings ofAlbrecht Durer (London, 1948); Panofsky, Idea , pp. 121-26. For Dee's copies see\nR&W: 38, 1799, B55, B197.\n10 Robert Papini, Francesco di Giorgio architetto (Florence: Electa Editrice, 1974). Dee's\ncopy is R&W: 221, B91. See also Agrippa, Opera (1600) (Hildesheim; 1970), Bk. II, Chs\n23-27, pp. 226-35.\nGrayson (1972); White (1957), pp. 113-34, for Alberti see pp. 121-26.\n12 Ackerman (1978), pp. 1-27.\n72\n73\n\nPages 51:\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE\n\"pavimentum diminutionis\" (ff. 18v, 19r) (figs. 21, 22). This is a drawing\nof a floor composed of square paving-stones whose spatial disposition\nobeys the geometrical rules of single-point perspective. The illusory effect\nofdiminishing form in space is produced by the artist in two stages (fig.\n1). First, he predetermines the position of the vanishing-point and the\northogonals on the surface of the painting. Then he draws a set of intersecting lines across the paper from points at both sides of the frame,\nrepresenting the viewing-point of the spectator. It is these lines which\ndetermine the rate of diminution ofthe space and, therefore, its apparent\ndepth. Finally, by drawing parallel lines horizontally across the network\nof inter-sections, the \"pavimentum diminutionis\" is created.13\nIn the Mathematicall Preface Dee's perspective theory is intimately connected with his view of architecture as the essence ofthe arts and sciences. Yates has argued that he was ahead of his time in England due to his\ninterest in classical and Renaissance theories of ideal geometry and ratio.\nIn fact, she claimed that his references to Vitruvian perspective in the\nMathematicall Preface initiated the classical revival in architecture prior to\nthe work ofInigo Jones.14 Influenced by Vitruvius' and Alberti's aesthetic\nsystem , Dee believed that architecture united the spiritual and material\nworlds, the heavens and the earth. He concurred with Alberti that the\narchitect should be well versed in all the arts and sciences, including\nnatural philosophy, since there were deeper issues involved in the practice of architecture than merely the problems of physical construction.\nDee, in fact, regarded architectural theory as a speculative philosophy,\nciting Vitruvius on the intellectual and spiritual stature of architecture as\nthe most noble art-form .\nArchitecture , is a Science garnished with many doctrines & diverse instruc-.\ntions : by whose Judgement, all workes, by other workmen finished, are\nJudged ... (f. diijr) [Vitruvius] geveth reason, orderly, wherefore all these\nArtes, Doctrines, and Instructions, are requisite in an excellent Architect.\n(f. diijv)\nTherefore, the architect needed to know history, philosophy, music,\nphysics, languages, painting, geometry, arithmetic and astronomy. A\nmusical education especially provided a conceptual foundation for his\npractical deployment of Pythagorean measure, weight, number and proportion.\nI count, here, Architecture, among those Artes Mathematicall, which are Derived\nfrom the Principals ... the Architect ... remaineth the Demonstrative reason\nand cause ofthe Mechaniciens worke: in Lyne, plaine, and Solid: by Geometricall, Arithmeticall, Opticall, Musicall, Astronomicall, Cosmographicall ... by all the\nformer Derived Artes Mathematicall, and other Naturall Artes (f. diijr)\nThe architect also had to understand \"optics\" (perspective) by means of\nwhich\nthe Lightes ofthe heaven, are well led, in the buildings: from certain quarters\nof the world (f. diijv)\nBut, such practical aspects were not Dee's main interest, since it was the\nPythagorean concepts involved in the design of a building which, he\nargued, were the salient quality of architecture's unique status among the\narts. He quotes Alberti in his De Re Aedificatoria that architecture is reducible to abstract line drawing.\nThe whole Feate ofArchitecture in buildyng, cons\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 40 to page 51 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45,46\n20 R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).\n21 Michael Walton, \"Geometrical Cabala\", Ambix (1976): 116-23; Clulee, pp. 89-95,\nquotes from pp. 105-6.\n22Josten, pp. 162-63.\n23 Josten, pp. 163, 165.\n2425 Josten, pp. 162-63.\nJosten, pp . 103-4, 107-8.\n26 Josten,\n. 107-8.\n27 Josten, pp\npp. 177-79.\n64\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nDee is inferring the use of cabbalistic graphology.\nYet in the hands of learned men and literati there resides yet a stronger and\nmore unfailing motive for shaping these letters ... I at least advise and urge\nthem to elicit more carefully now what was the fire of Aries of the first\ntriplicity, what our equinoctial , [and] who was responsible for allowing the\nSun to be raised to exaltation above its ordinary grade.28\nEarlier alchemy had occasionally played such games of visual semiotics,\nbut never with such economy and precision. In fact, the Monas is a type\nof emblem, a poetical conceit, a condensation of a discursive text into a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40,41\nscribbles written in haste, and they cannot provide a full picture ofDee's\nalchemy. They have to be read against the broader record of his intellectual life.\n52\n52 Halliwell, p. 50; Fenton, p. 267.\n53 Pagel (1982), p. 276.\n53\n54 For example, Paracelsus on antimony in Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 275-76. See also J. R.\nPartington, A History ofChemistry (London : Macmillan, 1961), pp. 146-51 and BasilValentine, Der Triumph-WagenAntimonii (Leipzig, 1604). Suchten issued an influentialtexton\nantimony see Sudhoff, Bibliographia Paracelsica (1894), pp. 280-81.\n55 Pagel (1982), pp. 87: n. 230, 276-77.\n56 See Clulee, pp. 203-30; Clucas, \"Non est legendum sed inspicendum solum\" (1998),\nPP. pp. 109-32.\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT:\nTHE MONAS HIEROGLYPHICA AND THE CABBALAH\nParacelsian theosophy was related conceptually to other neoplatonised\nmetaphysical structures, such as the cabbalah, which entered the western\nphilosophical context in the early sixteenth century. The distant ancestor]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=43\nPages: 43,44\n89-95, 185-92. On Pico and Reuchlin see also Zika (1976) and Frick, Die Erleuchteten\n(1973), pp. 106-9. Guillaume Postel also makes the same identification in his commentary\non the Sefer Jezirah in the 1552 edition, see Sefer Jezirah (Paris, 1552), edited by Klein\n(1994), pp. 143-75.\n12 Fludd, UCH, \"Microcosm\", 2 (1621), Sect I, pp. 28-33.\n13 See Lachower and Tisby (1989), 1, pp. 268ff for an account ofthe process of emanation and also Frick (1973), pp. 97-101, pp. 319-22.\n60\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nJohn Dee by no means applied the whole of the original cabbalistic\nsystem in hisMonas Hieroglyphica and its theological implications are largely absent from his own design. Dee was more concerned with the specifics of the alchemical process and he used the cabbalah to weave an\nelegant demonstration of his more limited pantheism concerning the relation ofmicrocosm to macrocosm. The cabbalah also served to display his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46,47\n30 Alexander Turner Cory, The Hieroglyphics of Horapollo Nilous (London: William\nPickering, 1840).\n31 Dee had copies of works by Sambucus including his emblem book see R&W: 720,\n964.\n65\n32 Karl Giehlow,\"Die Hieroglyphenkunde des Humanismus in der Allegorie der Renaissance\",Jahrbuch\nder Kunsthistorisches Sammlungen der Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, 32 (1915); 1232.\n33 Allen (1994), pp. 97-99.\n66\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nIn Theorem XIV, Dee explained that the philosopher's stone was \"nourished in Lemnian earth by lunar and solar rays which exert a singular\ninfluence around it\".35 Theorem XIX refers more specifically to the operations of the celestial virtues in alchemy.\nThe analysis by fire of all things corporeal shows in its effect that Sun and\nMoon infuse their corporeal virtues into all inferior bodies that consist of\nelements in a far stronger manner than do all the other planets, by pouring\nout the aqueous moisture ofthe Moon and the fiery liquid of the Sun36]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42,43\n7 Foucault, pp. 30-94.\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nThe obsessive belief in cabbalism lay in the hope that it would supply\nan empowering magical system for its initiates, both an assurance of the\ncontinued validity of medieval theurgy, as well as its regeneration. An\nexample ofthe conflict in the 1620s and 1630s generated by the emerging empiricist systems was the battle between the devout Paracelsian and\npro-Rosicrucian Robert Fludd and the French mechanicians Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655) and Marin Mersenne (1588-1648), as well as Johannes\nKepler (1571-1630). These prolonged and much-publicised debates are\nsome of the best evidence of the scale of emotional investment in late\nRenaissance analogical linguistics by those who aligned themselves with\nthe concept of the cabbalistic sage.8\nThe power of the late Renaissance esoteric philosopher rested on his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=41\nPages: 41,42\nJohannes Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico; De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart: Frommann,\n1964), facsimiles offirst editions. See Charles Zika, \"Reuchlin's \"De Verbo Mirifico\" \",\nJWCI (1976): 104-38; Pico della Mirandola, Conclusiones Nongentae (1532 ed), pp. 151-64;\nScholem, Major Trends in JewishMysticism (New York: Schocken, 1973), pp. 244\nffGershom\n.\n56\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nparticularly on his esoteric linguistics, came from medieval theurgy since\nhe had copies, for example, of Roger Bacon's work on sigils, as well as\nthat ofPeter ofAbano. Clulee was also inclined to favour Trithemius and\nPantheus as additional Renaissance mentors for Dee's occultist linguistics. Sherman, however, has concentrated on the syncretic aspects of\nDee's learning, tending to view his magical interests as an almost counter-humanistic enterprise which favoured the medieval concept of \"given\" esoteric knowledge, instead of empirical experimentation.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44,45\n14 For Dee's sources see R&W Reuchlin 1043, B25; Postel 1619, 1622, 1623, D18;\nHebrew, Syrian and Chaldean texts 1558-1586, 1591, 1594, 1601, 1612, 1845; Lull \"de\nauditu cabbalistico\" 1419, 1518; Ficino De triplici vitae 779, Ficino's translation ofPlotinus\n108, Opera 204, Theologia Platonica 893; Pico della Mirandola Conclusiones 190, B121.\n15 Schumaker, pp. 162-63.\n16 C. H.Josten, \"A translation ofJohn Dee's 'Monas Hieroglyphica' (Antwerp, 1564)\",\n, 12 (1964): 84-221. The Latin version is also found in the Theatrum chemicum, 2,\nAmbix192-215.\npp.\n61\n17 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \" (1979), pp. 55-57, 89-99; Clulee, p. 211.\n18 Clulee, pp. 81-96.\n62\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\n63\nology ofthe Latin and Greek alphabet and also optical geometry.19\nDee's mathematical approach to natural philosophy urged him to favour concise, visual structures. In fact, the Monas is the ancient, astrological sign for mercury, with two half-moons added to the base of the cross.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmirror on the earth into a dark cave. Kircher's illustration describes the\nvarious lights of nature, the senses and the intellect.\nIt remains to discuss the specific influences triggering Khunrath's\nideas concerning the use of astral virtue and catoptrics in alchemy. These\nmay have been inspired by the publication of Paracelsus' completeworks\nin the Basle edition of 1589-90, as well as the appearance ofdella Porta's\nsecond Magia Naturalis (1589). Another influence was undoubtedly Dee's\ncabbalistic astrology and catoptrics, as well as the enduring effects of Pico\ndella Mirandola's and Reuchlin's Christian cabbalism. In the context of\nthe political pressures on his pietistic beliefs between circa 1595 and\n1604, these influences led Khunrath to devise a cabbalistic alchemy of\nlight, founded on Paracelsian theosophy and Renaissance optical science.\nIOO\n34 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1962-78), 2,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=105\nPages: 105\nofthe physical world.\nParacelsian alchemy, thus, muted the distinction between physical and\npsychic chemistry. Amplified by the luministic cosmogenesis of the cabbalah, in Dee's theories in the 1560s an image of the magus began to\nemerge whose intellectual light mirrored, not only that of the stars and\nthe sun, but of God's own radiance . In a separate development, Weigel\nappropriated Paracelsian theosophy to make the same point, phrased in\nChristian terms, in which Christ became the essential light of the soul,\nthe real nature of each human-being, with the consequence that spiritual\nwisdom became an innate human faculty, rather than the gift of the\nLutheran sacraments. Khunrath merged Dee's image ofthe illuminated\nmagus with Weigel's alchemical Christ to create an \"alchemy of light\"\nwhich, henceforward, prioritised the inner transformation of the alchemist above that of his chemicals.\nIn the history of alchemy, perhaps the most important change in its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48,47\n42Jean Jacquot, \"Harriot, Hill, Warner and the New Philosophy\" in Kargon (ed.),\npp. 107390-405.\nff; Grant McColley, \"Nicholas Hill and the philosophia epicurea\", Annals ofScience\n(1939):\n68\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nbeing employed in the process of distillation (fig. 19). Della Porta published hisMagia Naturalis in 1558, with a second enlarged edition in 1589\n(Naples: Horatius Salvianus), both of which were very popular and were\nfrequently reprinted. The earlier edition consisted of four books on magic, magnetism and physics, including the first published description ofthe\n\"camera obscura\", while the 1589 Magia Naturalis comprised twenty\nbooks, examining optics, astronomy, geometry, architecture and cryptography, among a wide range of other subjects. The second edition also\nprovided an illustration of the technique of distillation by means of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=97\nPages: 97\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD:\nTHE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nIn the cabbalistic theogony ofRobert Fludd (1574-1637), the sun was far\nmore than a power-house for theurgical sigils, as in Dee's system, or an\naid to routine alchemical processes, since he considered it to be no less\nthan the altar of Christ the Messiah in his form as the angel Metattron.\nFludd's Christology in the 1620's is as intense and deeply-felt as that of\nKhunrath, but it is expressed in relatively sober academic prose and\nFludd is more absorbed than Khunrath in the minute specifics of Reuchlin's cabbalism. Basing his alchemical theory on that of Paracelsus, Fludd\ndevised not only a new version ofthe cabbalistic theosophy ofthe previous century, but also a novel system of practical medicine, whose claims\nfor efficacy were due to its reliance on the sacred light emanating from\nthe Creator-God (Christ) through the sun's rays.\nScholars are fortunate in being able to draw on Debus' extensive]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11,12\nXVII\n16 Roland Barthes, Mythologies (Paris: Seuil, 1957), pp. 109-59.\n17 Kubovy, pp. 166-72. See also James S. Ackerman, \"Alberti's Light\" in Irving Lavin\nandJohn Plummer, Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting in Honour ofMillard Meiss\n(New York, 1978), pp. 1-27.\n18 Peirce, 2, pp. 170-72.\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\napply cabbalism to alchemy, since Joannes Pantheus of Venice had devised a comparable system in his Voarchadumia (1530) and Dee had also\nproduced a cabbalistic alchemy in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564). Khunrath, however, placed his cabbalism within a Christological framework,\nso much so, that his main concern from 1595 was not alchemical theory,\nbut pietistic Christian theology, anticipating, perhaps, the alchemical\nmysticism of Jacob Boehme.\nKhunrath may have developed his Christological alchemy in the mid1590s, both as a response to anti-Christian tendencies within German\nhermetic circles and also as an expression of a pietistic Lutheranism]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\npragmatic body of knowledge for more esoteric purposes. Specifically,\nby means ofcatoptrics (the reflection and refraction of light-rays by mirrors and lenses), Dee thought that celestial rays could be manipulated\nmore reliably to enhance all aspects of human affairs. The metaphysical\nrationale for Dee's astronomical and optical magic was provided bythe\ncabbalah, which he integrated into his alchemy in the 1560s. His fully\ndeveloped system of natural philosophy was published in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564) which combined optics, geometry, magic, alchemy, medicine and cabbalism.8\nDee's last published treatise was the Mathematicall Preface to Henry\nBillingsley's translation of Euclid's Principles of Geometry (1570). Although\nthis essay has not been related to alchemy by Dee's scholars, nonetheless,\nitmay have been an additional influence on Maier, Khunrath and Fludd.\nIn the Mathematicall Preface Dee examined Pythagorean geometry in its]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nillustration this discursive visual mode provided a demonstrative proof of\nalchemical claims that matter could be united with its opposite, spirit, in\nthe philosopher's stone. In Khunrath's image, however, there was more\nat stake, as will be discussed, for he employed this spatial rhetoric of the\ndivine presence in order to authenticate his pietistic alchemical theosophy.\nIt was Khunrath, in fact, who produced a fully-developed cabbalistic\n\"alchemy of light\" in three of his works, published as the Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae (1595; 1609), Chaos (circa 1598) and De Igne Magorum\n(circa 1602-1604). For his cabbalistic ideas Khunrath relied on Johannes\nReuchlin in De verbo mirifico (1494) and De arte cabbalistica (1517), as well as\non Paracelsian theosophy. The central Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar,\nhad derived its metaphysical concepts from neoplatonism, specifically\nfrom Plotinus' account of the manner in which the divine light of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nthis as being a poetic expression of some vague mystical experience, or a\nflowery literary convention. Debus is one of the few to have discussed this\nParacelsian metaphysics of light in his extensive studies of Fludd's alchemy.3 More recently, Clulee has examined the natural philosophy ofthe\nElizabethan theurgist, John Dee (1527-1609), noting, in particular, Dee's\nuse ofscholastic optical theory in the astronomical magic ofhis Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558). Clulee, however, did not relate Dee's astral theurgy to alchemy, nor to theosophy, since he did not consider Dee to be a\nParacelsian, although he acknowledged the innovatory significance of\nDee's cabbalism in his later alchemical treatise, the Monas Hieroglyphica\n(1564). Few other scholars have examined critically the references to\ncelestial light in late Renaissance alchemical texts and illustrations and\nmajor alchemists of the period, such as Khunrath and Maier, still await a\ndefinitive study.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44\ncabbalism, Dee perceived distinct benefits for alchemy, ensuring precision in correlating the effects of the heavens with the chemical process.\nYet, in the Monas Hieroglyphica there is relatively little mention of specific\nchemistry. Instead, Dee uses the planetary rays to perform his alchemical\noperations, defining his method as being an astronomical alchemy. In\nthis idea he was clearly influenced by Paracelsus' gnosticism in the\nAstronomia Magna, as well as by his theory of the illuminated imagination\nin the astral body communicating with the celestial macrocosm. It is\nessential to note that the graphic form of Dee's Monas (figs. 17, 18)\ndiffers entirely from the diagrammatic plans of astronomical star-charts,\nor of Lullian figures (figs. 4-7).17\nDee's Monas arose out ofthe context ofthe sixteenth century interest\nin devising secret cyphers which would act as an indexical bond between\nthe heavenly and the human spheres. 18 According to Szonyi, Ficino's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=59\nPages: 59\nto be a theologian in the oratory and an alchemist in the laboratory.\nThrough-out his writings, Khunrath refers to the necessity of prayer and\nwork (f. Aiijr). This axiom is his \"leit-motif\", as it was that ofJohn Dee.23\nIn fact, de Vries' emblem is the summation of Khunrath's alchemy of\nlight.\nThe Chaos is dedicated to Pico della Mirandola and, due partly to his\ninfluence, Khunrath produces the first developed exposition of his cabbalistic alchemy. In particular, he discusses the sephiroth on the Tree of\nLife, specifically, \"RUAH-HHOCHMAH-EL\", which is the second sephiroth ofDivine Wisdom on the right axis of the Tree. Khunrath interprets \"Hochmah\" as the Divine Light of God illuminating both nature\nand the human intellect. He relates it to the alchemical \"celum\" or quintessence, as well as to the cabbalistic \"Schamaim\", which is the material\nused for the creation of the world. This is a topic which he develops\nfurther in the second version of the Amphiteatrum (Hanover, 1609). This]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nsympathetic magic which would eliminate, at a stroke, the confusions in\ntraditional alchemical discourse.\nAnother natural philosopher who located Dee's optics within a Paracelsian context was the alchemist and cosmologist Nicholas Hill who had\noriginally been a member of the retinue of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland where he would have encountered the direct legacy ofDee's\ninfluence, as well as the optical interests ofthat circle. In his Philosophia\nEpicurea (Paris, 1601), Hill discussed the astral influences transmitted by\nlight -rays, relating this effect to Paracelsian alchemy. He stated that the\nextraction of the elixir of life and the transmutation of metals were a\ndivine process equivalent to the emanation of the second person ofthe\nHoly Trinity from the Father. He believed that light was the impression\nof God in nature and that it gave both form and life to matter.42]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44\nthe heavenly and the human spheres. 18 According to Szonyi, Ficino's\ntalismanic models in De Triplic Vitae were a direct source for Dee's Monas\nand his concept of an astronomical alchemy. Szonyi has indicated the\nsimilarity between Ficino's and Dee's astral magic, in particular, their\nconcept ofthe seven planets being grouped in two distinct families, thus,\nenabling the play of conjunctions and oppositions between the various\nmembers of the two alliances. There are also, as Szonyi demonstrates,\ncorrespondences between the numerology employed by Ficino in his\ncommentary on Book VII of Plato's Republic and Dee's geometrical\nnumerology in the Monas Hieroglyphica. Ficino's deployment of the concepts of squaring and triangulating planetary influences also re-appears\nin Dee's cabbalistic system. Moreover, Dee, like Ficino, uses the numer-\n14 For Dee's sources see R&W Reuchlin 1043, B25; Postel 1619, 1622, 1623, D18;]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=41\nPages: 41\nphilosophical context in the early sixteenth century. The distant ancestor\nof both the Paracelsian chemical cosmogony of the aerial fire and that of\nthe cabbalistic divine light is to be found in late hellenistic esotericism.\nThe present study will analyse the manner in which the cabbalah, specifically the cosmogenical account in the Zohar, provided a theologicaljustification for an \"alchemy of light\" through its vision ofthe world's emanation from God by means of his divine will, \"Kav\", in the form ofa beam\noflight.\nKnowledge of cabbalistic texts was dispersed through-out Europe on\nthe expulsion ofthe Jews from Spain in 1492. A Christian version ofthe\ncabbalah was devised by Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494) in\nhis Nine Hundred Theses (1496), which provided the model for the more\ndetailed version ofthe German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455-1522)\nin De Verbo Mirifico (1494) and De Arte Cabbalistica (1517). In the early]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45,46\n20 R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).\n21 Michael Walton, \"Geometrical Cabala\", Ambix (1976): 116-23; Clulee, pp. 89-95,\nquotes from pp. 105-6.\n22Josten, pp. 162-63.\n23 Josten, pp. 163, 165.\n2425 Josten, pp. 162-63.\nJosten, pp . 103-4, 107-8.\n26 Josten,\n. 107-8.\n27 Josten, pp\npp. 177-79.\n64\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nDee is inferring the use of cabbalistic graphology.\nYet in the hands of learned men and literati there resides yet a stronger and\nmore unfailing motive for shaping these letters ... I at least advise and urge\nthem to elicit more carefully now what was the fire of Aries of the first\ntriplicity, what our equinoctial , [and] who was responsible for allowing the\nSun to be raised to exaltation above its ordinary grade.28\nEarlier alchemy had occasionally played such games of visual semiotics,\nbut never with such economy and precision. In fact, the Monas is a type\nof emblem, a poetical conceit, a condensation of a discursive text into a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=109\nPages: 109,110\nand Kegan Paul, 1987.\n192\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\nFrick, Karl R. H, Die Erleuchteten. Gnostische-theosophische und alchemistisch-rosenkeuzerische Geheimgesellschaften, Graz: Akademische Druk, 1973.\nGarin, Eugenio, Lo zodiaco della vita: La polemica sull'astrologia dal Trecento al Cinquecento, Rome; Bari, 1976.\nGarin, Eugenio, Astrology in the Renaissance: the Zodiac ofLife, London, 1983. Translated by Carolyn Jackson et al.\nGeissmar, Christoph, Das Auge Gottes Bilder zu Jakob Boehme (Wolfenbuttler Arbeiten\nzur Barockforschung, 23), Wiesbaden: Herzog August Bibliothek, 23, 1993.\nGibson, Walter S., Hieronymous Bosch, London: Thames and Hudson, 1973.\nGiehlow, Karl, \"Die Hieroglyphenkunde des Humanismus in der Allegorie der\nRenaissance\" in Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorisches Sammlungen der Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, 32 (1915); 1-232.\nGilly, Carlos, \"Iter Rosicrucianum. Auf der Suche nach unbekkanten Quellen]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=48\nPages: 48,49\n69\n48 Lawrence C. Witten II and Richard Pachella (eds), Alchemy and the Occult. The Collection ofPaul and Mary Mellon, 3, (New Haven: Yale U.P, 1977), pp. 333-36, esp p. 335.\n49 Iam grateful to Professor R. I. McCallum ofEdinburghfordrawing myattention to\nthis engraving.\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE AND\n\"ZOGRAPHIE\" IN AN ALCHEMICAL CONTEXT\nDee's Mathematicall Preface, written to accompany Henry Billingsley's\ntranslation of Euclid (1570), had a special relevance for illustrators of\nalchemical texts, due to his references to an esoteric drawing-practice\ncalled \"zographie\". This was a Pythagorean-based, geometrical system\nwhich had theurgical implications. Although Dee had composed the\nMathematicall Preface primarily with a practical intention, he could not\nhelp but hint at another, more profound, wisdom which he termed\n\"Archemastrie\", thereby alluding to theurgy, alchemy and prognostication.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nthe corresponding planetary influences. In other words , a painting could\nbecome a magical talisman, or a catoptrical mirror, registering and enhancing the celestial virtues. Dee's theory of drawing had revolutionary\nimplications for alchemical illustrators, for example, Michelspacher'sfour\nmirrors in the Cabala (1615-16) may well have originated in Dee's ideas of\na graphic theurgy.\nContextualised within Dee's Euclidean optical and alchemical system,\nthe semiotic function of single-point, spatial geometry is essentially the\nsame as that ofhis Monas Hieroglyphica, since they both have a metonymic\nrelationship with the physical world. As a sign in its own right, the Pythagorean-based system ofdrawing was reified by Dee to become a signifying mode which operated within real physical space, not only in that of\nthe painting. The Pythagorean ratios used in the single-point system were\nregarded by Dee as being capable of attracting celestial influences and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=17\nPages: 17\nmost obvious contrast is the developed graphic repertoire of the late\nsixteenth century with its heightened degree of naturalism. In addition,\nthe increased sensitivity of the late Renaissance artist to the topography\nof the picture-plane enabled him to weave together naturalistic and geometrical elements into a visually and conceptually coherent field. Michelspacher's artist, for example , splits the two-dimensional surface of the\npicture-plane into layers of realistic and abstract form, uniting them by\nmeans of perspectival geometry. This meant that the picture could be\nread simultaneously at both the representational and the abstract level, as\nif the viewer was being presented with a vision of the numinous Being\nimplicated within the gross fabric ofthe natural world. In the Paracelsian\ncontext ofKhunrath's and Fludd's alchemical imagery, this compositional structure expressed the essence of their theosophy in which the physical world was the emanation of the celestial spheres.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=135\nPages: 135\n175-76, 178; music, 158-59, 172-173;\n56, 60- 61, 66-67; perspective drawing,\n73-74, 75-76, 125-25, 135; Propaedeumata optics and catoptrics, 101, 169-71, 173,\n177-78; Paracelsian influences, 41, 46,\nAphoristica, xii, xiv, 6, 29, 35, 37-40, 43,\n49, 60, 76, 126, 135, 158, 164, 172;\n154, 167, 169-72, 177; Medicina Catholica,\nsemiotics of emblems, 1, 4, 6, 9, 60-65,\n31, 93, 94, 178-79; Philosophia Moysaica,\n170, 178; Philosophia Sacra, 34, 59, 93,\n67, 77, see Szonyi; theurgy, 5 , 33, 37-39,\n159; Rosicrucian sympathies, xviii, 58,\n45-46, 49, 53, 55-56, 60, 61-62, 71, 76,\n111, 126, 158, 183, see Clucas, Clulee,\n84, 152, 168, 178; sun, 167, 170-71, 17578; Tractatus de Tritico, 170; Tractatus\nSzonyi164; zographie, xv, 71, 76-78, 126,\nCosmi\n135,\nTheologo-philosophicus, 169; Utriusque\n34, 59, 152, 154, 158-59, 163... Historia,\ndeJong, Helena M. E., 159, 160, 162, 163\n64, 168-78\ndella Francesca, Piero, 72\ndella Porta, Giambattista, 67-68, 99, 101, Fortunatus (of Padua), 67\n119]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22,23\n18 Gordon Leff, Paris and Oxford Universities in the 13th-C and 14 th-C (New York, 1968).\n19 Obrist, figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11.\n17\n18\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwith the sacred visions of the saints. In this manner, the alchemists\nmoved their theories from the ground of scholastic debate to that ofthe\nunquestionable truths of the Christian faith.20\nAnother major development in alchemical visual imagery took place\nin the early fifteenth century when a complex geometry intended as a\npractical device was created by pseudo-Lullian alchemists. These were a\ngroup of anonymous writers working under the name of the Catalan\nmystic Ramon Lull, although he had not accepted the claims of alchemy\nand had never discussed the subject. Regardless of this fact in the late\nfourteenth century the first unillustrated text appeared under his name in\nCatalonia. Transported to Northern Italy, the older texts were translated\nfrom the vernacular into Latin and new ones were produced, with the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nalso promote the spatial illusionism. Consequently, these various graphic\ndevices seem to indicate that the image should be viewed with the aid of\nan optical lens, such as a magnifying glass, or by means of a double\nreflection in two mirrors, or by a combination of mirrors and lenses.\nWhen it is viewed through a convex lens, the graphic exaggerations drop\nback and cease to intrude on the visual logic of the scene, for the depth\nofthe hall diminishes and the floor appears less raked. In particular, the\nspace around the table and the fire-place becomes \"real\" and the furniture stands-up, away from the background.\nBy the eighteenth-century there existed an apparatus known as the\n\"Vue d'Optique\" consisting of an arrangement of mirrors and lenses\nused to reflect the image of an engraving to a viewer, usually of an\narchitectural scene whose three- dimensional quality was thereby greatly\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d']","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=77\nPages: 77\nthe Propaedeumata Aphoristica and to the theurgic cypher of the Monas\nHieroglyphica. Dee's account of \"zographie\" in the Mathematicall Preface\nimplied that a graphic system based on Pythagorean geometry would act\nas a theurgic talisman absorbing the celestial virtues. Dee's theories\nwould resonate with Khunrath's own Agrippan influences, as well as with\nhis Paracelsian theosophy in which Christ-Anthropos operated through\nthe light of\"Hochmah\" to pervade the universe. Khunrath's engravings\nwere, thus, spiritual catoptrical mirrors, reflecting the light of Eternal\nWisdom to the mind of the viewer.\nAccording to Szonyi, architectural motifs in mystical imagery are cosmograms in which the buildings and their ground-plans signify the construction of the cosmos, producing a revelation in the viewer's mind'\nconcerning the fabric of reality. Szonyi has, however, distinguished such\ncosmograms from the use of similar architectural motifs in alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=51\nPages: 51,52\n15 Szonyiillustration.\nalchemical\n74\n75\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE\naccording to \"the Arte of Perspective\" (f. ciiijr). Dee contextualised this\ntype of graphic design within hermeticism, commending Agrippa's De\nOcculta Philosophia which depicted the human-body as a model of the\nPythagorean cosmic order.\nDee was implying that the application of the single-point perspective\nsystem, whether to the human-figure, or to architectural space, served to\nalign the human-being with the macrocosm. Thus, Pythagorean geometry not only had an intellectual and aesthetic role in the art of drawing,\nbut also a spiritual and magical function. Hence, Dee's account of\"Zographie\" prioritises its conceptual and spiritual aspects (f. dijv), the physical application of paint, in contrast, being demoted to a mechanical artform.\nZographie [is] the Scholemaster of Picture, and chief gouernor\n(f. dijv)\nAmong the true \"Zographers\", Dee included the art-theorists Giorgio]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmystical geometry is related to that of Michelspacher's first engraving\nentitled \"Der Spigel der Kunst und Natur\" which shows two geometrical\ndiagrams, the one on the left having the same configuration as thefourth\nengraving, that of circle, square and triangle (fig. 24b). In the first engraving this diagram is stated to be an image of the \"Azoth\", another\nWeigelian and Khunradian allusion to Christ. Thus, Michelspacher's\nadheres to Khunrath's Weigelian polemic in which union with the innate\nChrist as the philosopher's stone was attained through the inspiration of\nthe Holy Spirit. Michelspacher located Khunrath's alchemical Christologywithin a Rosicrucian context, for his treatise is specifically dedicated to\nthe Rosy Cross Fraternity.\nIn Michelspacher's \"Fountain of Life\" the lines of flight ofthe Holy\nSpirit were similar to the catoptrical refraction of light-rays by thesurface\nof a mirror. Comparable imagery of the refraction of light-rays is found]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=19\nPages: 19,20\nII\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY IN LATE MEDIEVAL\nAND EARLY RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY\nAlchemical geometry in the Renaissance can be described as passive or\noperative, either using geometrical structures to organise information\ninto tabulations, circular formats or tree-like structures, or, as in the case\nofpseudo-Lullian alchemy, employing a mobile computational system.\nAnother, more complex, type of alchemical geometry emerged in the late\nsixteenth century, based on optical and perspectival diagrams which inter-related Pythagorean geometry, optical science, Paracelsian alchemy\nand cabbalism.\nBy the fifteenth century, European alchemists had several goals,\nnamely, chemical work on matter to remove its impurities, spiritual work\nto redeem their own souls and, finally, a practical medical purpose.3\nFrom the late fourteenth century they were also attempting to develop a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=85\nPages: 85\nChristly \"gnosis\", informing the monstrous group of Lutherans and demonic black-magicians that, no matter whether they esteem, or disparage, him, he will simply continue to pray. He carries a pair ofgeometrical dividers, such as those which appear in the later portrait of Khunrath\nin 1604, with which he is drawing the diagrammatic icon of Christ. In\nthe 1602 engraving, therefore, the scholar may also be Khunrath, his\ndividers signifying the sacred geometry of his theosophical system. With\nthese he pins a serpent to the ground, demonstrating that the wisdom\ninspired by the Holy Spirit conquers sophistry, symbolised by the snake\nwith its \"lingua venona\", whose spurious reasoning in the Garden of\nEden had originally distanced humanity from God's grace.\nMeanwhile, the other character on the right, pays no attention at all\nto his stressful companions, for he is gazing into the cave in the centre of\nthe picture, which is yet another depiction ofAbraham's mountain ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nIn the Mathematicall Preface Dee examined Pythagorean geometry in its\npractical and mystical aspects, although he did not relate his text to\nalchemy at any length, mentioning only briefly a practice called \"Archemastrie\" which comprised alchemy and other magical arts (Math. Pref.\nf. Aiijr). In addition, another of his concepts in this treatise, that of\"zographie\", could have had a special effect on alchemical illustration (Math.\nPref. f. dijv). \"Zographie\" was a Pythagorean-based method of graphic\ndepiction which Dee regarded as a conceptual art-form with a high philosophical status, since the \"zographer\" drew only the forms ofthe eternal\nIdeas in the mind of God, rather than their base natural copies. Most\nsignificant for the present argument was Dee's inclusion of the singlepoint perspective system within the scope of \"zographie\".]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=82\nPages: 82\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d'\nOptique\" depict a long depth-of-field, as well as strong contrasts oflight\nand shadow in the foreground. Thus, by means of catoptrics de Vries\ncould have been attempting to produce an unbroken spatial (indexical)\ncontinuum between the physical world and the illustration. For that very\npurpose Alberti in his De Pictura (1435) had originally introduced the\ndevice of single-point space into painting, in order to blur the division\nbetween imagination and reality. Alberti's spatial geometry was primarily\na rhetorical device designed to slip a message effortlessly pastthe viewer's\nobjective judgement. According to Obrist, the medieval alchemists had\nprovided visual depictions oftheir ideas with the same intention of confusing the viewer's sense of reality.54 Paracelsus had also considered the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=111\nPages: 111\nthe Royal Society ofMedicine, 21 (1928): 41-57.\nStoeffler, F. Ernest, The Rise of Evangelical Pietism, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965.\nStoeffler, F. Ernest (preface) in The Pietists. Selected Writings, New York: Paulist\nPress, 1983. Edited by Peter C. Erb.\nSzonyi, Gyorgy E., \" O Worke Divine\": The Iconography and Intellectual\nBackground ofAlma's House in The Faerie Queens\", Shakespeare and the Emblem.\nStudies in Renaissance Iconography and Iconology, (Papers in English and American\nStudies, 3), Szeged, 1984, pp. 353-94.\nSzonyi, Gyorgy E., \"The Powerful Image: Towards a Typology of Occult Symbolism\", European Iconography East and West, Leiden: Brill, 1996, pp. 250-63.\nEdited by Gyorgy E. Szonyi.\nSzonyi, Gyorgy E., \"Ars Sintrilla, Scrying and the Universal Language. Paracelsian and other contexts for John Dee's Angel Magic\" in Stephen Clucas\n(ed), John Dee: Inter-disciplinary Approaches, Dordrecht; London; New York: Kluwer, 1999.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nfrom the vernacular into Latin and new ones were produced, with the\nfirst alchemical Lullian geometries appeaing in the 1430s to 1440s (figs.\n4-7).21 The original Lullian Art (invented in circa 1272) had been designed as a system of logic using visual computational figures.22 The\ndiagrams were intended to be cut from paper and constructed into a\nmobile calculator, fastened in the middle with string. The pseudoLullians, similarly, appropriated the Lullian tabulations which had recorded the computations of the letters of the alphabet and they also\nemployed Lullian tree diagrams. The alphabet performed a symbolic\nfunction representing the various objects of discourse, a device which\nLull had encountered in the cabbalistic alphabets of Abraham Abulafia\nin thirteenth century Spain.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=51\nPages: 51,52\nWherupon, he is neither Smith, nor Builder: nor , separately, any Artificer\n(f. diiijr)\nThe lofty intellectual and spiritual stature awarded by Dee to architecture may have had important consequences for alchemical illustration\nin the early seventeenth century.\"15 In many late sixteenth and early\nseventeenth century alchemical engravings the artists used motifs from\nthe classical canon to signify the higher ontological levels of the cosmos\n(frontispiece and fig. 41).\nDee placed great emphasis on the intellectual status of drawing,\nwhether in relation to architecture, or in the depiction of the human\nfigure. He invented a special name for idealised figure-drawing which he\ncalled \"anthropographie\", involving the depiction of human proportions\n13 F. M. Lund, Ad Quadratum (London, 1921); Kubovy (1986), pp. 17-31.\n14 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n(1998) presents a related argument on the role of architecture in 17th-C\n15 Szonyiillustration.\nalchemical\n74\n75\nCHAPTER SIX]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22\nthe \"lingua franca\" of European science and art. This mystical ideology\nwas a major constituent of the liberal arts\ncurriculum, lying uneasily\nalongside Aristotelian natural philosophy.18\nHowever, it was not until the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries that the conceptual influence of Pythagorean geometry could be discerned in an alchemical context. It made its first appearance in a novel\ntype of alchemical imagery in the late fourteenth century, far more complex than earlier hellenistic and Arabic graphic cyphers since the new\nillustrations involved a whole sequence of pictorial imagery. In addition\nto figurative and narrative elements, the visual forms also involved geometrical schemes, though they lacked finesse in design and graphic skill.\nSuch crude geometries, accompanying equally rough symbolic figures,\nare first encountered in the untitled alchemical treatise of Gratheus and\nin another work by the alchemist Constantinus, Le livre des secrets de ma]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nthe fact that Renaissance emblems are figural, whereas Dee's Monas is\ndiagrammatic, but in their distinctive semiotic functions. Horapollo's\nsigns operate as metaphors or symbols, that is, the visual signifier rarely\nmirrors its conceptual content. Consequently, most of his imagery could\nnot be decoded without the explanatory text. Renaissance emblems were\nintended to be a cryptic language, decipherable only by members ofelite\ncircles. The emblem's often bizarre components were an attempt to\ntranspose a verbal phrase into its equivalent visual elements, since this\nwas thought to be the authentic mode of the ancient Egyptians.32\nIn contrast, Dee's Monas was intended to be an index and, in this\nfunction, it was probably unique among Renaissance emblems, since it\nnot only symbolised the process of transmutation, but displayed that\nprocess in its very form. In other words, Dee believed that the form ofhis\nMonas was identical to its physical referent, for, as the alchemist worked]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,15\nsigns, on the model of the Hebrew alphabet, as an essential part oftheir\n3 Peirce, 2, pp. 170, 172-73.\n4 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n5 Carl GustavJung, Psychology and Alchemy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1993),\npp. 26, 112, 152ff, 158, 196.\n6 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n7 For example, Allison Coudert, Alchemy: the philosopher's stone (London: Wildwood\nHouse, 1980). Otherwise, this is an authoritative general study.\n8 Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology (New York: Harper, 1962).\n9 Szonyi (1996), pp. 250-53.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nmagical rituals.10These experiments with cryptography yielded few convincing results, since the linguistic signs of European languages are arbitrary phonetic symbols and, hence, cannot mirror their conceptual representant in the manner of visual signs. Consequently, it is essential that\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In\nfact, Peirce devised a taxonomy of hybrid signs to describe the vacillations of such unstable significatory orders.\nFollowing his general approach, the present author would make only\none proposition which is that many late Renaissance alchemical signs\nincline towards the indexical mode. In other words, alchemical visual\nsemiosis from the late sixteenth century is deliberately \" contaminated\"\nnot, as Jung believed, by the collective unconscious of a society,5 but by\nthe viewer's imminent physical reality. Thus, the alchemical imagery\nunder present consideration does not merely copy, it also restructures the\nphysical world by forcing a continuum between the viewer's space and\nthat of the picture.\nPeirce defined the index as\nA sign, or representation, which refers to its object not so much because of\nany similarity or analogy with it, nor because it is associated with general]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nvery form of this sign was said to resemble that of a flame. Hence, the\ncabbalah was offering at its core a metonymic linguistic sign which was\nnot transposable to the Latin alphabet. The similarity in the appearance\nof other Hebrew linguistic significators to their referent fascinated European cabbalists. Thus, in the context of the Renaissance epistemological\ncrisis described by Foucault, the analogical potential of the Hebrew alphabet satisfied the intellectual and emotional need for a signifying mode\nwhich would close the increasing conceptual divide between linguistic\nforms and the physical world. Consequently, the psychological situation\ndemanded a substitute analogical system which was provided bythe cabbalah. As the divine text of God in nature was erased by the epistemic\nchanges wrought by proto-capitalism in northern Europe, so the yearning\nto recover God's primal words of creation intensified.\n2 Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa, Opera, 2 vols (London, 1600: Hildesheim; New York:]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nwas that which guaranteed their authenticity. Similitude was judged in\nthe terms of adjacency (\"convenientia\"), analogy (\"aemulatio\") and sympathy (\"concordia\"). This taxonomy was inscribed within the universe in\nthe form of signs, decipherable only by an elite of natural philosophers.\nAs Foucault points out, in the sixteenth century no distinction was made\nbetween the empirical observations ofthe natural philosophers and those\noftheologians, or occultists. All of these systems of knowledge were dependent on their ability to read the inscriptions which already pre-existed\nin the forms of the world. Foucault argues that Renaissance signs were\norganised into a conceptual structure consisting of three qualities which\nwere the marks of the sign, the things designated by those marks and the\nsimilitude between them. Since it was \"aemulatio\" which constituted\nboth the form and the content of the sign, these three elements operated]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",\nwhereby it delivers all of its information to the interpretant synchronically. Hence, it requires a broader range of semiotic strategies to correlate\nthe various paradigmatic levels of meaning. The written text, in contrast,\nis deciphered by the reader in a diachronic sequence and, hence, it is far\nmore dictatorial towards its interpretant than the visual artefact. Consequently, alchemical illustrators , like other Renaissance artists, capitalised\non thefactthat the synchronic reading of a visual text caused ambiguities\nto arise in the reception of its meaning. An additional semiotic difference\nbetween visual and literary texts is that visual imagery may be symbolic,\niconic or indexical, but most literary texts can only be symbolic. It is rare,\nin fact, to encounter a linguistic metonymic or indexical structure, although the compilers ofRenaissance grimoires struggled to produce such]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nboth the form and the content of the sign, these three elements operated\nas a single figure. Foucault's contention is that in the seventeenth century\nthis triple construction of a sign became a binary in which a signifier\n(\"significans\") was connected to a significance (\"significandum\"), abandoning the quality of similitude.26\nFoucault's argument provides one explanation for the intensity ofthe\nlate Renaissance search for the \"lingua Adamica\" through the devices of\nmagical cryptography. The issue of the Adamic language has been discussed by Szonyi in his study of the influence of Paracelsian talismanic\nlinguistics on Dee's theurgy. (Dee had certainly procured two copies of\nParacelsus Expositio magicarum figurarum). In contrast to the characterisa-\n44\n18 Pagel (1982), pp.71-76; Allen G. Debus, \"Mathematics and Nature in the Chemical\nTexts ofthe Renaissance\", Ambix (1968): 1-28; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \"\n(1979), pp. 59, 65-66]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\ninsusceptible to the corrupting effects of natural transmutation.\nAstrology was an essential component of alchemical practice since\nalchemy, as a mirror of nature, was similarly affected by stellar influences. The medieval Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar, also stressed the necessity of watching the activity of the heavens in order to understand the\ncourse ofhuman affairs.10 The medieval alchemists, especially the pseudo-Lullians of the fifteenth century, emphasised the need to correlate\ntheir chemical\nwork with the motions of the planets and the signs ofthe\nZodiac.11 By the early sixteenth century, Paracelsus was teaching that the\nefficacy of alchemical medications was totally dependent on their concordance with the healing virtues emanating from the stars.12\nThe inter-dependency and unity between macrocosm and microcosm\nhad been summarised in the late Alexandrian text of the Emerald Table]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nDee probably ends, since Dorn's geometry contrasts with Dee's in several\nimportant respects. The prime difference is that Dorn's structures are\nconventional Euclidean symbols, rather than hieroglyphs, nor does he\nemploy cabbalism. Thus, in semiotic terms Dorn's geometrical signs do\nnot reify their conceptual content, functioning instead as a metaphorical\nsystem which represents practical alchemy by means of abstract signifiers.\nThere is a closer comparison between Dorn's system and that of other\nmetaphysical geometers in the early seventeenth century, such as Fortunatus of Padua who used Euclidean theorems to prove the truth ofthe\nChristian faith.41 In contrast, Dee believed that the operation of his\nMonas was contiguous with reality (a metonymic, or indexical relationship), asserting that the manipulation of the Monas was practical alchemy, rather than its symbolic substitute. By means of the universal language of cabbalism, Dee thought that he had created a uniquely potent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30,31\nTriplici Vitae libri tres (1978), for example, Bk III, Cap I, similitudes of the sun such as\nheliotrope, myrrh, amber, crocus. Ficino's works are found in Dee's collection see R&W:\n404, 736, 1124, 1282, B83, B120, B132, B141, B157, B177. Dee also had a copy ofFicino\nDe Triplici Vitae R&W 779, his translation ofPlotinus R&W: 108 and his Opera R&W: 204,\nas well as his Theologia Platonica R&W: 893.\n34\nCHAPTER THREE\nsign were regarded as being a physical reality. In the same way, Fludd's\ncabbalistic alchemy and medicine in his Philosophia Sacra (1626) relied for\nits effect on the reification of a metaphorical sequence in which the sun\nwas personified as the demiurge, the eye ofgod, the altar of Christ as the\ncabbalistic Messiah, as well as the primal medicine. Fludd's sun-based\nmedicine, like Ficino's astrological talismanic magic, was based on a semiotic fallacy concerning the ontological status of similitude within a sign.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nthe corresponding planetary influences. In other words , a painting could\nbecome a magical talisman, or a catoptrical mirror, registering and enhancing the celestial virtues. Dee's theory of drawing had revolutionary\nimplications for alchemical illustrators, for example, Michelspacher'sfour\nmirrors in the Cabala (1615-16) may well have originated in Dee's ideas of\na graphic theurgy.\nContextualised within Dee's Euclidean optical and alchemical system,\nthe semiotic function of single-point, spatial geometry is essentially the\nsame as that ofhis Monas Hieroglyphica, since they both have a metonymic\nrelationship with the physical world. As a sign in its own right, the Pythagorean-based system ofdrawing was reified by Dee to become a signifying mode which operated within real physical space, not only in that of\nthe painting. The Pythagorean ratios used in the single-point system were\nregarded by Dee as being capable of attracting celestial influences and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45\nThe four elements are the four straight lines emerging from the point.26\nDee explains that the two half circles at the bottom of the cross represent\nAries, or fire. Thus, the Monas contains the power of the three levels of\ncreation, corresponding to the cosmic alchemical egg, the prime matter\nwhich contains the All.27\nThe most elaborate Euclidean dissection ofthe Monas occurs in Theorem XXI in which the sign for the Monad is turned upside-down, permitting new relationships to be established between the Moon, Sun,Aries\nand the other planets (fig. 18). Dee implies that there exists an even more\nawe-inspiring relationship between the alchemical art offire, represented\nby the sign of Aries, and the astronomy of the Monas. In this instance,\n19 Szonyi forthcoming in Renaissance Quarterly. An analysis of Ficino's numerology is\nprovided by Allen (1994), pp. 106, 130-34, 138-42.\n20 R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14,15\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:\nmonism and dualism\" in Didier Kahn, Sylvain Matton, Alchimie: art, histoire et mythes (Paris;\nMilan, 1995), pp. 249-63.\n2 Goldberg (1976).\n2\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nthe illusionistic world of the picture. In Peirce's semiotic system, he has\ndistinguished an indexical sign from a \"symbol\" , which has an arbitrary\nvisual appearance unrelated to its conceptual content and, therefore, can\nonly convey a meaning within a specific context for a particular interpretant. Peirce also differentiated an indexical sign from an \"icon\" which,\nhe stated, \"would possess the character which renders it significant, even\nthough its object had no existence\". According to this definition , it\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10,11\nXIV\nXV\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\nmodel can be amplified by taking additional recourse to Peirce's semiotic\ntaxonomy of three types ofsign, namely, those of symbol, icon and index.\nFirst, however, it is necessary to understand the original intentions behind the development of the single-point perspective system during the\nearly Renaissance.11\nThe geometrical theory of this spatial system was first expressed by\nLeone Battista Alberti in his treatise on painting, De Pictura (Florence,\n1435).12 He had explained that the orthogonal lines of any architecture\nillustrated by the artist should be drawn as if they were running into the\npicture to meet in a single vanishing-point. In accordance with this new\npictorial convention, in many fifteenth-century Florentine paintings ofan\ninterior scene the floor would be drawn in a chequer-board pattern to\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nMirandola, like Ficino, integrated these practices with Christianity, butin\naddition he introduced the cabbalah into Renaissance hermeticism.6\nThe German natural philosopher and magus Cornelius Agrippa\n(1486-1533) popularised astral magic through his treatise, De Occulta\nPhilosophia (1533), justifying such practices by claiming the existence of a\nnatural sympathy between the human-being and the universe, an idea\nalready well-known to the middle ages. On the model of Agrippa, this\nvenerable notion of the harmony between celestial and human realms\nwas systematised for medical use by Paracelsus who created an analogical\nstructure known as the \"doctrine of signatures\". He taught that in all\nmaterial entities there existed hidden virtues whose qualities corresponded to those ofthe planetary bodies in the heavens. These occult virtues he\ncalled \"astra\" to designate the \"signatures\" (the impressions) of the stars\non matter. Paracelsus argued that, due to the intimate unity between]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed\n\"iconic\", since they signify irrational concepts such as the \"union of opposites\", for example, offire with water. While this identification may be\ncorrect in the case of pre-Renaissance alchemical visual signs which are\nnot particularly \"realistic\" in their style of drawing (figs . 9, 10), this is not\napplicable to alchemical illustration from the late sixteenth century onwards when an irrational idea may be represented by naturalistic human\nfigures, as in examples from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (figs. 40, 41). In this\ncase, the realistic aesthetic of the Renaissance artist has started to transform an iconic signifier into an index. This issue has never been remarked by the few iconologists who have studied alchemical imagery,\nnonetheless, it is extremely important since stylistic differences in the\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The\ntechnical term for this pictorial effect was the \"pavimentum diminutionis\" (fig. 1).13\nAlberti had based his perspective system on the model of medieval\noptical diagrams which depicted the operation of light-rays in relation to\nthe human eye (figs . 2, 11). Hence, in the semiotic functioning of the\nsingle -point system, its geneology in medieval optics continues to operate\nas a sub-text. To use Derrida's terms, the original opticalgeometrywhich\nhad provided the structure for single-point space continued to exist within it as a signifying trace. 14 Derrida's \"trace\" (le trait) is the transcendental\nsignifier unifying the disparate (and conflicting) elements of a discourse. 15\nHence, the generic signifier of the single-point perspective system would\nbe the eye ofthe viewer and its discourse that of the struggle between the\nrhetorical devices ofthe picture and the objective judgement ofthe interpretant.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly\nintended to retrieve from the original title ofthe treatise. Hence, Khunrath's theatre of images, like a mirror, catoptrically reflects the celestial\nspheres to the human mind, awakening the empathetic faculty of the\nhuman spirit which unites, through the imagination, with the heavenly\nrealms. Thus, the visual imagery of Khunrath's treatises has become the\nalchemical quintessence, the spiritualised matter of the philosopher's\nstone, transmuting both the human soul and the physical world into gold.\nIt is evident that late Renaissance alchemists were involved in a radical semiotic enterprise, intuiting the possibility of devising a visual signing-system which would resolve the dualistic conflict of the European\nlinguistic sign in which signifier and signified were arbitrarily related.22\nAccordingly, John Dee regarded his Monas Hieroglyphica as a graphic\nsystem which was also practical chemistry (figs. 17, 18), a metonymic]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45,46\n20 R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).\n21 Michael Walton, \"Geometrical Cabala\", Ambix (1976): 116-23; Clulee, pp. 89-95,\nquotes from pp. 105-6.\n22Josten, pp. 162-63.\n23 Josten, pp. 163, 165.\n2425 Josten, pp. 162-63.\nJosten, pp . 103-4, 107-8.\n26 Josten,\n. 107-8.\n27 Josten, pp\npp. 177-79.\n64\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nDee is inferring the use of cabbalistic graphology.\nYet in the hands of learned men and literati there resides yet a stronger and\nmore unfailing motive for shaping these letters ... I at least advise and urge\nthem to elicit more carefully now what was the fire of Aries of the first\ntriplicity, what our equinoctial , [and] who was responsible for allowing the\nSun to be raised to exaltation above its ordinary grade.28\nEarlier alchemy had occasionally played such games of visual semiotics,\nbut never with such economy and precision. In fact, the Monas is a type\nof emblem, a poetical conceit, a condensation of a discursive text into a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=52\nPages: 52\nthe corresponding planetary influences. In other words , a painting could\nbecome a magical talisman, or a catoptrical mirror, registering and enhancing the celestial virtues. Dee's theory of drawing had revolutionary\nimplications for alchemical illustrators, for example, Michelspacher'sfour\nmirrors in the Cabala (1615-16) may well have originated in Dee's ideas of\na graphic theurgy.\nContextualised within Dee's Euclidean optical and alchemical system,\nthe semiotic function of single-point, spatial geometry is essentially the\nsame as that ofhis Monas Hieroglyphica, since they both have a metonymic\nrelationship with the physical world. As a sign in its own right, the Pythagorean-based system ofdrawing was reified by Dee to become a signifying mode which operated within real physical space, not only in that of\nthe painting. The Pythagorean ratios used in the single-point system were\nregarded by Dee as being capable of attracting celestial influences and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10\nIt should be noted that in 1595 there appeared in Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (frontispiece) an illustration which employed exaggerated spatial effects. The peculiarly deep vista of this engraving ofan\nalchemist's Oratory-Laboratory involved far more than naturalistic illusionism, since the spatial geometry functioned as a semiotic system in its\nown right, discoursing on the alchemical significance of light-rays.\nAccording to Goldberg, fifteenth century Florentine painters such as\nMasaccio and Domenico Veneziano had used geometrical infrastructures, such as the one in Khunrath's treatise, both as an organisational\ndevice and as a signifying discourse (fig. 36).10 These graphic scaffoldings\nunderlay the painted scene, operating as a conceptual sub-text which\ndrew the viewer into a parallel metaphysical world. In order to clarify\nthis interpretation of Khunrath's image of the laboratory, Goldberg's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18\n\"speculum\", a secondary meaning which the reader was undoubtedly\nintended to retrieve from the original title ofthe treatise. Hence, Khunrath's theatre of images, like a mirror, catoptrically reflects the celestial\nspheres to the human mind, awakening the empathetic faculty of the\nhuman spirit which unites, through the imagination, with the heavenly\nrealms. Thus, the visual imagery of Khunrath's treatises has become the\nalchemical quintessence, the spiritualised matter of the philosopher's\nstone, transmuting both the human soul and the physical world into gold.\nIt is evident that late Renaissance alchemists were involved in a radical semiotic enterprise, intuiting the possibility of devising a visual signing-system which would resolve the dualistic conflict of the European\nlinguistic sign in which signifier and signified were arbitrarily related.22\nAccordingly, John Dee regarded his Monas Hieroglyphica as a graphic\nsystem which was also practical chemistry (figs. 17, 18), a metonymic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nDee probably ends, since Dorn's geometry contrasts with Dee's in several\nimportant respects. The prime difference is that Dorn's structures are\nconventional Euclidean symbols, rather than hieroglyphs, nor does he\nemploy cabbalism. Thus, in semiotic terms Dorn's geometrical signs do\nnot reify their conceptual content, functioning instead as a metaphorical\nsystem which represents practical alchemy by means of abstract signifiers.\nThere is a closer comparison between Dorn's system and that of other\nmetaphysical geometers in the early seventeenth century, such as Fortunatus of Padua who used Euclidean theorems to prove the truth ofthe\nChristian faith.41 In contrast, Dee believed that the operation of his\nMonas was contiguous with reality (a metonymic, or indexical relationship), asserting that the manipulation of the Monas was practical alchemy, rather than its symbolic substitute. By means of the universal language of cabbalism, Dee thought that he had created a uniquely potent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nalchemy may have been related to that ofreligious Christian imagery, as\na sympathetic magic drawing the viewer into the presence of God (frontispiece). Alberti in De Pictura had been interested in the use ofrhetorical\ndevices in painting and he had modelled his pictorial system on the\npersuasive techniques of Cicero and Quintillian. Hence, Alberti's perspectival construction aimed to promote such an effective illusion of reality that the viewer, automatically convinced by the visual text, would\nsurrender his resistance to its implications.17\nTaking the present analysis still deeper into the field ofsemiotics, the\nsignificatory mode of single-point perspective can be defined as that of\nthe metonym, or index, in Peirce's terms.18 As a signifying mode, this\ntype of space was intended to persuade the viewer that physical reality\ncontinued into the picture, progressing, in the case of Khunrath's engraving, to its culmination in the eye of God (frontispiece). In alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",\nwhereby it delivers all of its information to the interpretant synchronically. Hence, it requires a broader range of semiotic strategies to correlate\nthe various paradigmatic levels of meaning. The written text, in contrast,\nis deciphered by the reader in a diachronic sequence and, hence, it is far\nmore dictatorial towards its interpretant than the visual artefact. Consequently, alchemical illustrators , like other Renaissance artists, capitalised\non thefactthat the synchronic reading of a visual text caused ambiguities\nto arise in the reception of its meaning. An additional semiotic difference\nbetween visual and literary texts is that visual imagery may be symbolic,\niconic or indexical, but most literary texts can only be symbolic. It is rare,\nin fact, to encounter a linguistic metonymic or indexical structure, although the compilers ofRenaissance grimoires struggled to produce such]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,15\nsigns, on the model of the Hebrew alphabet, as an essential part oftheir\n3 Peirce, 2, pp. 170, 172-73.\n4 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n5 Carl GustavJung, Psychology and Alchemy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1993),\npp. 26, 112, 152ff, 158, 196.\n6 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n7 For example, Allison Coudert, Alchemy: the philosopher's stone (London: Wildwood\nHouse, 1980). Otherwise, this is an authoritative general study.\n8 Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology (New York: Harper, 1962).\n9 Szonyi (1996), pp. 250-53.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nmagical rituals.10These experiments with cryptography yielded few convincing results, since the linguistic signs of European languages are arbitrary phonetic symbols and, hence, cannot mirror their conceptual representant in the manner of visual signs. Consequently, it is essential that\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=18\nPages: 18,19\nFrancken, 1616), pp. 68-72.\n22 Referto Szonyi, \"Ars Scintrilla\" (1999), passim, and his paper forthcoming in RenaissanceQuarterlyfor a discussion ofthe theurgic linguistics ofFicino, Agrippa and Paracelsus.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nAlchemy has always been a type of \"gnosis\", a non-rational esoteric\nphilosophy, fully explicable only by its initiates. Fundamentally an oral\nsystem of knowledge, the epistemic changes in alchemical theory cannot\nbe recovered in their entirety by contemporary historians, even from the\nconsiderable amount ofphysical evidence available to them. Problems of\ninterpretation are exacerbated by the fact that there are few immutable\nmeanings for the various symbols since they have become amplified in\nthe course of their historical use. In Barthes' terms, they should be considered as \"mythic\" secondary-level signifiers, each alchemical sign bearing with it the history of its use. Thus, although dictionaries ofalchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=85\nPages: 85\nChristly \"gnosis\", informing the monstrous group of Lutherans and demonic black-magicians that, no matter whether they esteem, or disparage, him, he will simply continue to pray. He carries a pair ofgeometrical dividers, such as those which appear in the later portrait of Khunrath\nin 1604, with which he is drawing the diagrammatic icon of Christ. In\nthe 1602 engraving, therefore, the scholar may also be Khunrath, his\ndividers signifying the sacred geometry of his theosophical system. With\nthese he pins a serpent to the ground, demonstrating that the wisdom\ninspired by the Holy Spirit conquers sophistry, symbolised by the snake\nwith its \"lingua venona\", whose spurious reasoning in the Garden of\nEden had originally distanced humanity from God's grace.\nMeanwhile, the other character on the right, pays no attention at all\nto his stressful companions, for he is gazing into the cave in the centre of\nthe picture, which is yet another depiction ofAbraham's mountain ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\npractical function of a specific visual image. Hence, pseudo-Lullian diagrams, as mobile computers, are indexical (figs. 4-7), whereas Pantheus'\nstatic, neo-Lullian structure is merely symbolic (fig. 8).\nIn this sense,John Dee's mobile cypher of the Monas is the epitome of\nthe visual index (figs. 17, 18), perhaps influencing Khunrath's artist, Jan\nVredeman de Vries, to create a more complex version of its metonymic\nstructure (frontispiece). Some of Fludd's cosmological depictions also\nhave indexical qualities, although his illustrations are difficult to categorise, since an image may involve several different types ofsemiotic mode\n(figs. 44-50). At first glance, Fludd's diagrams appear to be symbolic\n(merely illustrating his text), but, in fact, they also have an iconic aspect,\nsince they can be isolated from their textual context while retaining most\noftheir meaning. In addition, as indexical generators of a contemplative]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nthe fact that Renaissance emblems are figural, whereas Dee's Monas is\ndiagrammatic, but in their distinctive semiotic functions. Horapollo's\nsigns operate as metaphors or symbols, that is, the visual signifier rarely\nmirrors its conceptual content. Consequently, most of his imagery could\nnot be decoded without the explanatory text. Renaissance emblems were\nintended to be a cryptic language, decipherable only by members ofelite\ncircles. The emblem's often bizarre components were an attempt to\ntranspose a verbal phrase into its equivalent visual elements, since this\nwas thought to be the authentic mode of the ancient Egyptians.32\nIn contrast, Dee's Monas was intended to be an index and, in this\nfunction, it was probably unique among Renaissance emblems, since it\nnot only symbolised the process of transmutation, but displayed that\nprocess in its very form. In other words, Dee believed that the form ofhis\nMonas was identical to its physical referent, for, as the alchemist worked]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=104\nPages: 104\nhave the some of the same quality of devices intended to facilitate public\ninstruction.\nIt is misleading, however, to discuss alchemical illustration without\ncontextualising it within the relevant social and political milieu and since\nthis is not possible within the scope of the present study, these issues will\nnot be pursued at any length. It is relevant, however, to make one further\npoint arising from this brief visual analysis of the semiotic function of\nGichtel's engravings, which is that they demonstrate the popularisation,\nwithin a generation, of alchemical imagery previously associated with\nGerman pietism. In this process, Fludd's illustrations had played a large\nrole, due to his voluminous output in very large print-runs, reusing many\nof the same cosmological diagrams through-out his series of works, as\nwell as seeing them copied by other artists. Moreover, Fludd's pictures\nlent themselves to public instruction, as was his intention, since they]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=37\nPages: 37\nrevolution and the enlightenment, then there may well have been a sense\nof existential panic, a feeling that meaning was becoming ever more\ndifficult to retrieve from the open book of nature. The interest in magical\ncyphers may have been an attempt to close the widening gap arising in\ncultural semiosis in which the signifier was slipping away from its referent.\nThe Renaissance came to a halt before the brute fact that language existed:\nin the density of the world, a graphism mingling with things or flowing\nbeneath them ... the existence oflanguage preceded, as if by a mute stubborness, what one could read in it and the words that gave it sound. From the\nseventeenth century, it is this massive and intriguing existence of language\nthat is eliminated\n... one might say that language in the Classical era does\nnot exist: it functions.28\nFor Paracelsus, the primal language of signatures was inspired by God's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the\nvisual components of an alchemical treatise. Moreover, certain types of\nalchemical illustration are capable of functioning almost entirely as a\nvisual text, that is, as metonymic, or indexical, structures, as in the case of\none of Khunrath's illustrations (frontispiece). In such metonymic visual\nimages there is an implied physical continuity between the world ofthe\nviewer and that of the picture. In these instances, the reception of the\npicture's message does not need to be deferred until it can be decoded in\na linguistic form. In such sophisticated metonymic-indexical images the\nvisual structure is the essence ofthe meaning communicated to the viewer. This indexical quality of an image is not necessarily dependent onthe\nartist's use of naturalistic motifs (as Peirce had pointed out), since diagrammatic structures may also be indexical. It is more a question ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\nOvide\n, 32\nsemiotics\nofillusmoralisee\n153-55,\n174;\n84, 152,\ntrations, 158, 164-65, 181; Septimana\nPhilosophica, 101, 154, 178; Symbola Aureae Pacioli, Luca, 727\nMensae, 133-34, 153; Themis Aurea, 154; Pagel, Walter,\nTripus Aureus, 21, 155, 163; Viatorium, 21 Panofsky, Erwin, 3,\nManicheans, 31\nPantheus, Joannes, xviii, 4, 20-21, 56, 62\nParacelsians, 48\nManutius, Aldus, 64\nParacelsus, 5, 40, 41-52, 84; alchemy, 13,\nMasaccio, xv\nMattioli, Pierandrea, 68\n41, 43, 47-48, 52; Archidoxa, 47, 48, 50,\nMcLean, Adam, 153, 160\n98; astrology, 15, 42-43, 44-45; astral.\nMederus, David, 84\nbody, 7-8, 42-43, 61, 77; astral virtue,\nmedieval alchemical illustration, 17-18, see xii, xiv, 7-8, 23-24, 42-45, 46, 48; AstronoObrist\nmia magna, 43; azoth (quintessence)55,, xvii,\n23-24, 44, 46-47, 61; cabbalism, 58;\nMelancthon, xii, 150\nMerian, Matthieu, 159, 163\ncosmogony, 41-42; De pestilate, 42; docMersenne, Martin, 58, 174, 178\ntrine of signatures, xiv, 45-46; Expositio]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10,11\nXIV\nXV\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\nmodel can be amplified by taking additional recourse to Peirce's semiotic\ntaxonomy of three types ofsign, namely, those of symbol, icon and index.\nFirst, however, it is necessary to understand the original intentions behind the development of the single-point perspective system during the\nearly Renaissance.11\nThe geometrical theory of this spatial system was first expressed by\nLeone Battista Alberti in his treatise on painting, De Pictura (Florence,\n1435).12 He had explained that the orthogonal lines of any architecture\nillustrated by the artist should be drawn as if they were running into the\npicture to meet in a single vanishing-point. In accordance with this new\npictorial convention, in many fifteenth-century Florentine paintings ofan\ninterior scene the floor would be drawn in a chequer-board pattern to\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The\ntechnical term for this pictorial effect was the \"pavimentum diminutionis\" (fig. 1).13\nAlberti had based his perspective system on the model of medieval\noptical diagrams which depicted the operation of light-rays in relation to\nthe human eye (figs . 2, 11). Hence, in the semiotic functioning of the\nsingle -point system, its geneology in medieval optics continues to operate\nas a sub-text. To use Derrida's terms, the original opticalgeometrywhich\nhad provided the structure for single-point space continued to exist within it as a signifying trace. 14 Derrida's \"trace\" (le trait) is the transcendental\nsignifier unifying the disparate (and conflicting) elements of a discourse. 15\nHence, the generic signifier of the single-point perspective system would\nbe the eye ofthe viewer and its discourse that of the struggle between the\nrhetorical devices ofthe picture and the objective judgement ofthe interpretant.]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",\nwhereby it delivers all of its information to the interpretant synchronically. Hence, it requires a broader range of semiotic strategies to correlate\nthe various paradigmatic levels of meaning. The written text, in contrast,\nis deciphered by the reader in a diachronic sequence and, hence, it is far\nmore dictatorial towards its interpretant than the visual artefact. Consequently, alchemical illustrators , like other Renaissance artists, capitalised\non thefactthat the synchronic reading of a visual text caused ambiguities\nto arise in the reception of its meaning. An additional semiotic difference\nbetween visual and literary texts is that visual imagery may be symbolic,\niconic or indexical, but most literary texts can only be symbolic. It is rare,\nin fact, to encounter a linguistic metonymic or indexical structure, although the compilers ofRenaissance grimoires struggled to produce such]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the\nsame language, thus requiring different critical approaches. It was Panofsky who first argued for a new type of analytical tool for the study of\nvisual imagery which would be distinct from that ofliterary scholarship.\nHis iconological method involved an examination of the historical context in which a visual sign had appeared, for it was this which had determined the style of its depiction. As Szonyi has demonstrated in his study\nof Agrippa's and Dee's esoteric emblems, Panofsky's method is one ofthe\nfew able to accomodate the complexity of a visual signing-system. Szonyi\nalso continues to favour the historiographical approach of Gombrich,\nwhich has the added advantage of taking into account the psychological\neffects ofthe rhetoric deployed by a visual sign.\nFrom a semiotic point of view, the visual sign operates as a \"field\",]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=16\nPages: 16,15\nsigns, on the model of the Hebrew alphabet, as an essential part oftheir\n3 Peirce, 2, pp. 170, 172-73.\n4 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n5 Carl GustavJung, Psychology and Alchemy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1993),\npp. 26, 112, 152ff, 158, 196.\n6 Peirce, 2, p. 170.\n7 For example, Allison Coudert, Alchemy: the philosopher's stone (London: Wildwood\nHouse, 1980). Otherwise, this is an authoritative general study.\n8 Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology (New York: Harper, 1962).\n9 Szonyi (1996), pp. 250-53.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nmagical rituals.10These experiments with cryptography yielded few convincing results, since the linguistic signs of European languages are arbitrary phonetic symbols and, hence, cannot mirror their conceptual representant in the manner of visual signs. Consequently, it is essential that\nscholars of alchemical imagery distinguish between the literary and the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=10\nPages: 10,11\nXIV\nXV\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\nmodel can be amplified by taking additional recourse to Peirce's semiotic\ntaxonomy of three types ofsign, namely, those of symbol, icon and index.\nFirst, however, it is necessary to understand the original intentions behind the development of the single-point perspective system during the\nearly Renaissance.11\nThe geometrical theory of this spatial system was first expressed by\nLeone Battista Alberti in his treatise on painting, De Pictura (Florence,\n1435).12 He had explained that the orthogonal lines of any architecture\nillustrated by the artist should be drawn as if they were running into the\npicture to meet in a single vanishing-point. In accordance with this new\npictorial convention, in many fifteenth-century Florentine paintings ofan\ninterior scene the floor would be drawn in a chequer-board pattern to\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nboth the form and the content of the sign, these three elements operated\nas a single figure. Foucault's contention is that in the seventeenth century\nthis triple construction of a sign became a binary in which a signifier\n(\"significans\") was connected to a significance (\"significandum\"), abandoning the quality of similitude.26\nFoucault's argument provides one explanation for the intensity ofthe\nlate Renaissance search for the \"lingua Adamica\" through the devices of\nmagical cryptography. The issue of the Adamic language has been discussed by Szonyi in his study of the influence of Paracelsian talismanic\nlinguistics on Dee's theurgy. (Dee had certainly procured two copies of\nParacelsus Expositio magicarum figurarum). In contrast to the characterisa-\n44\n18 Pagel (1982), pp.71-76; Allen G. Debus, \"Mathematics and Nature in the Chemical\nTexts ofthe Renaissance\", Ambix (1968): 1-28; Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" \"\n(1979), pp. 59, 65-66]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nappearance of any visual sign change both its meaning and function. In\nfact, Peirce devised a taxonomy of hybrid signs to describe the vacillations of such unstable significatory orders.\nFollowing his general approach, the present author would make only\none proposition which is that many late Renaissance alchemical signs\nincline towards the indexical mode. In other words, alchemical visual\nsemiosis from the late sixteenth century is deliberately \" contaminated\"\nnot, as Jung believed, by the collective unconscious of a society,5 but by\nthe viewer's imminent physical reality. Thus, the alchemical imagery\nunder present consideration does not merely copy, it also restructures the\nphysical world by forcing a continuum between the viewer's space and\nthat of the picture.\nPeirce defined the index as\nA sign, or representation, which refers to its object not so much because of\nany similarity or analogy with it, nor because it is associated with general]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=36\nPages: 36\nwas that which guaranteed their authenticity. Similitude was judged in\nthe terms of adjacency (\"convenientia\"), analogy (\"aemulatio\") and sympathy (\"concordia\"). This taxonomy was inscribed within the universe in\nthe form of signs, decipherable only by an elite of natural philosophers.\nAs Foucault points out, in the sixteenth century no distinction was made\nbetween the empirical observations ofthe natural philosophers and those\noftheologians, or occultists. All of these systems of knowledge were dependent on their ability to read the inscriptions which already pre-existed\nin the forms of the world. Foucault argues that Renaissance signs were\norganised into a conceptual structure consisting of three qualities which\nwere the marks of the sign, the things designated by those marks and the\nsimilitude between them. Since it was \"aemulatio\" which constituted\nboth the form and the content of the sign, these three elements operated]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=30\nPages: 30,31\nTriplici Vitae libri tres (1978), for example, Bk III, Cap I, similitudes of the sun such as\nheliotrope, myrrh, amber, crocus. Ficino's works are found in Dee's collection see R&W:\n404, 736, 1124, 1282, B83, B120, B132, B141, B157, B177. Dee also had a copy ofFicino\nDe Triplici Vitae R&W 779, his translation ofPlotinus R&W: 108 and his Opera R&W: 204,\nas well as his Theologia Platonica R&W: 893.\n34\nCHAPTER THREE\nsign were regarded as being a physical reality. In the same way, Fludd's\ncabbalistic alchemy and medicine in his Philosophia Sacra (1626) relied for\nits effect on the reification of a metaphorical sequence in which the sun\nwas personified as the demiurge, the eye ofgod, the altar of Christ as the\ncabbalistic Messiah, as well as the primal medicine. Fludd's sun-based\nmedicine, like Ficino's astrological talismanic magic, was based on a semiotic fallacy concerning the ontological status of similitude within a sign.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\nOvide\n, 32\nsemiotics\nofillusmoralisee\n153-55,\n174;\n84, 152,\ntrations, 158, 164-65, 181; Septimana\nPhilosophica, 101, 154, 178; Symbola Aureae Pacioli, Luca, 727\nMensae, 133-34, 153; Themis Aurea, 154; Pagel, Walter,\nTripus Aureus, 21, 155, 163; Viatorium, 21 Panofsky, Erwin, 3,\nManicheans, 31\nPantheus, Joannes, xviii, 4, 20-21, 56, 62\nParacelsians, 48\nManutius, Aldus, 64\nParacelsus, 5, 40, 41-52, 84; alchemy, 13,\nMasaccio, xv\nMattioli, Pierandrea, 68\n41, 43, 47-48, 52; Archidoxa, 47, 48, 50,\nMcLean, Adam, 153, 160\n98; astrology, 15, 42-43, 44-45; astral.\nMederus, David, 84\nbody, 7-8, 42-43, 61, 77; astral virtue,\nmedieval alchemical illustration, 17-18, see xii, xiv, 7-8, 23-24, 42-45, 46, 48; AstronoObrist\nmia magna, 43; azoth (quintessence)55,, xvii,\n23-24, 44, 46-47, 61; cabbalism, 58;\nMelancthon, xii, 150\nMerian, Matthieu, 159, 163\ncosmogony, 41-42; De pestilate, 42; docMersenne, Martin, 58, 174, 178\ntrine of signatures, xiv, 45-46; Expositio]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=46\nPages: 46\nthe fact that Renaissance emblems are figural, whereas Dee's Monas is\ndiagrammatic, but in their distinctive semiotic functions. Horapollo's\nsigns operate as metaphors or symbols, that is, the visual signifier rarely\nmirrors its conceptual content. Consequently, most of his imagery could\nnot be decoded without the explanatory text. Renaissance emblems were\nintended to be a cryptic language, decipherable only by members ofelite\ncircles. The emblem's often bizarre components were an attempt to\ntranspose a verbal phrase into its equivalent visual elements, since this\nwas thought to be the authentic mode of the ancient Egyptians.32\nIn contrast, Dee's Monas was intended to be an index and, in this\nfunction, it was probably unique among Renaissance emblems, since it\nnot only symbolised the process of transmutation, but displayed that\nprocess in its very form. In other words, Dee believed that the form ofhis\nMonas was identical to its physical referent, for, as the alchemist worked]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=21\nPages: 21\n15\n9 Joachim Telle, Sol und Luna (Hurtgenwald: Guido Pressler, 1980), pp. 55-64.\n10 Sherwood-Taylor (1976), pp. 21-22, 51-54. Also see Aby Warburg, Orientalisierende\nAstrologie (Leipzig, 1927). For astrology in cabbalism see Fischel Lachower and Isaiah\nTisby (eds), The Wisdom of the Zohar, 2 (Oxford U.P, 1989), pp. 662-66 and Frick, Die\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 58-66.\nSherwood-Taylor (1976), pp. 51-54; Lynn Thorndike, History ofMagic and Experimental Science, 4 (New York: Columbia U.P, 1953), p. 36. Henceforward, this work will be\ndesignated as \"M&ES\" ; Eugenio Garin, Lo Zodiaco della Vita (Rome and Bari, 1976); Aby\nWarburg, Italienische Kunst und internazionale Astrologie (Rome, 1922), pp.180-93.\n12 Karl Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiesen (eds), Paracelsus. Samtliche Werke, I, vols. 1-5,\n10-14 (Munich; Berlin: R. Oldenbourg, 1928-33), for example, vol. 3, pp. 92-200, Decem\nlibriArchidoxis and vol. 12, pp. 1-444, Astronomia Magna, as well as vol. 12, pp. 503-5, Ars]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73\nde variis ac magnis nobiscum loquitur ... HOC, CAELUM SECUNDUM; sublime;\nRegio pure aetherea. HOC, Solem, Lunam et Stellas habet; revera etiam PRIMUM et\nInferius (suo modo) astra sunt ... Motu harmonico sive sympathico (erga se invicem)\nmovetur utrunque; id quod inferius, sicut quod est superius, et contra. Qui motus,\ncertitudinem suadet (quam dixi) indicationum\".\n20 Khunrath (1609), p. 151 : \"ex Astris, tanquam Alphabeto Coelesti, a Magistro\nexercitato Astronom. et Astr. legi ac scire potest\". Khunrath discusses the solstices and\nrefers to the ephemerides. He comments: \"Temperamentorum humanorum corporum\nquae ad dispositionem et constitutionem Coeli et constellationum variantur, moventur,\ninclinatur. Imo actiones hominum aut redduntur eisdem difficiliores aut faciliores\".\n21 Khunrath (1609), p. 141 : \"Natura notis et signis, pictae et exornatae sunt,\nNaturae characterismis insignitae; certa nimirum proportione, figuram et habitu;divinisque\nunde de]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=15\nPages: 15\nany similarity or analogy with it, nor because it is associated with general\ncharacters which that object happens to possess, as because it is in dynamical\n3\n(including spatial) connection both with the individual object ... and with the\nsenses or memory ofthe person for whom it serves as a sign.\nThus, an index is not a simulacrum \"more real than real\", for it is intended to be an uninterrupted continuation of the real, a deliberately composed ambiguity concealing the distinction between reality and artifice.\nAnother unsatisfactory aspect of current alchemical research is that\nscholars use the same type of analysis for both visual imagery and written\ntext, with more historical research being directed at the literary texts, in\npreference to the visual imagery. Perhaps it would yield more profitable\nresults to regard visual and verbal signs as autonomous dialects of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nDee probably ends, since Dorn's geometry contrasts with Dee's in several\nimportant respects. The prime difference is that Dorn's structures are\nconventional Euclidean symbols, rather than hieroglyphs, nor does he\nemploy cabbalism. Thus, in semiotic terms Dorn's geometrical signs do\nnot reify their conceptual content, functioning instead as a metaphorical\nsystem which represents practical alchemy by means of abstract signifiers.\nThere is a closer comparison between Dorn's system and that of other\nmetaphysical geometers in the early seventeenth century, such as Fortunatus of Padua who used Euclidean theorems to prove the truth ofthe\nChristian faith.41 In contrast, Dee believed that the operation of his\nMonas was contiguous with reality (a metonymic, or indexical relationship), asserting that the manipulation of the Monas was practical alchemy, rather than its symbolic substitute. By means of the universal language of cabbalism, Dee thought that he had created a uniquely potent]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45\nThe four elements are the four straight lines emerging from the point.26\nDee explains that the two half circles at the bottom of the cross represent\nAries, or fire. Thus, the Monas contains the power of the three levels of\ncreation, corresponding to the cosmic alchemical egg, the prime matter\nwhich contains the All.27\nThe most elaborate Euclidean dissection ofthe Monas occurs in Theorem XXI in which the sign for the Monad is turned upside-down, permitting new relationships to be established between the Moon, Sun,Aries\nand the other planets (fig. 18). Dee implies that there exists an even more\nawe-inspiring relationship between the alchemical art offire, represented\nby the sign of Aries, and the astronomy of the Monas. In this instance,\n19 Szonyi forthcoming in Renaissance Quarterly. An analysis of Ficino's numerology is\nprovided by Allen (1994), pp. 106, 130-34, 138-42.\n20 R&W: 1437, D16 (British Library Shelf-mark 1033. h. 1(2)).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14,15\nU. Szulakowska, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical problems:\nmonism and dualism\" in Didier Kahn, Sylvain Matton, Alchimie: art, histoire et mythes (Paris;\nMilan, 1995), pp. 249-63.\n2 Goldberg (1976).\n2\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE ALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nthe illusionistic world of the picture. In Peirce's semiotic system, he has\ndistinguished an indexical sign from a \"symbol\" , which has an arbitrary\nvisual appearance unrelated to its conceptual content and, therefore, can\nonly convey a meaning within a specific context for a particular interpretant. Peirce also differentiated an indexical sign from an \"icon\" which,\nhe stated, \"would possess the character which renders it significant, even\nthough its object had no existence\". According to this definition , it\nwould initially appear that most alchemical visual signs should be termed]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=73\nPages: 73,74\nNaturae characterismis insignitae; certa nimirum proportione, figuram et habitu;divinisque\nunde de\ninterno et latente spiritu occultisque rerum proprietatibus iudicium fieri potest: imo ipsa\nproprietas rerum occulta et spiritus latens seipsum prodit certis quibusdam notis etfiguris\nexternis, etpro natura ac indole sua, talem effingit signaturam, figuram, proportionem et\nhabitum, qualis a Sapientibus vult cognosci: quae Signatura Magia Naturalis initium, et\nquasi\nalphabetum primumque elementum est... Concurrit enim totius Naturae signatura\nin Micro-Cosmo\".\n120\n121\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nQuid est Ruah Elohim qui incubat aquis ?\n(Khunrath, 1609: 195)\nIn response, he describes the \"Ruah Elohim\" as creating the \"Theatro\nMundano\" on the model of the \"Archetypos\" (the Creator-God).22 This\npassage is related, in fact, to the 1595 illustration of the \"Archetypos\"\n(Christ) in which there occur several examples of Reuchlin's cabbalistic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nreinforce the same illusion of space receding to a vanishing-point. The\ntechnical term for this pictorial effect was the \"pavimentum diminutionis\" (fig. 1).13\nAlberti had based his perspective system on the model of medieval\noptical diagrams which depicted the operation of light-rays in relation to\nthe human eye (figs . 2, 11). Hence, in the semiotic functioning of the\nsingle -point system, its geneology in medieval optics continues to operate\nas a sub-text. To use Derrida's terms, the original opticalgeometrywhich\nhad provided the structure for single-point space continued to exist within it as a signifying trace. 14 Derrida's \"trace\" (le trait) is the transcendental\nsignifier unifying the disparate (and conflicting) elements of a discourse. 15\nHence, the generic signifier of the single-point perspective system would\nbe the eye ofthe viewer and its discourse that of the struggle between the\nrhetorical devices ofthe picture and the objective judgement ofthe interpretant.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42\nvery form of this sign was said to resemble that of a flame. Hence, the\ncabbalah was offering at its core a metonymic linguistic sign which was\nnot transposable to the Latin alphabet. The similarity in the appearance\nof other Hebrew linguistic significators to their referent fascinated European cabbalists. Thus, in the context of the Renaissance epistemological\ncrisis described by Foucault, the analogical potential of the Hebrew alphabet satisfied the intellectual and emotional need for a signifying mode\nwhich would close the increasing conceptual divide between linguistic\nforms and the physical world. Consequently, the psychological situation\ndemanded a substitute analogical system which was provided bythe cabbalah. As the divine text of God in nature was erased by the epistemic\nchanges wrought by proto-capitalism in northern Europe, so the yearning\nto recover God's primal words of creation intensified.\n2 Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa, Opera, 2 vols (London, 1600: Hildesheim; New York:]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 51 to page 61 out of a total of 137:\nPages 51:\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE\n\"pavimentum diminutionis\" (ff. 18v, 19r) (figs. 21, 22). This is a drawing\nof a floor composed of square paving-stones whose spatial disposition\nobeys the geometrical rules of single-point perspective. The illusory effect\nofdiminishing form in space is produced by the artist in two stages (fig.\n1). First, he predetermines the position of the vanishing-point and the\northogonals on the surface of the painting. Then he draws a set of intersecting lines across the paper from points at both sides of the frame,\nrepresenting the viewing-point of the spectator. It is these lines which\ndetermine the rate of diminution ofthe space and, therefore, its apparent\ndepth. Finally, by drawing parallel lines horizontally across the network\nof inter-sections, the \"pavimentum diminutionis\" is created.13\nIn the Mathematicall Preface Dee's perspective theory is intimately connected with his view of architecture as the essence ofthe arts and sciences. Yates has argued that he was ahead of his time in England due to his\ninterest in classical and Renaissance theories of ideal geometry and ratio.\nIn fact, she claimed that his references to Vitruvian perspective in the\nMathematicall Preface initiated the classical revival in architecture prior to\nthe work ofInigo Jones.14 Influenced by Vitruvius' and Alberti's aesthetic\nsystem , Dee believed that architecture united the spiritual and material\nworlds, the heavens and the earth. He concurred with Alberti that the\narchitect should be well versed in all the arts and sciences, including\nnatural philosophy, since there were deeper issues involved in the practice of architecture than merely the problems of physical construction.\nDee, in fact, regarded architectural theory as a speculative philosophy,\nciting Vitruvius on the intellectual and spiritual stature of architecture as\nthe most noble art-form .\nArchitecture , is a Science garnished with many doctrines & diverse instruc-.\ntions : by whose Judgement, all workes, by other workmen finished, are\nJudged ... (f. diijr) [Vitruvius] geveth reason, orderly, wherefore all these\nArtes, Doctrines, and Instructions, are requisite in an excellent Architect.\n(f. diijv)\nTherefore, the architect needed to know history, philosophy, music,\nphysics, languages, painting, geometry, arithmetic and astronomy. A\nmusical education especially provided a conceptual foundation for his\npractical deployment of Pythagorean measure, weight, number and proportion.\nI count, here, Architecture, among those Artes Mathematicall, which are Derived\nfrom the Principals ... the Architect ... remaineth the Demonstrative reason\nand cause ofthe Mechaniciens worke: in Lyne, plaine, and Solid: by Geometricall, Arithmeticall, Opticall, Musicall, Astronomicall, Cosmographicall ... by all the\nformer Derived Artes Mathematicall, and other Naturall Artes (f. diijr)\nThe architect also had to understand \"optics\" (perspective) by means of\nwhich\nthe Lightes ofthe heaven, are well led, in the buildings: from certain quarters\nof the world (f. diijv)\nBut, such practical aspects were not Dee's main interest, since it was the\nPythagorean concepts involved in the design of a building which, he\nargued, were the salient quality of architecture's unique status among the\narts. He quotes Alberti in his De Re Aedificatoria that architecture is reducible to abstract line drawing.\nThe whole Feate ofArchitecture in buildyng, consisteth in Lineamentes, and\nin Framyng. And the whole power and skill of Lineamentes, tendeth to this:\nthat the right and absolute way may be had, of Coaptyng and joyning Lines\nand angles ... Lineamente, shalbe the certaine and constant prescribyng,\nconceived in mynde: made in lines and angles: and finished with a learned\nminde and wyt (f. diiijr)\nTherefore, architecture was a conceptual art-form, for its theoretical\nprinciples were derived from Pythagorean geometrical mathematics.\nAnd Plato affirmeth, the Architect to be Master over all, that make any worke.\nWherupon, he is neither Smith, nor Builder: nor , separately, any Artificer\n(f. diiijr)\nThe lofty intellectual and spiritual stature awarded by Dee to architecture may have had important consequences for alchemical illustration\nin the early seventeenth century.\"15 In many late sixteenth and early\nseventeenth century alchemical engravings the artists used motifs from\nthe classical canon to signify the higher ontological levels of the cosmos\n(frontispiece and fig. 41).\nDee placed great emphasis on the intellectual status of drawing,\nwhether in relation to architecture, or in the depiction of the human\nfigure. He invented a special name for idealised figure-drawing which he\ncalled \"anthropographie\", involving the depiction of human proportions\n13 F. M. Lund, Ad Quadratum (London, 1921); Kubovy (1986), pp. 17-31.\n14 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n(1998) presents a related argument on the role of architecture in 17th-C\n15 Szonyiillustration.\nalchemical\n74\n75\n\nPages 52:\nCHAPTER SIX\nJOHN DEE'S CONCEPTUAL ARCHITECTURE\naccording to \"the Arte of Perspective\" (f. ciiijr). Dee contextualised this\ntype of graphic design within hermeticism, commending Agrippa's De\nOcculta Philosophia which depicted the human-body as a model of the\nPythagorean cosmic order.\nDee was implying that the application of the single-point perspective\nsystem, whether to the human-figure, or to architectural space, served to\nalign the human-being with the macrocosm. Thus, Pythagorean geometry not only had an intellectual and aesthetic role in the art of drawing,\nbut also a spiritual and magical function. Hence, Dee's account of\"Zographie\" prioritises its conceptual and spiritual aspects (f. dijv), the physical application of paint, in contrast, being demoted to a mechanical artform.\nZographie [is] the Scholemaster of Picture, and chief gouernor\n(f. dijv)\nAmong the true \"Zographers\", Dee included the art-theorists Giorgio\nVasari, Pietro Aretino and Pomponius Gauricus.\nZographie, is an Arte Mathematicall, which teacheth and demonstrateth,\nhow, the Intersection of all visuall Pyramides, made by any playne assigned,\n(the Centre, distance, and lightes, beying determined) may be, by lynes, and\ndue propre colours, represented (f. dijv)\nIn Dee's ideas, \"Zographie\" was related integrally to his optical theories,\nsince the Pythagorean-based system ofsingle-point perspective was a type\nof magical catoptrics, with the same function as the catoptrics of the\nPropaedeumata Aphoristica and the later Monas Hieroglyphica. He seems to\nhave believed that a painting whose spatial system was organised in accordance with Pythagorean geometrical ratios would theurgically attract\nthe corresponding planetary influences. In other words , a painting could\nbecome a magical talisman, or a catoptrical mirror, registering and enhancing the celestial virtues. Dee's theory of drawing had revolutionary\nimplications for alchemical illustrators, for example, Michelspacher'sfour\nmirrors in the Cabala (1615-16) may well have originated in Dee's ideas of\na graphic theurgy.\nContextualised within Dee's Euclidean optical and alchemical system,\nthe semiotic function of single-point, spatial geometry is essentially the\nsame as that ofhis Monas Hieroglyphica, since they both have a metonymic\nrelationship with the physical world. As a sign in its own right, the Pythagorean-based system ofdrawing was reified by Dee to become a signifying mode which operated within real physical space, not only in that of\nthe painting. The Pythagorean ratios used in the single-point system were\nregarded by Dee as being capable of attracting celestial influences and\nrendering them subject to the will of the magus. In the Mathematicall\nPreface, Dee was increasinglythinking of occult practices more as a system\nof philosophical contemplation, in which the image began to replace\npractical activity. Szonyi has similarly discussed this possibility in relation\nto Dee's earlier Monas Hieroglyphica.16 Hence, the single-point perspective\nspace in the alchemical engravings of Khunrath's and Maier's treatises\nneeds to be contextualised within Dee's theories of astronomical catoptrics, architecture and \"zographie\" (frontispiece and fig. 41).\nThe monistic theosophy of Paracelsus was the source for Dee's belief\nin the power ofa visual image to unify the spiritual and physical dimensions of experience. As discussed previously, Paracelsus had taught that a\nhuman-being had both a physical and an astral body, but that his real\nbody was astral. It was by means of the imagination located in the astral\nbodythat a person could attain to \"gnosis\" and, thereby, learn to control\nphysical manifestation through the \"astra\" present within all things.\nThus, for the Paracelsian magus it was sufficient to contemplate an object, instead of manipulating it physically. Visual imagery, such as talismanic cyphers or alchemical pictures, provided a stimulus to the imagination of the magus and acted as simulacra of the objects under his\ncontrol.\nDee's view of the theurgic function of Pythagorean-based drawing\nmay explain two particular alchemical images which Yates stated that she\nfound incomprehensible. The alchemical image which specifically puzzled her was Emblem VIII from Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (1617) (fig. 41).\nHer attribution of a conceptual influence on Maier from Dee in this\ncontext is accurate, but she did not connect Emblem VIII specifically to\nDee's Mathematicall Preface. Yates, however, took note ofthe factthatthere\nwas some important relationship between Emblem VIII and de Vries's\nengraving ofthe laboratory in Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae.\nwe can see that the perspective in the Maier emblem, stretching out behind\nthe egg, is comparable to the perspective in the Khunrath picture. The perspective symbolizes, I believe, architecture and its allied subjects. When one\nremembers that music is supplied by Maier to accompany the \"egg\" emblem,\none realizes that it contains all the elements summed up in the Monas Hieroglyphica. I am entirely unable to understand all this, nor how it would be\npossible to work out a mathematical problem in terms ofthis kind of alchemy. But I believe that implications of this kind are present in the Maier\nemblems.17\n76\n16 Szonyi, \"Ars Sintrilla\" (1999), passim.\n17 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), p. 83.\n77\n\nPages 53:\n78\nCHAPTER SIX\nIn answer to Yates' query, it may now be possible to suggest that, first,\nthe image in Emblem VIII does not present mathematics in the guise of\nalchemy, but alchemy in the guise of optics . Second, the missing link in\nestablishing the meaning ofthis engraving is Dee's catoptrics and \"zographie\". It could be added that, from the internal evidence oftheir texts,\none of the purposes of Khunrath's and Maier's employment of singlepoint perspective and classical architecture was to instruct the alchemist\nin the science of catoptrics. An important influence on the development\nof this practice was Dee's astrological catoptrics, Pythagorean geometry\nand cabbalism.\nMaier would have been able to read the Mathematicall Preface since he\nknew English, but it is not possible to assume that Khunrath would have\nknown the contents of this treatise since there is no evidence that he\ncould read the language. Since he does, however, mention Dee's Propaedeumata Aphoristica, as well as the Monas Hieroglyphica in the 1609 Amphiteatrum,18 the substance of the Mathematicall Preface may also have been\nknown to him, especially since he met Dee in 1589. There is some visual\nevidence which suggests this possibility in one of the engravings made in\n1602 for the Amphiteatrum (fig. 29). In this picture of an alchemical castle,\nthere is a pathway drawn in a diagrammatic style, as if it were explaining\nthe geometrical rules of the vanishing-point. Above this gate-way there\nappears Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica (fig. 30). This little scene acts as a\nsignifying motif in its own right, since it is not related to the perspectival\nstructure ofthe rest of the engraving, which is that of an aerial view. It\nmay be that Khunrath has turned Dee's perspective-system into a second-level signifier (in Barthes' terms), using it to represent Dee's esoteric\noptical discourse. In fact, this same motif may provide a key to unlocking\nthe complexities of Khunrath's alchemical theory.\n18 Khunrath, Amphiteatrum (1609), p. 6.\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH:\nDIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nIn Bremen, on 6 June 1589, Khunrath met Dee in person,' a meeting\nwhich may have reinforced his reverence for Dee's exceptional hermetic\nknowledge. Dee was certainly one of Khunrath's most important mentors, as is evidenced in his Quaestiones Tres Per-Utiles (Leipzig, 1607) which\nis dedicated to \"magnificos doctissimos et celeberrimos viros\", in particular to\nDN. IOANNEM DEE, Londinensem ... hoc est, Sapientiae Sincerioris Gazophylacem magnum; Angliae Hermetem\nKhunrath refers to Dee in the same terms in the Amphiteatrum (Hanover,\n1609) and his ideas provided an additional stimulus for Khunrath's Paracelsian theosophy. A cabbalistic account of the divine light of God appeared for the first time in Khunrath's Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae\n(Hamburg, 1595) and he continued to elaborate his catoptrical theurgy in\nhis last treatise De Igne Magorum Philosophorumque secreto extremo et visibili\n(circa 1602-1604).\nKhunrath (1560-1605) (fig. 26) was born in Leipzig, studying medicine first in his birthplace and continuing later in Basel. He travelled\nwidely, including a period of residence at the Imperial court in Prague.\nOn 15 December 1591 he was appointed court physician to Count\nRosemberk in Trebona where he met Johann Tholde, the probable author of the Paracelsian \"Basil Valentine\" alchemical treatises. He also\nresided in Hamburg and Magdeburg. The most surprising aspect of\nKhunrath's career is the length of time involved in the publication ofhis\nwritings, since they did not appear in print until 1595 (Amphiteatrum,\nHamburg edition), followed by a few books in Magdeburg (1599). No\nmore ofhis treatises were published until after his death in 1605, eventually appearing in Hanover (1609), Strassburg (1608) and Magdeburg\n(1616). The apparent difficulties in getting his work into print argue for a\nFenton (1998), p. 239. He gives the date as 27 May/ 6 June (old and new style\ncalendars); Halliwell, Diary ofDr. John Dee, p. 31.\n2 Khunrath also mentions on the dedication-page the names ofJosephus Quercetanus,\nas well as Petrus Hollandus, a physician ofHamburg.\n3 Evans, pp. 212, 214.\n\nPages 54:\n80\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nstrong degree of opposition from some quarter. This issue requires further study since the antagonistic forces surrounding Khunrath may explain the course of his spiritual and intellectual development in the period 1595-1604.\nThe Christological orientation of Khunrath's ideas has not received\nsufficient attention from scholars , apart from that of Montgomery who\nhas described his theological position as being firmly based in orthodox\nLutheranism.\n[F]or Khunrath the alchemical quest of the Philosophers Stone was a quest\nto reveal the true wholeness of the physical universe (the Macrocosm) on the\nbasis of Christ's restoration of wholeness to man (the Microcosm ) .... Khunrath conceives ofthe Stone as the Filius Macrocosmi ... and identifies it with\nChrist himself\nMontgomery has noted that the most important champion of Khunrath's\nalchemy was Johannes Arndt ( 1555-1621), citing his position as a respected Lutheran pastor in order to validate Khunrath's own doctrinal regularity. Montgomery, however, chose to disregard the irregularity ofArndt's own religious beliefs, for his introduction of a pietistic element into\nthe doctrinaire creed of his time was the result of influences from highly\nirregular sources. In fact, Arndt's frequently reprinted work, Vier Bucher\nvon wahren Christentum (1605), was based on the writings of Valentin\nWeigel (1535-88), a Lutheran pastor from Chemnitz . Weigel promoted\nmystical practices based on the concept of the imminent and eternal\npresence of Christ within the human soul, drawing on Paracelsian alchemical theosophy. He was developing an increasingly separatist spiritual path which came to be designated as spiritual \"enthusiasm\", in the\nsense of a soul filled with the guidance of the Holy Spirit. He taught that\nindividual union with God was the gift of the indwelling Holy Spirit, the\nsole redeeming factor in human salvation, rather than the result of\nsubmission to the dogma framed by the theologians of the Lutheran\nChurch . Weigel also had an unorthodox view of the sacraments of the\nLutheran Church, specifically those of absolution and the Eucharist.5\nKhunrath's theosophical alchemy and cabbalism was acquired directly\nfrom Weigel.\nThere are some complex inter-relationships between all ofthese figures which require some very careful examination, since the alliances\nseem to shift and change with time, for reasons which are not immediately apparent. For example, Johann Valentin Andreae (1586-1654) in his\nyouth had also engaged with the theosophical hermetic circles, but in his\nlater writings he seemed to have turned against their members. In fact,\nhe praised Arndt in his Mythologiae Christianae (1619)6as being the hero of\na missionary endeavour against heretical extremists. How should this be\ninterpreted in view of the Weigelian influences on Arndt himself ? It is\nonly possible to conclude that, whatever may have been Arndt's connection with the spiritual enthusiasts in the early 1600s, he either eventually\nrejected them, or, most probably like Andreae, he had grown suspicious\nof certain members of these circles (perhaps distinguishing between\nLutheran pietists and the adherents of more blatantly magical practices).\nConversely, Arndt had never been regarded as tainted by his interest\nin chiliastic beliefs. Further complicating the attempt to understand the\nreligious affiliations of the 1590s to 1620s, is the fact that Andreae publically attacked Khunrath in 1619, despite the fact that Arndt supported\nhim .\nArndt's eulogistic commentary on Khunrath's Amphiteatrum was published as an appendix to Khunrath's treatise De Igne Magorum Philosophorumque (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1608) by the Paracelsian alchemist\nBenedict Figulus, acting as editor on Khunrath's demise. Figulus, a Franconian, was described as the \"wandering alchemist\" by Peuckert. His\nalchemy displays the effect of Weigel's ideas and, possibly, also Khunrath's, since in his Rosarium novum olympicum (1608) he describes Christ as\nbeing the \"stone of the wise\" and he refers to the \"two books\" ofknowledge, that ofGod's revelation and that ofthe alchemical laboratory (\"des\nLichts der Natur\"). This is probably an echo of Khunrath's maxim of\npraying and working in the oratory and the laboratory, as illustrated in\n4 Montgomery, I, pp. 8, 17.\n5 For the epistemic changes in the mid 16th-C caused by the Lutheran reformation\nand their relation to chiliasm see Peuckert, Die Grosse Wende ( 1948), pp. 587-644.\nAn\naccount ofWeigel may be found in Alexandre Koyre, Mystiques Spirituels Alchemistes (Paris,\n1955), pp. 81-116, and also in Peuckert, Pansophie, 2, pp. 290-300. Weigel's writings have\nbeen edited by Will-Erich Peuckert and Winfried\nZeller in the Samtliche Schriften (\n:\nFriedrich Fromann Verlag, 1962-78), see vol. 1, \"Vom Ort der Welt\", pp. 13-21Stuttgart\n(cosmology) and vol. 2, \"Von der Vergebung der Sunden oder Schlussel der Kirchen, pp.\n29-31 ( absolution and the role of Christ) and Ch's 8-10 (onvom\nthe Lutheran priesthood), also\nvol. 4, \"Dialogus de Christianismo\", pp. 7, 133-51, 320-22, especially Ch. 3 on theroleof\nthe historical Christ. Weigel's Paracelsian sources are analysed in Horst Pfefferl,\n\"Valentin Weigel und Paracelsus\" in Paracelsus und sein damonunglaubiges Jahrhundert (Vienna: Verb. d. Wiss. Ges. Osterreichs Verlag, 1988), pp. 78-89. For Arndt see Christian\nBraw, Bucher im Staube Die TheologieJohan Arndts in ihrem Verhaltnis zur Mystik (Leiden: E.J.\nBrill, 1986), pp. 104-43. See also Dickson (1998), pp. 36-37; Frick (1973), pp. 179, 180,\n587; Stoeffler, Rise ofEvangelical Pietism (1965), pp. 202-10.\n6 Johann Valentin Andreae, Mythologiae Christianae (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1619),\nBk I, pp. 5-6. See also Frick (1973), pp. 148-54.\n7 Peuckert, Pansophie (1956), 2, pp. 314-22.\n81\n\nPages 55:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nde Vries' engraving of 1595 in the Amphiteatrum (frontispiece). According\nto Dickson, Figulus joined the heterodox circles at the University of Tubingen in 1606-08, at a time when Andreae, as a student, was involved\nwith hermetic and neoplatonic mystical ideas. The appearance of Figulus' own treatise in the Theatrum Chemicum (Strassburg; Zetzner, 1602)\nprovided a source for Andreae's Chymische Hochzeit (composed circa\n1605).\nDickson, like Peuckert, Yates and Gilly, contends that Andreae was\none of the authors of the Rosicrucian Manifestos. Although this argument had been categorically rejected by Montgomery, Dickson concurs\nwith him that Andreae in his later life was alarmed by the paganistic\ninclinations of certain Rosicrucian sympathisers. It has emerged from\nDickson's study that Andreae's personal affiliations were more complicated than Montgomery would allow, with personal friendships outweighing\nhis fear of the religious extremists. From the studies of scholars of the\nRosicrucian movement, it emerges that figures such as Simon Studion,\nAbraham Hoelzel, Tobias Hess and Christoph Besold, constituted a genuine threat to entrenched Lutheran orthodoxy.10 Even so, Dickson negates any suggestion that there was an organised heretical movement in\nProtestant Germany. At the moment, in fact, the emerging picture ofthis\nhistory is one in which personal loyalties fluctuate through-out the first\ntwo decades ofthe seventeenth century.\"\nSome further clues to these events are provided in the 1708 Frankfurt\nedition of Khunrath's alchemical treatise known as the Chaos, where the\nintroduction by an anonymous editor informs the reader that Khunrath\nbegan the practice of alchemy at a very young age, forthwith attacking\nthe \"false alchemists\". The editor states that the Confessio (or Chaos) was\nissued in Magdeburg in 1597 at which time it was Khunrath's twentythird year ofpractising alchemy.12 This fact again raises the query as to\nwhy he delayed for so long before issuing his work in print.\nThe editor ofthe Chaos provides a historiography ofKhunrath's work,\nmentioning the late seventeenth century citations ofJohannes Moller and\nGottfried Arnold. Moller wrote a critical history of literature which was\npublished as the \"Homonymoscopos\" in the fourth edition of Daniel\nGeorg Morhof's Polyhistoria literarus (Lubeck: Petrus Boeckmann, 1687). In\nthis he briefly mentions Khunrath among other late Renaissance authors\nwriting in the context of cabbalism and theurgy.13 Gottfried Arnold in his\nUnparteische Kirchen-und Ketzer Historie (Frankfurt: Thomas Fritsch, 16991700) produced one of the earliest histories of the Rosicrucian movement. Arnold's own work contributed substantially to the separatist pietism ofthe following century, but he himself continued to adhere to the\nscriptures. He acknowledged the role of Christ in saving humanity from\nthe consequences of their sins, as well as the value of the Lutheran sacraments as a source of divine grace. Nevertheless, Arnold's own spiritual\ninclinations led him also to emphasise the act of God's grace which renewed the inner Christ within the individual soul, the \"unio mystica\" of\nBoehme by which he was deeply influenced. He was also strongly affected by the pietism expressed in Johann Arndt's work. Consequently, Arnold blamed the scholastic theologians ofthe Lutheran church for their\nobsession with dogma, causing them to misunderstand the mystical tendencies within their spiritual community and too readily condemning\nthem as heretical. 14\nArnold's account of the figures involved in the Rosicrucian movement\nis similar to that ofYates and Dickson (although neither scholar appears\nto have used Arnold's work in their own research). Yates was of the\nopinion that Rosicrucianism was a highly politicised extension of Protestant Christianity which operated, as it were, under the cover of a secret\nhermetic code.15 Frick, however, had a different view, namely, that the\nmystical hermeticists were not adhering to Lutheran doctrine at all. Citing the historical souces of Rosicrucianism in pagan antiquity and the\npantheistic heresies of the medieval period, Frick underlined the nonChristian content of Paracelsian and subsequent Rosicrucian theology.16\n82\n8 Peuckert, Pansophie (1956), 2, pp. 367-68. Peuckert does not considerthe influence of\nKhunrath on Figulus. See also Gilly, Adam Haslmayr. Die erste Verkunder derManifeste der\nRosenkreuzer (Amsterdam: In der Pelikaan, 1994), pp. 93-105.\n9 Dickson (1998), pp. 32-36; Gilly, Adam Haslmayr (1994), pp. 138-45; GillyinJanssen\n(ed), Das Erbe der Christian Rosenkreutz ( 1988), pp. 70-72 and passim.\n10 Dickson (1998), pp. 32-36. For an earlier interpretation of these events see Frick\n(1973), pp. 112-64. See also Gilly, Adam Haslmayr (1994), passim; Gilly, Das Erbe der\nChristian Rosenkreutz (1988), pp. 63-90; Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), passim.\n11 Dickson (1998), pp. 30-40, 62-66, 71-88.\n12 The introduction is signed \"G. C.J\" and it appears in H. Khunrath, Vom Hylealischen\nDas ist Pri-Materialischen Catholischen oder Allgemeinem Naturlichen Chaos (Frankfurt: Georg\nHeinrich Dehrling, 1708) ff. 2v-4r, 6r-v..\n83\n13 Introduction, Chaos (Frankfurt, 1708), ff. 2r, 4r, 6v; Johannes Mollerus, \"Homonymoscopos\" in Daniel Georg Morhof, Polyhistoria literarus, philosophicus etpracticus sive de\nnotititiaauctorum et rerum commentarii (Lubeck: Petrus Boeckmann, 1747), 4th ed, p. 688. The\nfirst edition of Morhof appeared in 1687.\n14 For the sixteenth century see Stoeffler, Rise ofEvangelical Pietism (1965), pp. 180-246\nand for the later period see F. Ernest Stoeffler (preface) in The Pietists. Selected Writings\n(Peter C. Erb ed.) (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), pp. 11-17 and selections from Arnold\npp. 227-40.\n15 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), passim.\n16 Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 133-64.\n\nPages 56:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nMontgomery argued even more strongly that the Rosicrucians betrayed\nLuther's reforms and, even worse, that they were aetheistic or, at the very\nleast, paganistic in their sympathies . Hence, it appears, that it has never\nbeen possible to reach agreement on what may, or may not, constitute\nheresy in the adoption of mystical practices by members of the reformed\nChurch. An opinion in either direction seems to rest largely upon the\npersonal beliefs of a particular historian. Nearer the facts ofthe situation\nmay be Dickson's analysis of Rosicrucianism as a heterogeneous and\nshifting network of individuals and groups who held a variety of beliefs,\nargued with each other and constantly changed their alliances. There\nwas no anti-Christian Rosicrucian belief system, nor, really, much of a\nsystem at all, so much as a restless conceptual and spiritual terrain in\nwhich the participants in a highly sensitive political discourse may have\nused much the same symbolic language (that of the hermeticists, cabbalists and Paracelsians). However, this common terminology was deployed\nto express a variety of political and spiritual concepts.\nAs the main sources of Rosicrucian ideas, Arnold cites Paracelsus, the\ncabbalism of Pico della Mirandola, Reuchlin, David Mederus, Michael\nMaier, Robert Fludd, John Heydon, Julius Sperber, Heinrich Nollius,\nJulianus de Campis, \"Valentia\" (that is, Andreae), Theophilus Schweighardt, Valentin Weigel, among others (as well as medieval predecessors such as Roger Bacon) (Arnold, II: 613-28). Arnold also attributed the\ncomposition of its first manifestos , those of the Fama and Confessio, to\nJohann Valentin Andreae (Arnold, II: 614-15). He allocates Khunrath a\nseparate section in his history of the Rosicrucians (Arnold, III: 1-13),\nmentioning a later Dutch philosopher Friedrich Bredling (\"Breklingius\")\nof Holland. The author of the introduction to the Chaos, basing his account on Arnold, reports that Bredling had praised Khunrath's alchemical allegory of Christ for its use of cabbalism, magic, physics and chemistry (f. 5v).17 An important mention of Khunrath's contemporary\nassociates is provided by both the editor of the Chaos, as well as by\nArnold. In the Chaos two of his supporters are named as being Andreas\nRiccius ofSaxony (f. 4r), who in 1604 wrote the laudatory poem accompanying Khunrath's portrait in the 1609 edition of the Amphiteatrum and\nJoannes Seussius of Dresden (f. 4v), whose epigram also appears in the\nsame edition. Arnold recounts briefly that Riccius was the rector of a\nschool in Saxony (\"Sachsischer schul-rector\") and that Seussius was the\nsecretary of the upper consistorial court in Dresden (\"Secretarius in\nThursachsischen Ober- Consistorio zu Dresden\") (Arnold (1700): 12).\nThis argues for a degree of support for Khunrath on the part of respected\nfigures in the Lutheran hierarchy.\nThe scholarly problems of ascertaining Khunrath's precise role in the\ndevelopment of the Rosicrucian discourse are exacerbated by the fact\nthat Andreae in his Mythologiae Christianae in 1619 condemned him.18At\nfirst glance, this would seem to imply that Khunrath was closely associated with heretical elements, but there exists evidence that Andreae had\nnot always been so antagonistic to him, since the Chaos names both Andreae and Arndt as Khunrath's champions (f. 5r). Moreover, the motivations behind Andreae's change of attitude towards hermeticist circles are\nfar from clear and require further analysis. Where Khunrath was concerned, it may be that his contemporaries based their opinion of him less\non the religious content of his writings, than on the pragmatic immediacies of their own unstable political situation. The religious and political\nhistory of the period was explosive and the constant instability of the\nProtestant states is reflected in Khunrath's and Andreae's writings from\nthe 1590s to the 1620s.\nArnold mentions all the citations, for and against Khunrath, by Andreae, Riccius, Seussius and Bredling. Drawing on Andreae in the Mythologiae Christianae, he locates Khunrath among those philosophers influenced by Aegidius Gutmann, Valentin Weigel and Bartholomeo Scleus.\nOnly two of Khunrath's works are mentioned by Arnold, the Chaos of\n1598 and the 1609 Amphiteatrum, whose place of publication he gives as\n\"Hanoviae\", not \"Hanau\". He states that this was written in 1602 (Arnold, III: 12, col. 1). Arnold also quotes at length from Bredling's praise\nof Khunrath as a god-fearing thinker and he himself exhonerates Khunrath's work on the grounds that he relied on scripture and that his main\naim was to elucidate God's word for others (Arnold, III: 12, col. 1).\nArnold points out the kinship between Khunrath's emphasis on the Holy\nSpirit and that ofWeigel whom he names as the founder of\"enthusiasm\"\n(pietism influenced by Paracelsian theosophy) and, hence, of the Rosicrucian movement (Arnold, II: 588, col. 1). In fact, he identifies Khunrathas\nbeing a similar \"enthusiast\", that is, one who prioritises the individual\ninspiration of the Holy Spirit, rather than the dictates of the Lutheran\nChurch. Arnold considered that Khunrath had explained his religious\n84\n17 Introduction, Chaos (Frankfurt, 1708), f. 4r. He was drawing on two of Bredling's\ntexts, namely, Fridericus Breklingius, Anti-Calovium s. Calovio cum Asseclis suis prostrato andJ.\nBcum aliis testibus veritatis defensio (1688), see Arnold, II, p. 614, cols. 1-2. For Bredling see\nalso Will-Erich Peuckert, Pansophie, 3, Das Rosenkreutz (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag,\n1973), pp. 21-22.\n85\n18 Johann Valentine Andreae, Mythologiae Christianae (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner,\n1619), Bk. III, 45, p. 271-72.\n\nPages 57:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nposition in the Chaos and also in the engraving of the \"Porta Amphiteatri\nsapientiae\" by which he means the 1602 engraving ofthe cave ofspiritual\nillumination (Arnold, III: 13, col. 1) (fig. 31).\nHe concludes by citing Khunrath on the inspiration ofthe Spirit as\nbeing Christian in nature (Arnold, III: 13, col. 1), referring to Khunrath's\npicture ofan \"angel\" standing amidst the flames of the Holy Spirit, which\nArndt had similarly explained as being Khunrath's central concept (Arnold, III: 13, col. 1)(fig. 32) . Arnold mentions Khunrath's \"warning\" to\nthose false alchemists who had forgotten God in their engagement with\nthe process of transmutation and he also recalls Khunrath's anger in the\nAmphiteatrum against the betrayal of the Protestant cause by theologians\nwho were \"prostituting\" themselves (Arnold, III: 13, col. 2). Finally he\nstates that Khunrath's alchemical quest for the philosopher's stone was a\nsearch for God (Arnold, III: 13, col. 2).\nbe used to\nIn the present study, Arnold's account of Khunrath willThese\nwill be\ntreatises.\nalchemical\nKhunrath's\nof\nsupport a reassessment\nread as part of a campaign on two main fronts, first, against materialist\nand anti-Christian tendencies within hermetic circles and, second,\nagainst the dry sophistry of the institutional theologians . Khunrath's\nwork from 1595 is strongly polemical, both in defending his own doctrinal rectitude and in attacking a variety of false religious and spiritual\npositions . These will be examined in a later chapter but, first, it is necesary to clarify the outlines of his religious and alchemical ideas in the\ntreatises written prior to the Amphiteatrum of 1609.\nKhunrath issued the first version of the Amphiteatrum in 1595. The\nfortunes ofthis edition were stormy, as were those of the second version\nwhich Khunrath intended to publish in 1604, or even earlier in 1602.\nEventually, his editor Erasmus Wolfart produced the work in 1609\namidst such confusion that no definitive edition of the treatise has ever\nappeared. It should be noted that Khunrath's treatises written after the\nfirst Amphiteatrum (1595) adopt such an ecstatic, visionary tone, that the\nreader is provoked into questioning the mental stability of the author.\nWhilst this could be regarded as the customary delivery of any prophetic\n\"illuminatus\", it is also the voice of a man under considerable stress. In\ncomparison, the tone of the Amphiteatrum in 1595 seems relatively muted\nand cryptic.\nOne ofthe earliest alchemical texts produced by Khunrath may have\nbeen the Warhafftiger Bericht vom philosophischen ATHANORE (Magdeburg,\n1599). This may have existed some years earlier in manuscript form,\nsince the introduction to the Frankfurt 1708 edition of Khunrath's Chaos,\nrecounts that he was distributing the Athanor publically in Magdeburg in\n1597 (Chaos, 1708: f. 3r). The Imperial \"Privilegium\" granting permission\nfor the publication of the Athanor appears at the front ofthe 1599 edition,\nawarded by Rudolph II on 1 June 1598. The Athanor appeared in a third\naugmented edition in Magdeburg (1615). Khunrath referred to the Athanor in what was probably his last treatise, De Igne Magorum. In contrast to\nhis others works, the Athanor is a relatively conventional discussion ofthe\npyromantic alchemical art, very different in tenor and concept from De\nIgne Magorum for which the most appropriate date of composition would\nbe circa 1602-4. In the Athanor Khunrath does not employ the cabbalah,\nwhich is only mentioned once at the end of the treatise in connection\nwith the Amphiteatrum.\nIn the Athanor, Khunrath employs a Paracelsian discourse in his account ofthe higher spiritual and the lower elemental fires, the spiritual\nfire is termed \"Azoth\", being described as a triunity of Anima-CorpusSpiritus, or Sulphur-Salt-Mercury. He advises his reader thatthe alchemical fire should be similar to the digestive fire of the stomach, making a\nParacelsian reference to the \"Archeus\" who exists in the stomach controlling the inner degrees of heat.19 He explains that the inner and outer fires\nshould correlate in the alchemical process, that is, the heat applied externally to the material should be ofthe same strength as that which already\nexists within the materials in the flask.20 The central interest in theAthanor is the Paracelsian preparation of medicines by means of the \"Magnesia\nUniversalis\" and \"mercurial waters\". The \"Magnesia\" is the Paracelsian\nprime matter, also known as the Salt, or Sulphur, \"sal sapientiae naturae\nsive sulphure\" (Athanor (1615): 12-14, 19-20). Khunrath provides an account of the alchemical fires, the process of digestion, the humid heat of\nthe \"balneum\" and the use ofthe philosophical glass- vessel. The philosopher's stone, he explains, contains its own intrinsic heat which is a volatile aether, awakened by the application of external heat.21 Finally,\nKhunrath mentions his Amphiteatrum, briefly referring to the cabbalah\nand the \"Gradus Magie\" (Athanor (1615): 59).\n86\n87\n19 For Paracelsian medical theory see Pagel (1982), pp. 104-9.\n20 Heinrich Khunrath, Athanor, 3rd ed. (Magdeburg: In Verlegung des Autoris, 1615),\npp. 32, 10-11 , 28-29.\n21 Athanor (1615), pp. 53-54: \"WEITER est IGNIS intrinsecus NATURALIS ac\ninvisibilis, rebis naturalibus omnibus; et secundum hoc LAPIS noster suum habet in se\nquoque Ignem invisibilem et proprium; sed quiescit, nisi calore debito Ignis Exterioris,\nsive ELEMENTARIS, puta, Carbonum; Olei; Butyri; Cerae; Servi et c; sive\nAETHEREI, videlicet, vel vini sublimati, non phlegmatici, vel spiritus frumenti ardentis\n(quia nutriendo flammam, adsumuntur, quare et in additione sui similis conservandi)\nIGNE\nIGNATURALI, sive instrumentali, dicto Occasionoto, puto in Balneo; ... Das ist/\nDis NATURLICHE\nFEUER ist in allein Naturlichen dingen/ab schon unsichtig\".\n\nPages 58:\n88\n88\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nAlthough published in the same year, Khunrath's treatise, the Magnesia Catholica Philosophorum (Magdeburg: Johan Botcher, 1599) was composed later than the Athanor, although it also depends as much on medieval alchemy, as on contemporary Paracelsian models. The 1599 edition\ndisplays the Imperial Privilege granted on 1 June 1598. The importance\nof the Magnesia Catholica (M. C) lies in the fact that, perhaps for the first\ntime, Khunrath identifies Jesus Christ with the philosopher's stone.\nHarmonia analogica Lapidis Philosophorum mirificimit IHSUH CHRISTO,\nVERBO DEI PATRIS incarnato MIRIFICO, et contra (M. C (1599): 30)\nKhunrath also speaks of Christ in these terms in the earlier published\nAmphiteatrum of 1595, though this treatise may, in fact, have been composed after the Magnesia Catholica, since in the Amphiteatrum the analogy of\nChrist as philosopher's stone is made in a cabbalistic context, whereas in\nthe Magnesia Catholica Khunrath does not refer to cabbalism. This fact\nalone suggests that both the Athanor and the Magnesia Catholica were written before the 1595 Amphiteatrum. It may be that these two texts were updated in 1599 with a mention of the Amphiteatrum in the context of their\nown belated publication.\nFor his alchemical authorities Khunrath in the Magnesia Catholica\nmostly relies on the traditional canon of medieval alchemy, such as the\nTurba Philosophorum, Arnald of Villanova, Bernardus Trevisanus, among\nothers (M. C: 10, 36, 64, 77, 94 et al). He also mentions Agrippa and\nTrithemius with approval (MC: 99). As in the Athanor, the central emphasis is on the \"Magnesia\" which Khunrath also calls the \"Prima Materia\nCatholica\", developing his earlier description by equating it with Christ\nas the essential factor in human and cosmic salvation.\nIch weiss aber allbereit, das (wegen Dieser Meiner Bestentnis MAGNESIAE/\nCHRISTI IHSUH Symbolischer und Naturlicher Contrafactur in dem\nBuche der Grosse Weld) ... Den dieser MAGNESIA, IHSVH von Nazareth,\nSymbolischen [ist]\n(M.C: 181)\nIn the Magdeburg edition of 1599, the Magnesia Catholica concludes with\nan engraving of an bespectacled owl, carrying flaming tapers in its claws\nand framed by two lit candles . The first two lines of a longer poem\naccompany the image (fig. 28).\nThe treatise known as the Chaos (Von Hylealischen das ist pri-materialischen\noder algemeinen naturlichen Chaos) appears to belong to the same literary\nperiod as the Athanor and the Magnesia Catholica. The \"Praefatio Apologetica\" to the Chaos was written by Khunrath and is self-dated 13 June 1597\nat Magdeburg. The Chaos is also sometimes cited under another name as\nthe Confessioand there exists a slightly earlier edition of this work, entitled\nConfessio de chao physico-chemicorum catholico, dated 1596. The 1597 text\nwas reissued in 1616 in Magdeburg by Johann Schmeidt. Its last appearance was in 1708, when it was re-published with new commentaries by\nGeorg Derhling. A related work, the Symbolum physico-chymicum de chao,\nappeared in Hamburg in 1598, issued by von Ohr. This particular work\nis very brief, consisting of two separate tracts of twenty-two pages, each\nproviding an account of the \"Magnesia-Azoth\", employing cabbalistic\nterms and referring to the creative role of the \"Ruah-Elohim\". Both of\nthese texts are self-dated as 12 December 1597. They are a digest ofthe\nideas in the full-length Chaos and at the very end Khunrath has included\na Philosophisch Leid (philosophical song) written by himself and dated 23\nDecember 1597.\nAt this point, there commences a series of self-referential quotations\nbetween Khunrath's various treatises which complicates the attempt to\nprovide a chronology for their composition and publication. Nonetheless,\nit is important to unravel these inter-textual knots in order to perceive\nmore clearly the direction of Khunrath's alchemical ideas in the late\n1590s. The main factor to take into account is that an author may wish\nto update his work prior to its publication. A problematic statement is\nfound in the Magnesia Catholica where Khunrath states that in his foreword to the Chaos he has mentioned the third figure of his Amphiteatrum.\n(M. C: 77). As it stands, his statement implies that the Amphiteatrum was\ncomposed first, then the Chaos and finally the Magnesia Catholica, but this\ndoes not correspond with the apparent development of Khunrath's ideas,\nnor with that of his literary style. First, it should be noted that the Magnesia Catholica is more archaic in its conceptual programme than the Chaos, since neither the Magnesia Catholica, nor the Athanor, refer to cabbalism.\nIn addition, although the central concept of the \"Magnesia\" in the Magnesia Catholica is drawn from Paracelsus, he is not cited directly and the\ngeneral orientation of the theoretical programme remains that of the\ntraditional medieval canon. More subtly, the Magnesia Catholica and the\nAthanor share kinship in their relatively plain literary style. In comparison,\nthe Amphiteatrum, although it was published earlier than these two treatises, expounds a developed Christian cabbalism, centred on the divinity of\nlight and founded in Paracelsian alchemy. It includes ecstatic and poetic\nflourishes from Khunrath's pen, as well as a range of his linguistic jokes\nmoving rapidly between Latin, Greek, Hebrew and German.\nThe Chaos of 1597 is a more refined work than the Athanor and the\nMagnesia Catholica. More conceptually related to the Amphiteatrum of 1595,\nthe Chaos also employs a complex, poetical literary style similar to that\n89\n\nPages 59:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nfound in De Igne Magorum, as well as in the second version of the Amphiteatrum (Hanover, 1609). In these later treatises , Khunrath places a heavy\nemphasis on Christology, using imagery of the aethereal light adopted\nfrom cabbalism and integrated with the Paracelsian idea of the astral\nvirtue, the \"azoth\". Hence, the Chaos is more aligned with contemporary\ncabbalistic interests than is the Magnesia Catholica.\nThe Athanor is also found briefly mentioning the Amphiteatrum, but, as\nin the Magnesia Catholica, it is significant that these citations are not further developed. It would suggest that the references to the Amphiteatrum\nwere added in 1599 at their time of publication in view ofthe fact that\nthe Amphiteatrum had already appeared. From the internal evidence, it\nseems that the Athanor and the Magnesia Catholica were composed before\nthe Amphiteatrum and that their publication was substantially delayed.\nWhen Rudolph II awarded the Imperial Privilege to Khunrath on 1 June\n1598, it was used to cover the printing of three treatises, those of the\nAthanor, Magnesia Catholica and Chaos. This spate of publications in 1599\nsuggests that Khunrath was rushing into public view treatises which had\nalready existed for a number of years. The Privilege was also used to\ncover the second version of the Amphiteatrum in 1609, although Khunrath\nseems to have intended this to appear much earlier in 1602. The Athanor\nand the Magnesia Catholica could have been composed at any time between the late 1580s and 1595, but the Chaos belongs to a different phase\nof literary activity. The probable conclusion is that it was the Amphiteatrum\nof 1595 which initiated the theoretical programme of a series of related\ntreatises, which included the Chaos and De Igne Magorum.\nIf this chronology is correct, then it transpires that Khunrath's thinking undertook a change of direction in the late 1590s, prompting him to\npublish in 1595 and 1599 some long-delayed texts of circa 1589-1594/ 5.\nThen, from circa 1595 to circa 1604 he produced a new set of cabbalistic\nalchemical treatises, founded on Paracelsian chemistry and commencing\nwith the first edition ofthe Amphiteatrum (1595). It is necessary to examine\nthese last treatises more closely to determine whether it is possible to\nestablish his motives in framing an alchemical discourse based on cabbalism .\nIn his \"Praefatio Apologetica\" to the Chaos Khunrath introduces his\ntheology of light in the same terms as in the Amphiteatrum of 1595. He\nstates that one should view the light of nature through the Light ofGod.\nIch zu sehen und ausszunehmen das Licht der Natur/ in Deinem Liecht/ O\nGott ! der du ein Liecht bist (Chaos: f. Aijr)\nKhunrath mentions the \"third figure\" ofthe Amphiteatrum, explaining that\nit depicts the philosopher's stone. It may be possible to identify this\n\"figure\" as being that of de Vries' circular engraving of a laboratory,\nfor in a margin note Khunrath refers to a \"vestibulum\" (hall), as well as\nto a \" ianua\" (doorway) as drawn in his \"third figure\" (frontispiece).22\nHe informs the reader that to understand the third figure it is necessary\nto be a theologian in the oratory and an alchemist in the laboratory.\nThrough-out his writings, Khunrath refers to the necessity of prayer and\nwork (f. Aiijr). This axiom is his \"leit-motif\", as it was that ofJohn Dee.23\nIn fact, de Vries' emblem is the summation of Khunrath's alchemy of\nlight.\nThe Chaos is dedicated to Pico della Mirandola and, due partly to his\ninfluence, Khunrath produces the first developed exposition of his cabbalistic alchemy. In particular, he discusses the sephiroth on the Tree of\nLife, specifically, \"RUAH-HHOCHMAH-EL\", which is the second sephiroth ofDivine Wisdom on the right axis of the Tree. Khunrath interprets \"Hochmah\" as the Divine Light of God illuminating both nature\nand the human intellect. He relates it to the alchemical \"celum\" or quintessence, as well as to the cabbalistic \"Schamaim\", which is the material\nused for the creation of the world. This is a topic which he develops\nfurther in the second version of the Amphiteatrum (Hanover, 1609). This\ninterpretation of \"Hochmah\" as both divine and natural light forms the\ncentral trope of Khunrath's cabbalistic theology (Chaos: 2-4, 11, 40-42,\n44, 46, 50, 61-66, 70 et al).\nIn the third chapter of the Chaos, Khunrath discusses the light of\nnature in relation to the light of understanding (Chaos: 67-105). He quotes\nfrom Paracelsus that the generative power of God is light which is the\nsoul. It shines in all natural entities and it is Christly, cabbalistic and\nmagical (Chaos: 67-68). The light of the soul, by the will of the Triune\nGod, made all earthly things appear from the primal Chaos. Nothing can\nbe made without it. The light and the soul ofthe world are in nature and\nthe life of the world is the light of nature.24 Khunrath also quotes from\n90\n91\n22 The text used in the present study is Schmeidt's Magdeburg edition of 1616,\n\"Praefatio Apologetica\", f. Aijv: \"der wunderbare Stein der Weissen ist mit\nunfehlbaren und Diamatischen Grundfesten/in der Dritten Figura meines Amphiteatri\nSapientiae aeternae [gesehen] ...( f. Aiijv) quam notionis huius omnis januam et vestibulum recte nominas, te docebit quod quaeris\".\n23 I am grateful to Professor Gyorgy Szonyi for drawing my attention to Dee's use of\nthe same axiom in his writings.\n24 Chaos (1616), p. 68: \"Paracelsus in seinem Schrifften vielmals gedenket ist hierzu\ndurch den willen des dreyeinigen Gottes/verordnet und auffgangen in Gott; herfur und\neingangen in das erschaffene Weldanfangs CHAOS. Alle Dinge in der Weld ... seint mit\ndem selben gemach/und ohne dasselbe ist nichts gemacht/bestehet auch nichts/wasin\nder Weld gemacht ist/und Naturlich bestehet. In Ihme ist das Leben und Seele der\nWeld/und das Leben der Weld/ist das Licht der Natur\".\n\nPages 60:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nthe New Testament that \"the light shineth in the darkness\", while a note\nin the margin associates this quotation with the alchemical concept ofthe\n\"Quinta Essentia in Abstracto\" (Chaos: 68). It is the work ofthe alchemist\nin his oratory and laboratory to find the incorporeal \"fifth essence\" oflife\nwhich lights all creation from the angels down to the minerals (Chaos: 6970). The light ofthe natural sun is analogous with the power ofcabbalah,\nmagic and alchemy (Chaos: 71-72).\nIn this section, Khunrath has elegantly integrated all the unique aspects of his alchemy, namely the figure of Christ with the Paracelsian\nastral virtue and cabbalism. He has managed to do this partly through his\nmanagement of prose-style which is so dense and impacted that its idiosyncratic quality is difficult to capture in translation. In the wording and\ngrammatical structure of his text, Khunrath slips seamlessly from the\ndiscussion ofNature to that ofthe intellect, then onto theology and alchemy, finally concluding with the Paracelsian \"Salt\". This now becomes the\ncentral figure of his alchemical system, which equates the Salt with the\nlight ofEternal Wisdom, as well as with that of the natural sun, according\nto the equation Light is to Life, as Soul is to Salt (Chaos: 72-75). He\nexplains that the Salt is also sulphur and mercury. It is soul, life and\nspirit. Khunrath even likens the Salt to the \"Ruah Elohim\" who are the\nrulers of the third sephiroth \"Binah\" (Understanding). As the active form\nof God and the creative principles of lower manifestation, the \"RuahElohim\" stand on the left trunk of the cabbalistic Tree of Life opposite\n\"Hochmah\" (Wisdom). They operate specifically on \"Malkuth\" (Kingdom or earth). In his last three treatises, Khunrath returns constantly to\nthe theme of the \"Ruah Elohim\".\nIn the Chaos, Khunrath produces a pantheistic ontology in which divine light in the form ofthe Salt becomes the essence ofphysical nature,\naccording to the Paracelsian equation universal Salt = life. This light\n(nature) is an emanation from the Triune God sent by the \"Ruach-Elohim\" (Second Person) into the virgin world (Chaos). It effected the creation by means ofthe \"Schamaim\", or aether, which is both a union ofthe\nopposites of fire and water and the universal Salt (Chaos: 74-75). The\n\"Ruah-Elohim\" is Christ who redeemed creation through the sacrifice of\nhis blood (Chaos: 75).\nKhunrath's term for Chaos is \"Magnesia\", as in the Athanor and the\nMagnesia Catholica, where he had also described \"Magnesia\" as the Salt,\nSulphur and Mercury (Athanor, 1615: 12-14). Also in the Magnesia Catholica, he had already identified \"Magnesia\" with Christ, as the substratum\nof a pantheistic creation, although not in cabbalistic terms (M. C: 181 ,\n184). The theme of Christ's redemptive function is developed in some\ndetail in the Chaos. Thus, God's light is said to be the inner form ofthe\nworld which is inter-related cabbalistically (Chaos: 75-76). Khunrath discusses the creation of the microcosm, concluding with the manifestation\nofChrist in human form. In addition, he introduces cabbalistic references, such as the \"Schamaim\" or the concept of Jehovah as the \"Archetypos\" ofthe world (Chaos: 77-90), but he insists that Jesus was the second\nAdam, the Logos who redeemed the world through the sacrifice of his\nblood (Chaos: 85). Again, he declares that Christ is the union of soul and\nflesh, God and humanity (Chaos: 86). Khunrath once more compares the\nphilosopher's stone to Christ, who is also the universal panacea (Chaos:\n86-88). This medical aspect of Khunrath's Christology may have been\nremarked by Fludd who structured the alchemical theory of his Medicina\nCatholica (1629-31) and Philosophia Sacra (1626) around the same idea.\nLater in the Chaos, Khunrath returns to the subject of the \"Salt\",\nquoting from the Rosarius Maior of Arnald of Villanova that all the secret\nlies in the Salt (Chaos: 256-265), but he proceeds to relate the metaphysical Paracelsian Salt to chemical saltpetre, as well as to vitriol and other\nsubstances. This indicates that he knew of the more recent Paracelsian\ndevelopments in the theory ofthe aerial nitre, perhaps from Quercetanus\nwhom he acknowledges in his Quaestiones Tres Per-Utiles. In his seventh\nchapter, Khunrath also discusses the making of potable gold. In Paracelsian terms he informs the reader that this potion is the internal sun whose\nvirtue is derived from the \"azoth\" and the Salt which are related to the\n\"Magnesia\" (Chaos: 230).\nIn the Chaos of circa 1597 the strongest influences are those of Paracelsian alchemy, the cabbalah and Lutheran pietism on the model of\nWeigel, but Khunrath makes no reference either to astrology, or to catoptrics. These are encountered in, possibly his last treatise, De Igne Magorum Philosophorumque (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1608) which interprets\nthe alchemical furnace in mystical terms as the site in which the aetherial\nlight and the astral virtues work their effects. The properties of the alchemical furnace are determined by the sacred fire of the divine light, as\nwell as by the natural virtues of the sun. For the first time, Khunrath\ngives clear instructions for the use of catoptrics in order to draw the astral\nvirtues into the alchemical work. In its medical theory, De Igne Magorum is\npre-occupied with the subject of the \"aurum potabile\". Khunrath draws\non Bernard of Treviso, Lull and Paracelsus, stating that the universal\nmedicine derives its virtues directly from God and, hence, it is superior to\nall other medical preparations.\nA \"Philosophus anonymous\" has added an introduction to De Igne\nMagorum which is a summary ofthe main points of Khunrath's argument.\nIn addition, the editor, Benedictus Figulus, included his own brief commentary at the end of the treatise which reiterated the theme of Khun-\n92\n93\n\nPages 61:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nrath's difficult life and the opposition which he encountered, although,\nunfortunately, no details are given (De Igne: 124-126). In the introduction,\nthe reader is informed that the fire of life moves everything. The spiritual\nfire in the form of divine light descends from the Father, to the Son, to\nthe Holy Spirit and, thence, to the heavens from which itoperates on the\nearth as the visible and splendid propagatory light (De Igne: ff. 2v-3r). The\ncommentator explains that Khun\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 51 to page 61 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 61 to page 72 out of a total of 137:\nPages 61:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nrath's difficult life and the opposition which he encountered, although,\nunfortunately, no details are given (De Igne: 124-126). In the introduction,\nthe reader is informed that the fire of life moves everything. The spiritual\nfire in the form of divine light descends from the Father, to the Son, to\nthe Holy Spirit and, thence, to the heavens from which itoperates on the\nearth as the visible and splendid propagatory light (De Igne: ff. 2v-3r). The\ncommentator explains that Khunrath has related the virtues of the philosophical fire of alchemy to those of the sun. Hence, natural fire is invigorated by celestial fire. In human-beings, the divine fire becomes the\nintellect, the reason and the ability to comprehend God.25 In Khunrath's\nargument, divine light penetrates into the earth itself where it becomes\ndarkness. In the middle sphere of the earth, divine light is tempered by\nthe qualities of darkness.26 This concept may be a possible source for\nFludd's more radical theogony of light and dark in his Medicina Catholica\n(1629) in which God manifests both as \"Apollo\" (light) and as \"Dionysos\"\n(darkness), the source of both good and evil. Fludd similarly describes the\n\"middle sphere\" ofthe macrocosm as being composed of equal amounts\noflight and darkness (Fludd, Medicina Catholica, 1629: 4).\nParacelsian alchemical theory enters the discourse when the anonymous commentator explains Khunrath's equation of the divine fire with\nthe \"azoth\" (quintessence), which Khunrath designates as the \"Spiritus\nAnimatus\" (the spirit animating life) (De Igne: f. 3v). Thus, fire is a unity,\nbut it takes both an internal and an external form; the former is natural\nand the latter is artificial. Neither is effective without the other. The\nexternal natural quality is the sun which operates as the inner virtue of\nthe artifical spagyric fire in alchemy. This is a reference to Paracelus'\ntheory ofthe astral virtue of the sun within material fire (De Igne: ff4v-5r).\nThe main text by Khunrath commences by mentioning his earlier\ntreatise, the Athanor (De Igne: 2-3). He elaborates on his earlier account of\nthe Zoroastians by further consideration of their god \"ORIMASDA\"\nwhose form was that of eternal fire. Khunrath provides an account of\nvarious other religions and philosophies which have venerated the fire as\nsacred, most of his examples being taken from the Old Testament, with\nsome from Greek and Roman classical literature, such as stories of the\nVestal Virgins, as well as other ancient sacrifical fire cults. All ofthese he\nconsiders to be the secret external fire of the sages (De Igne: 4-20).\nFrom the very beginning of his treatise, Khunrath promotes the use of\ncatoptrics in alchemy, by initially recalling the words of Paracelsus in\nBook VII of the Rerum Naturalium de transmutatione (De Igne: 26) on the\ndegrees ofheat to be used in alchemy. He relates these pyromantic theories to catoptrics, describing how the virtues of the sun are to be deployed in alchemy by means of steel or crystal mirrors . In this celestial\nfire the three principles of alchemy (Sulphur-Mercury-Salt) are refined.\nEs ist ein Unsichtbar Feuer, darbei wir vermeinen die radios oder strahlen\nder Sonnen, welches Feuer durch einen stahlenen Spiegel oder Christallen\nsich er offnet ... Mit diesem Feuer die Drei Principia, von einem jeden\nCorporalischen dinge/ frei auff einem tische gescheiden werden (De Igne:\n26-27)\nKhunrath continues his examination of catoptrics at length, referring also\nto Agrippa's description of magical mirrors in De Occulta Philosophia (De\nIgne: 28-32). He quotes Paracelsus once more in order tojustifythe use of\ncatoptrics in alchemy, employing his concept of the \"Arcanum\", the hidden virtue in nature which is the true medicine (De Igne: 27-28). He\nrecalls how Paracelsus had explained that the effectiveness of the \"Arcanum\" was dependent on the method of its preparation. This had to be\nundertaken during the appropriate period of the sun's cycle in order to\ncapitalise on its beneficial rays. Since the sun is the highest \"Arcanum\" of\nelemental fire, therefore, it provides the most purifying grade of heat.\nThe \"species\" ofthe sun exists in elemental fire and, thus, it has purifying\nproperties. Since through the sun all things wax to their fullest potential,\ntherefore, the nostrum of the alchemist should be: apply the sun rightly in\nthe Catholic Chemistry. Capture it he who can.\nsagt Paracelsus solche wort: ... die Sonne alle ding in das wachsen treibet/\nunnd alle gewachse durch die Sonne wachsen: unnd die Sonne ist das hochste ARCANUM im Feuer/unnd der hochste reinste (ja einige essentialische)\ngradus dess Elementfeuers/also/das seine species mehr ist im Elementfeuer\ndas also (Q. Essentialiter) clarificirt und praeparirt/ist/als die Sonne. Darum\nalle dinge durch die Sonne wachsen su hochsten. Nostrum igitur erit, Solem\nrite applicare operi Chymico nostro Catholico: Capiat qui potest\n(De Igne: 27-28)\nKhunrath quotes Paracelsus from the Philosophia Sagax on the manner in\nwhich the sun generates and nurtures the elements in the same way as a\n94\n25 De Igne, ff. 3r-3v: \"In Igne vero Naturalis quidam vigor a coelestibus insitus est: In\nHominibus denique sit lucidus rationis discursus, et rerum divinarum cognitio, totaque\nrationalis: transit inde ad phantasiam, supra sensum tamen, sed solum Imaginalibus:\ntandem ad sensum, maxime enim occulorum (f. 3v), in Eo sit visibilis claritas,\nporrigiturque:\"\nbenefica et\n26 De Igne, ff. 3v-4r, quote from f. 3v: \"In opacis autem virtus quaedamcollectis\n, sit\ngenerans; penetratque usque ad centrum, ubi radiis eius in angustum\nIgnis in coelo dilatatus collustrans : in inferno coaritatus\ncolor...\nEt\nitque\ncalignosus\ntenebrosus et crucians:\"\n95\n\nPages 62:\n96\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nhen broods her eggs. Thus should the alchemist regulate his alchemical\noven (De Igne: 28). He integrates Paracelsus' account of the generative\npowers of the sun with the catoptrical mirrors and gems used by astronomers and astrologers on Agrippa's model (De Igne: 34). He argues\nthe sun is God's fire and that philosophers obtain their flames from it,that\nas\nin the case of Orpheus. In fact, Khunrath even mentions an Orphic\npoem which describes the lighting of a fire by means of burning-glasses\n(De Igne: 33-34). For additional support in his discussion of the alchemical\nuse ofthe sun, he quotes from the Arab alchemists Morienus and Geber,\nas well as from the Turba Philosophorum (De Igne: 39-40) who advised placing materials in the heat of the sun to facilitate the processes of cooking,\ndessication, coagulation, and so forth (De Igne: 40). Khunrath also cites\nthe Rosarium and the Emerald Table for the parentage of the philosopher's\nstone in the Sun and Moon.\nThe five degrees of heat employed by alchemists, according to Khunrath, approximate to the heat ofthe sun when it stands in the astronomical signs of Aries , Taurus, Gemini, Cancer and Leo (De Igne: 43). Thus,\nthe alchemical work is a simulacrum ofthe sun's fire in that it promotes\nanimation and impregnation by magnetic forces.\nunnd dagegen das himmlische Sonnen Feuer, mediate, vermittelst dz. nemlich unser Materialisch kohlen oder Lampenfeuer/ Unione\nPhysico-Magica,\nund Magnete Naturae Sympatico ... sit simulacrum et vehiculum\nLUCIS\nsuperioris, h.e. SOLARIS (De Igne: 46)\nGod is an alchemist using the sun. The same idea is the foundation of\nFludd's alchemy. Khunrath in De Igne Magorum concludes that heavenly\nfire and light are God's miraculous fiery instrument, working many natural wonders in the cosmos. Similarly, the alchemist works in his laboratory by means of physico- chemistry and the rays of the sun, attracting the\nrays of the \"anima mundi\" in order to create the \" Catholic\" (universal)\noccult fire which fructifies the work by means of the hyleal \"azoth\".27 As\nis the sun in God's great laboratory, so is the alchemist in his laboratory\nby means of sympathetic magic (De Igne: 52-53).\nMAGNETE NATURAE SYMPATHICE HARMONICO\n(De Igne: 53)\nThis section could almost stand as a synopsis of Fludd's alchemical theory. In fact, the similarities between the ideas ofthe two alchemists are so\nclose that Fludd must surely have drawn on Khunrath for some of his\nown ideas.\nKhunrath explains that the celestial fire must also be used to light the\nalchemical furnace, as a form of sympathetic magic (De Igne: 53). In this\noperation, he seems to intend the use of catoptrics, since later in the text\nhe provides some general instructions on the use of the catoptrical mirror, which appears in a little drawing at the side of the text, emphasising\nthe importance of these instructions (De Igne: 70). Like Dee in theMonas\nHieroglyphica, Khunrath advises that the alchemical work should be started under the astrological sign of Aries (March) at the beginning of the\nNew Year.28 In this context, he explains how to practice Paracelsian\nsympathetic magic through the use of the magnet (De Igne: 71), also referring to another aspect of Paracelsian theurgy (in De Tempore) by recommending the \"irradiation\" of the materials. A little is enough. The process of irradiation involves the exposure of the alchemical matter to the\nastral rays by means of catoptrics.\nwelches zwar wunderbarlich/jedoch die Weisen lehrens! zu bequemen Zeit/\ndurch dieses Fewrige Mittel einem jeglichen Subiecto praedisposito atque\nconvenienti, darzu vorher wohl angeordneten unnd bequemer subiecto oder\ndinge durch Naturgemess-Magische des Philosophi handgriffe/ in momento, im Augenblick und nuh/ Leichtlich irradiret oder infundiret eingestrahlet und eingegossen werden (De Igne: 72)\nThe process of irradiation is described as the animation, \"solariter\", of\nthe alchemical oils and \"frumentum\". The soul is introduced into the\nmatter from the sun by means of catoptrics which draw on the \"Solympischen feuers\", a typical pun of Khunrath's which unites \"Sol\" and the\ncelestial realms of the highest powers (De Igne: 73). A note in the margin\nofthe text states that the process concerns \"IGNIS Elementarium solariter animatus\", the solar animation of elemental fire (De Igne: 73).\ndas Feuer im Athanor oder Kunstofen/ ... auff dass man entweder die kohlen gereinigtes Oleum, oder Spiritum vel vini vel frumenti, des Weins oder\nGetrendes Geist/ im Ofen/ darvonbald widerumb Solariter animiret,\nSonnlich gesehliget anzunden und geben fondte ... dass kohlen oder Lampenfeuer cum SOLE COELESTI, mit der himlischen Sonnen nicht nur\nallein in momento, fast in einem.\n28 Josten, pp. 162-63.\n27 De Igne, p. 50: \"himmlisch feuer/und Liecht/ist JEHOVAE Instrumentum\nIGNEUM miraculosum\nin MUNDO maiore multa mirabilia naturaliter operans,\nCatholicon: Potest, debet, atque oportet hoc idem\nquoque esse nostrum ( mediante,\nquemadmodum dictum) in Laboratorio aut ATHANORE\nPhysico-Chymico hoc est,\nMicrocosmo, ita loquendo, nostro artificiali , ut nimirum SOLIS\nhuius Phylosophorum\nexterni calore vivifico in et ad actum Operationis optatum atque fructiferum\neo felicius\ndeducatur scintilla ANIMAE MUNDI igneae IGNEA CATHOLICA que in MATERIA\nnostri CATHOLICI Physico-Chymici Catholic, he, AZOTH HYLEALI\".\n97\n\nPages 63:\n98\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nNu widerumb gleich als zuvor gewesen/ harmonice maritiret ...\n'Solympischen feuers' ... (De Igne: 73-74).\nIrradiation, or animation, of the \"materia\" by means of the sun's rays\nunites the alchemical art with the \"Archeum Naturae\" and with the\n\"scintillae\" (rays) of the \"Anima Mundi\" (the soul of the macrocosm).\nThe essential function of the fire of the light of nature is to fructify the\nelements.\nArchaeum Naturae, das Essentialische oder wesenliche innere Feuer/ des\nLiechtes der Natur/ der Elementen unnd ihrer Fruchten\n(De Igne: 75)\nKhunrath also speaks of the spherical alchemical glass vessel mentioned\npreviously in his Athanor (although not in a cabbalistic context).29 Like the\nmagnet, the glass vessel also has an theurgic function. Nothing can be\nachieved so effectively as by means of the sun's fire.\nAlso auch in inserer Spagirischen kleinen Kunst welt/ das ist/ im Philosophischen glase unnd Ofen von der Natur (auch dem Azoch) nicht das so man\nverhoffet/ produciret, und herfur bracht wirt/ ohne adhibition oder anwendung des Himmlischen Einfachen der Sonnen Feuer/ vermittelst kohlen oder\nLampen wie bikhero recht gelehret und angehoret (De Igne: 97)\nIn relation to the fecundating power of the elemental fires, Khunrath\nquotes Paracelsus from Book X of the Archidoxa (\" de vita longa\") and also\nfrom his Tract VII on mineral hot-waters (\"de thermis pipernis\"). Another reference is taken from Paracelsus' Paragranum Medicinae (col. 3, \"que\nest Alchymia?\") (De Igne: 79).30\nKhunrath's alchemical process of \"irradiation\" may be usefully compared with Newton's similar method of \"illuminating\" his chemicals, as\nrecorded in his earliest alchemical notes written prior to 1678. Newton,\nin fact, may have gathered this idea from Khunrath's treatise, for he took\nnotes from the Amphiteratrum and may well have read his other works.\nDobbs has contextualised Newton's alchemical procedure within his optical theory, placing considerable emphasis on Newton's process ofilluminating his materials in order to activate them. Perhaps rather romantically, Dobbs regarded this procedure as the \"hidden secret\" of alchemy.\n99\nthe active principle could also be, or was identical with the spirit ofGod that\nmoved upon the face of the waters in Genesis. Activation might be effected\nbyan agent totally imperceptible to the senses. There were perhaps hundreds\nof alchemical names for it, for it was one of the great secrets of alchemy,\ndisguised willy-nilly in the texts.31\nIt is certainly true that this process of vivification was never clearly described bythe alchemists, as in the case ofthe section concerning \"Illuminatio\" in the Rosarium. The illustration plainly shows the sun enteringthe\ntomb ofdead matter (fig. 10), but the accompanying text speaks only of\nperfect circles and the astronomical role of the sun. It is Khunrath's De\nIgne Magorum which had, in fact, provided the first clear instructions for\nthe practice of catoptrics in an alchemical context, on the basis ofJohn\nDee's technique in the Mathematicall Preface and the Monas Hieroglyphica.\nDobbs argued further that\nthe activating agent in illumination was broadly conceived and was related to\nvisible light more metaphorically than literally.32\nIn this conclusion, she was being too cautious since the pseudo-Lullian\ncorpus with its astrology, the Rosarium, Dee's catoptrical theories and\nKhunrath's De Igne Magorum all produce the impression that celestial rays\nwere, indeed, being employed by alchemists to \"animate\" their materials.\nIn De Igne Magorum, as well as citing Paracelsus and the medieval\ncorpus , Khunrath also refers to the \"twelve books\" of Giambattista della\nPorta's Magia Naturalis, referring, thereby, to the enlarged second edition\nof 1589 (De Igne: 94). Other authorities mentioned in his account of the\nastral fires and catoptrics include Hermolaus Barbarus in Corollario super\nDioscorides ubi de Aquis in Commune (De Igne: 90), Trithemius in the Aureum\nvellus (De Igne: 94), Joannes Pontanus and Penotus's letter to Joannes Bartholomeus Burggravius (De Igne: 96, 103).\nThe most immediate influence of Khunrath's alchemical catoptrics\nwas on Stefan Michelspacher's Cabala, Spiegel der Kunst und Natur (Augsburg, 1615-1616), consisting of four engravings which represent mirrors\ndisplaying alchemical visions.33 Apart from this Paracelsian alchemical\ntreatise, Michelspacher also published an Optica (1616), illustrated by\nRaphael Baltens. In the Cabala he explains that his visions appeared to\n29 Athanor (1615), pp. 53-54.\n30 See Paracelsus, De vita longa in Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 221-48 (in German), 249-92 (in\nLatin). The Archidoxis is found in Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 92-200 and Das Buch Paragranum in\nSudhoff, I, 8, pp. 31-126.\n31 BettyJo Teeter Dobbs, TheJanus Faces ofGenius (Cambridge University Press, 1991),\npp. 37-46, quote from p. 40.\n32 Dobbs, p. 45.\n33 This was later republished as Cabala, Speculum Artis et Naturae in Alchymia (Augsburg:\nAndreas Erffurt, 1654).\n\nPages 64:\nCHAPTER SEVEN\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH: DIVINE LIGHT AND THE FIRE OF THE MAGI\nhim through the power of a radiating celestial fire in three distinct forms.\nThe first mirror was a fiery sapphire, displaying the philosophical Mercury and Salt, while the second showed him the philosophical Sulphur. The\nthird mirror was of a divinely rosy colour, all in flames, in the midst of\nwhich there appeared a very great \"arcanum\", which was the philosophical fire through which all things come to maturation. Putting together\nthe three mirrors, he made a fourth in which he saw God perfectly\n(Cabala, 1654: f. Blv).\nMichelspacher's concept of the inter- relationship of the celestial and\nelemental fires recalls Khunrath's account in De Igne Magorum. The fourth\nengraving in the Cabala incorporates a distinctive catoptrical motif in a\nWeigelian allusion to the innate and eternal Eucharistic union ofthe soul\nwith Christ (fig. 23).34 The crowned figure seated in the fountain oflife\nsignifies Christ as the philosopher's stone, administering communion in\ntwo chalices to the Sun and Moon (Sulphur and Mercury), representing\nthe soul and spirit of the communicant. In the top right of the picture,\nthere is a scene from the passion of Christ, set within the walled city of\nJerusalem (fig. 24a). An angel hovers over the city, while stream ofwater\nflows from beneath its walls to feed the fountain in which the resurrected\nChrist is seated. This motif is an allusion to Weigel's concept of the\nhistoric figure of Christ as being the external representant of the imminent Christ. At the top left ofthe image is the Tetragrammaton, standing\nin an aureole of light. The dove of the Holy Spirit flies from the cityto\nthe symbol of God, then down to the fountain, its two lines offlight, with\nthat of the stream of water, producing the shape of an equilateral triangle, whose apex lies in the Tetragrammaton, with the fountain and the\ncity as the corners ofits base.\nThe whole scene is set within the circle of the rainbow, while the\nfountain itself is located within a (nearly) square walled-garden. This\nmystical geometry is related to that of Michelspacher's first engraving\nentitled \"Der Spigel der Kunst und Natur\" which shows two geometrical\ndiagrams, the one on the left having the same configuration as thefourth\nengraving, that of circle, square and triangle (fig. 24b). In the first engraving this diagram is stated to be an image of the \"Azoth\", another\nWeigelian and Khunradian allusion to Christ. Thus, Michelspacher's\nadheres to Khunrath's Weigelian polemic in which union with the innate\nChrist as the philosopher's stone was attained through the inspiration of\nthe Holy Spirit. Michelspacher located Khunrath's alchemical Christologywithin a Rosicrucian context, for his treatise is specifically dedicated to\nthe Rosy Cross Fraternity.\nIn Michelspacher's \"Fountain of Life\" the lines of flight ofthe Holy\nSpirit were similar to the catoptrical refraction of light-rays by thesurface\nof a mirror. Comparable imagery of the refraction of light-rays is found\nin other contemporary alchemical illustrations, such as those of Robert\nFludd in his various treatises (fig. 49), or of Michael Maier in the Septimana Philosophica (fig. 37). Such geometrical structures depicting the catoptrical reflection and refraction of light-rays became a distinctive motif in\nlate Renaissance hermetic illustration. A slightly later example is Athanasius Kircher's frontispiece to his treatise on optics, Ars Magna Lucis (Rome,\n1646) (fig. 25) in which the Tetragrammaton appears within a aureole of\nlight at the top, while an owl is drawn at the top right. The figure of\nApollo on the left shines his light onto the mirror of the moon, which\nrefracts it to the earth. Another of his rays is projected onto the human\nsenses through an optical instrument, while a third ray bounces off a\nmirror on the earth into a dark cave. Kircher's illustration describes the\nvarious lights of nature, the senses and the intellect.\nIt remains to discuss the specific influences triggering Khunrath's\nideas concerning the use of astral virtue and catoptrics in alchemy. These\nmay have been inspired by the publication of Paracelsus' completeworks\nin the Basle edition of 1589-90, as well as the appearance ofdella Porta's\nsecond Magia Naturalis (1589). Another influence was undoubtedly Dee's\ncabbalistic astrology and catoptrics, as well as the enduring effects of Pico\ndella Mirandola's and Reuchlin's Christian cabbalism. In the context of\nthe political pressures on his pietistic beliefs between circa 1595 and\n1604, these influences led Khunrath to devise a cabbalistic alchemy of\nlight, founded on Paracelsian theosophy and Renaissance optical science.\nIOO\n34 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (Stuttgart, 1962-78), 2,\n\"Von der Vergebung der Sunden oder vom Schlussel der Kirchen, pp. 29-31 (absolution\nand the role ofChrist); 4, \"Dialogus de Christianismo\", pp. 7, 133-51, 320-22.\nIOI\n\nPages 65:\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH'S\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE:\nTHE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS\nKhunrath's historical reputation rests largely on his Amphiteatrum Sapientiae\nAeternae, yet this treatise has been surprisingly neglected by modern\nscholarship, despite the frequent appearance of its lavish engravings in\npopularised accounts of alchemy, such as Stanislas Klossowski de Rola's\nThe Golden Game. Apart from the complexity of the text and the illustrations, an additional deterent to research is the difficulty of establishing a\nhistory for the two editions of the Amphiteatrum published in 1595 and\n1609 .\nEco has taken the lead in unravelling the threads of the book's complex history, but many issues remain unresolved. The main problem, as\nEco has concluded, is that there does not exist a definitive 1609 edition of\nthe Amphiteatrum since all the extant versions differ in the number and\npagination of their illustrations. He argues that all available copies are\ncomposites and, even more confusing, they disagree with their description in the scholarly catalogues. Consequently, although many editions\nother than that of 1609 are reported, nevertheless, Eco prefers to follow\nde Bure (1764) in arguing that there never was more than one edition of\nthefinal version and that was the one published in \"Hanau\" in 1609.3 He\nalso considers that \"Hanau\" means that town specifically, rather than\n\"Hanover\" as the name is usually translated. (The present study follows\nArnold in retaining the more usual \"Hanover\" translation, since he was\ncloser in time to the facts of this history).\nAnother controversy surrounds the dating of the visual imagery. It is\ndifficult to reconcile any of the pictures with the content of Khunrath's\ntext. It seems that, variously, among the different versions of the 1609\nedition, there exists a stock of illustrations which have been bound in\nStanislas, Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game. Alchemical Engravings ofthe 17th-C\n(London:\nand Hudson, 1988), pp. 29-44. He provides reproductions of all of\nKhunrath'sThames\nillustrations.\n2 Umberto Eco, Lo Strano Caso della Hanau 1609 (Milan: Bompiani, 1989), p. 5.\n3 Eco, p. 18.\n4 Eco, p. 11 .\n\nPages 66:\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAEAETERNAE. THE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS\ndifferent arrangements. The visual repertoire consists of Khunrath's portrait (fig. 26), four images in a circular format (frontispiece and figs. 32,\n33, 34), as well as five images taking a rectangular form. In addition,\nthere is an elaborate frontispiece and also an emblem of an owl (fig. 28),\nwearing spectacles and carrying flaming tapers. Eco argues that the four\nimages which take a circular format originated in the 1595 edition. The\nrectangular images are self-dated on their frames at 1602, being intended\nfor a version ofthe Amphiteatrum which was prepared to be issued in either\n1602 or 1604. A final edition was prepared posthumously for 1607, but it\ndid not appear until 1609.5\nThe problem of determining Khunrath's intentions for his work is\ncomplicated by the different dates appearing on the various component\ntexts ofthe 1609 edition. There is one epilogue dated at 1602 and another dated at 1604, while the editor's foreword is dated 1607. Thorndike\nhas noted that a sketch ofthe first version of the Amphiteatrum was published in Hamburg in 1595. Following his argument, Eco considers that\nonly two versions of Hamburg 1595 still exist, in both cases containing\nthe four circular images. One of these editions now belongs to the Duveen library at the University of Wisconsin,\" while the other copy is\nlocated in the University Library Basel. The Basel version comprises an\nelaborate frontispiece, the four circular illustrations and fewer pages of\ntext than the final 1609 version, as well as two copies of the epilogue. A\nvery important point which Eco makes is that the Basel Amphiteatrum may\nhave been the edition intended for publication in 1602. In addition, Gilly\nmentions two other extant copies of the 1595 Amphiteatrum, one in Darmstadt, while the other is, most significantly, a hand-written copy by Johannes Friedrich Jung, the first publisher ofAndreae's Chymischen Hochzeit\nvon Christian Rosenkreutz. Jung made his copy of Khunrath's treatise in\n1602 , including his own adapted version of the 1595 illustration ofthe\npraying alchemist by de Vries. Gilly rightly cites this item as being evidence of the substantial influence of Khunrath's treatise on Andreae's\ncircles.8\nThe \"Isagoges\" (commentaries) which accompany the 1609 edition,\ncorrespond to the texts originally located around the edges of the 1595\ncircular engravings. In the Hamburg 1595 edition, the circular engravings are dated and inscribed as having been engraved by Paul van der\nDoort di Anversa in that year, but the dates have been removed from the\nHanover 1609 illustrations (frontispiece and figs. 32, 33, 34).\nIn his summary, Eco has concluded that Khunrath produced an early\nversion of the Amphiteatrum, the one which was printed at Hamburg in\n1595, consisting of twenty-five pages of text and four circular illustrations. In addition, there may have been another edition published in\n1602, for which an epilogue was written and a frontispiece engraved,\nboth of which are self-dated at 1602 and this would have also included\nthe four rectangular illustrations. The second epilogue written in 1604\nmay have been intended for another edition of the treatise which was\nmeant to be published in that year. In short, Eco argues convincingly, all\nthe existing second editions of the Amphiteatrum are Hanover 1609 which\nalways includes the two epilogues, as well as an inconsistent selection of\nthe illustrations. Eco plausibly suggests that, in fact, the illustrations may\nhave been circulated separately from the text of the Amphiteatrum, different images being selected from the general repertoire by different binders. The 1609 edition is not rare and it may be found widely dispersed in\nEuropean libraries.\nBoth the 1595 and 1609 editions are a commentary on three-hundred\nand sixty-five biblical verses taken from the Old Testament books of\nProverbs and Wisdom. Khunrath provides two versions of the biblical texts,\none from the Vulgate and another which is his own translation from the\nHebrew (Proverbs) and Greek (Wisdom). A further important aspect of\nEco's study is his suggestion that in 1602 Khunrath rewrote the text of\nthe Amphiteatrum, which led him to date accordingly the epilogue and\nfrontispiece. As in the case of the Athanor and Chaos, the Imperial Privilege of 1 June 1598 was used to cover the publication ofthe Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae in 1609. After Khunrath's death in 1605, Erasmus\nWolfart, assisted by Guglielmo Antonio, took this edition to its final\nprinting and added his own introduction dated at 1607. Wolfart belonged to Arndt's circles since Gilly mentions a letter written to him by\nArndt, \"Von dem grossen Geheimnis der Menschewerdung\", praising\nKhunrath's illustrations.10\nAn additional factor to consider in this history is the existence of yet\nanother version of the 1595 Amphiteatrum which may even be a copy of\n9 Eco, p. 34.\n10 Eco, p. 35: Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 13.\n104\n5 Eco, p. 11. Klossowski de Rola reproduces all of Khunrath's 1602 imagery, see The\nGolden Game ( 1988), pp. 34-38.\n6 Eco, pp. 31-32.\n7 Eco, p. 23.\n8 Eco, pp. 24-25. Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 13, see Item 12 whichis the\ntitle-page of the 1595 Hamburg Amphiteatrum from the Basel University Library. Jung's\ncopy is Kongelige Bibliotek Kopenhagen, MS GKS 1765 40. For his version of de Vries'\nengraving ofthe Oratory-Laboratory see Gilly (1995), p. 14, Item 12b. The original layout ofde Vries' engraving in 1595, with its accompanying texts is shown in Gilly,DasErbe\nder Christian Rosenkreutz (1988), opp. p. 18.\n105\n\nPages 67:\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS\nthe projected 1602 edition. Neither Eco, nor Gilly, refer to this item\nwhich is a manuscript, MS Alnwick 571, held in the library of Alnwick\nCastle, the family seat of the Dukes of Northumberland. Although it has\nbeen transcribed in a late sixteenth to early seventeenth century secretary-hand by at least three different scribes, unfortunately, it cannot be\nassumed that the manuscript entered the library at that date. Henry\nPercy, the eighth Earl of Northumberland, dispatched scribes to the continent to copy selected works, but a large collection of occultist manuscripts was also donated to the ducal library in the eighteenth century\nand these may have included the Amphiteatrum.11\nMS Alnwick 571 consists of fifty-five folios, many of which have been\nleft blank as ifthe manuscript was an incomplete transcription ofanother\ntext. The wording of the frontispiece is the same as that of the Basel\nUniversity copy of 1595 and the text is self-dated on the title-page at\n1595. The manuscript contains copies of four engravings from the Amphiteatrum which include, it seems, one of the 1602 rectangular images,\nwhile the other three are copies of the 1595 circular engravings. In the\nsequence of illustrations in MS Alnwick 571, there first appears a completed copy of the 1595 Anthropos - Christ standing in the midst of the\ncabbalistic universe (fig. 32, 1595 original), followed by an incomplete\nimage consisting of nothing more than Latin aphorisms, with no pictorial\ncontent. It is important, however, to note that these aphorisms are an\nexact transcription of those appearing in one of the 1602 rectangular\nimages where these same words are written on rays of light emanating\nfrom a tunnel piercing a mountain-side (fig. 31). As in the 1602 original,\nthe Latin aphorisms in the Alnwick manuscript are organised into the\nshape of a semi-circle, following the sequence of the 1602 exemplar. No\nother attempt has been made to copy the engraving.\nThe third drawing in MS Alnwick 571 is a meticuously rendered copy\nofthe 1595 circular image ofthe \"Rebis\", including all the original texts\n(fig. 34, 1595 original). The drawing represents a hermaphroditic figure,\ncrowned with a peacock, carrying a sphere which symbolises the Paracelsian alchemical macrocosm of the four elements and the three principles.\nBelow it there appears the globe of the earth, on which there is drawn a\nmap of Europe, Asia and Africa , within which there is yet another globe,\nthat of\"CHAOS\". At the top of the outermost circle around this figure,\nstands the Tetragrammaton, accompanied by the Pythagorean equilateral triangle, composed of ten dots in a pyramidic form. The illustration\nrefers to the necessity of reducing all things \"ad monadis simplicitatem\",\n11 I would like to thank Mr. Colin Shrimpton, archivist at Alnwick Castle for this\ninformation.\nalso mentioning the \"azoth\", the \"celum\" and the \"ros celi\". In comparison to the original engraving, the Alnwick drawing is amateur, for the\nscribe has ineptly splayed the original image across two facing folios of\nthe manuscript, failing to reproduce the exact dimensions of the original.\nThe final \"drawing\" in the Alnwick sequence consists merely of text\nalluding to\"working and praying\", which could be a bare mention ofde\nVries' 1595 circular image of the praying alchemist (frontispiece). Given\nthe difficulties which the scribe experienced in copying the diagrammatic\nscheme of the \"Rebis\", maybe he abandoned all hope of undertaking\nwith any success a copy of de Vries' sophisticated design.\nOne circular image from Khunrath's 1595 Amphiteatrum is altogether\nabsent from Ms Alnwick 571, that ofthe Lullian circles ruled over by the\n\"Archetypos\" (the Tetragrammaton) (fig. 33). Neither are Khunrath's\nportrait (fig. 26), nor the 1602 frontispiece recorded, but, at the end of\nthe Prologue, the Alnwick text includes expositions on the visual images\nwhich are similar to the 1609 Isagoges. There is also a set of\"Questions\"\nwhich are the same as those in the 1609 edition.\nWhat is it possible to determine concerning the original exemplar of\nMS Alnwick 571 ? Primarily it should be noted that the text, self-dated at\n1595, is the shorter Hamburg edition. In spite ofthis fact, the scribe must\nhave been copying from a version of the Amphiteatrum compiled in 1602,\nsince he refers to one of the rectangular engravings. Furthermore, the\nIsagoges (although they are not named as such) appear in exactly the\nsame location as in the 1609 edition, that is, separated from the circular\nengravings and placed at the end of the prologue. Finally, the text includes an epilogue. The problem of establishing the character ofthe 1595\nand 1602 editions requires much closer scrutiny of the five extant versions of the Amphiteatrum of 1595. For present purposes, however, attention will be drawn only to those details in MS Alnwick 571 related to the\nimmediate argument.\nMS Alnwick 571 opens at a double-folio title page. At the top ofthe\nleft-hand page (verso), there is a Hebrew text which subsequently was relocated to the base of the 1602 frontispiece.12 The text ofthe manuscript\n12 MS Alnwick 571 is unpaginated, but paragraphs are numbered sequentially. The\ntitle-page(folio verso) states the intention of the work and mentions four illustrations:\n\"ORATORIO et LABORATORIO, micro ac macrocosmice, artificio mirifico sapienter\nadministrantium; secundum Christianae et phylosophicae veritatis novinam a diabolicis\nsophismatum execrandorum,\npro veritatem Catholicaque, dexteritate, ad Archetypi exemplar reformatorum ... recens absolutum, exornatum figuris quatuor theosophicis,\nforma Regali in affabre scalptis, in publicum vix missendum, ne margaritae proijciant\nparcis diabolo obsessis: ... in liquido speculo Theosophiae ostendus\". Onfolio recto is\ngiven\nthe date of the work: \" Anno MASCHIAEH juxta promissione missi, MDVC aetat\nXXXV\".\n106\n107\n\nPages 68:\n108\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nis described as a \"Prologue\" and at the end of the transcription, there is\nan admonition that one should not make an opinion by reading only one\nbook of the work, the same statement re- appearing in the 1609 edition.\nThe Prologue commences by explaining that Khunrath has provided\nannotations ofboth the old and the new translations ofthe Book ofSolomon\nfrom the Hebrew and ofthe Book of Wisdom from the Greek.\nThe alchemical programme of the Alnwick text is Christocentric,\nbased on Khunrath's theme of the divine light of Eternal Wisdom in\nrelation to the two levels of alchemy, material and spiritual. The text\nbegins with a comparison between the earthly sun and the divine sun of\nChrist (Par. 18-19). In the words of Wisdom: 16. 20, Khunrath urges the\nreader not to adore the visible image (the sun), but onlythe spiritual light\nof God (Par. 18). In the same section he speaks ofthe \"aurora\", referring\nto the cabbalistic concept of the dawning of spiritual illumination and\nsalvation,13 mentioning, in passing, the name ofJohannes Campanensis.\nHe then refers to the \"secunda huius Amphiteatri figura\" which is not,\nunfortunately, an allusion to the second illustration in this particular\nmanuscript (Par. 21). The reader is informed that Divine Wisdom is the\nlight which we see through-out the day, as the source of both fire and\nwater and of fructification.\nTota die tota visa omnibus diebus visce luce: est TUNC, (non prius)\nSAPIENTIAE ... et aquae (montis vellere) et ignis (cordis ardore) pluviam\nconcipies (Par. 21)\nFrom the outset, Khunrath vehemently attacks any false prophet who\nobstructs true philosophy as a \"calomedicus, pseudophysicus, sophista\",\nbut the debates ofthese \"haeretici\" ( Par. 24) encompass only the \"Sapientia mundana\", rather than Divine Wisdom itself. Khunrath mentions\nagain the second figure ofthe Amphiteatrum, explaining that it portrays the\nwisdom ofthe Magi and the cabbalists from the East, signifying the font\nof life which is God.\n13 Jacob Boehme in the Aurora develops the concept of the seven days of creation in\nthe cabbalah\nGenesis as signifying the emanation of the sephiroth on the Tree of Life. Inmodem\nof the\nthe\nsymbol\nand\nof\nsalvation,\nas\nspiritual source\nthe sun signified theAnthropos\n. Boehme christianised this concept into that ofthe Son of\ncreative demiurge or\nofnature\". Boehme derived the\nGod who through the sun generated the redeeming \"lightDeghaye,\n\"Dieu et la Nature dans\nParacelsus,\nsee\ntheosophyfrom\nstructure\nofhis\ngeneral\nl'Aurore de Jacob Boehme\" in Faivre and Zimmermann (1979), pp. 125-56. See also\n263-284 and Frick, Die\nPeuckert, Jacob Boehme. Samtliche Schriften (1955), 1, pp. 187-206,\nErleuchteten (1973), pp. 124-28 . In the above section of text, Khunrath is referring to the\nsame cabbalistic and Paracelsian theology.\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS 109\nunitur DEO: ad vitae in fontem, SAPIENTIAE oceanum, feliciter deducunt\nMagos, Cabalistas ex Oriente (Par. 31)\nIn the following section, he recalls the fathers of the Church, such as\nCyprian (Par. 32), moving immediately to equal approval ofAgrippa and\nthe cabbalah. He states that God himself opens our eyes through the\nillumination of the cabbalah (Par. 35).\nThere is yet another reference to \" BINARIUM (ut est figura Amphiteatri huius secunda)\" (Par. 39), which is a reference to Christ as the\n\"MONAD\", in his dual nature of human and divine.\nBONUM Summum (DEI DONUM) Homini ad Monadis simplicitatem reducto (Par. 43)\nWithin this cabbalistic discourse on Christ, drawn from the model of\nReuchlin,,14 Khunrath explains the \"Medicina Catholica\" produced by\nthe philosopher's stone which transmutes \"metalla inferiora in superiora\nh. e. in argentum et aurum\" (Par. 46). The \"Medicina Catholica\" transforms age into fruitful glory by means of the sun of the philosopher's\nstone in a Christian cabbalistic way. This is said to be explained in the\nthird figure ofthe Amphiteatrum. From the context, he seems to be alluding\nto the 1595 circular engraving of the Anthropos-Christ in the midst of\nthe cabbalistic cosmos of light and fire (fig. 32).\nVia eiia pulchra SAPIENTIA soror mea, ob veritate in Doctrina et Laboribus Pacifica sibi pax, quia animi irrequietudinem, etiam super physicoartificialis (de qua tertia huius Amphiteatri figura, sub numero 1 , probat 5)\nfructuose sedat, de sidium ardens sufficient ... et hominem totium tranquillum, quietum, ac vera pace ... internae et externe pacificum reddit (Par. 46)\nHe proceeds to discuss the nature of a fruitful and long life (Par. 47)\nwhich recalls Paracelsus' discussions of the same topic in relation to his\ntheory ofthe\"quintessence\" (\"coelum homini\").15 Khunrath specifies an\nimage in the Amphiteatrum portraying the alchemist as both pious and\nhard-working (Par. 48), which could only be de Vries' picture of the\nalchemical laboratory (frontispiece).\nHe refers to Christ as the incarnate, yet eternal, Word of the New\nTestament, \"Sapientia aeterna, in seculo incarnate\" (Par. 48). Then he\nacknowledges Erasmus of Rotterdam (Par. 51), as well as the Pymander of\n14 Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964 facs. of 1494 ed.), pp. 95-103 andDeArte\nCabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964 facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 143-55.\n15 Paracelsus, De vita longa in Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 221-48 (in German), 249-92 (in Latin).\nSee also Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\"\"\" (1979), pp. 91-92.\n\nPages 69:\nIII\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE 1595 AND 1602 EDITIONS\nHermes Trismegistus and Julius Caesar Scaligerus (Par. 53). Khunrath\nadmonishes true Christian alchemists that they should be meditating,\npraying, walking, reading scripture, as demonstrated in the second, third\nand fourth figures of his treatise (Par. 71). In contrast, he attacks blasphemers and black-magicians who operate with the sign of the pentacle,\ndirecting his reader, instead, to the fourth figure of his treatise in which\nthere appear the proper, truly spiritual, figures which are to be used in\nalchemy. This is probably an allusion to the 1595 engraving of the\nLullian-cabbalistic circles of the \"Archetypos\" (fig. 33), which is, however, absent from MS Alnwick 571.\nHic ANNULUM assistentia spiritu boni, Theosophorum: (In Tabulis Cordis)\nHoc Pentaculum Solo novis virtuosum, non illud Nigromanticorum seu Cacomagorum phantasticum, atque blasphemum: est collo mentis luce suspendenda. Vi de figura Amp. huius 4a (Par. 74)\nFrom Pythagorean geometry, Khunrath moves into the field of cabbalism, mentioning two sephiroth on the Tree of Life, those of \"HHOCHMAHEL\" and \"BINAHEL\" (Par. 75), as well as the cabbalistic practices\nof \"Notarikon\" and \"Gymetria\" (Par. 81). In passing, he names both\npagan and Christian philosophers , Socrates, Cicero and Tertullian (Par.\n84), returning to the theme of \"Orando et Laborando\" in relation to the\nsecond and third figures of the Amphiteatrum (Par. 85).\nIn the following section, Khunrath's Paracelsian and Christological\ndiscourse is very similar to that in the Chaos (1597). First, however, on the\nParacelsian model, he considers the central fires within the earth.16\nCentrum Terrae physice, ubi fit, Vulcan. Is ex quibus corpore terreno, obstericaute Neptuni limpidissima ... candidissimum Physico Chemice manifestando, ad sensum omnes tibi demonstrabit: Videbis illud: fig. 3 (Par. 111).\nKhunrath next instructs the reader that the philosopher's stone is Christ\nand that God is reconciled with humanity through Christ's sacrifice on\nthe cross. The cross of Christ is the \"Salt\" which conquers demonic\nrealms. He mentions vitriol, thus, in Weigelian terms, integrating Paracelsian alchemy into his Christology and referring the reader to the first\nfigure of the treatise for an explanation of these analogies.\nCrux Sancta Christi ipse crucifixus, fig. Amph. huius prima Cruciformitvincens diaboli regnum ...\n= SAL\nSapientia antiquissimum vitriolum naturae catholicon (Par. 237)\nReturning to the cabbalistic system, Khunrath describes the ten cabbalistic sephiroth as \"scintilla et radii divinalis\". Eternal Wisdom creates the\nmacrocosm and microcosm by means of \"TSUMMUM' (or \"zimzum\"\nwhich is the zigzag descent of divine light down the Tree of Life). He\ndescribes the emanation of the sephiroth to God's act of viewing himself\nin a spotless mirror, since the Divine, Eternal Light is the archetype of\ncreation.\nLux Divina Aeterna, ab aeterno .... erit igitur Sapientia ... aeterna ... Speculum sine macula, et quui surgitur Speculo eiusque, typo reali in Macro et\nMicrocosmo, TSUMMUM (Par. 239)\nIn a further development, Khunrath associates Paracelsian cosmology\nwith his own first figure ofthe Amphiteatrum.\nomnia sua sigilla DEUS, ... VERITAS, Dei Sigillum (Par. 240)\nIt needs to be recalled that John Dee also used the \"sigillum Dei\" in his\nangelic magic and similarly accused false magicians of practising theurgy\nby means ofthe pentacle. 17\nKhunrath declares that God is terrible like the sun (Par. 242) and\nthere succeeds a long disquisition on the nature of light which is comparable to his argument in the Chaos and De Igne Magorum (Par. 248). The\n\"SOL VERITATIS\" is God, while the ardent spirit of the \"anima mundi\" is the \"ruach Elohim\" (the Creator-God). Khunrath also uses the\nterm \"celum\", adopting Rupescissa's term for the fifth essence, thus, cabbalistically assimilating the refined spirits produced by distillation into the\nconcept of the fiery spirit of God animating nature.\nSPIRITUS ARDENS ANIMA MUNDI NATURA = RUACH ELOHIM.\nSCHAMAIM sive CELUM (Par. 277)\nThe text follows Paracelsus on the nature ofthe four elements, specifically the \"proto-elements\" which are the primal qualities of the four common elements.18\nIn MS Alnwick 571, the text of the Prologue is succeeded by the\ncopies of the four illustrations of 1595 and 1602. The textual explanations of these images in the Alnwick manuscript subsequently re-appear\nin Hanover 1609 in a comparable version as the Isagoges.\nThe simple, almost note-like form of the Amphiteatrum in the Alnwick\nversion is expanded into the far more complex Hanover edition of 1609.\nIIO\n16 Paracelsus, Opera Omnia (Cologne: Huser ed), 2, p. 150.\n17 See Szonyi ( 1999).\n18 Sudhoff, I, 13, Philosophia ad Athenienses, pp. 389-423, see esp p. 406.\n\nPages 70:\nII2\nCHAPTER EIGHT\nIn rewriting his masterwork, Khunrath involved himself in a labour of\nsuch ardor that it may have cost him his life. To fathom his motivation in\nshouldering such a burden, it is necessary to consider the political context\nof German hermeticism in the early seventeenth century.\nCHAPTER NINE\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH'S\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE:\nTHE EDITION OF 1604 (PUBLISHED HANOVER, 1609)\nThe theoretical programme of the Amphiteatrum of 1604 (published Hanover, 1609) is more elaborate than that of 1595. In particular, the prologue has been rewritten to form an account of seven stages of ascent\ntowards Divine Wisdom, while the contents of the former prologue have\nbeen extended into a lengthy new section and renamed the \"Interpretationes et Annotationes\". In the 1604 version, Khunrath retained the \"Isagoges\", \"Corolloria\" and epilogue of 1602 to which he added another\nepilogue dated 1604. There is also a foreword by the editor, dated 1609,\nas well as poetry and epigrams by Khunrath's admirers. Finally, a new\ntitle-page explains the revision of the treatise and the appearance of a\nnew set of engravings as being an attempt to justify the piety of Khunrath's intentions against his detractors. The foreword byWolfart records\nthat Khunrath died prematurely, leaving him to complete the editing of\nthe treatise, implying that problems were encountered in the production\nof the work, though no clear picture emerges of what these may have\nbeen. Due to the scarcity of primary documentation related to Khunrath, it is mostly the internal evidence of his texts which provide clues\nconcerning the political struggles arising from his ideological position.\nOn the dedication page, Khunrath presents a \"theosophical oration\">\naddressed toJesus Christ, thereby, from the outset, he is conceptualised\nas an actor taking part in a staged performance directed at a community\nof pious, Christian theosophists. This theatrical atmospheric is emphasised by the inclusion of a long encomium near the beginning ofthe work\nin honour ofthe founders of theosophy, Reuchlin, Agrippa and ParacelHeinrich Khunrath, Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609), p. 6 (as in MS\nAlnwick 571): \"recens revisum, AMPHITEATRICE instructum QUATUOR\ncircularibus, aliisque hieroglyphicis FIGURIS, in aes affabre scalptis, VERITATIS, passim locorum, sine pudore vim publice patientis iniquissimam et quasi sub calumniarum\npondere fatiscendo ingemiscentis, fere (proh !) succumbentis, ab interitu, pro viribus,\nvindicandae\ncausam: et, quo aliis bonis atque haud vituperanda praeberetur,\nin publicum,acexerigendae\npio animo affectu\".\nKhunrath (1609), foreword by Wolfart, pp. 9-10.\n3 Khunrath (1609), p. 17: \"Oratorio\nTheosophica Ad Fontem Sapientiae Christum\nOpt. Maximum Christiani Cordati\".\n\nPages 71:\nCHAPTER NINE\n114\nsus. Its main theme is that of Paracelsus as the German Phoebus, the\nsource of spiritual and intellectual illumination.4 Morover, the encomium\npictures the Amphiteatrum as a theatre of divine light in which the passive\nspectator is turned into a spiritually enlightened participant in the course\nof the action. This image is based on the Paracelsian theory of the\nimagination as a means of attaining spiritual union with the celestial\nrealms. Hence, Khunrath's engravings in the Amphiteatrum are \"stagesets\" into which the consciousness of the viewer is absorbed. By imaginatively performing within these scenes, that is, by following the spiritual\ninstruction of the imagery and their texts, the viewer enters into a contemplative state leading to \"gnosis\". Subsequent to the encomium, there\nis an epigram in praise of Khunrath, written by Johannes Seussius of\nDresden to the Elector of Saxony in 1604, which similarly locates Khunrath's alchemical theory within the spectacle of a macrocosmic theatre.6\nThe rhetorical devices of Khunrath's engravings may be usefully\ncontextualised within Yates' account of the Renaissance stage as signifying the union of the macro and microcosms. Within this theatrical setting, the microcosmic human actions were dominated bythe stars painted on the ceiling above the stage. Yates also argued for the powerful\neffect on German hermeticism of travelling groups of English players,\n4 Khunrath ( 1609), pp. 11-13.\n5 Khunrath (1609), p. 12:\nhaec Lux, haec dux te praevia ducet\nAbdita cunctarum subito ad penetralia rerum,\nEt sic mirifici non pondus inane Theatri\nNon spectator iners, verum Rimator et Actor\nIntimus hospes eris, non hospes semper oberrans.\n6 Khunrath (1609), pp. 14-15. Thepoem reads:\nMundum extra mundum qui vult specularier omnem\nQuique extra seipsum noscere se satagit:\nNon opus est adeat veterum vastata Theatra\nVel nova, spectaclis reddita vana suis.\nImmundum potius mundum exuat, exuat et se,\nIndupeditrices et fugiat nebulas.\nOrchestramque tui subeat KUNRADE Theatri\nAetheris igniculo praegrediente bono.\nDia ubi smaragdi monstrat Sapientia speculo\nQuid Macrocosmos agit, quod Microcosmos agat.\nEt Panace Hermetice regnatque Asclepia Hygeia\nAc dignis dignas utraque spargit opes. Theatro.\nQuas patulo, Invidia pandis stomachante\nKUNRADE ingenui progenies Genii.\nPerge ita: firma tui basis est mansura Theatri,\nDum Macrocosmus erit, dum Microcosmos erit.\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE EDITION OF 1604\n115\nparticularly relating her argument to the work ofJohann Valentin Andreae.7\nLimon has examined in more detail the history of English theatrical\nactivity in central and eastern Europe in the early seventeenth century.\nThe first recorded professional group, the Earl of Leicester's men visited\nGdansk in 1587, followed by successful residencies in Prague from 1596\nby troupes belonging to Robert Browne and Thomas Sackville. The work\nperformed does not appear to have been concerned with religious politics, since it was mostly a condensed and highly gestural version of contemporary English plays aimed at a German-speaking audience. Yates'\ncase for the radicalising effect of the English theatre on religion is more\napplicable to the late 1610s and the Bohemian campaign of Elector Frederick of the Rhenish Palatinate. In the case of Khunrath, it seems more\nprobable that he discovered the possibilities of the theatre as a rhetorical\ntool by viewing the performances of German and Italian actors at the\ncourt ofRudolph II in Prague prior to the mid 1590s, by which time he\nseems to have returned first to Hamburg and then to Magdeburg. He\nmay, however, have seen English staging devices in Dresden since he had\nconnections with both the Saxon consistory at Dresden and, from the\nevidence of Seussius' epigrammatic address to the Elector, also with the\ncourt. Limon records that there exists some indirect evidence that a\ngroup ofEnglish players had visited Dresden in late 1586-87, although he\nconsiders that regular performances by the English in Eastern Europe\noccurred only after 1600.8\nKhunrath, nevertheless, may have seen examples of the advanced\nstaging devices of the English theatre prior to 1600 at unrecorded public\nperformances by English adventurers. Since the staging and dramatic\nability of the actors greatly impressed their European audience, such\nencounters with the English theatre in the late 1590s could have inspired\nhim to extend his graphic repertoire in 1602, incorporating more rhetorical texts and extensive scenic backgrounds in the new engravings. The\nEnglish were especially famous for their \"perspective\" back-drops, which\nwere painted onto a long length of canvas and wrapped around a cylinder which was unrolled in the course of a performance. Although Limon\nconsiders that this device belongs to a much later period of English activity on the continent (the 1640s), crude proto-types of such machinery\nmay have been toured prior to that time. In the case, however, of de\n7 Yates (1969), pp. 143, 159-61 and Yates (1986), pp. 50, 60, 73, 140-44.\n8 Jerzy Limon, Gentlemen ofa Company: English Players in Central and Eastern Europe, 15901660, (Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 29-33, 37, 107-16.\n\nPages 72:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE EDITION OF 1604\nVries' Oratory-Laboratory engraved earlier in 1595, the back-ground,\nwith its prominent architectural motif of a screen, argues for an influence\nmore from the private court-theatre in which performances were staged\nin front of the dividing-partition at the end of the hall, enabling the\nactors to use the door as an entrance from a make-shift dressing-room.\nWhatever his direct sources, Khunrath clearly realised, as did Andreae and the later Rosicrucians, that a theatrical spectacle could provide a\nrhetorical validation of their politicised hermeticism. For the same reasons, according to Obrist, visual illustrations had been employed by late\nmedieval alchemists in order to deflect scholastic criticism from their\nideas, since the graphic realisation of an alchemical discourse provided\nevidence of its validity. Khunrath aimed to reinforce the rhetorical potential of his imagery by locating it within a theatrical atmospheric of\n\"live\" performance, an even more seductive artistic medium. As Seussius\nexplained in his poem, the function of Khunrath's engravings was to\ninstruct the viewer in the most elevated knowledge by enabling him to see\nthe super-celestial levels of Being.10\nAfter the introductory eulogies on behalf of Khunrath and his theosophical predecessors , there follows a long prologue, divided into seven\nsections examining the seven stages ofwisdom, which are also illustrated\nin one ofthe rectangular engravings of 1602 showing the adept's progress\nthrough a dark tunnel in a mountain towards the light at the far end (fig.\n31). The imagery of the mountain and the light of the divine presence\nrecalls Reuchlin's cabbalistic interpretation in De Arte Cabbalistica of the\nsacrifice of Isaac by Abraham on the mountains of Moriah (Genesis, 22).\nAfter the angel Raphael had prevented this, a covenant was agreed between God and Abraham which was subsequently reinforced by God in\nJacob's vision of the open gates ofheaven and the ladder between heaven\nand earth (Genesis, 28). Reuchlin had explained the concept of the ladder\nin cabbalistic terms as being that of the sephirothic angels, with whose\naid a human-being could make his way to God.\" Khunrath's picture in\nthe Amphiteatrum is based on Reuchlin's interpretation of these stories as\nsymbolising the \"unio mystica\" with Eternal Wisdom in the soul of the\ncabbalist.12 Another engraving from the 1602 series, also entitled the\n\"Porta Amphiteatri Sapientiae Aeternae\", is a visualisation of Reuchlin's\ncabbalistic mysticism in De Arte Cabbalistica where he \nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 61 to page 72 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 72 to page 81 out of a total of 137:\nPages 72:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE EDITION OF 1604\nVries' Oratory-Laboratory engraved earlier in 1595, the back-ground,\nwith its prominent architectural motif of a screen, argues for an influence\nmore from the private court-theatre in which performances were staged\nin front of the dividing-partition at the end of the hall, enabling the\nactors to use the door as an entrance from a make-shift dressing-room.\nWhatever his direct sources, Khunrath clearly realised, as did Andreae and the later Rosicrucians, that a theatrical spectacle could provide a\nrhetorical validation of their politicised hermeticism. For the same reasons, according to Obrist, visual illustrations had been employed by late\nmedieval alchemists in order to deflect scholastic criticism from their\nideas, since the graphic realisation of an alchemical discourse provided\nevidence of its validity. Khunrath aimed to reinforce the rhetorical potential of his imagery by locating it within a theatrical atmospheric of\n\"live\" performance, an even more seductive artistic medium. As Seussius\nexplained in his poem, the function of Khunrath's engravings was to\ninstruct the viewer in the most elevated knowledge by enabling him to see\nthe super-celestial levels of Being.10\nAfter the introductory eulogies on behalf of Khunrath and his theosophical predecessors , there follows a long prologue, divided into seven\nsections examining the seven stages ofwisdom, which are also illustrated\nin one ofthe rectangular engravings of 1602 showing the adept's progress\nthrough a dark tunnel in a mountain towards the light at the far end (fig.\n31). The imagery of the mountain and the light of the divine presence\nrecalls Reuchlin's cabbalistic interpretation in De Arte Cabbalistica of the\nsacrifice of Isaac by Abraham on the mountains of Moriah (Genesis, 22).\nAfter the angel Raphael had prevented this, a covenant was agreed between God and Abraham which was subsequently reinforced by God in\nJacob's vision of the open gates ofheaven and the ladder between heaven\nand earth (Genesis, 28). Reuchlin had explained the concept of the ladder\nin cabbalistic terms as being that of the sephirothic angels, with whose\naid a human-being could make his way to God.\" Khunrath's picture in\nthe Amphiteatrum is based on Reuchlin's interpretation of these stories as\nsymbolising the \"unio mystica\" with Eternal Wisdom in the soul of the\ncabbalist.12 Another engraving from the 1602 series, also entitled the\n\"Porta Amphiteatri Sapientiae Aeternae\", is a visualisation of Reuchlin's\ncabbalistic mysticism in De Arte Cabbalistica where he had frequently mentioned the \"Portae Lucis\", the gates of light, of which the sun is the\nportal. In this illustration, there also appears a mountain (probably Abraham's Moriah), while on a beam of light emanating from the Tetragrammaton are the words \"cum numine lumen, et in lumine numen\" (with\n[God's] power there is light and there is [divine] power in light).\nThroughout the Amphiteatrum, Khunrath praises Christ whom he identifies with\"\"lumen\" (the primal, spiritual radiance of God) which is materialised on the earth through the solar rays. It will be recalled that Boehme in the Aurora makes a similar identification of the Son of God with\nthe \"lumen\" transferred by the sun to the physical world, deriving this\nconcept, like Khunrath, from Reuchlin and also from Paracelsus. 13\nInfluenced by Reuchlin's illuministic imagery and his biblical references, Khunrath structures the prologue of the Amphiteatrum by means of\nquotations on the spiritual and natural light from the Old Testament\nbooks of Proverbs, Wisdom and Psalms (Hanover, 1609 : 19-60). The prologue has no imminent alchemical content, but it introduces those biblical references (Khunrath, 1609: 1-183) which are interpreted alchemically in the following sections, graded according to seven stages (Khunrath,\n1609: 20-22). In the \"Gradus Secundus\" ofthe \"Interpretationes\", Khunrath quotes from Ecclesiastes that light is sweet and that it is delightful for\nthe eyes to see the sun (Khunrath, 1609: 38).14 This quotationformulates\nthe mystical intention of the treatise which is to enable the viewer to\nperceive the sacred vision of the Son of God, for Khunrath then identifies\n\"Lux\" (natural light) with Christ as the Sun ofJustice. Light, thus, is the\nvestment of God which may be discerned in the philosopher's stone as\nthe alchemical sun.\nSumma, purissima, immaculata LUX DEUS est, LUX vera Christus est, et\nSol Iustitiae: LUX et LUMEN SAPIENTIAE, Spiritus sanctus est ... LUX\nest amictus, est vestimentum Dei ... et admirabile illud VRIM in LAPIDE\nBenedictus, Sole Philosophorum cernere (Khunrath, 1609: 38)\n116\n9 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\n10 Khunrath (1609), p. 16:\nHoc te docebit inclytum Theatricum\nOpus hoc, et plane mysticum,\nAeterna monas et trias corde tuo\nFac insit, hunc finem bonum\nScopum que monstrant haec tibi spectacula,\nQuibus Deo potes frui?\n11 Reuchlin, De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), p. 152. Khunrath's\nengraving is reproduced in Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), p. 34.\n117\n12 Reuchlin, De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 132-33 and De\nVerbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), p. 64. See also Busi and Campiani (eds),\nJohannes Reuchlin L'Arte Cabbalistica (1995), pp. 36-37.\n13 Deghaye, \"Dieu et la Nature dans L'Aurore Naissante deJacob Boehme\" in Faivreand\nZimmermann (1979), pp. 129-31; Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 124-28.\n14 Inthe RevisedEnglish Bible (Oxford and Cambridge UPS, 1989) this quotationisfrom\nEccelsiastes, 11: 7.\n\nPages 73:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nIn the \"Gradus Quartus\", Khunrath commences a discussion ofthe nature ofthe sun as an image of God and the source of spiritual salvation,\nas both the interior and the exterior sun. The Wisdom of the Father is\nthe true bread of life (\"manna\") which is Christ.\nEt quia Jesus Christus, verbum Patris est, et Sapientia Patris; igitur verum\nmanna est Christianorum credentium (Khunrath, 1609: 79)\nIn the \"Gradus Quintus\", Khunrath relates \"lumen\" to the cabbalistic\nsephiroth \"Hochmah\", Divine Wisdom, declaring that it is the lantern\nwhich illuminates his mind, hands and feet, micro- and macrocosmically\nin both his oratory and his laboratory.\nSis oro Hhochmael, SAPIENTIA DEI lux et lucerna menti, manibus ac\npedibus meis; in Oratorio utroque, (Micro ac Macro- cosmico) et Laboratorio, meis (Khunrath, 1609: 112)\nHe also quotes from Wisdom 9: 10.\nSend her down from your holy heaven, and from your glorious throne bid\nher come down, so that she may labour at my side and I may learn what is\npleasing to you.15\nKhunrath interprets this in terms of the eternal fire (the quintessence or\n\"caelum\") pervading the three levels of creation, those of nature, the\nfirmament and the celestial spheres, stating that this was known to the\nancient philosophers and theologians as a fiery water, or a watery fire\n(Khunrath, 1609: 129). He recalls the cabbalistic interpretation of Genesis,\nI, i, in which the Elohim created the world by means ofthe \"caelum\", or\n\"schamaim\" (Khunrath, 1609: 127-34).16 The whole world is filled with\nthe \"schamaim\" which penetrates all the sublunary bodies.\nSPIRITUS ARDENS. Ein Geistfeuriges wasser: Ein wasseriger feuriger\nGeist; Ein feweriges Geistwasser; LATEX AETHEREUS: ... HOC in totum\nUNIVERSUM mundanum tripliciter distribuit ELOHIM (Khunrath, 1609:\n127)\nKhunrath describes a Paracelsian cosmos in which the macrocosmic\n\"caelum\" generates the physical species,17 while in its lower material\nform, the \"caelum\" is the chemical spirits of wine, purified by fire and\nreleased from impure matter.18 In \"Gradus Quintus\" and \"Gradus Sixtus\", Khunrath explains further the astrological basis of his Paracelsian\nalchemy, referring to Paracelsus' interpretation of the creation of the\nstars in Genesis, 1. He explains that all natural objects manifest various\nsigns, constituting an alphabet in the book of the world,19 produced by\nthe innate\"astra\", mirroring those in the heavens (Khunrath, 1609 : 142).\nThe alchemist 20must, therefore, know astronomy and watch the progress\nof the seasons. Khunrath refers specifically to Paracelsus' \"doctrine of\nsignatures\", calling him the \"Germanicus Asclepiades\" and quoting him\non reading the book of nature. In this context, Khunrath also names\nPetrus Ramus, as well as \"Johannes Baptista Porta\", recalling della Porta's defence of the \"doctrine of signatures\" in Basel on 24 August 1588\nduring his disputation for the doctorate of medicine (Khunrath, 1609:\n152). In relation to the \"signatures of nature\", Khunrath also discusses\ntheurgic\nsigils and magical figures, also probably drawing on Paracelsus. 21\nKhunrath provides a further Paracelsian account of the astral virtue in\nthe third Isagoge and its set of alchemical queries (Khunrath, 1609: 187207). In Question IV, he asks,\n118\n15 Khunrath (1609), p. 127: \"Mitte illam de Coelis sanctis tuis, et a sede Magnitudinis\ntuae, ut mecum SIT mecum LABORET, ut sciam quid acceptum sit apud TE\". Translation from the Revised English Bible (Oxford and Cambridge UPS, 1989).\n16 There is a similar account in the Chaos (Khunrath, 1616: 75).\n17 Khunrath (1609), p. 133: \"Est causa omnium, quae gignuntur; ConfertFormam et\nSpeciem in materiam apparatam immittit; Regit omnia, quae hic continet Mundus;\nfoecundatfemina; Omnis foecunditas ab Coelo spargitur;\"\n119\n18 Khunrath (1609), p. 127: \"Totus globus inferior plenus est SCHAMAIM, Caelo,\nSpiritu Aethereo, omnia enim corpora penetravit sublunaris ... HOC ... a vinculis\ncoagulationum fixatio numque Physico-Chemice relaxat atque resoluit in SPIRITUM ad\nspectabilem sensibusque obvium omnibus: separando, ab superfluitatibus ei admixtis,\ndepurat, et primordiali sic restituit libertati. HOC, CAELUM INFERIUS; PRIMUM;\ncuius scintilla Alcool vini, quod Spiritus, Aqua et Ignis\".\n19 Khunrath (1609), p. 131: \" NOTA: Quomodo ASTRA sint in signa ... hoc est, signa\nindicantia, et Alphabetum quasi in tomo Libri Mundi maioris Coelesti, quibus DEUS ...\nde variis ac magnis nobiscum loquitur ... HOC, CAELUM SECUNDUM; sublime;\nRegio pure aetherea. HOC, Solem, Lunam et Stellas habet; revera etiam PRIMUM et\nInferius (suo modo) astra sunt ... Motu harmonico sive sympathico (erga se invicem)\nmovetur utrunque; id quod inferius, sicut quod est superius, et contra. Qui motus,\ncertitudinem suadet (quam dixi) indicationum\".\n20 Khunrath (1609), p. 151 : \"ex Astris, tanquam Alphabeto Coelesti, a Magistro\nexercitato Astronom. et Astr. legi ac scire potest\". Khunrath discusses the solstices and\nrefers to the ephemerides. He comments: \"Temperamentorum humanorum corporum\nquae ad dispositionem et constitutionem Coeli et constellationum variantur, moventur,\ninclinatur. Imo actiones hominum aut redduntur eisdem difficiliores aut faciliores\".\n21 Khunrath (1609), p. 141 : \"Natura notis et signis, pictae et exornatae sunt,\nNaturae characterismis insignitae; certa nimirum proportione, figuram et habitu;divinisque\nunde de\ninterno et latente spiritu occultisque rerum proprietatibus iudicium fieri potest: imo ipsa\nproprietas rerum occulta et spiritus latens seipsum prodit certis quibusdam notis etfiguris\nexternis, etpro natura ac indole sua, talem effingit signaturam, figuram, proportionem et\nhabitum, qualis a Sapientibus vult cognosci: quae Signatura Magia Naturalis initium, et\nquasi\nalphabetum primumque elementum est... Concurrit enim totius Naturae signatura\nin Micro-Cosmo\".\n\nPages 74:\n120\n121\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nQuid est Ruah Elohim qui incubat aquis ?\n(Khunrath, 1609: 195)\nIn response, he describes the \"Ruah Elohim\" as creating the \"Theatro\nMundano\" on the model of the \"Archetypos\" (the Creator-God).22 This\npassage is related, in fact, to the 1595 illustration of the \"Archetypos\"\n(Christ) in which there occur several examples of Reuchlin's cabbalistic\nform ofthe name ofJesus (fig. 33). In the answer to Question VI, Khunrath relates the \"caelum\" or \"aether\" to Christ, as the union of spirit and\nmatter, the model for the physical world and the philosopher's stone for\nits salvation. Khunrath ardently restates his Christian loyalties.\nIHSVH CHRISTI crucifixi, Salvatoris totius generis humani, id est, Mundi\nminoris, in NATURAE LIBRO, et seu SPECULO, typus est, LAPIS PHILOSOPHORUM Servator Mundi maioris ... Et ego Christianus sum, ... et\npermanens volo (Khunrath, 1609: 197)\nThe response to Question VIII describes how the aetherial spirit (Christ)\ngives form to matter by penetrating and fecundating it with the light of\nthe \"anima mundi\", the inner and outer generative fire of the \"azoth\"\n(Khunrath, 1609: 202).23 Khunrath comments on the role ofmercury, as\nthe \"azoth\" in alchemy by means of which the alchemist works with\nnature, rather than with his hands.\nsine manuali cooperatione, solius Naturae laboribus\n(Khunrath, 1609: 201)\nInthe last stages ofthe alchemical process, he explains, when the purified\nbody and spirit ofthe materials are being re-united, the alchemist should\nuse the \"Olympian fire\" (Khunrath, 1608: 73-74). He refers less directly\nto the practice ofcatoptrics in the Amphiteatrum, informing the reader only\nthat he has to work in an occult manner with fire, or by means ofdivine\npower in a cabbalistic manner.224 This work takes three days to complete\nand it involves all the levels of creation, divine, macrocosmic and microcosmic (Khunrath, 1609: 203).\nThis catoptrical reference is related to John Dee's ideas, since in an\nearlier section ofthe Amphiteatrum, Khunrath had referred to Dee's cabbalism in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica and the Monas Hieroglyphica.\nHuc pertinet Cabalistarum Gimetria; Teusrasche; et Neoteriken. Sive (ut\nJoannes ab Dee Londinensis exprimit, in suis ad Parisienses Aphorismis, etin\nPraefatione ad Regem Maximilianum Monadi Hieroglyphicae praefixam)\nGeometria, Notariacon et Tzyruph (Khunrath, 1609: 6)\nFurthermore, there are allusions to catoptrics in certain details of the\nillustrations in the Amphiteatrum, such as the hand-lens in Khunrath's portrait of 1602, which depicts him holding pair of dividers with which heis\ninscribing a circle (a Pythagorean reference) (fig. 26). Similarly, in de\nVries' engraving of the Oratory-Laboratory, a hand-mirror is depicted\namong the objects on the table (frontispiece). The owl in Khunrath's\nemblem of 1599 is also provided with optical and luminary accessories\nsuch as spectacles, tapers and candle-sticks (fig. 28). It is probable, in fact,\nthat Khunrath was writing his treatise on alchemical catoptrics De Igne\nMagorum, in the same years, 1602-4, as he was reworking the Amphiteatrum.\nIn the same volume as Khunrath's De Igne Magorum (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1608) is located Johannes Arndt's commentary on the four figures of\nwhat he calls the \"grossen Amphiteatrum \", which, according to Eco, refers\nto the circular illustrations of the 1595 version (frontispiece, and figs. 32,\n33, 34).25 Arndt considers Khunrath's cabbalistic theology oflight to be\nthe outstanding aspect of his philosophy and he explains its origins in the\nParacelsian theory of the \"light of nature\" (Arndt, 1608: 109-10).26 The\nMagus is enabled to perform miracles by means of the Wisdom of God\ntransmitted to nature in the form of light and when the magus sees all\nthings in this celestial light, then he is a cabbalist. Cabbalism, thus, is of\nhigher spiritual worth than magic (Arndt, 1608: 111) and, even more\nspecifically, the cabbalah is magic in a heavenly light. Under the influence of the natural irradiation (of the sun's light), magic is natural wis-\n22 Khunrath (1609), pp. 195-96: \"Ruah Elohim est SPIRITUS, Spiraculum, ahelitus\nprimi\n[Tetragrammaton] sancti, sanctus; Vapor virtutis DEI ... foecunditatis vitalis,\nsummique motoris, vivifica atque virtuosa, ... IDEARUM ... Exemplarium, Specierum,\nRationum feminariarum ... in ARCHETYPI, opificis summi, mente ... Hhochmah in\nSAPIENTIA ... ESSENTIA ... vere QUINTA ... DEI NUMEN, et Divina Ratio ...\nUNUS\n(essentia\net numero) hic DEI Spiritus est; ... Anima catholica ... unius Animae\nuniversalis\nscintillae\".\n23 Khunrath (1609), p. 197: \"Ruach Elohim (descendendo demittendoque se per\ncircumferentias partesque; abditissimas omnes, et dispergendo in imum vel meditullium,\nScintillas radiosve foecunditas suae) ad Centrum usque penetrabat\".\n24 Khunrath (1609), p. 202: \"Azoth hoc est [sign for mercury] mercurium\nPhilosophorum Catholicon: qui cum Igne interno et Externo, harmonia tamen\nsympathica, cum Igne Olympico, ob necessitatem inevitabilem, Physicomagice unito, ad\nLapidem nostrum consequendum ... Quod, Vulcani, secretum, profundissime, abscosum,\nnisi probe sciveris ... aut ab artifice, aut usu crebro, aut DEIPSO, more Cabalistico,\nfrustra ...laborabis\".\n25Johannes Arndt, \"Judicium uber die vier Figuren des Grossen Amphiteatrum\nHenrici Khunraths\" in Heinrich Khunrath, De Igne Magorum Philosophorumque secreto\n(Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1608), pp. 107-23.\n26 Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" (1979), pp. 59-60.\n\nPages 75:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\ndom, but under the influence of divine irridescence, it becomes Divine\nWisdom (Arndt, 1608: 113).\nThe focus ofArndt's attention is the \"first figure\" ofthe Amphiteatrum.,\nwhich, from his description, is the circular engraving depicting the \"Anthropos\", identifiable with Christ, standing within a cabbalistic cosmos\n(fig. 32). Arndt refers to the 'Hebrew names which stand in the circle\",\nmeaning the seventy-two names of God inscribed on the outer sphere\n(Arndt, 1608: 117-18). He explains that the Hebrew names are those of\nan \"angel\" within the circle , which may indicate that Arndt was referring\nto Reuchlin's description of the cabbalistic angel Metattron who, as the\nempyreal form of the Messiah, was identified with Christ (Arndt, 1608:\n113).27 The Ten Commandments are also inscribed on the circle, while\nat the four axis points appear the names of the four elements. The theme\nof this picture is the descent of Anthropos (Christ) into the inferior world\nin the form oflight, as the \"Ruah-Elohim\", the Creator-God. Klossowski\nde Rola interprets the outer circle of the Ten Commandments as representing the cabbalistic physical world of Asiyyah, the letters of the Hethat of the formative\nbrew alphabet as that of Yetsirah, the sephiroth\nworld of Beriah and the names of God as the divine world of Azilut. The\nfigure of Christ is the \"En Soph\" itself and both he and the phoenix at his\nfeet represent resurrection and immortality. Hence, the image is a discourse on Christ crucified and resurrected as the philosopher's stone,\nprobably in a Weigelian sense as the eternal drama of the spiritual Christ\nwithin the human soul.28\nAnother aspect ofthese four images which Arndt regarded to be highly significant was their depiction of the astral or aethereal fire produced\nby magic which he regarded as the great secret of nature (Arndt, 1608:\n121-23). Arndt mentions Khunrath's citations ofthe heavenly fire ofPrometheus, which was also the secret fire of the oriental magi , such as\nAaron, the Chaldeans and the Persians. Although his description is brief,\nit is likely that it refers to the image of the \"Archetypos\" whose grace\ndescends to the earth in the form of drops of aetherial water, uniting with\nthe aspiring flames ofthe virtuous human soul (fig. 33). However, Arndt's\naccount ofthe secret fire ofthe sages is equally appropriate to his \"first\nfigure\"(fig. 32) in which Christ appears in the midst of a blaze of roaring\nflames, radiating from the dove ofthe Holy Spirit at his feet. (Klossowski\nde Rola had identified this bird as a phoenix). In this image it would be\nChrist who was the \" secret fire of the sages\". Both of these engravings\nvisualise the intense experience of Christ's gift of divine grace to the\nhuman soul which produces the spiritual state of the \"unio mystica\". The\nillumination of the soul, thus, is achieved through the practice ofcabbalistic contemplation which reveals the vision of God.\nKlossowski de Rola considered that the engraving ofthe \"Archteypos\"\n(fig. 33) described \"the entire process of the elaboration of the Philosopher's Stone\". He interprets the figure ofthe \"Rebis\" in the centre ofthe\nimage as exemplifying a \"most excellent and perfect Marriage, whose\nmysterious offspring is likened to the Divine Logos, redeemer of all humanity\". Klossowski de Rola emphasises the Christological discourse of\nthe image, referring especially to Khunrath's concepts ofthe death and\nresurrection of Christ as the \"Divine Stone\",29\nIn the illustration of the \"Archetypos\" the Tetragrammaton creates\nthe world on the model of its own divine qualities which are inscribed on\nthe flames of light shining forth from it. The model for Khunrath's engraving was the computational circles of the Lullian Art which functioned according to categories determined by the eternal qualities of\nGod. The two inner circles of Khunrath's cosmogram are divided into\nten categories which, in Lullian mode, record the spiritual virtues ofthe\nsoul and the taxonomical functions of the human mind. In the outer\ncircle there is a statement that the forms of nature (signified by the quaternary), the duality (of spirit and body) and the ternary (of spirit, soul\nand body) should be reduced to the simplicity of the Monad (God). Lull\nhad adapted to his logical system the neoplatonic-Augustinian concept of\n\"exemplarism\" in which God's qualities were the model for his material\ncreation. Lull's system in the Ars Inventiva Veritatis (1289-90) was based on\nthe circular diagram ofthe \"Figura Animae\" which employed nine ofthe\nneoplatonic dignities of God. It was structured on a trinitarian numerology, since it was computed by three triangles located in the centre, representing the Holy Trinity. Similarly, in the centre of Khunrath's image\nthere is a triangle containing the figure of the \"Rebis\", signifying the\ndualistic constitution of the human-being as body and soul. It also represents Christ whose nature was also binary since he was both God and\nhuman.\nOn the pages of a book, shown at the top-left of the central scene,\nthere appears the cabbalistic name of Christ, \"YHSVH\", recurring also\non a scroll winding around the \"Rebis\", on whose garment are written\n122\n27 Reuchlin, De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964 facsimile of 1517 ed.), pp. 133, 143,\n152.\nand Zeller,\n28 Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), pp. 43-44. See Peuckert\n. Samtliche Schriften, 4, pp. 7ff, 133-51, 320-22, esp. Ch. 3 on \"Christus\nWeigel\nValentin\ncrucifixus\".\n29 Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), p. 44.\n123\n\nPages 76:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nthe words \"Christo inductus et eum imitans\" (\"led by Christ and imitating him\"). On the outer circle of the diagram there is another reference\nto the resurrected, triunary \"Xptotoo crucifixus\" who sits on the throne\n(of God) and who leads the soul to the Truth.30 It will be recalled that in\nthe manuscript copy of the 1595 Amphiteatrum (MS Alnwick 571) Khunrath had chastised the black magicians for their use of the pentacle,\nstating that the \"annulus\" (Agrippa's term for a magical talisman) is the\nlegitimate cabbalistic cypher. It is probable that by these words Khunrath\nwas indicating the theurgic authority of the circular engraving of the\n\"Archetypos\" which was derived from the risen Christ.31\nThe same Christian intention ofbelittling the practices ofblackmagic\nis encountered in one of the engravings made for the Amphiteatrum in\n1602, that of a circular fortress with twenty-one gates (fig. 29). The concept promoted in this image is that Christ, as the illuminating principle of\nnature in the philosopher's stone, is the only path to the kingdom ofGod.\nThe texts in the centre of the castle refer to the light of nature and the\nhealing powers of Christ as the universal Salt, the philosopher's stone and\nthe water of life. He is to be attained by spagyric and orthodox philosophical principles. Sophistry will not prevail against them.32 In contrast,\nthe texts around the fortress denounce black magical practices, false alchemical principles and sophistry, that is, theurgy without a Christian\nfoundation (basically witchcraft with spirit familiars), materialism and\ndoctrinal rigidity. The other texts in the circle include references to specific alchemical processes, while the section below the castle describes the\n\"Magnesia\" (Christ) as the \"medicina catholica\". It states that the stone\n(\"Elohim sal sapientiae\") is prepared \"vulcanically\" (\"vulcanicam\") and\n\"neptunically\" (\"neptunicam\"), that is, through the action of fire and\nwater.\nHence, there is only one spiritual path, the way of Christ, by which\nthe fortress ofWisdom may be entered and this is indicated by the elaborate gateway. Klossowski de Rola's interpetation of this image stresses\nthe protective nature ofthe fortress in which the secrets ofthe alchemical\nart are hidden. Twenty of the gates lead the false alchemists to ruin, the\nonly way into the castle is by the practice ofmoral virtue and through the\nilluminated knowledge granted by God.33\nAbove the main gateway to the castle, there is an image of Dee's\nMonas Hieroglyphica, while a motto reads \"Laborando Orando\" which\nwas also Dee's axiom (fig. 30). Around the Monas are two dragons, holding each other's tails in the form ofthe Ouroboros. Various other symbols refer to the secrecy ofthe alchemical process, such as a cryptic word,\n\"MYSTERION\" which is inscribed, letter by letter, on each ofthe seven\nsteps proceeding upwards to the classical gate-way. Two obelisks are\nlocated at the foot of the stairs, the sun crowning the one on the left and\nthe moon that on the right, which is also labelled \"TACITURNITAS\".\nBetween the two obelisks is written the phrase \"OPERA BONA\". At the\nfoot ofthe path, the figure of an alchemist gazes out at the viewer, while\ntwo other figures, exotically dressed in the manner of oriental cabbalists,\nappear in the space behind the gate, incanting Hebrew texts. The symbolic triangle of God hovers at the top ofthe scene, while a dragon lurks\nbelow, representing base-matter. The texts around him refer to the alchemical processes of putrefaction, coagulation, fixation and increation,\nwhile other inscriptions speak of multiplication, reiteration, fermentation,\nthe elixir and the red and white tinctures. Below this scene, there is an\nemblem of a heart, out ofwhich are growing barren thorns and a flowering bramble. An alchemical kiln to the right of this device is inscribed\nwith cyphers referring to Christ, \"INRI\" and \"IHS\".\nThe path to the main gate of the fortress is drawn in the form of an\nabstract geometrical structure, so as to present a diagrammatic model of\nthe single-point perspective system. It should be noted that the threedimensional space of the gateway is discordant with the perspectival\nstructure of the rest of the scene, since the castle itself, as well as its\nlandscape setting, are pictured as a map, or an aerial view. Moreover, the\npath is drawn in the form of a diagrammatic \"pavimentum diminutionis\", in the manner of model-books explaining the construction of\n124\n]\npater [\"YHVSH\" in Hebrew\n30 Khunrath, engraving (1595): \"Sic [Tetragrammaton]omnis\nsedebit in throno suo,\nXpiotoo crucifixus, frater: SPIRITUS SANCTUS\nTEMETIPSO, triuno, renato, catholico\". The scroll around the \"rebis\" reads: \"HOMO\nORA/ binarium/ LABORA [\"YHSVH\" in Hebrew] SAPIENTIA [Tetragrammaton]\nincarnata, miserere, nostri et doce nos VERITATEM: amen\".\nTheoso31 MS Alnwick 571, Par. 74: \"Hic ANNULUM assistentia spiritu boni,Nigroman,\nnon\nillud\nPentaculum\nSolo\nnovis\nvirtuosum\nCordis)\nHoc\nphorum:(In Tabulis\natque blasphemum: est collo mentis luce\nticorum seu Cacomagorum phantasticum,\". For\nAgrippa's \"annulus\" (sigils) see his Opera\nsuspendenda. Vi de figura Amp. huius 4a\nChs.\n30\nand\n31, pp. 390-96.\n;\n1970),\nBk.\nIII,\n1600)\n(Hildesheim\n(\nqui Mundi maioris fil32 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"PETRA PHILOSOPHALIS,\nsapientiae\nfusili et Oleo, salutis\nsuis\nSALE\npraeconsortibus\nNaturae \u041fav\nius, et magnus\nAnimalium,\nMedicinalis incombustibili, hoc est MEDICINAE Hominum vegetabilium,\nMineralium, Metallorum, ac Lapidum; imo Rerum Materialium, omnium Universali,\nunctus; seminarium habens Ignis Naturae; venat habens Aquae vivae et vitae salientis in\nvitambeatam CHRISTIQUE IHSVH effigies, in Natura symbolica supra quam Unam et\nac Orthodoxe\nSolam Numen Luminis Naturae aedificavit Turbam suam spagyricehaec\nPhilosophantium, Catholicam. Nec est in Ente alio Naturali ullo salus : Et portae\nsophistarum non praevalebunt adversus eam\".\n33 Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), p. 42..\n125\n\nPages 77:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE EDITION OF 1604\nillusionistic three-dimensional space (figs. 1, 21, 22). The implication of\nKhunrath's perspectival construction is that it is being used as a symbolic\nimage in its own right.\nThe appearance, hence, of Dee's Monas in this perspectival view of\nthe castle-gate is an allusion both to his Euclidean cabbalism and, also,\nperhaps, indirectly to his \" zographie\" in the Mathematicall Preface (1570: ff.\ndijv, diijr), since the classical forms of the castle-gateway and its spatial\nconstruction could have been influenced by Dee's Vitruvian theory in the\nMathematicall Preface. It will be recalled that Dee considered \"zographie\"\nto be a conceptual art-form, whose geometrical principles were related to\noptics . Furthermore, single-point perspective drawing, like any geometrical structure based on Pythagorean mathematical ratios, was a type of\nmagical sigil (Dee, Math. Pref. f. ciiijr), similar to the astral catoptrics of\nthe Propaedeumata Aphoristica and to the theurgic cypher of the Monas\nHieroglyphica. Dee's account of \"zographie\" in the Mathematicall Preface\nimplied that a graphic system based on Pythagorean geometry would act\nas a theurgic talisman absorbing the celestial virtues. Dee's theories\nwould resonate with Khunrath's own Agrippan influences, as well as with\nhis Paracelsian theosophy in which Christ-Anthropos operated through\nthe light of\"Hochmah\" to pervade the universe. Khunrath's engravings\nwere, thus, spiritual catoptrical mirrors, reflecting the light of Eternal\nWisdom to the mind of the viewer.\nAccording to Szonyi, architectural motifs in mystical imagery are cosmograms in which the buildings and their ground-plans signify the construction of the cosmos, producing a revelation in the viewer's mind'\nconcerning the fabric of reality. Szonyi has, however, distinguished such\ncosmograms from the use of similar architectural motifs in alchemical\nimagery, since he regards them as being more scenic elements, included\nwithin a didactic, slowly-unfolding, alchemical story. For his taxonomy of\nrevelatory and didactic images Szonyi has drawn on Gombrich's definition of symbolic types of imagery.34 According to this argument, Khunrath's 1595 illustrations would be revelatory since they are visually structured to illuminate the viewer's understanding through an empathetic\nengagement. In contrast, Khunrath's 1602 engravings are more narrative, both in their formal construction and in their semiotic mode, though\nelements within these images continue to operate with a revelatory intention. On the other hand, many other seventeenth century alchemical\nimages, such as those ofMaier in the Atalanta Fugiens, are primarily didactic in their intention.\nAnother ofthe 1602 illustrations in the Amphiteatrum, as discussed earlier, is both a revelatory and a didactic exposition of Reuchlin's sephirothic ladder. Recalling Reuchlin's frequent references to the cabbalistic\n\"portae lucis\", Khunrath's cave is similarly entitled \"PORTA AMPHITEATRI SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE\" (fig. 31).34 The wording on the\nrays of light emanating from the cave is discussed in the fourth Isagoge\nlater in the treatise (Khunrath, 1609: 208). Initiates into the cabbalistic\nmysteries proceed up a sequence of seven steps, each of which is related\nto a cryptic aphorism appearing in the rays of light, alluding to the need\nfor obedience on the spiritual path since the great mystery is not available to the profane.35\nThe text below the image states that the path to Jehovah is narrow,\nknown only tothe Christian cabbalist and also to those philosophers who\nprofess orthodox doctrines. The incarnation of Christ was a gift from\nGod given to his friends that they might rejoice. Thus, they will not die\nfrom sophistry but will live in theosophical wisdom. There is a reference\nto the \"enthusiasm\" of Khunrath's theological position and to the falsehoods told against him.36 This text suggests that Khunrath's beliefs were\nsimilar to those of Weigel and Arndt in subscribing to the possibility of\nthe soul's direct union with God through the Holy Spirit. Like Weigel\nand Arndt, Khunrath did not discard the historical role ofthe incarnated\nChrist, nor of the Lutheran sacraments. For Weigel, the historic Christ\nwas primarily an exemplar of a holy life, rather than an automatic guarantee of salvation to the baptised, irrespective of how they lived. The\nEucharist also contained the living Christ, according to Weigel, but his\n126\n34 Szonyi, \"Architectural Symbolism and Fantasy Landscapes\", Glasgow Emblem Studies,\n3 (1998): 49-69.\n127\n34 For the cabbalistic interpretation of the story of Abraham in Genesis, 22, see\nReuchlin,\nDeArte Cabbalistica\n1964 repr. of 1517 ed.), pp. 132-33.\n35 See Klossowski\nde Rola's(Stuttgart,\ntranslation ofthe axioms in The Golden Game (1988), p. 43.\nHe regards this image as describing a monistic union with God.\n36 The full wording reads: \"PORTA AMPHITEATRI SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE,\nsolius verae, et angusta quidem, sed tamen satis angusta, JEHOVAE consecrata, ideoque\nad eam per SCALAM suam mysticam, prologeticam nimirum illam, sibi praefixam,\npicturam hic significatam, graduum septem Theosophicorum, vere Philosophicam,\nfiliorum DOCTRINAE dum taxat fidelium, tractu DEI patris tam immediato, mere\nEVDOVOL\u03b1\u03c3I\u043a@ (phy calumniatori !) quam varie mediato, sit ascensus; solisque hisce, DIVINITUS afflatis, datur, secundum LEGES oraculores septem, ante portam, coruscantes,\nintrogrediendi, oculisque et corporis et mentis CHRISTIANO-KABALICE, DIcopia\nVINO-MAGICE, nec non PHYSICO-CHYMICE videndi, conteni, plandi et percotandi\nquaenam sit Sapientia, Bonitas et Potentia Creatoris: ut Sophistice non moriantur sed\nTheosophice vivant, et PHILOSOPHI orthodoxi SIC etiam \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf-\u03ba\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c6\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf-\u03b4\u03b9\u03b4\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\ncreati, PHILOSOPHIA syncera vere philosophice enarrent Opera DOMINI DEUMque,\nqui illos ita beavit amicos suos, digne celebrent. Extructore HENRICO KHUNRATH\nLIPS. Theosophiae amatore fideli, et MEDICINAE utriusque DOCTORE. ANNO a\nJHSVH CHRISTO nato M. DC . II\".\n\nPages 78:\n128\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE EDITION OF 1604\ninterpetation ofthis was not a Lutheran one, since he also believed in the\npossibility of an eternal eucharistic union with Christ within the human\nsoul. This is likely to be the sense of Khunrath's references to the role of\nChrist as the philosopher's stone.\nIn addition, Khunrath's frequent references to the resurrection of\nChrist after the crucifixion were also more a reflection of Weigel's teachings of Christ as the role-model for a pious life, than of the doctrine\ntaught by the Lutheran Church that the crucifixion, once and for all,\natoned for the sins of the baptised. Arndt's spiritual teachings on these\nissues were also taken directly from Weigel.37 Hence the wording on the\ngarment of the \"Rebis\" in the engraving of the \"Archetypos\", \"led by\nChrist and imitating him\", while the reference in the same image to the\nresurrected, \"Xptotoo crucifixus\", who leads the soul to Truth, alludes to\nthe inner spiritual rebirth of the soul, on which is already inscribed the\nword of Christ. Khunrath, like Weigel and Arndt, was, thus, promoting\nthe spiritual experience of an individual revelatory insight which is the\neffect ofthe \"unio mystica\" with God through the Holy Spirit. This is the\ntopic ofthe 1595 engraving of the \"Archetypos\" (fig. 33).\nNevertheless , although Khunrath was continually attacking the doctrinaire Lutheran theologians, he clearly regarded himself as still belonging\nto the Lutheran community. He was attempting, like Arndt, to clear a\nmiddle-ground between a pietism based on cabbalistic theosophy and the\ndictates ofthe Church . As in the case of many other mediators, the result\nwas that Khunrath, to his great pain and indignation, was attacked by\nboth sides and viewed as objectionable on all counts. The saving element\nfor a public figure such as Arndt may have been political influence and it\nmay have been that this is precisely what Khunrath lacked.\nIn comparison with the laboured textual rhetoric of the 1602 engravings, a more subtle Christological discourse was developed by primarily\nvisual devices in de Vries' illustration of the Oratory-Laboratory of 1595\n(frontispiece). In fact, the four circular engravings of 1595 are far more\nelegant in both their visual design and the semiotic delivery of their\ntheoretical programme than those of 1602 which, by comparison, seem\ndark in their atmosphere and diffuse and rambling in their discursive\nstructure. While the 1595 images are focused on the concept of the al-\nchemical \"azoth\" as Christ and its spiritual and alchemical significance,\nin contrast, the 1602 series of pictures are concerned with the political\nstatus of the illuminated magus and his struggle to defend his sacred\nknowledge from perversion by the ignorant and himself from political\nattack. Drawing on Gombrich's distinction between\nrevelatory and didactic images, as in Szonyi's useful argument,38 the 1595 engravings\ncould be defined as being revelatory cosmograms, while the 1602 imagery are primarily didactic narratives, although they also have a revelatory\naspect in their mystical intensity. Furthermore, the aerial view of the\nlandscape in many of the 1602 scenes, particularly in that ofthe \"Porta\nAmphiteatri Sapientiae\", not only produces a narrative, didactic sequence, it also creates an imaginative space into which the viewer seems\nto be absorbed.39 Hence, the panoramic aspect of some of the 1602\nimages in the Amphiteatrum, is an indexical device capturing the spectator\nwithin their discourse (figs. 29, 31), although the picture of the \"calumniatores\" is a purely didactic image since this was, indeed, its sole purpose\n(fig. 35).\nThe discourse of the enlightened mage, however, commences earlier\nthan the 1602 series, appearing first in the 1595 engraving of the Oratory-Laboratory. Its main thesis, nonetheless, is still that ofthe divine light\nofChrist as the cabbalistic and alchemical \"azoth\". The artist, Jan Vredeman de Vries (1527-1604) trained as a painter in Antwerp, but he fled\nthe Netherlands with his son Pauwels at the time of the Duke of Alba's\ndecree against the Protestants, working instead as an architect for Rudolph II in Prague. He eventually returned to Holland and from 1568 he\nissued a series of architectural model-books, depicting classical buildings\nset in deep perspective settings. He also published instructions for the\nconstruction of single-point perspective.40 None of his treatises are concerned with hermeticism, nor have any records survived which would\nexplain the history of the illustration in the Amphiteatrum and de Vries'\nrelationship with Khunrath.\nThe picture of the Oratory-Laboratory belongs to the emblematic\ntradition of\"Melancholia\", introspective contemplation on the nature of\nthe world, which originated in Durer's engraving of that name in 1514.\nThe image had become a generic type by the late sixteenth-century,\n37 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (1962-78), 2, pp. 29-31; 4,\npp. 7, 133-51, 320-22; Koyre, Mystiques Spirituels Alchemistes (Paris,\n1955), 81-116;\nPeuckert, Pansophie, 2, pp. 290-300; Pfefferl, \"Valentin Weigel und Paracelsus\"pp.(1988),\n78-89; Braw, Bucher imStaube Die TheologieJohan Arndts (1986), pp. 104-43; Stoeffler, Riseppof.\nEvangelical\nPietism (1965), pp. 202-10; Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 128-32, 179-80,\n.\n587\n38 Szonyi, \"Architectural Symbolism and Fantasy Landscapes\" (1998): 49-69.\n39 See the illustrations in Klossowski de Rola, The Golden Game (1988), pp. 34-36, 38.\n40 De Vries' name is inscribed on the frame ofthe picture and it is recorded that the\nplate was engraved by Paul van Doort of Antwerp. See Jan Vredeman de Vries, Variae\nArchitecturae Formae (Antwerp: Joannes Gallaeus, 1601); Jan Vredeman de Vries, Perspective\n(Leiden: Henricus Hondius, 1604; New York: Columbia U.P; Dover, 1968).\n129\n\nPages 79:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE: THE EDITION OF 1604\nincorporating motifs drawn from perspectival geometry, architecture, Pytheagorean mathematics and alchemy, arts which were said to be astrologically governed by the planet Saturn. This emblematic iconography\nconventionally included spatial constructions based on Pythagorean geometry and mathematical ratios.41 Hence, it is the exaggerated perspectival structure of de Vries' image with its sweeping \"pavimentum diminutionis\" and emphatic architectural design which contextualises it within\nthe iconographic tradition ofMelancholia, as do the musical instruments\non the table, designating the Pythagorean musical structure of the cosmos. In addition, the books on the altar within the tabernacle-tent depict\ngeometrical forms. De Vries, however, employs the devices of geometricised space with a more radical intention than that of Saturnian symbology. The spatial structure is a means whereby he can establish an indexical relationship between the viewer's physical world and that of the\npicture, enabling the viewer to enter the alchemist's laboratory and to\nparticipate in his work.\nIn the illustration, the hall is divided from a bedroom at the far-end by\na screen with a open door, above which appears a maxim stating \"dormiens vigila\" (while sleeping, be vigilant). The hall is lit by windows in the\nright-hand wall, with flasks and glass-vessels standing on the window-sills,\nwhile a fire-place against the wall on the right is loaded with yet more\nflasks and other alchemical apparatus. Almost every surface in the room\nis inscribed with a brief axiom or aphorism, referring to the need for\ncircumspect action and the grace of God. For example, the inscription on\nthe fire-place reads \"sapienter retentatum succedet aliquando\", while on\nthe pedestals of its two supporting pillars are written the words \"ratio\"\nand \"experientia\". On the wall above the fire -place hangs a coat-of-arms\nabove which is the maxim \"nec temere nec timide\" and, beneath\nit, \"laboratorium\". The bottles on the chimney-piece are labelled\n\"a[er] a[qua] s[pritus] t[erra]\", \"ros celi\", \"azoth\", \"sulphur rubeus\",\n\" phit...m\", \"hyle\", \"sanguis\", \"aurum potabile\", \"aierr [sign of a\ncross]\" and \"mercury\". The small furnace, athanor and oven at the front\nright are inscribed \" spiritus\", \"anima\", \"festina lente\" and \"maturandum\". Even the coal-scuttle carries an aphorism, of which only a few\nwords are legible, thus, \"pudeat\" and \"arbor\". The table in the middle of\nthe room is covered with musical instruments, sheet-music and more\nalchemical apparatus. A small hand-mirror is carefully placed on the\nnear right-hand edge of its surface. Underneath the table appears the\naxiom \"Disce bene mori\", while on the front-edge ofthe table-cloth there\nis a statement concerning the power of sacred music to deter spirits and\nevil-doers, \"musica sancta spirituumque malignorum fuga\".\nThe devotional theme is elaborated on the left of the picture where a\nkneeling figure (perhaps Khunrath himself) prays before a richly-decorated, Turkish tent, inscribed with the Tetragrammaton. Within this enclosure stands an altar on which have been placed two books, replacing the\ncustomary missals and service-books of the Christian Church. A quote\nfrom Psalm 149 is inscribed on the book on the right, while the other\ndisplays geometrical symbols, with an upright pentacle in a circle on the\nleft-page and, opposite it, an image ofthe squaring ofthe circle on which\nappears the word \"Time\" and the Tetragrammaton. The appearance of\nthe pentacle is somewhat puzzling in view of Khunrath's diatribe in the\n1595 Amphiteatrum against black magicians who used this sign instead of\nthe truly Christian \"annulus \" (of the \"Archetypos\").\nThis is explained by examining Agrippa's description of theurgical\nsigils in De Occulta Philosophia. Agrippa used the geometrical form of the\npentacle in his account ofthe harmonic relations between the macrocosm\nand the human body.42 This image, nonetheless , was not the only \"pentacle\" desribed by Agrippa who also published the work of Peter ofAbano on magical sigils and the rituals associated with them. In the fourth\nbook ofthis treatise, Abano describes the rites associated with the \"pentacle\". Agrippa illustrates this device which, it turns out, does not have\nthe form of a geometrical pentacle, but of a six-sided star, composed of\ntwo inter-locking, equilateral triangles (commonly known as the seal of\nSolomon). This image is lavishly decorated with crosses at the points and\nthe rituals are inaugurated with a mass being said over the sigil. Abano\ntakes frequent recourse to the name of Christ and other pious Christian\nallusions, but he also uses signs associated with the magical text ofthe\nArabic Picatrix and the rationale for his rituals is not Christian at all, but\nintended to satisfy materialistic personal aims. Hence, among the first\nwords spoken in the rite of the pentacle are \"give me what I want\".\nMoreover, the rite of the mass is misused to sanctify the sigil and43to\nprotect from demons, rather than to reconcile God with humankind.4\nThere is no evidence at all that Khunrath ever used Abano's treatise\nand it is probable that he was extremely suspicious of those who did. He\nofthis\n41 Allen, Nuptial Arithmetic (1994), pp. 125-28. The classic account ofthe history Melantheme is that of Raymond Klibansky, Fritz Saxl and Erwin Panofsky, Saturn and\ncholy; Studies in the History ofNatural Philosophy, Religion and Art (London: Nelson, 1964). See\nalso van Lennep, pp. 301-6.\n42 Agrippa, Opera (1600) (Hildesheim; 1970), Bk. II, Ch. 27, illustration, p. 239, see also\nChs 23-27, pp. 226-35.\n43 Agrippa, Opera (1600) (Hildesheim; 1970), Bk. III, illustration on p. 567 and associated rites and rituals on pp. 567-68.\n130\n131\n\nPages 80:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\napproved of Agrippa, whole-heartedly, never associating him with the\nblack magicians, but in his diatribes against those who practice with the\nsign of the \"pentacle\", he is likely to be alluding to those who are using\nAbano's rituals and entering the grounds of superstition and demonology.\nThe critical factor for Khunrath would always have been the presence or\nabsence ofChrist in a theurgy whose purpose was to intensify the Christian experience of the Holy Spirit, thus healing both the soul and the\nbody. For his own pentacle, or \"annulus\", Khunrath was using the form\nof Agrippa's cosmically-harmonised man, which Khunrath expanded\ninto the image of cosmic \"Anthropos\", or Christ as the \"anima mundi\",\nthe soul pervading the universe. The pentacle in this case would refer by\nits numerology to the alchemical \"azoth\", which in Khunrath's Weigelian theosophy is also Christ.\nThe pentacle is placed opposite another geometrical image expressing\nthe same pietistic Christology, that ofthe squaring ofthe circle. Since the\nresolution ofthis Pythagorean problem could only be a superhuman feat,\nhence in the context of Khunrath's theosophy it becomes an icon ofthe\nincarnation of Christ, in whom were reconciled spirit (the circle) and\nmatter (the square). The nature of Christ was the the quintessential union\nof the macro- and microcosms, of God and the individual soul. The motif\nofthe circle and the square in this picture also explains the symbol of the\ngeometrical dividers in the later portrait of Khunrath (1604), with which\nhe is inscribing a circle and the words \"Deo duce\" (led by God), another\nWeigelian reference to Christ as the \"typos\" for a pious life and to the\nguiding words of God written on the human soul (fig. 27).44 Since this\npreliminary drawing ofthe circle may involve the same Euclidean conundrum, thereby Khunrath is pictured contemplating Christ's incarnation\nwithin the individual soul, for the geometrical cypher ofthe square and\nthe circle represents the \"unio mystica\" ofthe Weigelians. On the dividers in the portrait is written the word \"hieroglyphica\", signifying that the\nsquaring of the circle, like the upright pentacle, is also an \"annulus\" (a\nhieroglyphic sigil).\nIn the 1595 engraving of the Oratory, Khunrath's name is inscribed\non the tabernacle-tent in the context of those who are enlightened, since\nthe main text appearing within the tent admonishes the viewer not to\nspeak about God without the light of illumination (\"ne loquaris de deo\nabsque lumine\"), while another axiom declares that no man can be great\nwithout divine inspiration (\"sine afflatu divino nemo unquam vir magnus\"). Yet another statement proclaims that God himself will come to\n\"our\" aid (\"hoc hoc agentibus nobis aderit ipse deus\").\nThe Oratory- Laboratory is, thus, meant to be read as a sacred \"temenos\" in which God is present in his essence as in the \"sanctum\" ofa\nChristian church, or in the \"Holy of Holies\" in the Temple at Jerusalem.\nThe Zohar laid great stress on the rituals to be performed in worship\nbefore the Tabernacle, engaging music, song and the burning ofincense.\nSimilar elements in de Vries' picture recall the Zohar's descriptions, such\nas the prominently displayed musical-instruments and the incense-burner.45 The perspectival construction and architecture of de Vries' picture,\neven recall certain paintings and carved reliefs on the doors ofeucharistic\ntabernacles in Italian churches which displayed a similar view of an empty hallway with a \"pavimentum diminutionis\" running into a vanishingpoint in an open door. The empty space beyond it represented the sacred\npresence of God. Tabernacle-doors of this type were first designed by\nDesiderio da Settignano for the main altar ofthe church ofS. Lorenzo in\nFlorence (installed in circa 1461). By the early sixteenth century this\ndesign had spread beyond Italy, for example, to Hungary where comparable scenes were made for tabernacles by George Szathmary in Pecs and\nbyAndrew Nagyrevy in Pest. In sixteenth century Netherlandish painting\nthere appeared the related motif ofan altar-space with a classical colonnade, constructed in single-point perspective, located at the centre ofthe\npicture. Examples of this pictorial device include those ofHans Holbein\nthe Elder's Fountain of Life (1519) and Bernart von Orley's Job Altar\n(1521).46\nDe Vries' picture belongs to this iconographic tradition in which classical architecture and perspectival geometry signify an elevated spiritual\ndomain. Hence, de Vries' spatial geometry indicates the sacramental\npresence of Christ in Khunrath's alchemical theosophy. This image may\nbe compared with Michael Maier's depiction of the Eucharist in his Symbola Aureae in which a priest, also with his arms raised, stands in prayer\nbefore an altar. Behind him, there appears a vision of the Apocalyptic\n132\n44 The portrait displays alchemical equipment, including a prominent set ofmeasuringscales. The text of Khunrath's book reads: \"GOTT, Du hast mich von fugend auss\ngelehret darumb verfundige ich deine munder PSAL 71 v17\". Also present are the figures\nofMinerva and Hermes.\n133\n45 Lachower and Tisby, Zohar (1989), 3, pp. 933-37, 1020-22.\n46 For Desiderio da Settignano see Charles Seymour Jr, Sculpture in Italy (1400-1500)\n(Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966), pp. 141, 148, illustration on p. 90. The Hungarian\nexamples are illustrated in Jan Bialostocki, The Art ofthe Renaissance in Eastern Europe (New\nYork: Cornell UP, 1976), fig. 13 tabernacle by George Szathmary, Pecs cathedral, early\n16th-C and fig. 14 tabernacle by Andrew Nagyrevy, Pest, Parish Church of the Inner\nCity, c. 1504-5. The Netherlandish paintings may be found in Gert von der Osten and\nHorst Vey, Painting and Sculpture in Germany and the Netherlands (1500-1600) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969), fig. 95 Holbein and fig. 180 Orley.\n\nPages 81:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nVirgin, a woman crowned with the sun and seated on the horns of the\nmoon, suckling a child in her arms. This is one of Maier's few direct\nreferences to Christ.47\nDe Vries' engraving could even be a direct reference to Luther's original doctrine ofthe Eucharistic presence of Christ in which Christ is truly\nand consubstantially present in the bread and wine.\nDarum wird im Sacrament unter dem Brod und Wein sein Leib und Blut\nwahrhaftig und wesentlich dargereicht und empfangen.48\nWeeks has argued that Luther's use ofthe word \"Wesen\" was reinterpreted by Boehme to describe the indwelling presence of God in the world.\nand it may be that Khunrath, and Maier, were also re-using Luther's\ndoctrine to describe the indwelling presence of Christ in the human soul.\nLuther had also discussed the symbology of the Ark of the Covenant,\nnaming its three compartments the \"atrium\", signifying the body, the\n\"sanctum\" (the soul) and the \"sanctum sanctorum\" ( the indwelling hidden presence of God within the soul).49 This symbology accords well with\nthe spatial structure of de Vries' engraving in which the hall-way would\nrefer to Luther's \"atrium\", the tent to his \"sanctum\" and the altar with its\nChristological cyphers would be the Weigelian and cabbalistic version of\nLuther's \"sanctum sanctorum\".\nThese interpretations of Khunrath's symbological programme by no\nmeans exhaust the layers of visual discourse embodied by this engraving,\nsince there exists a yet more subtle Christological reference in de Vries'\npicture, similarly related to the doctrine ofthe incarnation ofChrist. For,\nthe \"pavimentum diminutionis\" was used as a symbolic motif in early\nRenaissance paintings to express this very same point of Christian dogma. For example, in the well-known Fitzwilliam Annunciation by Domenico Veneziano the subject-matter of the painting is denoted by the perspective of the architecture itself (fig. 36). The vanishing-point runs into\nthe \"hortus conclusus\", the enclosed garden which was an emblem of\nMary's continued virginity subsequent to her conception of Christ, thereby, attributing him with a superhuman paternity. In Veneziano's painting, the garden is seen through a doorway at the back of a pillared\nportico and the main centric axis ofthe perspective system enters it atthe\nmiddle-point.50 De Vries had travelled in Italy and he would have seen\nexemplars ofthis common Annunciation iconography. The indirect reference to this theme in his engraving is intended to reinforce Khunrath's\nconcept of Christ as the alchemical \"azoth\" and the philosopher's stone,\nuniting the opposites of spirit and matter. This symbology also affirms the\nreal presence of Christ in both the Lutheran Eucharist and, eternally, in\nthe soul of his pious follower.\nMoreover, the perspectival system ofde Vries' engraving is conceptually related to the theurgy ofJohn Dee in the PropaedeumataAphoristica and\nin the Monas Hieroglyphica in which optical devices were used to trap the\ngenerative rays of the stars. It will be recalled that Dee had interpreted\nthe geometry of the single-point perspective-system as being a similar\ntheurgic device, since it was based on Euclidean optical models and on\nPythagorean mystic geometry. Relating the proportional ratios underlying geometrical drawing to the mystical numerology of Pythagoras, Dee\nhad implied that this type of drawing (\" zographie\") produced a theurgic\nmirror which catoptrically reflected the divine qualities ofthe heavens to\nthe viewer. In a\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 72 to page 81 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 81 to page 91 out of a total of 137:\nPages 81:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nVirgin, a woman crowned with the sun and seated on the horns of the\nmoon, suckling a child in her arms. This is one of Maier's few direct\nreferences to Christ.47\nDe Vries' engraving could even be a direct reference to Luther's original doctrine ofthe Eucharistic presence of Christ in which Christ is truly\nand consubstantially present in the bread and wine.\nDarum wird im Sacrament unter dem Brod und Wein sein Leib und Blut\nwahrhaftig und wesentlich dargereicht und empfangen.48\nWeeks has argued that Luther's use ofthe word \"Wesen\" was reinterpreted by Boehme to describe the indwelling presence of God in the world.\nand it may be that Khunrath, and Maier, were also re-using Luther's\ndoctrine to describe the indwelling presence of Christ in the human soul.\nLuther had also discussed the symbology of the Ark of the Covenant,\nnaming its three compartments the \"atrium\", signifying the body, the\n\"sanctum\" (the soul) and the \"sanctum sanctorum\" ( the indwelling hidden presence of God within the soul).49 This symbology accords well with\nthe spatial structure of de Vries' engraving in which the hall-way would\nrefer to Luther's \"atrium\", the tent to his \"sanctum\" and the altar with its\nChristological cyphers would be the Weigelian and cabbalistic version of\nLuther's \"sanctum sanctorum\".\nThese interpretations of Khunrath's symbological programme by no\nmeans exhaust the layers of visual discourse embodied by this engraving,\nsince there exists a yet more subtle Christological reference in de Vries'\npicture, similarly related to the doctrine ofthe incarnation ofChrist. For,\nthe \"pavimentum diminutionis\" was used as a symbolic motif in early\nRenaissance paintings to express this very same point of Christian dogma. For example, in the well-known Fitzwilliam Annunciation by Domenico Veneziano the subject-matter of the painting is denoted by the perspective of the architecture itself (fig. 36). The vanishing-point runs into\nthe \"hortus conclusus\", the enclosed garden which was an emblem of\nMary's continued virginity subsequent to her conception of Christ, thereby, attributing him with a superhuman paternity. In Veneziano's painting, the garden is seen through a doorway at the back of a pillared\nportico and the main centric axis ofthe perspective system enters it atthe\nmiddle-point.50 De Vries had travelled in Italy and he would have seen\nexemplars ofthis common Annunciation iconography. The indirect reference to this theme in his engraving is intended to reinforce Khunrath's\nconcept of Christ as the alchemical \"azoth\" and the philosopher's stone,\nuniting the opposites of spirit and matter. This symbology also affirms the\nreal presence of Christ in both the Lutheran Eucharist and, eternally, in\nthe soul of his pious follower.\nMoreover, the perspectival system ofde Vries' engraving is conceptually related to the theurgy ofJohn Dee in the PropaedeumataAphoristica and\nin the Monas Hieroglyphica in which optical devices were used to trap the\ngenerative rays of the stars. It will be recalled that Dee had interpreted\nthe geometry of the single-point perspective-system as being a similar\ntheurgic device, since it was based on Euclidean optical models and on\nPythagorean mystic geometry. Relating the proportional ratios underlying geometrical drawing to the mystical numerology of Pythagoras, Dee\nhad implied that this type of drawing (\" zographie\") produced a theurgic\nmirror which catoptrically reflected the divine qualities ofthe heavens to\nthe viewer. In addition, Dee had stressed the intellectual and spiritual\nvalues ofVitruvian architecture, such as the classical elements and spatial\nproportions which are shown in de Vries' picture. The whole hall-way, in\nfact, symbolises a cone of light-rays whose apex lies in the eye of God.\nThe picture is, thus, a reflection of God's divine vision, becoming a\ntheurgic mirror of enormous power which, rightly used, could effect spiritual and material transmutations.\nThis optical aspect of the illustration may be signified by its circular\nframe, whose significance was originally more pronounced in the Hamburg 1595 version, as is evidenced by the Basel copy of the treatise in\nwhich de Vries' illustration is surrounded by the text of the 1602 Isagoge\nradiating outwards like the spokes ofa wheel. This design has the appearance of an eye, the text forming the iris, with the picture itself as the\npupil. Such an interpretation would not be fanciful, since there existed\nproto-types for this \"eye of God\" format in Netherlandishpainting ofthe\nearly sixteenth century, such as Hieronymous Bosch's circular image of\nthe Seven Deadly Sins, in which a text warns the viewer \"Beware, beware,\nGod sees\".51 These refined allusions to optical theory are almost lost in\n47 Michael Maier, Symbola Aureae Mensae Duodecim Nationum (reprint Graz: Akademische\nDruck, 1972), Bk 11, p. 509.\n48 Andrew Weeks, Boehme (New York: State University ofNew York Press, 1991), quote\nfrom p. 100. See also Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 124-32.\n49 Weeks, Boehme (1991), pp. 100-1.\n50 Ackermann pp. 124-27.\n51 The 1595 format in the Basel University Library copy is reproduced by Gillyin Das\nErbe\nopp. p. 18. For Bosch's painting ofthe Seven Deadly\nSins der\nsee Christian\nWalter S.Rosenkreutz\nGibson, (1988),\nHieronymous Bosch (London: Thames and Hudson, 1973), pp.\n33-47, fig. 27.\n134\n135\n\nPages 82:\nCHAPTER NINE\nAMPHITEATRUM SAPIENTIAE AETERNAE. THE EDITION OF 1604\nJung's 1602 copy of the engraving in the Copenhagen manuscript, in\nwhich he has retained only the distant perspective view. Although this\nargues for the conceptual importance of the spatial construction ofde\nVries' picture, however, Jung has transformed the original image into a\nconventional seventeenth century Dutch interior, with a box-like foreground space in which the alchemist prays and a door-way in the right\nbackground displaying a view of succeeding rooms, domestically arranged.Jung's copy, nevertheless, serves to emphasise the extremely unusual nature of de Vries' original perspectival construction, underlining\nmore clearlythe fact that de Vries intended his spatial geometry to act as\na visual discourse in its own right. In his version of the design, Jung also\nbrought forward the fireplace and located it on the left-hand side ofthe\nscene , placing the alchemist on the right, while the table is pushed\nagainst the back-wall of the dark and narrow room. The circular text is\nreplaced by two large boards hanging on the back-wall which explain the\nimage in similar terms.52\nIn some respects, Jung has produced a mirror-image ofthe 1595 Oratory-Laboratory and, supported by some refined aspects ofthe original\ndesign, this is suggestive evidence that the engraving was, in fact, meant\nto be viewed by means of mirrors and lenses, as may also be inferred by\nthe hand-glass lying on the table, as well as by the magnifying glass in\nKhunrath's portrait. First, it should be noted that the geometrical construction ofthe space has been exaggerated by de Vries, especially in the\ndrawing ofthe \"pavimentum diminutionis\" which is quite sharply \"raked\". Next, the vertical lines ofthe walls slope inwards to meet in a second\nperspective-point above the roof of the hall, since the sides of the upper\nwindows incline slightly towards each other. Hence, the geometrical construction of the space in the hall is similar to that of a fish-eye lens, an\nalmost spherical three-dimensional space which is commensurate with\nthe circular frame of the picture. The pronounced chiaroscuro of the\ndrawing, in particular, the deep shadows near the table and the fire-place\nalso promote the spatial illusionism. Consequently, these various graphic\ndevices seem to indicate that the image should be viewed with the aid of\nan optical lens, such as a magnifying glass, or by means of a double\nreflection in two mirrors, or by a combination of mirrors and lenses.\nWhen it is viewed through a convex lens, the graphic exaggerations drop\nback and cease to intrude on the visual logic of the scene, for the depth\nofthe hall diminishes and the floor appears less raked. In particular, the\nspace around the table and the fire-place becomes \"real\" and the furniture stands-up, away from the background.\nBy the eighteenth-century there existed an apparatus known as the\n\"Vue d'Optique\" consisting of an arrangement of mirrors and lenses\nused to reflect the image of an engraving to a viewer, usually of an\narchitectural scene whose three- dimensional quality was thereby greatly\nenhanced.53Engravings intended to be viewed by means of the \"Vue d'\nOptique\" depict a long depth-of-field, as well as strong contrasts oflight\nand shadow in the foreground. Thus, by means of catoptrics de Vries\ncould have been attempting to produce an unbroken spatial (indexical)\ncontinuum between the physical world and the illustration. For that very\npurpose Alberti in his De Pictura (1435) had originally introduced the\ndevice of single-point space into painting, in order to blur the division\nbetween imagination and reality. Alberti's spatial geometry was primarily\na rhetorical device designed to slip a message effortlessly pastthe viewer's\nobjective judgement. According to Obrist, the medieval alchemists had\nprovided visual depictions oftheir ideas with the same intention of confusing the viewer's sense of reality.54 Paracelsus had also considered the\nhuman imagination to be an astral force, capable of theurgically manipulating the world of time and space. Hence, the prime function of de\nVries' engraving was to validate Khunrath's cabbalistic Christological\nalchemy.\nThere are two other pictures in Khunrath's iconographic repertoire\nwhich similarly provide a rhetorical defence of his position as a spiritual\nalchemist against the rising tide of objections to his theosophical Christology. These are the Magdeburg emblem of an owl and the 1602 image of\nthe \"calumniatores\".\n136\n52 Jung's drawing in Bibliotek Kopenhagen, MS GKS 1765 may be seen in thereproduction in Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 14, Item 12b.\n137\n53 Henry Moore Institute, Leeds, Peter Scheemakers: \"The Famous Statuary\" (1691-1781),\n1966, exhibition catalogue, No. 6, Vue d'Optique engraving, c. 1750, with mahogany\nand glass viewing machine.\n54 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\n\nPages 83:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND\nBLACK-MAGICIANS: THE PERSECUTION OF\nHEINRICH KHUNRATH\nThe engraving of the \" calumniatores\", belonging to the 1602 series, depicts Khunrath's hostile detractors , the \"black-magicians\" and \"sophists\"\nwhose animosity induced him to extend his illustrative programme in\norder to justify himself publically through a campaign of visual polemics\n(fig. 35). Slightly earlier, he had expressed a more subtle criticism of\nthese antagonistic forces by emblematic means, devising an image of an\nowl, accompanied by a mournful poem to express his regret at the human inability to accept truth, even when guided by the light of superior\nwisdom. This owl, an impressive, bespectacled personage, first appeared\nin the Magnesia Catholica (Magdeburg, 1599), but it is also occasionally\nencountered in the 1609 Amphiteatrum (fig. 28). The first lines ofhis castigatory poem read:\nWas helffen FACKELN, LICHT und BRILLEN,\nWeil jedermann nicht sehen Willen\nIn der CHYMIA angstlicht sucht,\nDas ihm das HERTZ im Leibe pucht!\nIn comparison to the mournful tone of this poetic rebuke, the 1602 engraving of the calmniators is bitter and extremely defensive, demonstrat1 Eco, p. 14.\n2 The full poem is found, with the owl, opposite the title-page of the G. H. Dehrling\nedition of Khunrath's Chaos (Frankfurt, 1708). It reads:\nWas helffen FACKELN, LICHT und BRILLEN,\nWeil jedermann nicht sehen Willen\nIn der CHYMIA angstlicht sucht,\nDasz (sic) ihm das HERTZ im Leibe pucht !\nEr\nsuchet zuuar die creutz und qver,\nAlleine\nNICHTS das findet er,\nUnd setzte er auf alle Brillen,\nWeil er nur thut nach seinem Willen,\nSo wird er doch nicht treffen an\nDie WAHRHEIT, so er freuen kan,\nVersuchs, und lis das mit VERSTAND,\nUnd tapp nicht blindlings, nach der WAND,\nGebrauch recht FACKELN, LICHT unde BRILLEN,\nSo wird GOTT deinen Wunsch erfullen.\nVOLENTI NON FIT INIURIA.\n\nPages 84:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\ning the fact that Khunrath's enemies subsequently became much more\nvindictive towards him, their attacks leading, perhaps, to the suppression\nofthe proposed 1602 and 1604 editions of the Amphiteatrum. It may even\nbe the case, as his editors, Wolfart and Figulus, imply, that Khunrath's\npremature death in 1605 was connected with political harassment.\nThe 1602 engraving is dense with symbolic references, providing a\nmore specific identification of his enemies, though without naming\nnames, thus, requiring more extensive analysis than the present context\npermits. Its central characters are two men, one dressed as an academic\nand the other as a traveller, speaking to two groups of masqueraders\nwearing either court or theatrical costume. These constitute a motley\nrabble, since their heads have been replaced by those of beasts, such as\nrabbits, pigs and sundry creatures, comparable to the demons painted by\nHieronymous Bosch, Jan Breughel and other iconographers of hell.\nAbove these disreputable revellers, there surfaces a flight of winged\ndevils with inhuman features, the largest air-borne pest on the left representing the \"calumniatores\", while a huge, wasp-like, half-human on the\nright signifies the \"blasphemers\". The wasp-creature states, \"Blasphemat\nsit anathema maranatha\" and it is labelled \"praefectum diabologorum\",\nprobably thereby alluding to the Roman Catholic hierarchy, since this\ninsect's head-gear is that of a cardinal or Jesuit and it carries a sprinkler\nfor holy water, as used in Catholic ritual. Behind him appears a dragon\non whose body is written, \"lingue venono (sic)\" (\"in a venomous\ntongue\"), while below the creature one of the carousers bears a fireextinguisher, which squirts out a text referring to the disgraceful and\nlying, thievish (swindling) tavern-songs ofthis \"honourable\" company.\nAlthough this scenario is related to the Protestant convention of antiCatholic caricature, this does not necessarily indicate that Khunrath's\nmain enemies were the Roman Catholics, for they were more likely to\nhave been members ofthe German reformed church, or of no church at\nall. It is probable, in fact, that, at one level, the anti-Catholic iconography of this particular image is being used as a secondary signifier (in\nBarthes' terms), in which the political discourse has itself become a unified sign, in this case, referring to the superstitious practices, materialism\nand aetheistic tendencies within the Lutheran community.\nThis is made clear by other details in the illustration, where in the\ngroup on the left there appears a Lutheran cleric, labelled on his garment\nas being a corrupt priest, as well as \"Anti-Christus\". Above his head\nhovers a bat, aiming a pair of bellows at the cleric, as if to transform him\ninto an anti-\"philosopher's stone\", that is, one who turns the gold of\nscripture into dross. At his left, there stands a richly-dressed alchemist,\nwith a rabbit's or donkey's head, carrying a pair of bellows, as well as a\nmortar and pestle. He signifies the materialism of the misguided \"puffers\", while a similar breed of creature, looming-up behind the pastor,\nshoulders an axe. Above this group of Lutherans and false alchemists, the\nflying \"calumniator\" is labelled \"annihilemus\" and \"Beelzebub princeps\". He is shown declaring to the \"chosen faithful\" (those who are\njustified byfaith in Lutheran doctrine) \"let us lie boldly, always adhering\n[rigidly] to some issue but abstaining from [seeking] the truth\".3\nIt becomes apparent from the evidence of these motifs that Khunrath\nwas defending himself against Lutheran theologians whose rigid definitions ofChristian dogma led them to accuse the reformists of heresy. In\nKhunrath's opinion, they were on a par with his other enemies, the\nmaterialistic alchemists, demonic magicians and epicurean aetheists. It is\ntempting to interpret Khunrath's citations of\"black-magicians\" and false\nalchemists as being solely metaphors alluding to Lutheran scholastics,\nsince, at one level, he is certainly making this analogy. Other evidence,\nthough, indicates that these terms were also used to refer expressly to\ngroups and individuals who practised magical rituals of which he disapproved.\nMore specifically, the group on the left of this engraving, almost certainly, represents those Lutherans who adhered to the religious principles\ncodified in the \"Book of Concord\" of 1580, devised by Augustus , Elector\nofSaxony, as a compromise with the Philippist and Calvinist reformersin\nhis state. All Lutheran pastors had been required to sign their assent to\nthis agreement and, in consequence, the period was marked by repression of dissident pietist groups. (Weigel at Chemnitz had also signed the\nBook of Concord, although secretly expressing his objections to it). On\nthe death of Augustus, the new Elector, Christian I, had temporarily\nbrought the Calvinists to power in a relaxed regime ofreformist policies.\nChristian, however, died in 1591 and his successor reverted to the Book\nofConcord, dogmatically applying institutionalised Lutheran principles,\nspecifically those connected with the sacraments of baptism, absolution\nand the Eucharist. The theological position of conservative theologians\nwas that adherence with faith to these doctrinal principles, no matter\nhow poorly understood, was an automatic guarantee of salvation, rather\nthan pious living on the model of Christ.\nAs a result, through to the early years of the seventeenth century, the\nCalvinists in Saxony were severely treated and their pastors were expelled, or even sentenced to death. The University of Wittenberg had\n140\n141\n3 Khunrath, engraving ( 1602): \"Fideles dilecti, calumniamini audacter, semper aliquid\nhaeret nec parcite veritati\".\n\nPages 85:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nbeen a centre of Philippist (pro-Melancthonist activity), as was the gymnasium , which could explain Andreas Riccius' support for Khunrath in\n1604, since he is described by Arnold as a \"school-rector\" of Saxony.\nThe suppression of the dissidents intensified around the year 1600,\nspreading into Lusatia (Boehme's homeland) and leading to the execution\nof Nikolaus Krell, the former Calvinist adviser to Christian I.4 Khunrath's engraving may even be referring to this event in the detail ofthe\ndouble-axe ofthe rabbit-like alchemist. At Krell's execution, doctrinaire\nLutheran theologians had shouted abuse at him for his reform ofthe rites\nof baptism, in which he had omitted the words of exorcism, thus, condemning infants to the care of demons.\nFor much ofthis period, Khunrath would have been in Prague and it\nis noteworthy that he did not return to his birthplace in Leipzig, in the\nlands of the Saxon dynasty, but went first to Hamburg, then on to\nMagdeburg, where some ofhis books were published. His departure from\nPrague may have been due to the fact that from 1591, the Emperor was\ncolluding with the Saxon authorities in enforcing the Book of Concord.\nIn December of the same year, Khunrath joined the court of Count\nRosemberk at Trebona. These events may also be reflected in the 1602\nengraving by two particular figures among the group ofCatholic wastrels\non the right-hand side of the picture, one of these (nearest the centre)\ncould be the major-domo of a court, since he carries a sceptre over his\nshoulder. The bespectacled figure to his right, lavishly-dressed in furs, has\na book and a pen in his hands, perhaps a reference to the Book of\nConcord. Could this be Rudolph II himself ?\nOn his return to Germany, Khunrath sustained his involvement in the\nreligious politics of Saxony, as is evidenced from his friendships with\nRiccius and, most especially, with Seussius who, from the evidence ofhis\npoem in the Amphiteatrum, seems to have represented his case before the\nElector in 1604. Khunrath would not have been in direct contact with\nWeigel, who had died in 1588. Moreover, although Khunrath's theosophy was modelled on Weigel's ideas, it did not appear in a developed\nform until circa 1595, for his earliest works, the Athanor and Magnesia\nCatholica were low-key, conventional Paracelsian treatises . Khunrath,\nnonetheless, probably already sympathised with the reformist ideals of\nthe Philippists and Calvinists before he fell completely under Weigel's\nspell. In addition, even though Weigel concealed his manuscripts during\nhis life (appearing in print only from 1616), the radical concepts that he\npreached to his congregation at Chemnitz were wide-spread public\nknowledge.\nWeigel had stated his case against those who subscribed to the Bookof\nConcord in the Dialogus de Christianismo (composed in 1584, but not published till 1616 in Newenstatt by Johann Knuber). In his dialogue with\nthe \"Conciator\" (concilliator), Weigel continued to defend the validity of\nthe Eucharist as enshrining the physical presence ofChrist, but he argued\nthat the real union with Christ took place through an inner revelation of\nthe Word of God which was perpetually inscribed on the human soul.\nHence, the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ enacted in the sacrificial rites of the Eucharist signified, not the redemptive authority ofthe\nChurch as his apostolic successor, but an inward conversion ofthe sinner,\nthereby, sacrificing his old self and espousing instead the imminent\nChrist.5\nHence, in Khunrath's engraving, the scholarly figure on the lowerlevel of the illustration takes recourse to the inner consolation of his\nChristly \"gnosis\", informing the monstrous group of Lutherans and demonic black-magicians that, no matter whether they esteem, or disparage, him, he will simply continue to pray. He carries a pair ofgeometrical dividers, such as those which appear in the later portrait of Khunrath\nin 1604, with which he is drawing the diagrammatic icon of Christ. In\nthe 1602 engraving, therefore, the scholar may also be Khunrath, his\ndividers signifying the sacred geometry of his theosophical system. With\nthese he pins a serpent to the ground, demonstrating that the wisdom\ninspired by the Holy Spirit conquers sophistry, symbolised by the snake\nwith its \"lingua venona\", whose spurious reasoning in the Garden of\nEden had originally distanced humanity from God's grace.\nMeanwhile, the other character on the right, pays no attention at all\nto his stressful companions, for he is gazing into the cave in the centre of\nthe picture, which is yet another depiction ofAbraham's mountain ofthe\ncovenant, in Khunrath's pietism signifying the permanent bond ofGod\nwith humanity through Christ in the individual soul. A band of text\naround the wayfarer states that his help comes from God, who made\nheaven and earth. The upper level of the cave contains a three-pointed\nstar, representing the Holy Trinity, as well as the three Paracelsian prin-\n142\n4 For an outline of anti-Calvinist policies in Saxony, Silesia and Lusatia and their\neffects on pietism see Weeks, Boehme (1991), pp. 23-26.\n143\n5 Peuckert and Zeller (eds), Valentin Weigel. Samtliche Schriften (1967), 4, pp. 7, 133-51,\n320-22; Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 128-32.\n6 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"pro eo, ut me diligerent, detrahebant mihi, ego autem\norabo\".\n7 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"auxilium meum aJehovah, qui fecit celum et terram\".\n\nPages 86:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nciples, while in the lower level there appear a lion and a dragon, the\nlatter being the alchemical Ouroboros (\"ego draco sapientum\"). Thetext\non his heraldic shield explains his significance as a hieroglyph ofthe spirit\nof the most wise and secret world by which the cosmos is animated and\nconserved. The lion also bears a shield which explains that he is the Salt\nofWisdom and the alchemical Magnesia. A stream of water issues from\nthe cave across a text on the ground which pronounces Khunrath's philosophical convictions to be of the highest natural and moral rectitude,\ntestified by the conscience, born of sane reasoning, according to Christian doctrine.10 The texts around the cave, as well as those on the left and\nright-hand sides of the engraving, cite Seneca, Gratus, Hieronymous\nOseanus, among others, insisting on the veracity and probity of Khunrath's ideas. (Seneca was one of Weigel's most important sources). Similarly, the poem around the edge of the inner frame comments on Khunrath's labour and the injustice shown him.\nAt the top of the engraving appears the Tetragrammaton, below\nwhich is inscribed Khunrath's name and a text urging him notto retreat\nbefore the evil onslaught, but to advance towards it. 12 The Tetragrammaton radiates its light onto a star in the shape of an upright pentacle,\nwhich is Khunrath's \"annulus\" signifying the \"azoth\", that is, Christ. It\nstands in a radiant, double-aureole, within a text explaining that this is\nthe enduring star of truth, illuminating and indicating the way. The viewer is instructed that he should place this image as a seal on his heart.13 In\nthe centre ofthe star, there is a cross with the letter \"S\" wound around it,\nrepresenting the Hebrew letter \"Shin\", the sign for fire, while the Hebrew letter itself appears at its head. The other arms of the star bear the\nletters of the Tetragrammaton, thereby forming the cabbalistic name of\nJesus. With these cyphers, Khunrath is proclaiming Christ as the ardent\ncentre of his spiritual alchemy.\nThe lengthy text at the foot of the picture explains that the current\nversion of the Amphiteatrum was produced as a defensive measure against\nKhunrath's enemies who were abusing his ideas in a debauched and\nbacchantic, unchristian spirit of lies and venom, partly from idiotic ignorance, partly from diabolical envy, partly from lewd accusations, without\nphilosophy, still less Christian feeling, with obscene revels, maliciously\nprosecuting him with a venomous tongue, cruelly setting upon him and\nabominably humiliating him.14 In contrast to these horrible attacks,\nKhunrath's pictures were not intended to be an aggressive act, but, only\na justification of his own probity, \"non Offensive sed Defensive\", in a\n\"responsionem Catholicam ... et in Scriptura, et in Pictura\". There is no\ndoubt that Khunrath's chief enemies were the \"sophists\", academic theologians, whose lust for power was the source of the grave disruption of\nthe Saxon states in the 1590s and early 1600s, which may even have been\nthreatening Khunrath's own life.\nAndreae castigated a similar range of miscreants, both the pagan epicureans and the sophists, in his Mythologiae Christianae (1619). Since, therefore, Khunrath in 1602 and Andreae by 1619 appeared to be fighting on\nthe same pietistic front, against the same types of enemies, both aligned\nwith the revered figure of Johannes Arndt, who especially favoured\nKhunrath's theosophy, then how is it possible to explain Andreae's attack\non Khunrath in the Mythologiae Christianae?15 To understand Andreae's\napparently contradictory position in relation to Khunrath, it is necessary\n144\n8 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"HIEROGLYPHICON. SPIRITUS mundi sapientissimi et secretissimi quo universa animatio ... ac conservantur\".\n9 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"Ego LEO salis sapientiae fortis naturaliter triunus de\ntribu primateriali catholica mercuriali Magnesia solus vinco\".\n10 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"KOINAI-ENNOIAI hoc est Notitiae communes, ex\nLEGE in cordibus nostris Divinitus scripta nobiscum nascentes et Conscientialiter ortae:\nUnde Conscientiae testimonium; Iudicium Naturale sincerum; Ratio sana; in philosophia\net omnibus Artibus Xpi[o] nia doctrinarium et certitudine normae\".\nKhunrath, engraving (1602), a sample ofthese texts is, left: \"Sacrosanctus BIBLIORUM DEI codex infallibilis: EXPERIENTIA corum de quibus quod LAPIDEM sophorum EX MAGNESIA HAC nostra [sign for Saturn] habuerint, apud Doctrinae filios\ngravis eruditus et constans est sermo\". Top of cave: \"HARMONIAJHSUH CHRISTI\ncum LAPIDE philosophorum symbola et contra\". Right: \" HIEROGLYPHICORUM in\nquibus mysteria sapientium multa delitescunt recondita sapiens indagatio et applicatio\".\nLower right: \"LIBER Numinis et Luminis NATURAE Macrocosmicus benedictus\".\n145\n12 Khunrath, engraving (1602):\"Henrice Khunrathe tu ne cede malis, sed contra\nadventior ito; tibi ad tum\".\n13 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"DURANS VERITATIS ASTRUM HOC FULGET\nET MONSTRAT ITER PONE ME UT SIGILLUM SUPER COR TUUM.\nSIC OMNIA\".\n14 Khunrath, engraving (1602): \"In despectu legitimum Universorum, Omnium,\ncunctorum et Singulorum, praeteritorum videlicet, praesentium ac futorum, ...\ncuiuscunque etiam fuit Generis, Dignitatis, status sive conditionis ... partim ex Ignorantia\nidiotica,\nex invidia diabolica, partim ex libidine Calumniandi ... vel innata vel\nmalitiosepartim\naffectata ... LABORIBUSque meis THEO et PHILO-sophicus, ad honorem\nDEI, Proximeque utilitate maximopere directis, super Numinis et Luminis Sacrosanctae\nBIBLICAE Scripturae et NATURAE, nec non Sapientum traditiones Doctrinas atque\nDecreta QUINDECIM hic annotata: (Que FUNDAMENTA Dogmatum meorum, Consilio, Ordinatione et Institutione firmata DEI !) orthodoxe fixis et fundatis; haud\nPhilosophice, nedum Christianem, imo turpi debachantium more,RESPONSIONEM\nLinguae Veneno\ncalumniosae, crudeliter insidiantium, nefarieque detrahentium .....\nCatholicam hanc ... et in Scriptura, et in Pictura, non Offensive sed Defensive\".\n15 Andreae, Mythologiae Christianae (1619), Bk. III, 45, p. 271-72.\n\nPages 87:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nto review briefly his role in the history of the Rosicrucians . Andreae's\nantagonism to Khunrath illustrates the differing affiliations in hermetic\ncircles, displaying a more complicated picture than Yates' image of a\nunified, anti-Habsburg front.\nYates had also commented on the intense piety expressed in the Fama\nFraternitatis (Cassel, 1614) and Confessio (Cassel, 1615), whose pious axiom\nwas \"Jesus mihi omnia\", while the Fama, in particular, described the\nfollowers of Christian Rosenkreutz as being members of the Lutheran\ncommunity. Likewise, the Manifestos expressed the Brotherhood's foremost regard for the Bible, although it was closely matched by an undisclosed book of secret wisdom, which they claimed to have recovered from\nthe tomb of their founder.16 Despite these apparent Lutheran loyalties,\nMontgomery, nevertheless, contended against Yates that the Manifestos\nwere fundamentally anti-Christian, since they had discarded the redemptive role ofChrist, favouring both private contemplation on the neoplatonic model, as well as privileged initiation into a path of spiritual knowledge unrelated to Christian doctrine. Yates, in fact, had emphasised the\ncommunity character17 ofthe Rosicrucian Brotherhood, in contrast to the\nself-inspired magus.\nBoth scholars associated the Manifestos with the circles ofSimon Studion, whose Naometria had been circulating in manuscript since the late\n1580s, or early 1590s. Influenced by the chiliasm ofJoachim of Fiore,\nStudion predicted that the third age of the Holy Spirit would be inaugurated by a major political and social change in the European order,\ncommencing in 1604. He even delayed the completion of his treatise\nuntil 1604, intending its public appearance to coincide with the inception\nof the new era. Montgomery has commented on the fact that, in the\nManifestos, the tomb of Christian Rosenkreutz was said to have been\nopened in 1604.18 In addition, he has argued that the Fama and Confessio\nwere already circulating in manuscript in 1593-1604, the same period in\nwhich Studion was preparing his Naometria.19 Montgomery, thus, would\nhave it appear that the Manifestos emerged from a non-Christian, chiliastic context, from those circles which were anticipating a second refor-\nmation to fulfil Luther's original programme. This would no longer be\nfounded on Christian doctrine, but on cabbalistic theosophy.20\nThese chiliastic activities, in circa 1593-1604, coincided with the public appearance of Khunrath's alchemical and cabbalistic Christology, but\nthe pietistic atmospheric ofKhunrath's treatises could not be more different from the obsessive manipulations of Studion's cabbalistic cryptography. In fact, Studion's graphic structures, as well as those ofTobias Hess,\nare related to the theurgic emblems of Peter of Abano and other medieval necromancers publicised by Agrippa. These may, in fact, have been\nthe \"pentacles\" denounced by Khunrath in the 1595 Amphiteatrum for\ntheir anti-Christian connotations, while pronouncing his own \"annulus\"\nof Christ as the \"azoth\" to be the true cabblistic insignia. Such differences in the interpretation of cabbalism and Paracelsian theosophy by different German philosophers raise the question, discussed by Stoeffler, concerning the exact role of hermeticism in the history of religious\nreformism.21 Certainly, the ideological position ofStudion and hiscollaborator, Tobias Hess, in their jointly-authored Prophetica is ofa different\norderfrom that ofWeigel, Arndt or Khunrath. Studion and Hess seem to\nhave favoured the idea of reform almost as an end in itself, fascinated\nwith cabbalistic techniques of prognostication and the image of the allpowerful magus, whereas the three pietists were using cabbalism and\nParacelsian alchemy for the sake of a reformed Protestant Christianity.\nConsequently, although Khunrath's work should be placed within the\nhistory of German pietism, in contrast, that of Studion and Hess belongs\nto the broader intellectual currents diverting central European culture\naway from the Christian tradition.\nItis clearthat Khunrath was deeply troubled and aggravated by such\ntendencies and, at the time that Studion and Hess were evolving their\nsystem, he may have turned to Weigel's theosophy as a basis for recentering Christ at the heart of hermetic concerns. Khunrath's view of the role\nof Christ is far more specific than that of the subsequent Rosicrucian\nManifestos. For example, in the 1595 Amphiteatrum, he states that God\nwas reconciled with humanity through the blood of the cross, which is\nidentified with the Paracelsian \"Salt\" (MS Alnwick 571: Par, 237), while\nin the Chaos of 1597, he equates the \"Ruah-Elohim\" with Christ, on the\nmodel of Reuchlin (Chaos, 1616 ed: 85). He also describes Christ as the\n146\n16 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), pp. 247, 249-51.\n17 Montgomery, pp. 236-37; Yates (1986), passim.\n18 Montgomery, quote from p. 176, see also p. 204 and n. 158.\n19 Montgomery, p. 232. Samples of the text ofthe Naometria are provided by Gilly in\nCimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), p. 21. See also Peuckert, Pansophie. Das Rosenkreutz (1973), 3,\npp. 29-31. The general background of German chiliasm is described in Peuckert, Die\nGrosse Wende (Hamburg: Claassen and Goverts, 1948), pp. 299-474.\n147\n20 Montgomery, pp. 175-77: Peuckert, Pansophie (1956), 2, pp. 290-68; Peuckert,\nPansophie.\n162, 325. Das Rosenkreutz (1973), 3, pp. 16-31; Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 149-52,\n21 Stoeffler, Rise of Evangelical Pietism (1965), pp. 200-10.\n22 Gilly in Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), Item 29, p. 21.\n\nPages 88:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nsecond Adam, the Logos, who redeemed the world through the sacrifice\nof his blood (Chaos, 1616 ed: 86). Through-out his work he constantly\nreiterates that Christ is the union ofsoul and flesh, God and humanity, as\nthe philosopher's stone and the universal panacea. Finally, in the \"calumniatores\" image of 1602 , the centre of the picture is occupied by the\n\"annulus\" ofthe cabbalistic Christ. If these statements are compared to\nthe references to Christ in the Manifestos, it becomes apparent that their\nuse of Christian doctrine is slight.\nIn the period 1595 to circa 1620, Khunrath placed an unusual emphasis on the structural role of Christ in his theosophy, the nearestresemblance to his alchemical system being found in the mystical writings of\nJacob Boehme (1575-1624) . It is probable, in fact, that, from the date of\nthe 1595 Amphiteatrum, Khunrath was removing himself from the euphoric intellectual experimentation of chiliastic circles, such as those at Tubingen, which were relatively politically secure. Increasingly, he grew\nmore concerned with the encouragment of reformist pietism in the devastated religious community of the eastern Lutheran states. Thus, Khunrath in the late 1590s had more pressing issues at stake than those ofthe\nacademic hermeticism of Tubingen, his unsatisfactory relations with\nmembers ofthat coterie being evidenced by an indirect reference to his\nwork in the Confessio. Eco has suggested that its authors' pejorative citation of the \"strange figures and dark words\" of certain illustrations may\nrefer to the 1602 series of engravings in the Amphiteatrum.23\nHence, the chronology of Khunrath's ideological development within\nthis reformist context seems to be as follows; in 1595 Khunrath adopted\na determined Christocentric position, abandoning the calm tone and relatively prosaic theory ofthe Athanor and Magnesia Catholica in the course of\ncomposing the first version of the Amphiteatrum (1595). In this treatise, he\nintroduced Paracelsian alchemy and Christian cabbalism into his alchemical theory, mentioning his opponents, the \"black magicians\" for thefirst\ntime. It was then that he initiated the concept of Christ as the philosopher's stone based on the cabbalistic theories of Agrippa and Reuchlin,\nequating the concept ofthe \"azoth\" with the \"Ruah-Elohim\", the Second\nPerson of the Holy Trinity and the Creator-God. This concept was integrated with Paracelsus' theosophical system and also with his chemical\ntheory of the aerial virtue. In Khunrath's alchemical theology, Christ\nbecame the light of Eternal Wisdom, pitted against materialism and paganism in contemporary philosophical circles, as well as against hypocritical Lutheran scholasticism. In the succeeding alchemical treatises of circa 1597-1604, especially in De Igne Magorum and the second version ofthe\nAmphiteatrum, Khunrath produced an even more sophisticated theosophy\nin which Christ became the aetherial fire ofthe oriental magi. In addition, he gave his theories an added touch of mystical glamour and visionary appeal in 1602 by the production of the five rectangular engravings,\nas a defensive mechanism against the unchristian strategies of both bacchantic hermeticists and arid sophists.\nThe publication ofthe 1602 edition of the Amphiteatrum may have been\nsuppressed by Khunrath's enemies, who were likely to have been the\nLutheran subscribers to the Saxon Book of Concord. This version, from\nthe evidence of MS Alnwick 571, had retained the original brief text of\n1595. The expanded text, which was eventually published in Hanover in\n1609, would, therefore, have been composed between 1602-1604 and\nKhunrath may have intended this to appear in 1604, in order to counter\nthe effects of Studion's Naometria, which was due to be published in the\nsame year.24\nRegardless of his conflicts with some of its forefathers, Khunrath's\nalchemical theosophy was subsequently adopted into the Rosicrucian discourse, while, paradoxically, Andreae, in the Mythologiae Christianae, produced a scathing public criticism ofthe movement that he had helped to\ninitiate, castigating instead Khunrath, among others, for instigating its\nprogramme.\nThe seemingly embittered relations ofAndreae with the Rosicrucians\nby 1619 have puzzled many scholars, especially Yates who attempted to\nprove, that he had, in fact, retained his original beliefs in the possibilityof\nan ideal Brotherhood of teachers and healers, who would promote the\nreformed religion.25 Dickson has made a slightly different case forAndreae's attitude, arguing that the public disreputability of the occultist currents within Rosicrucianism threatened his position as a Lutheran pastor,\nnecessitating a public rejection of them. But, in his Christianopolis, also\npublished in 1619, there are statements indicating his continued sympathy with the original goals of the Brotherhood.26 Other scholars, such as\n23 Eco, p. 14. For the role ofAndreae in the composition of the Manifestos seeasDickson\n(1998), pp. 71-80 and Gilly, Das Erbe der Christian Rosenkreutz (1988), pp. 70-72, well as),\nGilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica (1995), pp. 30-42, 50-52. Also see Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973\npp. 145-58.\n24 The millenial significance ofthe year 1604 and the appearance ofthe new starinthe\nsigns of the Serpent and the Swan has been discussed in Peuckert, Pansophie. Das\nRosenkreutz (1973), 3, pp. 39-44.\n25 Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment (1986), pp. 140-55.\n26 Dickson (1998), pp. 80-88.\n148\n149\n\nPages 89:\nCHAPTER TEN\nEPICUREANS, BLASPHEMERS, SOPHISTS AND BLACK-MAGICIANS\nGilly, have not found reason to question Andreae's fidelity to his youthful\nideals and hermetic companions.27\nIn the foreword to the Mythologiae Christianae, Andreae urged submission to the rule of Christ, attacking much the same range of heretics as\nKhunrath, namely tyrants, heretics , epicureans, sophists. Ranged on the\nother side, against these evil-doers, were a group ofreformist theologians,\nseveral ofwhom , such as Arndt and his own father Jacob Andreae, had\nbeen influenced by Weigel's Paracelsian theosophy. Andreae also expressed his regard for Erasmus, Melancthon and Johan Brentius, all of\nwhom had displayed unconventional traits in their ideas with respect to\nthe established Church of their time. He also praised Luther himself. All\nof these figures were described as being heroes of the reformed Christian\nfaith, with special applause being awarded to Arndt for his conversion of\ngroups of heretics (Andreae, 1619, Bk. 1: 5-6). In the Mythologiae Christianae, Andreae also expressed, in very clear terms, the fact that he had\nserious doubts concerning the use ofcabbalism in uncovering spiritual, or\nintellectual knowledge (Andreae, 1619, Bk. 1 : 26-27). He considered the\nuse ofthis system to be an affectation, which was deliberately obscurantist and quite inappropriate for Christian use.228 This \"lingua Damcarica\"\n(cabbalism), originated in the work of Jakob Brocard, Julius Sperber,\nValentin Weigel , Aegidius Gutmann, Sebastian Franck, as well as the\nCatholic French cabbalist Guillaume Postel. Andreae also named Simon\nStudion in this context.29 Some of these had been an influence on Arndt\nhimself, although Andreae chose to diregard this fact. Furthermore, he\nincluded Khunrath in this list.\nIn contrast, Andreae presented a supportive, if very subtle, account of\nTobias Hess, vindicating him of all doctrinal irregularity, probablydue to\nthe fact that he continued to associate with Hess even at the time when\nhe was accusing other proto-Rosicrucians of heretical ideas.30 The scenario in the Mythologiae Christianae involves the fictional dissection ofHess'\nbody by the most illustrious anatomists of the Renaissance, including\nVesalius. Each of his vital organs is found to be in perfect condition, red\nwith the blood of Christ. His brain is white as snow, since he had freed\nhimselffrom all the excrement of his curiosity. By this allegory, Andreae\nwas implying that Hess had undergone a conversion in the direction of\nsound orthodox Christian doctrine, abandoning his earlier occultist proclivities (Andreae, 1619, Bk. 1: 22-23). Whether this assertion is to be\naccepted is another matter, since there is no other evidence to support\nAndreae's contention.31\nThus, either Andreae's disparaging account of the \"lingua Damcarica\" and its originators in the Mythologiae Christianae is simply a political\ncontingency, to be disregarded in any serious analysis of his real position,\nor he is attempting to rescue the name of one specific friend, while condemning Hess' original mentors out ofgenuine mistrust. Hence, ifKhunrath was on poor terms with Hess, this would partly explain his consignment to the tip of unsatisfactory theosophists, regardless of the fact that\nhis theological and political ideals had much in common with those of\nArndt and Andreae.\nAndreae was fearful for his own position in a war-torn Germany and\nit is difficult to establish his true motives in his later writings, but it is\nclear that he was trying to distance himself from the most notorious\nclaims of the Rosicrucian texts, especially ridiculing their self-image as\nhealers ofthe sick using Paracelsian alchemical remedies (the \"azoth\"). It\nis also possible that Andreae, although he may have remained privately\nloyal to the idea of a brotherhood of moral reformists, in his need to\ndisassociate himself publically from the most publicised extremists, felt\ncompelled to reject Khunrath's work, specifically the Amphiteatrum, whose\npresence in the political arena was far from subtle. Whatever his misgivings concerning black-magic, Khunrath had not diminished his admiration for the mystical and magical systems of Agrippa, Paracelsus and the\ncabbalah. In a precarious public context, Khunrath's careful distinction\nbetween his own type of Christian cabbalism and that of chiliastic figures,\nsuch as Studion, was likely to be ignored. Thus, by 1619, he was being\n150\n27 Gilly, Das Erbe der Christian Rosenkreutz (1988), pp. 70-72; Gilly, Cimelia Rhodostaurotica\n(1995), pp. 30-42, 50-52. Christianae ), Bk. 1, p. 27: \"Nam dum per kabalam de\n(1619\n28 Andreae, Mythologiae\naenigmatibus,\nmanu ad manum. abaure in aurem traduntur, et multis hieroglyphicis\nobvelentur,\naures\nhominem\noculi\nsemper\nperaguntur,\nfit,\nut\n,\naliisque\nmysteriis\nsymbolis\nobturentur, nares oppleantur, ora frenentur, manus viciantur, tibiae compendiantur, corpora omnium miserrimo, turpique fervitio mancipentur\". : \" 23. INSOLITA. Azoth\n29 Andreae, Mythologiae Christianae (1619), Bk. 2, pp. 137-38\naureo\norbis monarcha, apud nos attulit\nille (quocunque tandem inter nos nomine appellitetur) eruditionis\nsecum\n,\nhomines\ninsolitae\npaucos\ningressus,\nhaud\neoque\nradiante\ncurru,\nBrocardus,\ne quibus hi pauci, ac vix nomine nostris innotuerunt, Paulus Scalichius, Jac. Gutmanus,\nJulius Sperber, Valentinus Weigelius, Aegidius\nPaulus Lautenfaccus,\nHeinricius Kunradus, Sebastianus Franck, Guilhelmus Postellus, Martinus Cellarius,\nconciliandi sunt. Iis , aiunt, datum, res nostras\nSimon Studion, reliquii etiamnum nobis, vocales,\nvolatilesque facere. Est tamen aliquid\nomnes medicare auritos nos, ocularos\nnon illi nos, non nos illos intelligimus . Nam\nquod felicitatem nostram impediat, quoniam\nDamacarica linquae illorum est Persia, Chaldacea, Brachmannica, Druidica,, eaeFessana,\nprius\nnobis vitam\nhaud\net\nparadoxa\n,\ntriplicitates\ndivinationes\npicturae\nsunt\n,\nquae\ngua\nreformabunt, quam artis terminos capiamus\".\n30 Dickson (1998), p. 77.\n31 Dickson (1998), pp. 32-35, 65-67, 71, 77, 88.\n151\n\nPages 90:\n152\nCHAPTER TEN\npromoted as a proto- Rosicrucian, which may have forced Andreae to\nturn against him. Furthermore, if Khunrath had earned the animosity of\nthe scholastic Lutherans, as well as that of the court of Dresden under\nChristian II and of his Imperial ally then it may also have served Andreae's political purpose to be seen publically denouncing him.\nBy 1619, these events were in the past and it is possible that Andreae\nhad simply tired of Khunrath's laboured and often hysterical verbosity,\nfinding it ridiculous, in the same way that he described cabbalism itselfas\na useless game. In fact, one of Andreae's most brilliant satires in the\nMythologiae Christianae is that on Khunrath, in the disguise of a pedlar\nselling quack medicines in the market-place and intimidating the public\nwith his pretentious \"bombitarantatarantia\". He offers for sale holy-pictures with specious titles drawn from his various treatises\npyxides cum speciossimimis titulis, Christiano- cabalicum, Divino- Magicum,\nPhicochymicum, Tertriunum Catholicon, Hallelui-Iah, Chaos Magnesiae,\nPyramis Triumphalis, bonum Macrocosmicon, ... et similia Orbimperipotendi ficuncta, undiquoquoversum bombitarantatarantia, verbocinatoria & c.\n(Andreae (1619), Bk. III: 271).\nNonetheless, apart from the sonorous monotony of his symbolic language, Andreae's major objection to Khunrath seems to have been that\nhis alchemical medicines did not work and, therefore, he was of no value\nto Andreae's most sacred concern, that ofthe public good. Hence, in this\nsatire, he was accusing Khunrath not of heresy, but ofstupidity. In short,\nKhunrath had failed to redirect the impacted, conceptual signifiers of\nhermeticism into an unequivocal pietistic context like that of Arndt. As a\nresult, his alchemical system had collapsed into the common pool of\npopular occultism.\nDespite Andreae's lack of enthusiasm for Khunrath's theosophical alchemy, it provided the inspiration for two ofthe earliest and most enthusiastic advocates of the Rosicrucian Brotherhood, Michael Maier and\nRobert Fludd. The influence on Maier was restricted to specific motifs\nchosen mostly from Khunrath's graphic repertoire, since Maier's pietism\nwas muted and indirectly expressed and he did not make extensive use of\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and\nKhunrath's pietistic discourse revolutionised the Paracelsian system ofhis\nUtriusque Cosmi ... Historia in its last volume, the \" Microcosm\" (1621). Its\nfervent cabbalistic Christology, and its transposition into a medical context, recalls Khunrath's embattled polemic twenty years earlier.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S\nALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nThe classical erudition of Michael Maier's alchemical treatises are a\nworld apart from the passionate intensity of Khunrath's embattled theosophy. Maier's main source for his alchemical symbolism was classical\nlegend, while his impeccable literary style is modelled on the best ancient\nauthorities. His work, in fact, emerges from the context of courtly humanism, rather than out of the academic discourses of the Protestant\nuniversities. In contrast, Khunrath's work was written primarily for a\npietistic, local German community, while Fludd addressed a learned, international audience of natural philosophers and theologians.\nMichael Maier (1568-1622), as a Palatine count, moved among a leisured group of educated aristocrats, accustomed to the visual spectacle\nand musical entertainments of the court. These determined the style in\nwhich he presented his ideas, since he modelled his work on the aristocratic pastimes of his age including the private theatre ofthe court. For\nexample, the Atalanta Fugiens takes the form of a masque, with stage sets\ndisplaying scenes from classical mythology, accompanied by a musical\nscore. His other treatises are also intended to instruct by means ofentertaining devices, such as the anecdotal accounts of important alchemists in\nthe Symbola Aureae Mensae, while the Cantilenae Intellectuales employs an\nexpressive, lyrical mode. Maier structured his alchemical theory mainly\nin the form of stories for a courtly audience.\nAlthough Maier was himself a member of the central European aristocracy, he had trained as a physician and was employed at the courtof\nRudolph II in Prague. He subsequently travelled around Germany and\nHolland, arriving in England in early 1612 where he was similarly attached to the highest court circles, until his departure for Bohemia in\n1618. There exists a Christmas card addressed to James I and to Henry,\nPrince of Wales, in which the greeting has been constructed by Maier in\nthe shape of a rose. It has been cited by Adam McLean as evidence of\nMaier's Rosicrucian convictions.2 He was, in fact, among the first to\nFor Maier's biography see J. B. Craven, Count Michael Maier (Kirkwall, 1910).\n2 Adam McLean, \"A Rosicrucian Manuscript of Michael Maier\", The HermeticJournal\n(1979): 1ff. Maier's Rose is found in British Library MS Royal 14B XVI. See also Ron\nHeisler, \"Michael Maier and England\", The HermeticJournal (1989): 119-25.\n\nPages 91:\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\npublish a supportive commentary on the Rosicrucian Manifestos in his\nThemis Aurea ( 1618).\nThe internal evidence of Maier's treatises indicates that, during his\nstay in England, he had been influenced by the Paracelsian alchemy of\nRobert Fludd. Although there exists no documented evidence of their\ndirect connection, they could have encountered each other in the same\ncourt circles. Yates has even suggested that Maier in 1616 transported\nthe manuscripts of Fludd's Utriusque Cosmi Historia to the publisher,\nJohann Theodore de Bry, in Oppenheim.3 Moreover, the meteorological\ntheory and imagery of Maier's Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt : Luca Jennis, 1620) is related to that of Fludd in his \"Microcosm\" (UCH, 1619).*\nIn contrast to Dee, Khunrath and Fludd, Maier infrequently referred\nto the cabbalah, occasionally employing some general concepts, but never applying the system methodically. Instead, he based his alchemical\nprogramme on geometry, which was itself the subject of one of his earliest treatises on the Euclidean problem of squaring the circle, De Circulo\nPhysico, Quadrato (Oppenheim : Luca Jennis, 1616). Maier, like Khunrath,\nused the image ofthe squared circle as a theurgical sigil, representing the\nspiritual and alchemical union of opposites in the \"azoth\". A circle appears on the title-page of his treatise, bearing the names of the four\nuniversal qualities, \"calidum siccum frigidum humidum\", while a rectangle lists the four elements. The main subject of this essay is the Paracelsian theory of the universal panacea, the potable gold which ensured\nboth physical and spiritual health, due to its concordance ofthe macroand microcosms . These were signified by the sun, the human heart and\ngold, the sun being an image of God himself.5 According to Maier, the\nuniversal panacea resolved the problem of the squaring of the circle\n(Maier, 1616: 4).\nMaier explained that, according to Plato, the perfect form of eternal\nBeing was the circle and this was also the essential form of gold, the most\nperfect substance in the physical world (Maier, 1616: 11), since the circle\nis the form of nature when she has been quieted from her compulsive\nmotion (Maier, 1616: 12). In this idea, he was following the well-known\nargument of Aristotle in De generatione et corruptione that anything which\nmoves is by nature imperfect, since it is prone to corrupting changes.\nConsequently, the static circle is nature perfected,6 manifesting in the\nphysical form of red, coagulated sulphur, or gold. Maier referred to the\nalchemical theories ofthe pseudo-Lullian Testament, in particular, to their\nconcept ofthe \"rotation\" ofthe chemicals, stating that in order to purify\nsulphur, the \"soul\" of gold, the alchemist needed to apply the perfect\nform ofthe circle, in other words he needed to use the rotational forces of\ndistillation.8\nHe also quotes from the Rosarium concerning the geometrical figures\nof the circle, square and triangle which represent the masculine and\nfeminine qualities (Maier, 1616: 11).9 An illustration ofthis geometrical\nrelationship appears in his later compendium of alchemical treatises, the\nTripus Aureus (Frankfurt, 1618), in which the emblem accompanying the\nseventh key of Basil Valentine's De Lapide Sapientum depicts a circle,\nsquared internally, with a triangle within the square labelled \"Aqua\".\nThe circle represents \"Chaos\", while the square symbolises the four seasons.10The same relationship of circle, square and triangle appears in the\nillustration to Emblem XXI of the Atalanta Fugiens where a geometrical\ndiagram incorporates additional male and female figures (fig. 38).11\n154\n3 Yates (1986), pp. 80-90.\nMichael Maier, Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1620), pp. 34 ff, \"De\nMeteoris\", see frontispiece and illustration on p. 31.\n5 Maier (1616), p. 6:\nUtque Deus Soli, Sol auro, denique cordi\ndat, et hoc verso respicit orbe Deum:\nVim\nOmnia ab hoc et ad hunc m\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 81 to page 91 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90,91\n(1979): 1ff. Maier's Rose is found in British Library MS Royal 14B XVI. See also Ron\nHeisler, \"Michael Maier and England\", The HermeticJournal (1989): 119-25.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\npublish a supportive commentary on the Rosicrucian Manifestos in his\nThemis Aurea ( 1618).\nThe internal evidence of Maier's treatises indicates that, during his\nstay in England, he had been influenced by the Paracelsian alchemy of\nRobert Fludd. Although there exists no documented evidence of their\ndirect connection, they could have encountered each other in the same\ncourt circles. Yates has even suggested that Maier in 1616 transported\nthe manuscripts of Fludd's Utriusque Cosmi Historia to the publisher,\nJohann Theodore de Bry, in Oppenheim.3 Moreover, the meteorological\ntheory and imagery of Maier's Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt : Luca Jennis, 1620) is related to that of Fludd in his \"Microcosm\" (UCH, 1619).*]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and\nKhunrath's pietistic discourse revolutionised the Paracelsian system ofhis\nUtriusque Cosmi ... Historia in its last volume, the \" Microcosm\" (1621). Its\nfervent cabbalistic Christology, and its transposition into a medical context, recalls Khunrath's embattled polemic twenty years earlier.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S\nALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nThe classical erudition of Michael Maier's alchemical treatises are a\nworld apart from the passionate intensity of Khunrath's embattled theosophy. Maier's main source for his alchemical symbolism was classical\nlegend, while his impeccable literary style is modelled on the best ancient\nauthorities. His work, in fact, emerges from the context of courtly humanism, rather than out of the academic discourses of the Protestant\nuniversities. In contrast, Khunrath's work was written primarily for a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94,95\n1983),\npassim.\n30 Adam McLean (ed), Salomon Trismosin. Splendor Solis (Phanes Press, 1991), pp. 7-9.\nMcLean notes that the earliest\nof this treatise date from circa 1532-5.\n31 McLean, Trismosin. Splendormanuscripts\nSolis (1991), p. 8.\n161\n32 Onthepseudo-Lullian corpus see Pereira (1989), pp. 22-25. For medieval aspects of\nMaier's theory see the examples in Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, pp. 14-15, 46, 64-67, 77-78.\n33 Translation by de Jong: Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII, pp. 100-3.\n34 See also Maier (1618), p. 46.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nwall, with a vanishing-point set at the edge of the picture rather than in\nthe centre as in Emblem VIII.\nThe subject ofthis illustration is the impregnation of base matter by\nthe seed ofgold carried in the sun's rays, as explained in the commentary\n(Maier 1618: 42-43). In the picture, these solar forces are signified by the\nperspectival structure of the tunnel. De Jong has compared the egg in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\ncone oflight.\nIn the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee had emphasised the theurgic power of the centric-rays emitted by the celestial spheres, which could be\n43 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n44 Fludd, \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim: J.T. de Bry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, pp.\n58, 64.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n165\ndeployed by the astronomer using catoptrical apparatus.\"45 Hence, in\nMaier's emblem the centric axis passing through the egg to the vanishing-point symbolises the transmutatory effects of the celestial influences\nand it alludes to the use of catoptrics. Maier states in his commentary on\nthe emblem that the aim of human life is to pass from a vegetable existence in the womb to the more perfect light of the macrocosm , just as\nwhen an egg is \"killed\" it attains the higher form ofa bird. This imagery\nalso refers to sexual impregnation which generates new life.46 The alchemical male and female principles may die in their old forms, but,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93,94\nin Allen, Ficino's Nuptial Arithmetic (1994), p. 29.\n159\n25 Peter J. Amman, \"The Musical Theory and Philosophy of Robert Fludd\", JWCI\n(1967): 198-227, esp 218-19.\n26 Yates ( 1969), pp.112-35.\n27 Yates (1986), pp. 9, 72.\n28 Yates (1969), pp. 70-77.\n160\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\ntion of two generations earlier , the background was depicted as ifit were\nrising up the page, rather than running into the distance at eye-level.\nAnother striking aspect of these early landscapes was the portrayal of\nmountains as large rocks, isolated in space. In the early seventeenth century, a new type of landscape had been developed by Rubens in Flanders\nwith a lower horizon and a broad, atmospheric effect in which the elevated landmarks were integrated coherently into the sweep of the landscape.29 In spite of these changes in pictorial style, they do not\nto\nhave affected the artists who worked for printing- houses such as seem\nde Bry.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92,93\ndiscussed the philosophical implications of Maier's Pythagorean score,\nalthough Streich made an important point in her brief mention of the\n18 Joscelyn Godwin, Atalanta Fugiens. An Edition of the Fugues, Emblems and Epigrams\n(Phanes Press, 1989), p. 13. See also the less extensive references to Maier's composition\nin H. M. E de Jong, Michael Maier's \"Atalanta Fugiens\" (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), pp. 3ff\nand passim.\n19 Godwin, p. 14.\n20 Streich in Godwin (ed), Atalanta Fugiens , p. 27.\n21 Streich, p. 43.\n22 Streich, p. 61 .\n23 See also the discussion in Christoph Meinel, Alchemie und Musik, (Wiesbaden: Herzog\nAugust Bibliothek, 1986), pp. 201-27.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nfact that in certain parts of the fugues the fifth interval defines the structure ofthe composition and that it represents the sun (the golden apple).\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=93\nPages: 93\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical\nimagery was that it transformed them into theurgical talismans . Just as\nDee's and Khunrath's use of Pythagorean geometry was a means ofcapturing the astral forces in their theurgic sigils, in the same way, Maier's\nPythagorean music attracted the celestial powers into his emblems, turning them into magical instruments. In particular, the fifth interval, representing the solar rays and the philosopher's stone, magnetically attracted\nthe sun, introducing a potent theurgic charge into the alchemical procedure. (This motif may have even been a reference to the process of\ndistillation by the heat of the sun). Reinforced by the music, Maier's\nemblems were intended to become transmutatory instruments of the\nsame type as the catoptrical mirrors described by John Dee in the Monas\nHieroglyphica and the \"annuli\" pictured by Khunrath in the Amphiteatrum.\nIn these ideas, Maier could have been influenced by a reference in the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nIn contrast to Dee, Khunrath and Fludd, Maier infrequently referred\nto the cabbalah, occasionally employing some general concepts, but never applying the system methodically. Instead, he based his alchemical\nprogramme on geometry, which was itself the subject of one of his earliest treatises on the Euclidean problem of squaring the circle, De Circulo\nPhysico, Quadrato (Oppenheim : Luca Jennis, 1616). Maier, like Khunrath,\nused the image ofthe squared circle as a theurgical sigil, representing the\nspiritual and alchemical union of opposites in the \"azoth\". A circle appears on the title-page of his treatise, bearing the names of the four\nuniversal qualities, \"calidum siccum frigidum humidum\", while a rectangle lists the four elements. The main subject of this essay is the Paracelsian theory of the universal panacea, the potable gold which ensured\nboth physical and spiritual health, due to its concordance ofthe macroand microcosms . These were signified by the sun, the human heart and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\n15 Maier (1616), p. 24: \"Ita ab auro res precio et aestimationi subjacentes aequaliter\ndistant, hoc est, Geometrica proportione, vel, si movis\nArithmetica omnes ab uno auro determinentur, earumque valor\".\n16 Maier (1616), pp. 26-27: \"Color in auro non pallidus est ... sed Citrinus, qui ex\nrubeo et albo, mixte inter se proportionibiliter generatur, utpote medios inter extremos,\nnigrum et album. Hic enim ut nimis dispergit visivam virtutem et ille in arctum contrahit,\nsic Citrinus color oculorum aerem, quemadmodum et viridis, reficit, in mediocritate\nconservat et delectat\"..\n17 Sylvain Matton and Jacques Rebotier, La Musique des Cantilenae Intellectuales (Alencon:\nJ-C Bailly, 1984), passim.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n157\n457\nconceptual art-work, rather than as a practical score to be used in a real\nperformance. His musical forms were based on those of the \"cantus firmus\" of Gregorian chants, although he provided only three voice-parts,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\nexpressive, lyrical mode. Maier structured his alchemical theory mainly\nin the form of stories for a courtly audience.\nAlthough Maier was himself a member of the central European aristocracy, he had trained as a physician and was employed at the courtof\nRudolph II in Prague. He subsequently travelled around Germany and\nHolland, arriving in England in early 1612 where he was similarly attached to the highest court circles, until his departure for Bohemia in\n1618. There exists a Christmas card addressed to James I and to Henry,\nPrince of Wales, in which the greeting has been constructed by Maier in\nthe shape of a rose. It has been cited by Adam McLean as evidence of\nMaier's Rosicrucian convictions.2 He was, in fact, among the first to\nFor Maier's biography see J. B. Craven, Count Michael Maier (Kirkwall, 1910).\n2 Adam McLean, \"A Rosicrucian Manuscript of Michael Maier\", The HermeticJournal\n(1979): 1ff. Maier's Rose is found in British Library MS Royal 14B XVI. See also Ron]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=94\nPages: 94\nas being related to the use of catoptrics.\nWithplants and animals reproduction takes place by means ofseed, but with\nsimple bodies or bodies of a simple composition this takes place by introducing force and by means of assimilation.\nThus, the sun, the celestial luminary, sends its beams to the earth and when\nthese beams are bundled in a sun-glass, shapes are seen, which are, as it\nwere, form projections ofthe sun. On these grounds it is established that sunbeams are nothing but flames offire, which are spread out over a wide space;\nwhen, however, they are focused, they burn everything that comes within the\npoint offocus33\nMaier frequently refers to the secret fire of alchemy, the quintessence, as\nin Emblem XXXVII (Maier, 1618: 158-59).34\nThe quintessential fire is the theme also of Emblem VIII, which alludes to alchemical geometry and catoptrics (fig. 41) on the model ofde\nVries' engraving for Khunrath's Amphiteatrum. The illustration displays an]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=25\nPages: 25\nOn the model ofRipley's Duodecim Portae Michael Maier described similar\nalchemical voyages around a Lullian alchemical circle in the Cantilenae\nIntelectuales (1617), Viatorium (1618) and Tripus Aureus (1618).36\nRipley's probable disciple Thomas Norton was similarly influenced by\npseudo-Lullian alchemy,37 producing one of the most important Renaissance alchemical treatises, The Ordinal ofAlchemy (begun in 1477).38 Dee\ntranscribed a copy of this text in his own hand in 1577 and had it bound\nin purple velvet (Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 57).39 According to Ashmole, Maier came to England in 1611 specifically to learn English, so\nthat he could translate Norton's treatise into Latin for his compendium of\nalchemical texts, the Tripus Aureus (Frankfurt, 1618).40 Norton also referred to the importance of geometry in his alchemical theory, but he\ndeveloped this idea much further than either the pseudo-Lullians or Ripley. In fact, although Norton's Ordinal is related conceptually to the work]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\nclosely the \"secondary stages\" of his theatre of memory (fig. 43).44 In\nMaier's illustration, the building on the right has an upper storey, as in\nFludd's\"Theatrum Orbi\", but it has been displaced from centre-stage. In\naddition, the two rear openings of Fludd's theatre have been replaced by\nthe diagrammatic tunnel.\nIf one ofthe sources for Maier's image was the Vitruvianism ofDee's\nMathematicall Preface, filtered through Fludd's work, then Maier would also\nhave known Dee's theory of\"zographie\", that is, his theurgical Pythagorean geometry which is described in the same treatise. The perspectival\nstructure ofMaier's Emblem VIII suggests, in fact, that this was the case.\nMoreover, the spatial design is comparable to Khunrath's gateway in the\nalchemical fortress (1602) (fig. 30) as well as de Vries' hall in the OratoryLaboratory (frontispiece). In Emblem VIII, the perspectival cone (the\ndiagrammatic tunnel) points heavenwards with its base above the egg,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nopposites being laid out across the diagonals (fig. 3). Around the edges of\nthe square the mutations took place in a circular motion.24\nHence, the symbolic picture of the alchemical process was not only\nthat of a circle, but also that of the squaring of the circle. The same idea\nis subsequently encountered in George Ripley's Compound of Alchemy as\nwell as in Michael Maier's Emblem XLVI in the Atalanta Fugiens (fig. 39).\nSince this geometrical feat cannot be accomplished in Euclidean geometry, therefore, the concept of the squaring of the circle came to signify\nany process which could be accomplished only by means of divine intervention. In fact, it became a generic sign for the alchemical process itself\nand Maier produced a treatise based on this idea, De Circulo Physico,\nQuadrato (Oppenheim: Luca Jennis, 1616), which was an account ofthe\nrole of the sun in the making ofpotable gold.\nIn alchemical theory, the squaring of the circle was a monistic concept]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96\npurified by fire, they will arise in the perfected form of the philosopher's\nstone. Hence, in Emblem VIII, the perspectival grid signifies the divine\nlight of the heavens, the alchemical quintessence which carries the seed\nof gold from the sun. It is placed directly above the egg to denote the\npotential evolution of prime matter to a higher spiritual condition.\nTherefore, the theurgic meaning of Emblem VIII lies within a set of\nassociations inter- relating Vitruvian architecture, perspectival geometry\nand catoptrics, in short, the same themes explored by Dee. Consequently,\nMaier's emblem, like that of Khunrath, explains the theory of an alchemy of light. The diagrammatic tunnel of orthogonal lines, like de Vries'\nhallway, refers to Paracelsian astral influences and Dee's astrological catoptrics. This geometrical structure, with its base on the earth and its\napex in heaven (signified by the vanishing-point), represents the quest for]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=96\nPages: 96,97\napex in heaven (signified by the vanishing-point), represents the quest for\nthe philosopher's stone by means of celestial alchemy. Even more significantly, Maier's emblem like that of de Vries in the Amphiteatrum is an\nalchemical sigil, a catoptrical mirror reflecting the light of the quintessence. It is, in itself, a theurgical instrument whose potency is amplified\nbyMaier's Pythagorean musical score whose motif of the diapentic interval as the golden apple ofAtalanta, introduces the power ofthe solar rays\ninto the process of alchemical transmutation.\n45 Shumaker, pp. 136-38, 148-51.\n46 Maier (1618), p. 42: \"Sic foetui humanam vitam vegetabili (qua solam in utero\nmatris fruebatur) defuncto, alia perfectior per transitum in hanc lucem mundanam sive\nper nativitatem accedit. Imo et nobis hac praesenti vitam, quam agimus, alia\nperfectissima et aeterna imminet\".\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD:\nTHE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nconcept ofthe \"rotation\" ofthe chemicals, stating that in order to purify\nsulphur, the \"soul\" of gold, the alchemist needed to apply the perfect\nform ofthe circle, in other words he needed to use the rotational forces of\ndistillation.8\nHe also quotes from the Rosarium concerning the geometrical figures\nof the circle, square and triangle which represent the masculine and\nfeminine qualities (Maier, 1616: 11).9 An illustration ofthis geometrical\nrelationship appears in his later compendium of alchemical treatises, the\nTripus Aureus (Frankfurt, 1618), in which the emblem accompanying the\nseventh key of Basil Valentine's De Lapide Sapientum depicts a circle,\nsquared internally, with a triangle within the square labelled \"Aqua\".\nThe circle represents \"Chaos\", while the square symbolises the four seasons.10The same relationship of circle, square and triangle appears in the\nillustration to Emblem XXI of the Atalanta Fugiens where a geometrical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=92\nPages: 92\n(1617; 1618) were also accompanied by a musical score of fugues for\nthree voices, providing a series of meditations on the spiritual significance\nof alchemy.\nGodwin and Streich have analysed the musical structure of the Atalanta Fugiens, concluding that Maier's composition should be regarded as a\n12 Maier (1616), pp. 15-16: \"Hic est circulus ab natura ipsa circumscriptus, non\nimaginatione mathematica, sed reali et Physico ductu delineatus\".\n13 Maier (1616), pp. 15-17: \"Hoc est lutum splendidum rota et manu maximi illius et\nomnipotentis figuli sub artum foretumque in substantiam pulcherrimam,\nin qua radii\nsolares congregantur et elucent, haud dubii testes illius aetheriae claritatis et lucis, in\nterrestri materia detentae et portatae\".\n14 Maier (1616), p. 23: \"Aurum, quasi Solem terrenum, a quibusdam dictum, esse\ncentrum omnium humanarum actionum, veluti coelestis planetarum\".\n15 Maier (1616), p. 24: \"Ita ab auro res precio et aestimationi subjacentes aequaliter]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=112\nPages: 112,111\n(ed), John Dee: Inter-disciplinary Approaches, Dordrecht; London; New York: Kluwer, 1999.\nSzonyi, Gyorgy E., \"Architectural Symbolism and Fantasy Landscapes in Alchemical and Occult Discourse: Revelatory Images\", Glasgow Emblem Studies, III,\nUniversity of Glasgow, 1998, pp. 49-69.\nSzulakowska, Urszula, \"Material Pantheism in the Pseudo-Lullian \"S\"-Circle of\nthe Powers ofthe Soul\", Ambix, 35 (1988): 127-54.\nSzulakowska, Urszula, \"Geometry and Optics in Renaissance Alchemical Illustration:John Dee, Robert Fludd and Michael Maier\", Cauda Pavonis, n.s. 14,\n1(1995): 1-12.\nSzulakowska, Urszula, \"The Pseudo-Lullian Origins of George Ripley's Maps\nand Routes as developed by Michael Maier\", Cosmos, 9 , (1993): 107-26.\n196\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\nSzulakowska, Urszula, \"Two Italian alchemical manuscripts: some philosophical\nproblems: monism and dualism\" in Didier Kahn and Sylvain Matton (eds),\nAlchimie: art, histoire et mythes. Actes du 1er colloque international de la Societ\u00e9 d'Etude]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\ngold, the sun being an image of God himself.5 According to Maier, the\nuniversal panacea resolved the problem of the squaring of the circle\n(Maier, 1616: 4).\nMaier explained that, according to Plato, the perfect form of eternal\nBeing was the circle and this was also the essential form of gold, the most\nperfect substance in the physical world (Maier, 1616: 11), since the circle\nis the form of nature when she has been quieted from her compulsive\nmotion (Maier, 1616: 12). In this idea, he was following the well-known\nargument of Aristotle in De generatione et corruptione that anything which\nmoves is by nature imperfect, since it is prone to corrupting changes.\nConsequently, the static circle is nature perfected,6 manifesting in the\nphysical form of red, coagulated sulphur, or gold. Maier referred to the\nalchemical theories ofthe pseudo-Lullian Testament, in particular, to their\nconcept ofthe \"rotation\" ofthe chemicals, stating that in order to purify]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 91 to page 101 out of a total of 137:\nPages 91:\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\npublish a supportive commentary on the Rosicrucian Manifestos in his\nThemis Aurea ( 1618).\nThe internal evidence of Maier's treatises indicates that, during his\nstay in England, he had been influenced by the Paracelsian alchemy of\nRobert Fludd. Although there exists no documented evidence of their\ndirect connection, they could have encountered each other in the same\ncourt circles. Yates has even suggested that Maier in 1616 transported\nthe manuscripts of Fludd's Utriusque Cosmi Historia to the publisher,\nJohann Theodore de Bry, in Oppenheim.3 Moreover, the meteorological\ntheory and imagery of Maier's Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt : Luca Jennis, 1620) is related to that of Fludd in his \"Microcosm\" (UCH, 1619).*\nIn contrast to Dee, Khunrath and Fludd, Maier infrequently referred\nto the cabbalah, occasionally employing some general concepts, but never applying the system methodically. Instead, he based his alchemical\nprogramme on geometry, which was itself the subject of one of his earliest treatises on the Euclidean problem of squaring the circle, De Circulo\nPhysico, Quadrato (Oppenheim : Luca Jennis, 1616). Maier, like Khunrath,\nused the image ofthe squared circle as a theurgical sigil, representing the\nspiritual and alchemical union of opposites in the \"azoth\". A circle appears on the title-page of his treatise, bearing the names of the four\nuniversal qualities, \"calidum siccum frigidum humidum\", while a rectangle lists the four elements. The main subject of this essay is the Paracelsian theory of the universal panacea, the potable gold which ensured\nboth physical and spiritual health, due to its concordance ofthe macroand microcosms . These were signified by the sun, the human heart and\ngold, the sun being an image of God himself.5 According to Maier, the\nuniversal panacea resolved the problem of the squaring of the circle\n(Maier, 1616: 4).\nMaier explained that, according to Plato, the perfect form of eternal\nBeing was the circle and this was also the essential form of gold, the most\nperfect substance in the physical world (Maier, 1616: 11), since the circle\nis the form of nature when she has been quieted from her compulsive\nmotion (Maier, 1616: 12). In this idea, he was following the well-known\nargument of Aristotle in De generatione et corruptione that anything which\nmoves is by nature imperfect, since it is prone to corrupting changes.\nConsequently, the static circle is nature perfected,6 manifesting in the\nphysical form of red, coagulated sulphur, or gold. Maier referred to the\nalchemical theories ofthe pseudo-Lullian Testament, in particular, to their\nconcept ofthe \"rotation\" ofthe chemicals, stating that in order to purify\nsulphur, the \"soul\" of gold, the alchemist needed to apply the perfect\nform ofthe circle, in other words he needed to use the rotational forces of\ndistillation.8\nHe also quotes from the Rosarium concerning the geometrical figures\nof the circle, square and triangle which represent the masculine and\nfeminine qualities (Maier, 1616: 11).9 An illustration ofthis geometrical\nrelationship appears in his later compendium of alchemical treatises, the\nTripus Aureus (Frankfurt, 1618), in which the emblem accompanying the\nseventh key of Basil Valentine's De Lapide Sapientum depicts a circle,\nsquared internally, with a triangle within the square labelled \"Aqua\".\nThe circle represents \"Chaos\", while the square symbolises the four seasons.10The same relationship of circle, square and triangle appears in the\nillustration to Emblem XXI of the Atalanta Fugiens where a geometrical\ndiagram incorporates additional male and female figures (fig. 38).11\n154\n3 Yates (1986), pp. 80-90.\nMichael Maier, Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1620), pp. 34 ff, \"De\nMeteoris\", see frontispiece and illustration on p. 31.\n5 Maier (1616), p. 6:\nUtque Deus Soli, Sol auro, denique cordi\ndat, et hoc verso respicit orbe Deum:\nVim\nOmnia ab hoc et ad hunc mortalia conditatendunt,\nCirculus hic, quicquid constat ubique, replet\nDee uses the same idea see Shumaker, pp. 158-61.\n155\n6 Maier (1616) , p. 13: \"Hic est ille Circulus Physicis, quem si natura circumgyratione\nsui absolverit, merito quiescit: cum post motum quies appetatur ab omnibus\n... De qua\nloquendi ratione si quisquam dubitet, nodum, quod aiunt, Pythagoras ... illud esse\nCirculum, cuius centrum sit circumferentiae innatum, hoc est, homogeneam substantiam.\nexistere, cuius millesima et interior pars sit formalis et agens, reliquae materiales et\nformatus\".\n7 Maier (1616) , p. 14: \"hinc Centrum seu formam (quae est sulfur rubeum et coagulatum)\nCirculo, Auro ... tanquam superficiei, suam essentiam puram et denomidedisse\".\nnationemin hoc\n8 Maier (1616), pp. 14-15: \"Adhaec Circulum Aurum\nquia ut in rotario opere\ntextorum observamus, stamino ex centro duci recta, diximus,\nsuperqua subtegmina circumgyrantur contiguem, donec sphaerica figura ... introducta sit, sic in auro forma ipse\nmateriae ex materiae sinu simul semelque intertexitur\".\n9 See also Szonyi (1984), pp. 373-74, on Edmund Spenser's use ofthe same concept in\nthe Faerie Queene.\n10 Michael Maier, Tripus Aureus (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1618), p. 407.\nMichael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens (1618) pp. 92-95. On p. 93 the text reads: \"Fac ex\nmasculine et foemina circulum, inde quadrangulum, fac circulum et habebis lapis Philosophorum.\nEpigramma XXI\nFoemina masculineque unus fiant tibi circulus, ex que\nSurgat, habens aquum forma quadrata latus.\nHinc Trigonum ducas, omni qui parte rotundam\nIn sphaeram redeat: Tum LAPIS ortus erit.\nSi res tanta tua non mox venit obvia menti,\nDogma Geometria si capis omne scies.\n\nPages 92:\n156\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nIn his De Circulo Physico, Quadrato Maier states that the incorrupt nature\nof gold proves that the circle, as its essential form, is not an abstract\nmathematical concept, but a physical reality.12 For the congregation of\nthe sun's rays creates its beautiful circular shape13 and gold is central to\nhuman activity, as if it were a sun within the earth.14 Thus, on themodel\nofthe relationship of the centre to the circumference ofthe perfect circle,\ngold is the centre of all things .15 Moreover, gold as a colour is the union\nofopposites, those ofthe white female and the red male aspects.16 Hence,\nsince gold is perfection itself, its essential nature must be spiritual (Maier,\n1616 : 28, 46).\nAnother of Maier's fundamental tenets was the traditional idea that\nboth the cosmic order and the human-being as its reflection were governed by the musical ratios of the Pythagorean octave, the sun in the\nmidst of the macrocosm corresponding to the heart in a human-being\n(Maier, 1616: 7). In fact, he appended a lyric verse to De Circulo Physico,\nQuadrato, a \"Cantilena Anacreontia\" eulogising the properties of gold\n(Maier, 1616: 75-79). Slightly later, he composed another alchemical\nsong set to a musical score in the Cantilenae Intelectuales (Oppenheim,\n1617), in which the philosopher's stone was symbolised by the myth of\nthe Phoenix, possibly an allegory of Christ, although this was not specified. Moreover, the fifty alchemical emblems of the Atalanta Fugiens\n(1617; 1618) were also accompanied by a musical score of fugues for\nthree voices, providing a series of meditations on the spiritual significance\nof alchemy.\nGodwin and Streich have analysed the musical structure of the Atalanta Fugiens, concluding that Maier's composition should be regarded as a\n12 Maier (1616), pp. 15-16: \"Hic est circulus ab natura ipsa circumscriptus, non\nimaginatione mathematica, sed reali et Physico ductu delineatus\".\n13 Maier (1616), pp. 15-17: \"Hoc est lutum splendidum rota et manu maximi illius et\nomnipotentis figuli sub artum foretumque in substantiam pulcherrimam,\nin qua radii\nsolares congregantur et elucent, haud dubii testes illius aetheriae claritatis et lucis, in\nterrestri materia detentae et portatae\".\n14 Maier (1616), p. 23: \"Aurum, quasi Solem terrenum, a quibusdam dictum, esse\ncentrum omnium humanarum actionum, veluti coelestis planetarum\".\n15 Maier (1616), p. 24: \"Ita ab auro res precio et aestimationi subjacentes aequaliter\ndistant, hoc est, Geometrica proportione, vel, si movis\nArithmetica omnes ab uno auro determinentur, earumque valor\".\n16 Maier (1616), pp. 26-27: \"Color in auro non pallidus est ... sed Citrinus, qui ex\nrubeo et albo, mixte inter se proportionibiliter generatur, utpote medios inter extremos,\nnigrum et album. Hic enim ut nimis dispergit visivam virtutem et ille in arctum contrahit,\nsic Citrinus color oculorum aerem, quemadmodum et viridis, reficit, in mediocritate\nconservat et delectat\"..\n17 Sylvain Matton and Jacques Rebotier, La Musique des Cantilenae Intellectuales (Alencon:\nJ-C Bailly, 1984), passim.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n157\n457\nconceptual art-work, rather than as a practical score to be used in a real\nperformance. His musical forms were based on those of the \"cantus firmus\" of Gregorian chants, although he provided only three voice-parts,\nrather than four or five as was customary.18 The unresolved dissonances\nin the score could have been an intentional aspect of its design as programme music, describing the story of the race between Atalanta and\nHippomenes. The mythological story, however, is only depicted once on\nthe title-page, although it is described by the analogous construction of\nthe musical score.19 There is no direct reference to these protagonists\nwithin the sequence ofillustrations, nor in the textual discourse, the myth\nstanding only as a central trope in which the race for the golden apple\nsignifies the quest for the philosopher's stone and the union ofAtalanta\nand Hippomenes represents that of the female and male principles of\nalchemy. According to Streich, the structure of the musical score reflects\nthe alchemical process, with the three voice-parts referring to the Paracelsian alchemical principles, Sulphur, Mercury, Salt, in their essence as\nspirit, soul and matter.20 The voices also represent the three mythic characters ofAtalanta, Hippomenes and the golden apple. Most significantly,\nStreich has noted that the sequence for the apple voice wanders from the\nhigher to the lower pitch, as if it were describing the process of distillation.21 The fugue also runs as a mirror canon, or canon by inversion, in\nrespect to the voices of Atalanta and Hippomenes.22 Since music in the\nRenaissance represented the intellectual and spiritual spheres of the cosmos, its presence in Maier's alchemical treatise metaphorised the nature\nof alchemy as a process unifying the micro- and the macrocosm.23\nAs in de Vries' engraving for the Amphiteatrum, the musical motif alludes to Boethian musicology in which Pythagorean geometric ratios regulated the cosmic structure. The tonal sequence of Maier's composition\nwas based on the Pythagorean octave in which the third and sixth intervals were not considered to be consonant. Godwin and Streich have not\ndiscussed the philosophical implications of Maier's Pythagorean score,\nalthough Streich made an important point in her brief mention of the\n18 Joscelyn Godwin, Atalanta Fugiens. An Edition of the Fugues, Emblems and Epigrams\n(Phanes Press, 1989), p. 13. See also the less extensive references to Maier's composition\nin H. M. E de Jong, Michael Maier's \"Atalanta Fugiens\" (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), pp. 3ff\nand passim.\n19 Godwin, p. 14.\n20 Streich in Godwin (ed), Atalanta Fugiens , p. 27.\n21 Streich, p. 43.\n22 Streich, p. 61 .\n23 See also the discussion in Christoph Meinel, Alchemie und Musik, (Wiesbaden: Herzog\nAugust Bibliothek, 1986), pp. 201-27.\n\nPages 93:\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nfact that in certain parts of the fugues the fifth interval defines the structure ofthe composition and that it represents the sun (the golden apple).\nThe effect of adding Pythagorean musical ratios to Maier's alchemical\nimagery was that it transformed them into theurgical talismans . Just as\nDee's and Khunrath's use of Pythagorean geometry was a means ofcapturing the astral forces in their theurgic sigils, in the same way, Maier's\nPythagorean music attracted the celestial powers into his emblems, turning them into magical instruments. In particular, the fifth interval, representing the solar rays and the philosopher's stone, magnetically attracted\nthe sun, introducing a potent theurgic charge into the alchemical procedure. (This motif may have even been a reference to the process of\ndistillation by the heat of the sun). Reinforced by the music, Maier's\nemblems were intended to become transmutatory instruments of the\nsame type as the catoptrical mirrors described by John Dee in the Monas\nHieroglyphica and the \"annuli\" pictured by Khunrath in the Amphiteatrum.\nIn these ideas, Maier could have been influenced by a reference in the\nPropaedeumata Aphoristica (1568) where Dee had compared the harmonic\nstructure ofthe world to that of the chords of a lyre, alluding thus to the\nPythagorean tonal sequence and its cosmological function. Dee may have\nencountered this concept in the eighteenth discourse of the Corpus Hermeticum whose theological system describes the divine forces ofthe stars, the\nplanets and the sun in their effect on the human intellect. In the eighteenth discourse , Asclepius directs King Ammon to \"tune the inward lyre\nand adjust it to the [divine] musician\". Moreover, Ficino had referred to\nthe theurgic force ofthe fifth interval, the \"diapente\", whose relationship\nof 3: 2 he stated to be the ratio ofthe distance from the earth to the sun,\ncompared with that from the sun to the fixed stars. Hence, the perfect\nfifth in Ficino's astral magic was a musical signifier ofthe sun.24\nFludd had already produced an illustration of the cosmic lyre in the\n\"Macrocosm\", a sequence of Pythagorean octaves relating the physical\nworld to God (UCH, 1, 1617, Tract I: 92). In his musicology he ignored\nthe modifications gradually introduced into the Pythagorean harmonic\nscheme by Renaissance polyphony, which in 1599-1607 had forced Kepler to admit an empirically consonant third and sixth into the Pythago-\nrean tonal mode to enable him to rationalise his astronomical system.\nFludd, however, defended his own musicology against Kepler, and other\nopponents, by stating firmly that the Monochord was not simply a theoretical concept since his friends were using it for practical music-making.25 In his argument, Fludd may have been alluding to Maier's alchemical music as a justification for his ideas, but this connection has yetto be\ninvestigated by historians ofmusic. Yates discussed only certain aspects of\nthe relationship between Maier's Atalanta Fugiens (1617; 1618) and Fludd's\nUtriusque Cosmi ... Historia (1617-21) and the musical connection was not\nher main interest.26\nNeither has any musicologist provided a detailed analysis of the specific relationship between Maier's music and the visual imagery ofthe Atalanta Fugiens. Thus, despite the pioneering work of Godwin, Streich and\nde Jong, Maier's illustrations still await a definitive critical study since de\nJong's investigation of the textual sources of the Atalanta Fugiens did not\ninvolve a detailed examination of the illustrations themselves.\nFor the present purpose, only one image from this sequence will be\nconsidered, that of Emblem VIII since this is most closely related to de\nVries' theurgic \"annulus\" in Khunrath's Amphiteatrum.\nYates has shown that there existed a close historical relationship between the Atalanta Fugiens and Fludd's \"Macrocosm\" (UCH, 1617; 1618)\nwhich were published almost simultaneously byJohann Theodore de Bry\nin Oppenheim. The artists who produced the illustrations for Maier have\nnot been securely identified, though it is possible to discern two or three\ndifferent persons at work, one ofwhom was probably Matthieu Merian.27\nFludd's artists, on the whole, are recognisable by their signatures, which\nindicate that Johann Theodore de Bry engraved the first part of the\n\"Macrocosm\" (1617), the work being completed by Merian who also\nsigned the portrait of Fludd in the Philosophia Sacra.28 When the artistic\nstyles of the two treatises are compared, it appears that in the Atalanta\nFugiens the artist was inclined to depict classical architecture, whereas in\nFludd's illustrations the scenes are those ofmedieval northern towns. The\ntechnical style is also more confident in the Atalanta Fugiens. Nonetheless,\nin contrast to the italianate architecture of the Atalanta Fugiens, the landscape backgrounds are archaic, belonging to the conventions of Dutch\npainting of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. In this tradi-\n158\n24 Discourse XVIII in Copenhaver, Hermetica (1992), p. 64. Dee's comments on the\ncosmic lyre are not included in the first 1558 version of the PropaedeumataAphoristica see\ntotus est quasi lyra, ab excellentissiSchumaker, Aphorism XI, pp. 126-27: \"Mundus iste huius\nuniversitatis Species singulae,\nmo quodam artifice concinnata : cuius chordae, sunt\nille\neliciet harmonias ... Homo\nnoverit,\nmirabiles\ntangere\npulsareque\nquas qui dextre\nautem, per se, Mundanae isti Lyrae, omnino est Analogus\". See also Ficino's musicology\nin Allen, Ficino's Nuptial Arithmetic (1994), p. 29.\n159\n25 Peter J. Amman, \"The Musical Theory and Philosophy of Robert Fludd\", JWCI\n(1967): 198-227, esp 218-19.\n26 Yates ( 1969), pp.112-35.\n27 Yates (1986), pp. 9, 72.\n28 Yates (1969), pp. 70-77.\n\nPages 94:\n160\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\ntion of two generations earlier , the background was depicted as ifit were\nrising up the page, rather than running into the distance at eye-level.\nAnother striking aspect of these early landscapes was the portrayal of\nmountains as large rocks, isolated in space. In the early seventeenth century, a new type of landscape had been developed by Rubens in Flanders\nwith a lower horizon and a broad, atmospheric effect in which the elevated landmarks were integrated coherently into the sweep of the landscape.29 In spite of these changes in pictorial style, they do not\nto\nhave affected the artists who worked for printing- houses such as seem\nde Bry.\nSalomon Trismosin's Splendor Solis (Rorschach, 1598)30 may have provided some visual prototypes for the architecture and landscape in\nMaier's engravings, for example, the illustration to the Seventh Parable\nshows an ancient king in an alchemical bath standing over a furnace on\na \"pavimentum diminutionis\" . The architectural setting of this\nimage,\nset in the open-air, may have influenced the outdoor setting of Maier's\nEmblem VIII. The central concepts of the Splendor Solis originated in the\nRosarium Philosophorum, which, according to de Jong, was the major source\nfor the Atalanta Fugiens. McLean emphasised the important influence of\nTrismosin's work on later alchemical ideas, commenting that\nThe Splendor Solis ... acts as a bridge between the Rosarium and the Rosicrucian period.31\nparticular image was taken from the Rosarium, in which the analogy of\nthe sun and its shadow appears in its account of the illumination ofthe\nalchemical substance by the sun.\nThe use of catoptrical mirrors as a source of heat is described in\nEmblem XXIII where Maier explains the manner in which celestial influences are transmitted to the earth by the sun's rays (fig. 40). The\nillustration shows the alchemist, clad in the martial robes of Mars, splitting the head of Saturn to release the form of Pallas Athena. In the\nbackground appears a statue of the Apollo of Rhodes, whose head is\nencircled by an aureole of light. Meanwhile, on the right of the picture\nthe sun-god engages in sexual dalliance with Venus, while storm clouds\nshower rays of coins. The conjunction ofthe sun and Venus is a catoptrical hieroglyph in which the sun's rays are caught by a mirror (the emblem of Venus). Maier's commentary explains the meaning of the image\nas being related to the use of catoptrics.\nWithplants and animals reproduction takes place by means ofseed, but with\nsimple bodies or bodies of a simple composition this takes place by introducing force and by means of assimilation.\nThus, the sun, the celestial luminary, sends its beams to the earth and when\nthese beams are bundled in a sun-glass, shapes are seen, which are, as it\nwere, form projections ofthe sun. On these grounds it is established that sunbeams are nothing but flames offire, which are spread out over a wide space;\nwhen, however, they are focused, they burn everything that comes within the\npoint offocus33\nMaier frequently refers to the secret fire of alchemy, the quintessence, as\nin Emblem XXXVII (Maier, 1618: 158-59).34\nThe quintessential fire is the theme also of Emblem VIII, which alludes to alchemical geometry and catoptrics (fig. 41) on the model ofde\nVries' engraving for Khunrath's Amphiteatrum. The illustration displays an\narmed warrior (Mars) standing in front of a roaring fire in the process of\nshattering the alchemical egg with his sword. In the immediate background there is a battlemented wall, pierced by a curious tunnel drawn in\na diagrammatic form according to the rules of single-point perspective. It\nshould be noted that its excessive depth does not correspond with the\nactual thickness of the wall. Another important feature ofthis image is its\nbox-like spatial construction which does not recurr in any of the other\nillustrations in the Atalanta Fugiens, which customarily depict only one\nThe alchemical theory of the Atalanta Fugiens draws most of its detailed\nreferences from medieval sources, although these are contextualised within a Paracelsian framework centred on the quintessence. Maier often\ntakes recourse to the pseudo-Lullians, specifically to the earliest texts in\nthe corpus, such as the Testament, which emphasise the process of transmutation, rather than the making of the universal panacea.32 He is\nmore inclined to use the medieval Aristotelian theory of the four also\nelements, instead of the three Paracelsian principles. On the other hand, the\ntheoretical programme of the Atalanta Fugiens also exhibits more contemporary astrological interests, signified by the stars of the Zodiac which\nappear in Emblem XXVII (Maier, 1618: 118-119) and Maier frequently\nrecalls the theurgic powers of the solar rays, as in Emblem XLV which\ndepicts the eclipse of the moon (Maier, 1618 : 190-191) (fig. 39). This\n29 Wolfgang Adler, Landscapes (\nRubenianum Ludwig Burchard) (\nMiller; Oxford UP, 1982), 18, pp. 21-35; W.Corpus\nStechow, Dutch Landscape Painting ofHarvey\nthe\n17th-C\n1966), passim; Yvonne Thiery, Le Paysage Flamande au XVII e Siecle (Paris ; Bruxelles,(London,\n1983),\npassim.\n30 Adam McLean (ed), Salomon Trismosin. Splendor Solis (Phanes Press, 1991), pp. 7-9.\nMcLean notes that the earliest\nof this treatise date from circa 1532-5.\n31 McLean, Trismosin. Splendormanuscripts\nSolis (1991), p. 8.\n161\n32 Onthepseudo-Lullian corpus see Pereira (1989), pp. 22-25. For medieval aspects of\nMaier's theory see the examples in Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, pp. 14-15, 46, 64-67, 77-78.\n33 Translation by de Jong: Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII, pp. 100-3.\n34 See also Maier (1618), p. 46.\n\nPages 95:\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nwall, with a vanishing-point set at the edge of the picture rather than in\nthe centre as in Emblem VIII.\nThe subject ofthis illustration is the impregnation of base matter by\nthe seed ofgold carried in the sun's rays, as explained in the commentary\n(Maier 1618: 42-43). In the picture, these solar forces are signified by the\nperspectival structure of the tunnel. De Jong has compared the egg in\nEmblem VIII to the illustration of the macro-microcosmic egg in Dee's\nMonas Hieroglyphica.35 In the practical process, the chemicals were sealed\ninside an alchemical vessel known as the egg, within which they were\ndistilled, the process being said to generate a new,36more spiritual,form in\nthe original base materials (Maier, 1618: 41-42).3\nThe warrior in the picture represents Mars and the reader is told to\nadd Mars to Vulcan (the furnace) in order to gain the victory. Like that\nof Khunrath's De Igne Magorum, the theme ofEmblem VIII is the Paracelsian inner and outer fire, that is, the innate astral virtue and the celestial\nquintessence. The picture, thus, depicts the fiery virtue carried in the\nsun's rays of light which is the essence of earthly fire . The text continues\nwith references to the Paracelsian alchemy of Basil Valentine, specifically\nto his use of the symbols of Mercury, Vulcan and Mars. The reader is\ninstructed to add Mars only when the whole matter has putrefied in the\nheat, since Mars animates the material, perfecting it and granting it eternal life, a process comparable to the growth ofthe foetus in the womb.37\nThe spurious \"Basil Valentine\" was one of the earliest alchemists to\nrecord the use of light-rays in practical chemistry. Maier himself had\nknowingly, or otherwise, promoted the myth of this, supposedly, fourteenth-century monk, although, in fact, the tenor of Valentine's work is\nParacelsian.38 The text known as the Twelve Keys ofBasil Valentine wasfirst\npublished in Germany in Einleben in 1599, edited by Johann Tholde\nwho was probably its real author.39 Maier published a Latin version of\nValentine's treatise in his Tripus Aureus (1618) which he provided with\nvisual imagery by Merian.40\nIn another work by Valentine, Der Triumph-Wagen Antimonii (Leipzig,\n1604), there is a specific reference to the practical use of sun-light in\nalchemy. The aim ofthe work is the purification of antimony in order to\nmake a potable medicine. The recipe instructs the reader to pound the\npure glass of antimony and place it in a cucurbit, pouring some rectified\nvinegar over it. It should be subjected to a digestive fire, or in the summer exposed to the rays ofthe sun. Eventually, the material will aquire a\nreddish colour, like well-purified gold, at which point the liquid should be\npoured off until no more of the colour remains. Sun-light is employed\nagain in the process of digestion later in the work. The reddish colour of\nthe liquid, supposedly, indicated that the virtue of the sun had entered\nthe materials, but in reality, according to Principe, the redness of colour\nwas produced by the accidental inclusion of iron in the antimony resulting in the production of ferric acetate.41\nAn important aspect of Emblem VIII is the fact that it is a theatre-set,\nwhich has not been remarked by scholars such as Yates, or de Jong. The\nbackground setting of Maier's Emblem VIII, in fact, resembles Fludd's\n\"Theatrum Orbi\" in his \"Microcosm\" (UCH, 1619) (fig. 42). This similarity connects Maier's Pythagorean theurgy indirectly with that of John\nDee.42 Yates considered that Fludd's design could have been a copy of\n162\n35 De Jong, pp. 95-100.\n36 Maier (1618), p. 41: \"Emblema VIII: Accipe ovum et igneo percute gladio;\nEpigramma VIII\nEst avis in mundo sublimior omnibus, Ovum\nCuius ut inquiras, cura sit una tibi.\nAlbumen luteum circumdat molle vitellum,\nIgnito (ceu mos) cautus id en sepetas:\nVulcano Mars addat opem: pullaster et inde\nExortus, ferri victor et ignis erit;\nDiscursus VIII Multa et varia sunt avium genera, quae ut numero indefinita, ita\nnominibus incognita nobis existunt. De quadam praegnandi Ruc dicta in insula parva\noceani certo anni tempore apparente narrant, quos Elephantum secum in aera possit\nattollere. India et America dant varii colores psittacos, corvos et his similes. Verum\nharum ove conquirere non est intentiones Philosophicae; Aegyptii ova crocodilorum fero\nannuatim infestant ... Philosophi ovum suum igne percutiunt, non ut deleatur et pereat,\nsed vitam accipiat et crescat ... Calor exterior primum movens est, qui circulatione\nuniusque in aliud commutatione formam novam introducit, natuquadam Elementorum\nrae instinctu aut ductu\".\n37 Maier (1618), p. 42: \"Hoc est quod Basilius Valentinus asserit Mercureum a Vulcano\ncarceri inclusum esse Martis iussu, nec emissum, antequam putrefactus totus et emortuus\nfuerat. Verum haec Mars illi vitae novae initium existit, ut ovo corruptio seu mors novam\npulli generationem et vitam adfert\".\n163\n38 Partington, 2, pp. 183-203.\n39 There exists a manuscript ofthe Twelve Keys, dated 1582. The text was issued in a\nGerman version in Frankfurt in 1602. See Partington, op. cit.\n40 Maier, Tripus Aureus (1618), illustrations on pp. 407, 409, 415, 418, 420, 425. See\nalso van Lennep, p. 198. Since it is clear from the context that the original text was\nalways intended to carry illustrations, van Lennep considers that the imagerysupplied by\nMaier and Merian for the Tripus Aureus were not the first illustrations.\n41 Lawrence Principe, \" \"Chemical Translation\" and the Role of Impurities in Alchemy\", Ambix, 34 (1987): 21-30. An English translation of the recipe can befound in\nRichard Grossinger (ed), The Alchemical Tradition (California: North Atlantic Books, 1979),\npp. 34-47.\n42 Fludd's Memory Theatre is found in the \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim:J.T. de\nBry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, p. 55.\n\nPages 96:\n164\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nthe stage of Shakespeare's Globe Theatre. She argued that, influenced by\nDee's Vitruvianism in his Mathematicall Preface, the stage of the public\ntheatre in England was subsequently designed to represent the form of\nthe unified cosmos, the \"Theatrum Orbi\". The ceilings above the stage\nwere painted with astrological motifs, while the human actors below represented the microcosm.43 Moreover, the stage of Fludd's \"Theatrum\nOrbi\" concurred with Vitruvian design in having a crenellated rear-wall\nwith two openings. This back-wall was a permanent fixture, although the\ntwo side wings were moveable. Maier's stage-set has the same fundamental structure as Fludd's \"Theatrum Orbi\", but it resembles even more\nclosely the \"secondary stages\" of his theatre of memory (fig. 43).44 In\nMaier's illustration, the building on the right has an upper storey, as in\nFludd's\"Theatrum Orbi\", but it has been displaced from centre-stage. In\naddition, the two rear openings of Fludd's theatre have been replaced by\nthe diagrammatic tunnel.\nIf one ofthe sources for Maier's image was the Vitruvianism ofDee's\nMathematicall Preface, filtered through Fludd's work, then Maier would also\nhave known Dee's theory of\"zographie\", that is, his theurgical Pythagorean geometry which is described in the same treatise. The perspectival\nstructure ofMaier's Emblem VIII suggests, in fact, that this was the case.\nMoreover, the spatial design is comparable to Khunrath's gateway in the\nalchemical fortress (1602) (fig. 30) as well as de Vries' hall in the OratoryLaboratory (frontispiece). In Emblem VIII, the perspectival cone (the\ndiagrammatic tunnel) points heavenwards with its base above the egg,\nalthough not in a symetrical relationship, since the vanishing-point ofthe\ncone's orthogonal lines is located to the right. Nevertheless, it is not\naccidental that the only perpendicular line in the whole \"pavimentum\ndiminutionis\" passes directly underneath the egg and points immediately\ntowards the opening at the far end of the tunnel. The doorway and the\negg are perfectly in line, explaining why the vanishing-point of the picture is so strangely skewed to the right. The central perpendicular line of\nthe \"pavimentum diminutionis\" is known as the \"centric axis\", indicating\nthe vanishing-point which Alberti had always located in the middle ofa\npainting. The perspectival centric axis is, in fact, identical with the \"centric ray\" of medieval optics which was the strongest and shortest ray in a\ncone oflight.\nIn the Propaedeumata Aphoristica Dee had emphasised the theurgic power of the centric-rays emitted by the celestial spheres, which could be\n43 Yates (1969), pp. 112-35.\n44 Fludd, \"Microsocm\", UCH, 2 (Oppenheim: J.T. de Bry, 1619), Tract I, Sect II, pp.\n58, 64.\nMICHAEL MAIER'S ALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\n165\ndeployed by the astronomer using catoptrical apparatus.\"45 Hence, in\nMaier's emblem the centric axis passing through the egg to the vanishing-point symbolises the transmutatory effects of the celestial influences\nand it alludes to the use of catoptrics. Maier states in his commentary on\nthe emblem that the aim of human life is to pass from a vegetable existence in the womb to the more perfect light of the macrocosm , just as\nwhen an egg is \"killed\" it attains the higher form ofa bird. This imagery\nalso refers to sexual impregnation which generates new life.46 The alchemical male and female principles may die in their old forms, but,\npurified by fire, they will arise in the perfected form of the philosopher's\nstone. Hence, in Emblem VIII, the perspectival grid signifies the divine\nlight of the heavens, the alchemical quintessence which carries the seed\nof gold from the sun. It is placed directly above the egg to denote the\npotential evolution of prime matter to a higher spiritual condition.\nTherefore, the theurgic meaning of Emblem VIII lies within a set of\nassociations inter- relating Vitruvian architecture, perspectival geometry\nand catoptrics, in short, the same themes explored by Dee. Consequently,\nMaier's emblem, like that of Khunrath, explains the theory of an alchemy of light. The diagrammatic tunnel of orthogonal lines, like de Vries'\nhallway, refers to Paracelsian astral influences and Dee's astrological catoptrics. This geometrical structure, with its base on the earth and its\napex in heaven (signified by the vanishing-point), represents the quest for\nthe philosopher's stone by means of celestial alchemy. Even more significantly, Maier's emblem like that of de Vries in the Amphiteatrum is an\nalchemical sigil, a catoptrical mirror reflecting the light of the quintessence. It is, in itself, a theurgical instrument whose potency is amplified\nbyMaier's Pythagorean musical score whose motif of the diapentic interval as the golden apple ofAtalanta, introduces the power ofthe solar rays\ninto the process of alchemical transmutation.\n45 Shumaker, pp. 136-38, 148-51.\n46 Maier (1618), p. 42: \"Sic foetui humanam vitam vegetabili (qua solam in utero\nmatris fruebatur) defuncto, alia perfectior per transitum in hanc lucem mundanam sive\nper nativitatem accedit. Imo et nobis hac praesenti vitam, quam agimus, alia\nperfectissima et aeterna imminet\".\n\nPages 97:\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD:\nTHE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nIn the cabbalistic theogony ofRobert Fludd (1574-1637), the sun was far\nmore than a power-house for theurgical sigils, as in Dee's system, or an\naid to routine alchemical processes, since he considered it to be no less\nthan the altar of Christ the Messiah in his form as the angel Metattron.\nFludd's Christology in the 1620's is as intense and deeply-felt as that of\nKhunrath, but it is expressed in relatively sober academic prose and\nFludd is more absorbed than Khunrath in the minute specifics of Reuchlin's cabbalism. Basing his alchemical theory on that of Paracelsus, Fludd\ndevised not only a new version ofthe cabbalistic theosophy ofthe previous century, but also a novel system of practical medicine, whose claims\nfor efficacy were due to its reliance on the sacred light emanating from\nthe Creator-God (Christ) through the sun's rays.\nScholars are fortunate in being able to draw on Debus' extensive\nstudies of Fludd's Paracelsian and cabbalistic theology, although he has\nnot analysed Fludd's alchemical diagrams in detail. These have been\ninterpreted mostly from the point ofview of twentieth-century theosophy\nand Jungian psychology by Godwin.2 Other important work on Fludd\nincludes Amman's musicological study in which he related Fludd's musical ideas to his illustrations, though he omitted a lengthy discussion ofthe\nThe main resources provided by this scholar are Debus, (1965), pp. 86-127 and\nDebus (1977), 1, pp. 205-60. Additional items from Debus' prolific scholarship on Fludd\nare listed in the bibliography to the present study. Other discussions on Fludd's chemical\ntheories in the context of 17th-C scientific developments include Robert P. Multhauf,\n\"Medical Chemistry and the 'Paracelsians\"\", Bulletin ofthe History ofMedicine, 28 (1954):\n101-26 and Robert P. Multhauf, \"The significance of distillation\", Bulletin ofthe History of\nMedicine (1956): 439-46. See also Francis Sherwood-Taylor, \"The Origin ofthe Thermometer\",Annals ofScience, 5 (1942): 129-56. A valuable resource isJosten's edition ofthe\nBodleian manuscript of Fludd's Truth's Golden Harrow see C. H. Josten, \"Truth's Golden\nHarrow, An Unpublished Alchemical Treatise of Robert Fludd in the Bodleian Library\",\nAmbix, 3 (1949): 91-150. Another account of one of Fludd's unpublished treatises is C. H.\nJosten, \"Robert Fludd's 'Philosophicall Key' and his alchemical experiment on wheat\",\nAmbix (1963): 1-23. The Wellcome Institute in London also mounted an exhibition of\nFludd's engravings designed for a popular audience see exhib. cat, High Matter. Dark\nLanguage (London, n.d.). The available bibliography on Fludd is too extensive to list in the\npresent study.\n2 Joscelyn Godwin, Robert Fludd (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), passim.\n\nPages 98:\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nimagery itself. Fludd's engravings also frequently appear in popularised\naccounts of alchemy, though Klossowski de Rola did not include them in\nhis account of seventeenth century alchemical engravings. The most\nextensive discussion of Fludd's intellectual development has been provided by Huffman, though he also disregarded Fludd's visual work. It is\nregrettable that these authorities have largely neglected Fludd's engravings, for even Godwin's admirable interpretation is directed more at an\naudience of twentieth century alchemical adepts. This disregard for the\nintellectual significance of the illustrations could lead to misinterpretations of Fludd's ideas, since, according to Yates, his visual imagery was\nintegral to his theoretical concepts. Their importance is indicated by the\nfact that Fludd himself designed his pictures, determining, moreover,\ntheir specific location within the text.\nFludd was a respected English physician working for the royal court,\nas well as a prolific encyclopaedist of hermetic and mechanical knowledge. Although his Anglican loyalties were never questioned, he achieved\na certain notoriety in his own time for his early support of the Rosicrucian Manifestos in his Apologia (1616), expanded into the Tractatus Apologeticus (1618). In the development of his ideas, Fludd claimed a precocious\nintellectual ability, stating that he had already composed the greater part\nof his \"Macrocosm\" (UCH, 1, 1617) during his undergraduate days at\nOxford, prior to commencing a tour of the continent in 1598-1604/ 5. In\nthe course of his travels, he spent a winter with some Jesuits who tutored\nhim on theurgic matters in the mountains on the borders of Spain and\nFrance.8\n\"The Musical Theory and Philosophy of Robert Fludd\", JWCI,30\n3 PeterJ. Amman,\n): 198-227.\n(1967\n4 Klossowski de Rola (1988), op. cit.\n5 Huffman, Robert Fludd (1988). See also William H. Huffman, \"Robert Fludd's\n\"Declaratio Brevis\" to James I\", Ambix, 25 (1978): 69-92.\n6 Yates, Theatre ofthe World (1969), pp. 70-77.\n7 Debus, (1977), 1, pp. 213-15.\nMaioris Scilicet et Minoris\n8 Huffman (1988), pp. 12-35 . Fludd's Utriusque Cosmi volumes\noffour parts (two\nMetaphysica, Physica atque Technica Historia was published in twoMacrocosm\",\nvol. 1, Part 2\n1\n(1617);\n\"\n\",\nvol.\n1,\nPart\nper volume) as the \"Macrocosm\nvol . 2, Part 2 (1621). These\n(1618); \"Microcosm\", vol. 2, Part 1 (1619); \"Microcosm\",\nin Oppenheim. The \"Tractatus Secundus\"\ntexts were issued by Johann Theodore) isdeveryBrypractical\nwith little philosophical infrastruc\"\n(UCH,\n1,\n1618\nthe\n\"Macrocosm\nof\non optics (pp. 293ture. It considers \"arithmetica universalis\" (p. 5), including a section\nthe third part, Fludd explains the practical and\n316) and astrology (pp. 558-714). Infrontispiece\nillustrates the system of one-point pertheoretical aspects of geometry. The\nHe mentions Pomponius\nspective with an image of a man gazing into the distance.\nDee's model in the\nGauricus, Apollodorus and Durer (pp. 320-29). Fludd is following\nMathematicall Preface which distinguished between higher and lower types of mathematical\nand geometrical knowledge.\nIn his first work, the \"Macrocosm\" (UCH, 1, 1617), Fludd devised a\ncosmology in which God manifested the universe through his own act of\nviewing, deriving this concept from the Pymander in which the physical\ncreation was a mirror of God.\nDeitas quasi in speculo conspicitur\n(Fludd, 1617, 1: 167)\nIn the second volume ofthe Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, the \"Microcosm\"\n(UCH, 2, 1619: 25-26) , he subsequently elaborated his initial concept of\nGod's creative vision by comparing the Holy Trinity to an eye, which he,\naccordingly, depicted in an engraving (fig. 47). Thus, in Fludd's system, it\nwas the optical rays of light emanating from God's divine vision which\ncreated , sustained and reabsorbed the universe. These concepts were\nintegrated by Fludd into a lavishly illustrated Paracelsian cosmology in\nwhich the materials of the universe were separated by the alchemist God\nout of prime matter.10\nIn the \"Macrocosm\" (1617), however, Fludd did not refer directly to\nthe cabbalah, employing instead the discourse of Pythagorean geometry,\nthereby displaying an immediate conceptual kinship with Maier's De Circulo Physico, Quadrato (1616), as well as with his Atalanta Fugiens (1617;\n1618). Nonetheless, by the time the \"Microcosm\" (1621) was composed,\nFludd had become preoccupied with the cabbalistic system, which remained as his over-whelming interest through-out his subsequent writings. In these, he also referred to Dee's cabbalistic mathematical theories\nand optical geometry, although without mentioning him by name, using\nonly his term, \"mathesis\" from the Mathematicall Preface and interpreting\nthe \"Monas\" cabbalistically in the same section. There were more direct lines ofcontact between Fludd and Dee since one of his mostimportant English patrons was John Selden who had purchased items from\nDee's library,12 while another was Sir Robert Bruce Cotton who had\nreceived Dee at his home.13\nIn Fludd's medical theories, the divine force oflight was related to the\nParacelsian aerial nitre, or quintessence, stating, for example, in the Tractatus Theologo-philosophicus (1617) that the tabernacle ofthe aerial spirit was\n168\n169\n9 Fludd, UCH , 1 (1617), p. 21, with illustration; see also p. 165.\n10 For example, see Paracelsus' account in Sudhoff, 13, Philosophia ad Athenienses, pp.\n393, 420-1.\n11 Robert Fludd, Medicina Catholica, 1 (Frankfurt: William Fitzer, 1629), pp. 1-4.\n12 Huffman\n(1988), pp. 25ff. ForJohn Selden see Dictionary ofNational Biography, 17, pp.\nff.\n1150\n13 Huffman (1988), pp. 25ff. See DNB, 4, p. 1233-34.\n\nPages 99:\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nthe sun.14 All living creatures , he explained, required air since this contained the aetherial spirit whose essence was the celestial light. It was\nbreathed in by the lungs and carried to the heart, where it was separated\nfrom the air and dispersed as the vital spirit through-out the body.15\nMoreover, Fludd used the rays of the sun in his own practical alchemical\nwork, as is recorded in the manuscript version of his treatise on wheat,\nthe \"Tractatus de Tritico\" which re- appeared in the Anatomiae Amphiteatrum (Frankfurt: J. T. de Bry, 1623) and also in the Philosophia Moysaica\n(Gouda: Petrus Rammazenius, 1638).16 In this text Fludd described the\ndistillation of the spirit ofwheat, whose virtues corresponded to those of\nthe sun and gold. He noted that the first substance produced in the\ncourse of distillation was a white liquid, which, placed in the open air,\nturned red in the rays of the sun. Fludd claimed that, due to the fiery\nnitre in the solar rays, his chemicals had become the universal panacea,\nwhose generative celestial fire had been drawn out of the sun and concentrated by his prepared spirit (the white liquid).17\nFludd's concepts of the creative forces of light were illustrated by\ndiagrams, whose forms originated in medieval optics (figs. 2, 11), the\nprinciples of light and darkness being represented by two intersecting\ncones, or pyramids. The base of the \"pyramidis formalis\" was placed in\nthe Empyreum of God, signifying the emanating rays of divine light,\nwhile the base of the \"pyramidis materialis\" was located on the earth\nwith its apex in God, depicting the aspiration of the universe to its divine\nsource (fig. 44). Consequently, the optical geneology of Fludd's intersecting cones produced an image of God and his created universe as being\nperpetually locked in a mutual gaze. Within the lozenge shape created by\nthe intersection of the emanatory and reversionary cones, Fludd placed\nthe sun, since the nature ofthis sphere balanced the 18oppositions ofspirit\nand matter, male and female, sulphur and mercury.\"\nFludd described these diagrammatic forms as \"pyramides lucis\", cones\nof light,19 claiming that he had invented the reversed cone of light, the\n\"pyramidis materialis\", an assertion not entirely justified since these\nintersecting diagrammatic structures already existed in optical treatises,\nalthough this was their first use in the context of a pictorial cosmogenesis.21 Dee had produced a set of comparable diagrams in De Speculis\nComburentibus (British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C. VII) (figs. 12-15).\nMoreover, the optical radial cone, with its base in the eye of the viewer,\nhad already been adapted by Alberti to a pictorial context in his \"perspectiva artificialis\". Thus, Fludd's cones of emanation and reversion\nshared the same conceptual source with Alberti's perspective.\nIn the \"Macrocosm\" (UCH, 1617) Fludd's cosmogony was additionally\nbased on the three Paracelsian generative principles, those of light, darkness and water, from which emerged the three primary elements, Salt\nfrom darkness (as the \"prima materia\"), Sulphur from light (as the soul)\nand Mercury from water (as the spirit). These, in turn, produced thefour\nqualities of hot, cold , dry and moist. Fludd's chemical cosmogenesis was\nexplained by a series of geometrical diagrams in which the principles of\nlight and darkness operated in a mutually antagonistic duality.22\nYet, although Fludd's text and visual imagery described cosmic processes of an indescribable magnitude and grandeur, he proved the validity\nof his account by means of some very simple and practical chemical\nprocesses. For example, in one engraving the sun is shown radiating its\nlight onto a vessel, from which a pipe runs into a spherical container\n(UCH, 1, 1617: 31) (fig. 45). The vessel contains a mix of oil and water\nwhich are distilled by the solar rays. Fludd uses this chemical experiment\nto reinforce his point that, in the absence of light, the universe would\nrevert to the primal darkness of \"hyle\", since it is light which gives form\nto prime matter. He compared his experiment to God's work on the\n14 Allen G. Debus (ed), Robert Fludd and the Philosophicall Key (New York: Science History\nPublications, 1979), pp. 125-26.\n15 Josten, \"Robert Fludd's \"Philosophicall Key\"\" (1963): 19. See also Debus, Robert\nFludd and the Philosophicall Key (1979), pp. 125-26. Philosophicall Key\" (1963): 1-23 and\n16 This is discussed in Josten, \"Robert Fludd's '\npassim. The Philosophia Moysaica\nalso in Debus, Robert Fludd and the PhilosophicallKey (1979),Philosophy\n(London: H. Moseley,\nMosaicall\nversion\nas\nthe\nEnglish\nrepublished in an\nwas\n1659).\n17 Debus (1979), ff. 83r-108v.\naequalitatis, amplexus inter\n18 Fludd, UCH, 1 (1617), Tract I, p. 165: \"sphaera\nsulphuris et Mercurii partio debita\nmasculum et foeminam universalis, veri chymicorum\nanima,\ninfans solaris, mundi decus, verdique euisdemmedietate\net proportionata: ex quorum coitusphaera\ndicitur. Hec igitur est ratio solaris in\nortus est: Unde verissime animae\ncoeli positionis et situs ac sustentationes\". See also Fludd, UCH, 1 (1617), Tract I, p. 167:\n\"Imo haec Triangulorum interfectio est verissime cordis Macrocosmi sedes, in quo omnia\nad pondus sunt temperata: non enim praedominatur materia, non etiam nimis insultat\nforma, nisi in eo, quod splendidem et completem ac perfectem appetitum materiae\nexsatiat; Haec est vera mundana unitas ex dualitate conflata\".\n19 Fludd, \"Macrocosm\", UCH, 1 (1617), Tract 1, p. 84.\n20 Fludd, \"Microcosm\", UCH, 2 (1619), Tract. I, p. 180.\n21 For example, see John Pecham's 14th-C diagrams as reconstructed by Lindberg in\nLindberg, John Pecham. Perspectiva Communis (1970), pp. 77, 99: figs. 4, 5.\n22 See Fludd, \"Macrocosm\", UCH, 1 (1617), Tract I, pp. 9ff, see, in particular, pp. 1631. One ofthe illustrations depicts a square which contains a dark shadow in its midst,\ninscribed with the words \"et sic in infinitum\". The text concerns the \"caput corvii\" (the\nputrefying alchemical material). The following illustration (p.29) depicts light in the form\nofthe sun breaking through the midst of darkness. The succeeding image illustrates the\nchemical processes activated by the sun's rays.\n170\n171\n\nPages 100:\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nfourth day of the creation (UCH, 1, 1617: 30).23 To his chemical account\nof Genesis, 1, also belongs the illustration of the dove of the Holy Spirit\nemerging from the \"Word\" of God, \"Fiat\" (the Second Person of the\nTrinity) to blaze a trail of light around Chaos (UCH, 1, 1617: 49). Later\nin the treatise, Fludd describes the rays of the word, \"Fiat\", as carrying\nGod's form and image to the very centre of the cosmos.24\nIn the third book of the \"Macrocosm\" Fludd offered another interpretation of the cosmic structure, complementing his earlier chemical\nvisualisations, but expressed musically in his analysis of the \"Musica\nMundana\", the macrocosmic Pythagorean tonal ratios (UCH, 1, 1617:\n79-81).25 His musical universe was still a Paracelsian construct, nonetheless , since the empyreal heaven was stated to be composed of aethereal\nfire, whose light generated the material forms in accordance with the\nmathematical ratios of the Pythagorean monochord.26 Since the light of\nthe \"anima mundi\" pervaded the cosmic monochord, hence it was the\nequivalent ofthe formal and material pyramids of light.27 The fifth chapter of the \"Musica Mundana\" included an illustration of the cosmic lyre,\nprobably modelled on Dee's reference to this idea in the Propaedeumata\nAphoristica ( UCH, 1, 1617, Tract I: 92).28\nCabbalism is engaged by Fludd for the first time in the \"Microcosm\"\n(UCH, 2, 1619-21), although this treatise is less directly related to alchemy. Reuchlin in De Arte Cabbalistica had discussed the similarities between\nthe Pythagorean and the cabbalistic systems, calling Pythagoras the father ofcabbalism.29 Hence, this aspect may have been implicit in Fludd's\nearlier Pythagorean discourse, although it is more likely that during his\ncontinental travels in 1598-1604/5 he had encountered the cabbalistic\nalchemy ofKhunrath by which time the \"Macrocosm\" had already been\nwritten. In the \"Microcosm\", from the outset, Fludd takes up the theme\nofthe generative vision of God, providing an illustration of the qualities\nof the Holy Trinity (fig. 47) in which the eye of God appears in the\nhierarchical position, while the central space is occupied by sun.30 The\nvarious constituents of the eye represent the Three Persons ofthe Holy\nTrinity. The lower level of this picture shows dramatic clouds shooting\na thunder-bolt at the earth, thereby representing God the Father in the\nform of consuming fire (UCH, 2, 1619: 26-27). This, Fludd explains, is\nthe manner in which Moses and the Israelites saw the face ofGod, while\nthey heard his word like the sound of thunder.32 He diversifies his account ofthe Trinity by employing Pythagorean musical ratios to demonstrate the harmony within its essential nature, returning also to his earlier\ndiscourse on the formal and material pyramids of light (UCH, 2, 1619:\n41-45). A new illustration relates these diagrams to the cosmic body of\nAnthropos (fig. 44), stating that the \"pyramidis formalis\" is nothing less\nthan the efflux of light from God to the natural world.33 Divine light is\nthe primary root of the \"musica mundana\", since nature acquires its\nforms from the divine emanation of number and ratio according to the\nstructure ofthe Pythagorean monochord.34\nFludd analyses the Pythagorean harmonies within the proportional\nrelations of soul, spirit and body, comparing the physical body to the\n172\n23 In Fludd's \"Macrocosm\", UCH, 1 (1617), Tract I, pp. 32-33 another chemical experiment is depicted demonstrating the force ofthe sun's heat. In this picture, at the top\nappears a cube. Beneath it stands an alembic from which runs a pipe into the\nthere cube\nright,ofthe\nbase\nand another pipe leads into a beaker. The third image in this sequence\nis placed into an oven. The\nshows yet another experiment with heat in which anofalembic\n1, pp. 37-43,\ntext states that this work concerns the sublimation air. See also UCH,\nwhere Fludd discusses the creation of the elements and composites . An illustration of\nChaosisfollowedbya picture ofthe sun arising in its midst to generate thefourelements.,\ncogitasset\n24 Fludd, UCH, 1, 1617, Tract I, p. 165: \"At cum secum de mundi creatione\nradii, aut\neiusque\n...\nin\ntenebris\nreluxit\nvultus\nipsius\nsplendor\n,\nFIAT;\net\nprotinus\ndixit\npotius ipsius Dei species et forma penetravit usque ad machinae ipsius centrum\".\n25 See Amman (1967), pp. 198-227.\n26 Fludd, UCH, 1 (1617), Tract I, p. 79: \"coelum Empyricum est ignis et lucis\nsupernaturalis domici ... ab qua immediate ignis naturalis et mediate alter ille magis\naccidentalis progreditur, sic etiam locus eius oppositus, terminans ac finiens motus\nradiorum eius, sit materiae et tenebrarum receptaculum\". Fludd's illustration ofthe Cosextensively in Amman (1967), pp. 198-227. Fludd\nmic Monochord has been discussed\nanalyses the structure ofthe \"Temple of Music\" in \"Tractatus Secundus\" ofthe \"Macroillustration (p. 161).\ncosm\" (UCH, 1, 1618 , pp. 168-17) and he provides anautem\nin hac musica existit mundi\n),\nTract\nI,\np.\n80:\n\"Auctor\nFludd,\nUCH,\n1\n(1617\n27\nanima seu lux essentifica\".\n28 See Schumaker, Aphorism XI, pp. 126-27.\n173\n29 Reuchlin, De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs of 1517 ed),\nff. xxii- xlviii (pp. 156-206).\n30 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1619), Tract I, p. 26, illustration on p. 27.\n31 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1619), Tract I, p. 26: \"Oculo comparari et declarari potestmultiplex\nsacrosanctae et supersubstantialis essentiae proprietatas. Albedo enim oculi Patri referri\npotest, quatenis ex ea cornea sphaera atque uvea ... procedunt: Nam Filius ... sphaerae\ncorneae assimulatur; et Spiritus ... uvae refertur, quae in centro est cornae, ut illa in\ncentro albedinis utrosque orbes comprehenentis\".\n32 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1619), Tract I, p. 26: \"Vel etiam eruptioni nubis conferre liceat in\ntonitru factae, in qua Deus Pater videtur in similitudine ignis consumentis apparere. Sic a\nMoyse\net Isrealitis\nvisus est Jehova ineffabili vultu: Vox autem seu crepitus in tonitru\nverbo Dei\nassimulatur\".\n33 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1619), Tract I, p. 81: \"pyramidis formalis nihil aliud sit, quam\neffluxus seu emanatio lucis sive fulgoris, a fulgido Dei solis: sive rutilo essentiae\nsupersubstantialis mundo, deorsum tendens in mundum substantialem:\"\n34 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1619), Tract I, p. 250: \"Lux vero summa supersubstantialis est quasi\nprimaria musicae mundanae radix\".\n\nPages 101:\n174\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nPythagorean quaternary, which is illustrated in the form of a cube (fig.\n48). When folded or unfolded as if made ofpaper, the cube represents the\nevolution and involution of the universe according to its governance by\ndivine number and ratio. Within its structural relations ofvolume, plane\nand line, the cube contains the modes whereby the four elements are\ngenerated and transmuted (UCH, 2, 1619, Tract I, Sect I: 250-51).\nIn the second volume of the \"Microcosm\" (Frankfurt J. T. de Bry,\n1621) Fludd introduces the cabbalistic system, basing most of hi\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 91 to page 101 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nopposites being laid out across the diagonals (fig. 3). Around the edges of\nthe square the mutations took place in a circular motion.24\nHence, the symbolic picture of the alchemical process was not only\nthat of a circle, but also that of the squaring of the circle. The same idea\nis subsequently encountered in George Ripley's Compound of Alchemy as\nwell as in Michael Maier's Emblem XLVI in the Atalanta Fugiens (fig. 39).\nSince this geometrical feat cannot be accomplished in Euclidean geometry, therefore, the concept of the squaring of the circle came to signify\nany process which could be accomplished only by means of divine intervention. In fact, it became a generic sign for the alchemical process itself\nand Maier produced a treatise based on this idea, De Circulo Physico,\nQuadrato (Oppenheim: Luca Jennis, 1616), which was an account ofthe\nrole of the sun in the making ofpotable gold.\nIn alchemical theory, the squaring of the circle was a monistic concept]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nIn alchemical theory, the squaring of the circle was a monistic concept\nsince it implied that nature (signified by the square of the four elements)\nwas God (signified by the perfect circle). Perhaps unwittingly, the pseudoLullian alchemists introduced a material pantheism into their conceptual\nstructures, thereby transgressing Catholic dogma which abhorred any\nidentification ofnature with God. Lull himself had encountered the same\nheresy in the design of his original geometry in the 1270s based on the\nnumber four, causing him to produce another model in the 1290s based\non a trinitarian structure. Whichever numerology was employed in the\nLullian Art, it radically altered the metaphysical universe conceptualised\nby the system.25\nLull's numerology of three represented the conventional Christian\nimage of the Triune God (Father; Son; Holy Spirit) in his alchemical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nIn contrast to Dee, Khunrath and Fludd, Maier infrequently referred\nto the cabbalah, occasionally employing some general concepts, but never applying the system methodically. Instead, he based his alchemical\nprogramme on geometry, which was itself the subject of one of his earliest treatises on the Euclidean problem of squaring the circle, De Circulo\nPhysico, Quadrato (Oppenheim : Luca Jennis, 1616). Maier, like Khunrath,\nused the image ofthe squared circle as a theurgical sigil, representing the\nspiritual and alchemical union of opposites in the \"azoth\". A circle appears on the title-page of his treatise, bearing the names of the four\nuniversal qualities, \"calidum siccum frigidum humidum\", while a rectangle lists the four elements. The main subject of this essay is the Paracelsian theory of the universal panacea, the potable gold which ensured\nboth physical and spiritual health, due to its concordance ofthe macroand microcosms . These were signified by the sun, the human heart and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nwithin the individual soul, for the geometrical cypher ofthe square and\nthe circle represents the \"unio mystica\" ofthe Weigelians. On the dividers in the portrait is written the word \"hieroglyphica\", signifying that the\nsquaring of the circle, like the upright pentacle, is also an \"annulus\" (a\nhieroglyphic sigil).\nIn the 1595 engraving of the Oratory, Khunrath's name is inscribed\non the tabernacle-tent in the context of those who are enlightened, since\nthe main text appearing within the tent admonishes the viewer not to\nspeak about God without the light of illumination (\"ne loquaris de deo\nabsque lumine\"), while another axiom declares that no man can be great\nwithout divine inspiration (\"sine afflatu divino nemo unquam vir magnus\"). Yet another statement proclaims that God himself will come to\n\"our\" aid (\"hoc hoc agentibus nobis aderit ipse deus\").\nThe Oratory- Laboratory is, thus, meant to be read as a sacred \"temenos\" in which God is present in his essence as in the \"sanctum\" ofa]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\ngold, the sun being an image of God himself.5 According to Maier, the\nuniversal panacea resolved the problem of the squaring of the circle\n(Maier, 1616: 4).\nMaier explained that, according to Plato, the perfect form of eternal\nBeing was the circle and this was also the essential form of gold, the most\nperfect substance in the physical world (Maier, 1616: 11), since the circle\nis the form of nature when she has been quieted from her compulsive\nmotion (Maier, 1616: 12). In this idea, he was following the well-known\nargument of Aristotle in De generatione et corruptione that anything which\nmoves is by nature imperfect, since it is prone to corrupting changes.\nConsequently, the static circle is nature perfected,6 manifesting in the\nphysical form of red, coagulated sulphur, or gold. Maier referred to the\nalchemical theories ofthe pseudo-Lullian Testament, in particular, to their\nconcept ofthe \"rotation\" ofthe chemicals, stating that in order to purify]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=136\nPages: 136\n115-15, 142\nSeverinus, Peter, 24, 46-47\nSherman, William H., xviii-xix, 46, 56\nShumaker, Wayne, 37\nsingle-point perspective, xvi, 29, 73-74, 7576, 125-25, 129-30, 133-37, 161-62,\n164-65, see Alberti\nSmith, Pamela, 10\nSperber, Julius, xviii, 84, 150\nsquaring the circle, 18-19 , 131, 132, 154-56\nSteganographia, 56\nStoeffler, F. Ernest, xi, 147\nStreich, Hildemaire, 156-59\nStudion, Simon, xviii, xx, 82, 146-47, 149,\n150-51\nsun, ix, xii-xiii, 14, 25-27, 32-34, 40, 47-48,\n50-51, 62, 65-66, 93-94, 96, 108, 111,\n117-17, 154, 156, 158, 160, 162, 165,\n167 , 170-71, 175-78\nSzathmary, George, 133\nSzonyi, Gyorgy, 1, 3, 33, 35, 45-46, 49, 56,\n61 , 66, 77, 126, 129\nmia\nSzydlo, Zbigniew, 47\n18\ntalismanic theurgy, 33-34, 37-38, 42, 49,\n55-56, 61-65, 97, 126, 131-32, 144-45,\n147, 154, 158, 159, 164-65, see Abano,\nAgrippa, Clucas, Clulee, Dee, Studion,\nSzonyi\ntheatre (Renaissance), 113-15, 140, 163-64\nTholde, Johannes (Basil Valentine), 53, 79,\n155, 162-63\nThurneysser, Leonhard, 48, 50]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=79\nPages: 79\ndisplays geometrical symbols, with an upright pentacle in a circle on the\nleft-page and, opposite it, an image ofthe squaring ofthe circle on which\nappears the word \"Time\" and the Tetragrammaton. The appearance of\nthe pentacle is somewhat puzzling in view of Khunrath's diatribe in the\n1595 Amphiteatrum against black magicians who used this sign instead of\nthe truly Christian \"annulus \" (of the \"Archetypos\").\nThis is explained by examining Agrippa's description of theurgical\nsigils in De Occulta Philosophia. Agrippa used the geometrical form of the\npentacle in his account ofthe harmonic relations between the macrocosm\nand the human body.42 This image, nonetheless , was not the only \"pentacle\" desribed by Agrippa who also published the work of Peter ofAbano on magical sigils and the rituals associated with them. In the fourth\nbook ofthis treatise, Abano describes the rites associated with the \"pentacle\". Agrippa illustrates this device which, it turns out, does not have]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nAbano's rituals and entering the grounds of superstition and demonology.\nThe critical factor for Khunrath would always have been the presence or\nabsence ofChrist in a theurgy whose purpose was to intensify the Christian experience of the Holy Spirit, thus healing both the soul and the\nbody. For his own pentacle, or \"annulus\", Khunrath was using the form\nof Agrippa's cosmically-harmonised man, which Khunrath expanded\ninto the image of cosmic \"Anthropos\", or Christ as the \"anima mundi\",\nthe soul pervading the universe. The pentacle in this case would refer by\nits numerology to the alchemical \"azoth\", which in Khunrath's Weigelian theosophy is also Christ.\nThe pentacle is placed opposite another geometrical image expressing\nthe same pietistic Christology, that ofthe squaring ofthe circle. Since the\nresolution ofthis Pythagorean problem could only be a superhuman feat,\nhence in the context of Khunrath's theosophy it becomes an icon ofthe]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nconcept ofthe \"rotation\" ofthe chemicals, stating that in order to purify\nsulphur, the \"soul\" of gold, the alchemist needed to apply the perfect\nform ofthe circle, in other words he needed to use the rotational forces of\ndistillation.8\nHe also quotes from the Rosarium concerning the geometrical figures\nof the circle, square and triangle which represent the masculine and\nfeminine qualities (Maier, 1616: 11).9 An illustration ofthis geometrical\nrelationship appears in his later compendium of alchemical treatises, the\nTripus Aureus (Frankfurt, 1618), in which the emblem accompanying the\nseventh key of Basil Valentine's De Lapide Sapientum depicts a circle,\nsquared internally, with a triangle within the square labelled \"Aqua\".\nThe circle represents \"Chaos\", while the square symbolises the four seasons.10The same relationship of circle, square and triangle appears in the\nillustration to Emblem XXI of the Atalanta Fugiens where a geometrical]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=80\nPages: 80\nhence in the context of Khunrath's theosophy it becomes an icon ofthe\nincarnation of Christ, in whom were reconciled spirit (the circle) and\nmatter (the square). The nature of Christ was the the quintessential union\nof the macro- and microcosms, of God and the individual soul. The motif\nofthe circle and the square in this picture also explains the symbol of the\ngeometrical dividers in the later portrait of Khunrath (1604), with which\nhe is inscribing a circle and the words \"Deo duce\" (led by God), another\nWeigelian reference to Christ as the \"typos\" for a pious life and to the\nguiding words of God written on the human soul (fig. 27).44 Since this\npreliminary drawing ofthe circle may involve the same Euclidean conundrum, thereby Khunrath is pictured contemplating Christ's incarnation\nwithin the individual soul, for the geometrical cypher ofthe square and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nthere is a scene from the passion of Christ, set within the walled city of\nJerusalem (fig. 24a). An angel hovers over the city, while stream ofwater\nflows from beneath its walls to feed the fountain in which the resurrected\nChrist is seated. This motif is an allusion to Weigel's concept of the\nhistoric figure of Christ as being the external representant of the imminent Christ. At the top left ofthe image is the Tetragrammaton, standing\nin an aureole of light. The dove of the Holy Spirit flies from the cityto\nthe symbol of God, then down to the fountain, its two lines offlight, with\nthat of the stream of water, producing the shape of an equilateral triangle, whose apex lies in the Tetragrammaton, with the fountain and the\ncity as the corners ofits base.\nThe whole scene is set within the circle of the rainbow, while the\nfountain itself is located within a (nearly) square walled-garden. This\nmystical geometry is related to that of Michelspacher's first engraving]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=64\nPages: 64\nmystical geometry is related to that of Michelspacher's first engraving\nentitled \"Der Spigel der Kunst und Natur\" which shows two geometrical\ndiagrams, the one on the left having the same configuration as thefourth\nengraving, that of circle, square and triangle (fig. 24b). In the first engraving this diagram is stated to be an image of the \"Azoth\", another\nWeigelian and Khunradian allusion to Christ. Thus, Michelspacher's\nadheres to Khunrath's Weigelian polemic in which union with the innate\nChrist as the philosopher's stone was attained through the inspiration of\nthe Holy Spirit. Michelspacher located Khunrath's alchemical Christologywithin a Rosicrucian context, for his treatise is specifically dedicated to\nthe Rosy Cross Fraternity.\nIn Michelspacher's \"Fountain of Life\" the lines of flight ofthe Holy\nSpirit were similar to the catoptrical refraction of light-rays by thesurface\nof a mirror. Comparable imagery of the refraction of light-rays is found]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=119\nPages: 119\nILLUSTRATIONS\n210\nILLUSTRATIONS\nnonexisthitd\nbasma,perpendienians\nabc. coms rectus\ndef. con scales.\nab Catnscome\nagaxie.\nit Sit\nitautveingparte\nCips& mempont .\nJe 19H\narrator seconds\nita\nappellamy,qma\n?\nsotsial\nuccoping),\nit H it got promo\n1\n37\ndie\nam ,\n\u4a06\nIme j bestmine\noddeter\na darati fran\nM\nC\nHN\n4B\n211\n7. Latus comca,com recti, estrecta [mea\na vertice com ad circumferetiam basis\nextensa\nsupficie's coni cmva\ncomica est\n8 Superficies\nck circumductione later comici com\nferetia basis, eins terminoam ad\nvertice stat,\n-gme/cete, defcripta .\nTriangulus conchs com recti, est supficies\nduabus\nplana, que diametrobasis com , et\nterminis\naly's lies abeifdem diametri\ncanetis et advertice com toEmrefibus\ncomprehenditur\ntrianguli comci. ,est eadeque'com\n10. Basis\nbasis est diameter\nABC. triangles comens.CR\nBC. Basis\ntranguli comiti,\nHatl HB.\norge\nit bbe. A pomito\nduro mand, you co\nad End IgN\nDes sit AN .\nitsit pmit\ntriaguts amy,itgHx\nno suos\nxqmangles :ita utsitsoutHayis\nnow]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=114\nPages: 114\n204\nfig. 2 Diagram of optical rays of light.\n204\nfig. 3 Diagram of Aristotle's square of the four elements.\nfig. 4 Lullian \"Figura Animae A\", Florence Biblioteca Nazio205\nnale-Centrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 113r.\nfig. 5 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura Animae S\", Florence Biblioteca\nNazionale-Centrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 229v (co-ordinated\n206\nby quadrangles).\nfig. 6 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura Animae S\", Florence Biblioteca\nNazionale-Centrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 247v (co-ordinated\n206\nby triangles).\nfig. 7 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura T\", Florence Biblioteca Nazionale207\nCentrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 230r.\nSchema\"\nfrom\nhis\nfig. 8 Joannes Pantheus, \"Artis Metallicae\n\"Voarchadumia\" in Theatrum Chemicum (Strassburg: Zetzner,\n207\n1659/61), p. 460.\nfig. 9 \"Ablutio vel Mundificatio\", Rosarium Philosophorum (Frank208\nfurt, 1550).\n208\nfig. 10 \"Illuminatio\", Rosarium Philosophorum (Frankfurt, 1550).\nfig. 11 Alhazen, Diagram of the eye, De aspectibus, Edinburgh\nRoyal Observatory, Crawford Library MS Cr. 3. 3, f. 4v]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nimage of the Triune God (Father; Son; Holy Spirit) in his alchemical\nmirror as soul, matter, spirit, while the numerology based on four represented matter (the four elements). In the Ars Compendiosa of the 1270s the\nfirst Lullian scheme consisted of a series of diagrams based on the \"Figura Animae A\"\", representing the soul. They took the form ofa numberof\nconcentric circles, around whose circumference Lull placed the names of\nthe dignities of God such as \"Magnitudo\", or \"Bonitas\", as established by\nneoplatonic Christian doctrine (fig. 4). In the middle of each circle there\nwere located four over-lapping squares, signifying the physical elements.\nGod was then allocated sixteen dignities (4 x 4) at the edges of the circle\nto accord with the inner squares. The conceptual outcome was that God\nwas given the form of matter (fig. 5, pseudo-Lullian version).\n20 Obrist, pp. 55-65, 248-49.\n21 Michela Pereira, The Alchemical Corpus Attributed to Raymond Lull (London: Warburg]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=23\nPages: 23\nLull had encountered in the cabbalistic alphabets of Abraham Abulafia\nin thirteenth century Spain.\nThere are three main ideas in pseudo-Lullian theory, those of circularity, motion and of the medium between opposites, all of which originate in Aristotle's theory ofthe four elements. In his text On Coming-to-be\nand Passing Away Aristotle had demonstrated that the changing nature of\nthe world was the result of the constant transmutation of the elements\ninto one other.23 Since each element had two qualities (fire had heat and\ndryness), therefore, opposites united by moving through their common\nquality, for example, fire turning into water by passing through the quality of dryness shared with earth and then through the quality of coldness\nwhich earth shared with water. In the medieval period, Aristotle's theory\nwas pictured as a square with the elements placed at the four corners, the\nopposites being laid out across the diagonals (fig. 3). Around the edges of]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=67\nPages: 67\nthat of\"CHAOS\". At the top of the outermost circle around this figure,\nstands the Tetragrammaton, accompanied by the Pythagorean equilateral triangle, composed of ten dots in a pyramidic form. The illustration\nrefers to the necessity of reducing all things \"ad monadis simplicitatem\",\n11 I would like to thank Mr. Colin Shrimpton, archivist at Alnwick Castle for this\ninformation.\nalso mentioning the \"azoth\", the \"celum\" and the \"ros celi\". In comparison to the original engraving, the Alnwick drawing is amateur, for the\nscribe has ineptly splayed the original image across two facing folios of\nthe manuscript, failing to reproduce the exact dimensions of the original.\nThe final \"drawing\" in the Alnwick sequence consists merely of text\nalluding to\"working and praying\", which could be a bare mention ofde\nVries' 1595 circular image of the praying alchemist (frontispiece). Given\nthe difficulties which the scribe experienced in copying the diagrammatic]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91,92\nEpigramma XXI\nFoemina masculineque unus fiant tibi circulus, ex que\nSurgat, habens aquum forma quadrata latus.\nHinc Trigonum ducas, omni qui parte rotundam\nIn sphaeram redeat: Tum LAPIS ortus erit.\nSi res tanta tua non mox venit obvia menti,\nDogma Geometria si capis omne scies.\n156\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nIn his De Circulo Physico, Quadrato Maier states that the incorrupt nature\nof gold proves that the circle, as its essential form, is not an abstract\nmathematical concept, but a physical reality.12 For the congregation of\nthe sun's rays creates its beautiful circular shape13 and gold is central to\nhuman activity, as if it were a sun within the earth.14 Thus, on themodel\nofthe relationship of the centre to the circumference ofthe perfect circle,\ngold is the centre of all things .15 Moreover, gold as a colour is the union\nofopposites, those ofthe white female and the red male aspects.16 Hence,\nsince gold is perfection itself, its essential nature must be spiritual (Maier,\n1616 : 28, 46).]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=45\nPages: 45\nthe purest magic spirit [sc. Mercury] will carry out the work of albification in\nplace ofthe Moon ... if by his spiritual virtue, he may, without words, speak\nhieroglyphically ... for about the length of an average day, introducing and\nimpressing into the very pure and simple earth prepared by us those four\ngeogamic figures [here depicted] or, in their stead, that other figure [also\nshown here]24\nThe Monas is constructed from a circle and two straight lines which take\nthe form ofa cross beneath the circle (fig. 17). The point at the centre of\nthe circle represents the earth and revolving around it are the Sun (the\ncircle), the Moon and the rest of the planets.25 In Dee's Pythagorean\ngeometry, the rectilinear cross represents both the ternary, as well as the\nquaternary. The ternary consists of two straight lines and one point,\nwhile the quaternary is four straight lines, including four right angles.\nThe four elements are the four straight lines emerging from the point.26]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=22\nPages: 22,23\n18 Gordon Leff, Paris and Oxford Universities in the 13th-C and 14 th-C (New York, 1968).\n19 Obrist, figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11.\n17\n18\nCHAPTER TWO\nGEOMETRY AND ASTROLOGY\nwith the sacred visions of the saints. In this manner, the alchemists\nmoved their theories from the ground of scholastic debate to that ofthe\nunquestionable truths of the Christian faith.20\nAnother major development in alchemical visual imagery took place\nin the early fifteenth century when a complex geometry intended as a\npractical device was created by pseudo-Lullian alchemists. These were a\ngroup of anonymous writers working under the name of the Catalan\nmystic Ramon Lull, although he had not accepted the claims of alchemy\nand had never discussed the subject. Regardless of this fact in the late\nfourteenth century the first unillustrated text appeared under his name in\nCatalonia. Transported to Northern Italy, the older texts were translated\nfrom the vernacular into Latin and new ones were produced, with the]"]}

{"result":["[Summary from page 101 to page 111 out of a total of 137:\nPages 101:\n174\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nPythagorean quaternary, which is illustrated in the form of a cube (fig.\n48). When folded or unfolded as if made ofpaper, the cube represents the\nevolution and involution of the universe according to its governance by\ndivine number and ratio. Within its structural relations ofvolume, plane\nand line, the cube contains the modes whereby the four elements are\ngenerated and transmuted (UCH, 2, 1619, Tract I, Sect I: 250-51).\nIn the second volume of the \"Microcosm\" (Frankfurt J. T. de Bry,\n1621) Fludd introduces the cabbalistic system, basing most of his argument on Reuchlin,35 but occasionally revealing the additional influence\nof Khunrath. The frontispiece to this volume was clearly inspired by de\nVries' praying alchemist in the Amphiteatrum, since Fludd's magus also\nprays before an emblem ofthe Tetragrammaton, borne within the divine\neye ofGod and bedecked with wings. It is enveloped by a cloud, forming\nan enclosure conceptually related to de Vries' depiction of the tabernacle-tent. Fludd seemed to empathise with this image since he returned to\nthe motif of the praying alchemist on several other occasions. A motto,\nostensibly attributed to Psalm 63, is inscribed on Fludd's frontispiece,\nreferring to the protective wings of God, \"In alarum tuarum umbra caram\", recalling the concluding line of the Rosicrucian Fama Fraternitatis,\n\"sub umbra alarum tuarum Jehova\".\nIt is well-known that a similar axiom was used in the heraldic emblem\nof the Andreae family, derived from Psalm 17: 8, \"sub umbra alarum\ntuarum protege me\". 36 The family insignia consisted of a cross and a rose\nwhich had also been one of Luther's emblems. While Khunrath never\nused such a symbol in his illustrations, Maier employed the image of\nthe rose on at least one occasion37 and Fludd similarly depicted a rose,\nwith honey-bees, on the title-page of his Clavis Philosophiae (1633) which\nwas his response to Mersenne. Thus, it seems, that by 1621 Khunrath's\nAmphiteatrum was thoroughly established within the Rosicrucian canon,\nwith de Vries' image of the praying alchemist being used as a common\nRosicrucian emblem. For example, there are references to the original\npicture in Johann Daniel Mylius' Opus Medico-Chymicum (Frankfurt: Luca\nJennis, 1618) in an image representing Oswald Croll, as well as in one\ndepicting Mylius himself, both shown kneeling before the light of God in\ntheir studies. These tiny images also contain a table and a musical instru35 Specifically the sections in Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964 facs. of 1494\n95-103 and Reuchlin, De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964 facs. of 1517 ed.), pp.\ned.),, pp.\n133 143-55.\n36 Montgomery, pp. 173-74.\n37 See McLean (1979), passim.\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\n175\nment, as well as alchemical vessels and shelves of books, as in de Vries'\nengraving. A less obvious reference to the original picture occurs on the\nfrontispiece ofTheophilus Schweighardt's Speculum Sophicum Rhodo-Stauroticum(1618) in which both an alchemist and a forge-smith kneel beforethe\nwinged Tetragrammaton, above whom is placed the motto \"sub umbra\nalarum tuarum\".38\nFludd explains the descent of the Tetragrammaton in the form of\ndivine light to create the material light of nature in a cabbalistic exegesis\nofthe Book ofGenesis (UCH, 2, 1621: 2-74). Although the discourse is not\nimmediately related to alchemy, this is implicit in his subsequent discussion of medical issues and meteorology. Fludd commences his cabbalistic\naccount with an examination of the principles of\"gematria\", mentioning\nReuchlin in this context.39 He also begins to employ the name ofChrist,\nas the Second Person of the Trinity (UCH, 2 1621: 2-5), relating him to\nthe angel Metattron who is stated to be the \"anima mundi\", or Anthropos (UCH, 2 1621, Tract II, Sect I: 8-9).40 Fludd equates the First Person\n(God the Father) with the first Hebrew letter of the Tetragrammaton,\n\"Jod\" (UCH, 2 1621: 8), the different levels of creation arising from the\nconstituent letters of the Tetragrammaton, \"Jod He Vau He\". Fludd\nassociates the New Testament \"Word\" (as in the gospel account ofJohn\nthe Evangelist) with the \"Son\" of God who is both the Messiah and the\narchangel Metattron, an indentification said to be proved by Fludd's\nanalysis of the name of Jesus which appears as \"J. H. U. H\" in his\ntranscription of the Tetrgrammaton.41 According to Fludd, the face42of\nMetattron is composed of the rays of the sun (UCH, 2 1621 : 36-47).\nFludd states that \"Hochmah\" (Wisdom ) is the \"Verbum\" (Word),\nwho is the Second Person ofthe Trinity (Christ) and also the first letter of\nthe Hebrew alphabet, \"Aleph\". In his statement that the Messiah is the\nmost potent medicine for all human ills, both spiritual and corporeal,\nFludd may be relying on Khunrath's account of Christ as the universal\n38 Yates (1986), p. 55, fig. 15a.\n39\nwith Reuchlin, De Arte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), pp.\n.\n193ffCompare\n40 See Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1494 ed.), pp. 95-103 andDe\nArte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964 facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 143-55.\n41 Compare with Reuchlin's version, op. cit.\n42 Pico della Mirandola had been the first to identify the sun with the Messiah in a\ncabbalistic context, in his Conclusiones Nongentae, based on the account ofthe tabernacle of\nMetattron in the Zohar. See Pico della Mirandola, ConclusionesNongentae (1532 ed), No. 51,\np. 160: \"Sicutfuit luna plena in Salomone, ita fuit plenus Sol in vero messia, quifuit Iesus\net de correspondentia ad diminutionem in Sedechia potest quis coniectare si profunduit\ncabala\" and also Lachower and Tisby, Zohar (1989), pp. 643-45.\n\nPages 102:\n176\nCHAPTER TWELVE\n46\npanacea, the \"Magnesia\".43 In fact, much of Fludd's theosophy recalls\nKhunrath's identification of \"Hochmah\" with Christ, based on Reuchlin's account. The \"Verbum\", or Metattron, is the first emanation of\nGod, descending sequentially through the letters comprising the Tetragrammaton\nto reside in the middle sphere of the heavens, that of the\nsun .45 Fludd, like Khunrath in De Igne Magorum, compares \"Hochmah\"\nwith the light and fire of the Zoroastrians and also with that of Hermes\nTrismegistus and other \"prisca theologians\".46 Quoting from the scriptures, he explains that God has placed his tabernacle in the sun.47\nThrough the rays of the angel Metattron (the Spirit of Wisdom created\nprior to all others) the world is illuminated. Therefore, the Word is the\npurest fire and most beautiful light, the source of all generation, without\nqualities but mixing with the elements to provide them with their different qualities. This highest light is, moreover, also associated with the\narchangel Michael, \"Sacerdote Magno Michaele\", and the primal word\n43 Later in the treatise, he expounds a medical theory based on the concept of the\nMessiah Christ as the universal panacea in his forms ofthe quintessence and AnthroposMicrocosm , see Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract I,\np. 21: \"Unde scriptum est; venit hominis flius salvare, quod perierat Matth. 18. Quod\nquidem de Messia exaudiendum est, non quoad ejus corpus, sed respectu virtutis spiritus\nbenignitate pleni; qui est emanatio essentialis et primaria aJehovah: Hinc Christus, non\nherbis nec medicamentis Pharmacopaeorum, sed mirifica Tetragrammati virtute non\nmodo per solum contactum, verumetjam et Spiritus sui divini afflatun, ac vocis solius\nprolatione\nomnia\nmorborum\ngenera sanavit, hoc est benigna Jehovae virtute et divino\nmisericordiae\nafflatu,\nquo abundabat;\nimo vero et homines emortuos in vitam, ac\npristinum integritatis et sanitatis statum ineffabili suavi et virtute revocavit ac restituit, uti\nin novo testamentum possim ejus rei documenta et testimonia extant\".\nSee Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1494 ed.), pp. 95-103 and De\nArte Cabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 143-55.\n45 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract. 1, pp. 22-28: \"haec omnia dona a summa illa\nsapientia, seu angelo Metattron, seu universali mundi anima, seu prima emanatione a\nJod, in mundum influere solent ... [p. 23]... Ut ergo deus, Aleph tenebrosum, fuit prima\nunitas extia mundum creatum, et ante ejus creationem, ita etjam prima lucis eius\nemanatio, per quam Verbum; Messias, seu Virtus Tetragrammati in mundum ingressa\nest, imo vero quae est ipsium Verbum, quod est ejusdem essentiae cum Aleph,Jod, Jah,\nEhieh et Tetragrammato, loquitur: ut itaque Aleph erat prima unitas in mundo\nArchetypo et ideali, mundi fabricandi figuram delineans\".\n46 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract I, p. 24: \"quod verbum sit in medio, tanquam inter\nignem et Spiritum ... hoc Verbum sacrosanctum a centro Jod Patris ... ita etfrequenter\nambulare solet in sphaera aequalitatis, ubi Spiritus et lux aequali pondere et mensura\npermiscentur, seu in ipsius animae centro, quod in centro firmamenti delineatur\". Onthe\nZoroastrians\nand the \"prisca theologia\" compare with Khunrath, De Igne Magorum, pp. 420.\n47 The original cabbalistic version of this idea may be found in Lachower and Tisby,\nZohar (1989), pp. 643-45.\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\n177\nof creation, \"FIAT\", is yet another form of Metattron. The \"Word\"\n(Christ), Fludd concludes, is \"Vau\", the third letter of the Tetragrammaton who is the clearest and most lucid Spirit (\"Spiritus limpidissimus ac\nlucidissimus\") (UCH, 2 1621: 26).48\nOn this cabbalistic foundation Fludd accounts for the qualities ofthe\nsun which is unique in being the father of light, the tabernacle of Christ,\nthe Word and Apollo. It takes care of the mortal sphere and heals all\nearthly sorrows and ills, although the ultimate medicine is God himself,\nthe prince ofphysicians, who can heal solely through the Word.49 Fludd,\nthus, fervently\naccepts the visible sun as being the mystic body of\nChrist, 50\nHe also provides an analysis of the Hebrew letter \"Shin\", signifying\nfire, the \"azoth\", as well as the Holy Spirit (UCH, 2 1621: 28-33). This\nhad been the central trope in Reuchlin's transposition of the cabbalah\ninto a Christian context.51 In the second book of the treatise, Fludd\nspecifically mentions Reuchlin in his account ofthe incarnation ofChrist\nas the second Adam, stating that the regeneration of the inner man is\nthrough Christ (\"hominis interni per Christum regeneratio\") (UCH, 2\n1621: 46-50). His account may be drawn from Khunrath's pietism, since\nhe uses the image of the resurrection of Christ as a metaphor of individual spiritual rebirth.\nFludd also explores the cabbalah in another treatise, the Philosophia\nSacra et vere Christiana seu Meteorologica Cosmica (Frankfurt: J. T de Bry,\n1626) whose frontispiece displays the archangel Michael in the act of\nslaying a dragon. The angel's head takes the form of the glowing orb of\nthe sun, while another three suns (the Paracelsian principles) and a rainbow (God's covenant with mankind) are illustrated in the background.\nThe treatise employs Paracelsian elemental theory and Pythagorean geometry, as well as the cabbalistic thesis of Christ as Metattron. One ofthe\n48 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract I, p. 25: \"hoc Verbum sit ignis purissima, seu lux\npulcherrima ... Physici Ethnici [dixerunt] ... hanc ipsam naturam esselucem seu ignem\ninvisibilem, a quo cuncta sint genita\". Fludd's source for these concepts is found in\nReuchlin's De Arte Cabbalistica, where he had associated the Messiah with the pure light of\nGod, as well as with the letter \"Vau\". For Reuchlin see Busi and Campanini (eds and\ntrans), Reuchlin. L'Arte Cabbalistica (1995), pp. 39, 212-13.\n49 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract I, p. 27: \"nonne medicinae Deus, atque medicorum\nprinceps, cum ipse per se solum, absque herbis aut aliis pharmacis, solo suo sermone, et\nSpiritus sui divinitate, omnes credentes ... curaverit ... Atque hinc est, quod Christus, et\nVerbum, et Apollo, quamvis sit in hac mundo, similiterque eius tabernaculum\".\n50 Fludd, UCH, 2 (1621), Tract I, p. 27: \"me solem visibilem pro ipso corpore Christi\nmystico accipere\".\n51 Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1494 ed.), pp. 95-103 andDe Arte\nCabbalistica (Stuttgart, 1964, facs. of 1517 ed.), pp. 143-55.\n\nPages 103:\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nnew images is a somewhat novel and ungainly catoptrical conceit, incorporating a radiant sun, drawn with a face whose nose consists of the\nequilateral triangle of the Holy Trinity. It directs the rays of its solar\nvirtues onto a star, which reflects them to a wind-god, who, in turn,\nblows them down to the earth (Fludd, 1626: 189) (fig. 49). This picture\nmay have originated in Balthasar Schwan's engraving for Maier's Septimana Philosophica in which the rays ofthe sun are catoptrically reflected by\nthe mirror of the moon (fig. 37).\nFludd also employed the cabbalah extensively in his Philosophia Moysaica (1638) whose complete title states that Christ is the philosopher's\nstone. Since this treatise was a reply to Mersenne's attacks on his scientific ideas, Fludd may have been taking recourse to a more developed\nChristology, on the model of Khunrath, as a way of placing his ideas in\na religious context out of the reach of such empiricist objections. The\nequating of Christ with the philosopher's stone had first appeared in\nFludd's Clavis Philosophiae (Frankfurt: William Fitzer, 1633) in which he\nexplained, in Rosicrucian terminology, that the rose holds the secret to\nthe philosopher's stone which is Christ.\nA work, located between the composition of the Utriusque Cosmi\nHistoria and the late, more Christological , treatises are the two volumes of\nthe Medicina Catholica ( 1629-31) which translate Fludd's cabbalistic alchemy of light into a practical medical context.52 Fludd's ontology in this\ntreatise hovers on the edge of heresy, very nearly transgressing the Augustinian doctrine of God as the absolute good.53 One of Fludd's engravings (appearing in both volumes of the Medicina Catholica) depicts God in\nthe aspects of both light and darkness, good and evil (fig. 50). Initially,\nFludd mitigates the irregularity of this concept by recourse to classical\nmythology, referring to the apollonian and dionysian aspects of God, but\nthen he proceeds to reinforce his unconventional position by stating that,\nsince \"volunty\" and \"nolunty\" (will and negation) are both in God, therefore, both must be \"good\".\nNonetheless, Fludd wisely reduces the impact of this statement by\nciting the biblical texts of Job and Deuteronomy in which God is described\nas the giver of both health and sickness. Fludd explains that God has a\nsingle nature which is able to mutate into the dispositions of both light\nand darkness.54 In the Zohar there is a similar account of the manner in\nwhich the principles of light and darkness emerge from the left and right\nbranches of the Tree of Life, entwined togther in a mutually generative\nact.\nOne came out of the other, for from goodness evil emerged, and from Mercy\nJudgement emerged, and one was entirely contained in the other: the good\ninclination and the evil inclination, right and left ... white and black.55\nMoreover, in an earlier section, Fludd had already explained the nature\nof the divine Monad (Fludd, 1629: 1-2) as being the most sacrosanct\nlight, God in his purest nature prior to manifestation, in whom there was\nno trace of darkness. The Monad cannot be grasped by human consciousness, he states, since it is \"non-Ens\" when its rays are folded around\nitself. Cabbalists identify the primal Monas with the darkness of\"Aleph\",\nbut when it opens its rays it becomes \"Aleph lucidum\", the \"Excellentia\nSol luculentius\".56\nBoth Maier and Fludd generated a succession of disciples, but their\nclosest follower was a contemporary, Johann Daniel Mylius, who appropriated the design of Fludd's illustrations in the \"Macrocosm\" (1617) for\nhis Opus Medico-Chymicum (1618), while in his Philosophia Reformata (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1622) he produced almost exact reproductions of\nMaier's emblems in the Atalanta Fugiens.\nAn extraordinary development of Fludd's cosmology ofthe divine eye\nof God was produced by the illustrator to Jacob Boehme's collected\nworks in the Amsterdam edition of 1682 published by Gichtel nearly\nsixty years after his death. The date ofthese images falls outside the limits\n178\n52 For a sample of Fludd's chemistry in a practical context see Debus, \"Renaissance\nChemistry and the Work of Robert Fludd\", Ambix (1967): 42-59 and also Sherwood-as\nTaylor, \"The Origin of the Thermometer\", Annals of Science (1942): 129-56, as well\nAllen G. Debus, \"Key to Two Worlds : Robert Fludd's Weather- Glass\", Annali dell'Instituto\n& Museo di Storia della Scienza di Firenze VII (1982): 109-44.\n53 For an outline of this issue see Copleston, pp. 52ff.\n54 Fludd, Medicina Catholica, 1 (1629), p. 4: \"Deus scilicet, et Noctem, Lucem et\nTenebras, Bonum et Malum. Denique eos varia vitae et mortius statuimus mundi unius\n179\nTabernacula. Quorum unum, Deum se de unica natura in aliam secundum Lucis et\nTenebrarum dispositionem mutatum, Principem, cum dictis Partis effinximus\". In the\n1631 volume of the Integrum Morborum sive Medicina Catholica much the same argumentis\nfound on pp. 17-32.\n55 Lachower and Tisby, Zohar (1989), 2, p. 490.\n56 Fludd, Medicina Catholica, pp. 1-2: \"Haec ergo duo invenuerunt in Mathesi\nsapientiores tam Numerorum quam Dimensionum omnium Principia, ordine dignissima\net diuturnitate antiquissima, ad imitationem sive imaginem interni et centralissimi\nDivinitatis pureti, seu Monadi Sancrosanctae lucidae, inqua non sunt tenebrae ullae, in\nseipsam ante Mundi creationem contractae atque occultatae, et in absoluta sua Unitate et\nSimplicitate permanentis ut Monas ista Imperatoria omnem existentiam sua\nmanifestatione, seu dilatatione ac radiorum emissione, amplectitur, detegit, creat, et\nefformat: ita quidem extra istam existentiam nihil, ut et extra nihil syncera est haec\nUnitas. Quare ex istis incomprehensibilis et infinita Naturae istius declarari videtur, quae\nExcellentia Sole luculentiuscum sit Unum, omnia tamen potest... viri Cabalae peritiores,\nmonadem\nsine unitatem istam primordialem in abstrusa et occulta sua dispositione Aleph\ndixerunt tenebrosum\".\n\nPages 104:\n181\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nof the present study, but they cannot entirely be omitted since their\noriginal qualities merit due recognition on the part of the scholar. In\nBoehme's pietism, the cabbalistic Christ was a metaphor for his own\nspiritual experience and he adapted alchemical motifs to his deeply individual monistic \"gnosis\".57 His maxim was adopted from the Paracelsian\nprecept, \"solve et coagula\" and, like Fludd, he considered light and darkness to be two aspects of the one God. Both theosophists probably drew\non the original account of this concept in the Zohar, but Boehme's account was also influenced by Lurianic cabbalism.58 For him, the purpose\nof cosmic and human existence was to balance the oppositions within\ninternal and external nature and to unite them with the Eternal Light.59\nGichtels' mystical emblems signify the spiritual alchemy initiated by\nthe inner inspiration of the Word, Christ and the dawning of the light\nbrought by his incarnation within the individual soul. A frequent symbol\nin these images is that of the eye of God, sometimes profusely inscribed\non the \"wheels\" of the Ezekiel's Chariot (the cabbalistic \"Merkebah\").60\nGichtel inter-related Ezekiel's symbols into those of Christian iconography, such as the dove of the Holy Spirit, the sacred name and form of\nChrist, the emblem of the sacred heart, the equilateral triangle of the\nHoly Trinity and a profusion of the eyes of God, often containing the\nTetragrammaton. These are set within the aurora of the divine light of\nthe Son of God who in Boehme's Aurora (1612) replenished the world\nafter its corruption by the fall of Lucifer from grace.\nThe emblems take the significatory form of hieroglyphs, similar to the\ndevices employed in Renaissance emblem-books of the sixteenth century,\nwhich were a visual translation of a literary maxim.61 Gichtel, however,\nwent beyond the succinct models of the previous century by engaging a\nbroader topographic spread in his design, as well as a more dramatic and\nexpressionistic style of drawing. According to Geissmar, who has investi-\ngated the sources of these illustrations, some of Fludd's cosmological diagrams had a significant import for the development of these illustrations,\nbut Geissmar has not analysed the reasons for the formal differences\nbetween the 1682 emblems and their historical predecessors.62 Gichtel's\ncycle of imagery, in fact, for all its powerful emotional impact, is more\nlike a catalogue of icons, rather than a theatrical scene in the manner of\nKhunrath's, Michelspacher's, or Maier's illustrations. In several respects,\nthe 1682 illustrations are moving away from their original sources in the\npietistic alchemical imagery of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth\ncenturies, anticipating instead the far less sophisticated masonic \"tracing\nboards\" of the eighteenth century.63 These masonic pictures were used\nfor training a group of initiates in the principles of the craft, being designed for communal use rather than for private contemplation. In\nSzonyi's terms, they were didactic, rather than revelatoryimages. Consequently, the individual items in the picture needed to be clearly delineated in order to facilitate the process of instruction by the teacher, who\nwould provide an accompanying oral explanation. Gichtel's engravings\nhave the some of the same quality of devices intended to facilitate public\ninstruction.\nIt is misleading, however, to discuss alchemical illustration without\ncontextualising it within the relevant social and political milieu and since\nthis is not possible within the scope of the present study, these issues will\nnot be pursued at any length. It is relevant, however, to make one further\npoint arising from this brief visual analysis of the semiotic function of\nGichtel's engravings, which is that they demonstrate the popularisation,\nwithin a generation, of alchemical imagery previously associated with\nGerman pietism. In this process, Fludd's illustrations had played a large\nrole, due to his voluminous output in very large print-runs, reusing many\nof the same cosmological diagrams through-out his series of works, as\nwell as seeing them copied by other artists. Moreover, Fludd's pictures\nlent themselves to public instruction, as was his intention, since they\ncould operate at several different semiotic levels, not only as revelatory\nicons, but also as succinct metaphors which could be subjected to oral\ndiscussion. In contrast, Khunrath's 1595 visionary imagery almost over-\n180\nAuge Gottes Bilder zu Jakob Boehme (Wolfenbuttler Arbeiten\n57 Christoph Geissmar, Das\nWiesbaden\n, 23) (\n: Herzog August Bibliothek, 1993), see figs. 179,\nzur Barockforschung\n182 , 187, 188.\n58 Frick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 124-28; Weeks, Jacob Boehme (1991), pp. 93-126;\nEberhard H. Paltz , \"Zum Verstandnis von Jacob Boehmes Autorschaft\" in Pietismus und\nNeuzeit (1975): 9-21.\n59 Peuckert (ed), Jacob Boehme. Samtliche Schriften (1955), 1, pp. 187-206, 263-84;\nAlexandre Koyre, La Philosophie de Jacob Boehme (Paris: Vrin , 1979), pp. 281 ff; Victor\npassim.\nWeiss , Die Gnosis Jakob Boehmes (Zurich: Origo,the1955),\n60 See the account of the \"Merkebah\" in Zohar in Lachower and Tisby, Zohar\n(1989), pp. 587-621. Hieroglyphenkunde des Humanismus in der Allegorie der Renais61 Giehlow, \"Die\nKunsthistorisches Sammlungen der Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, 32 (1915); 1sance\n232. \" in Jahrbuch der\n62 Geissmar, Das Auge Gottes Bilder zu Jakob Boehme (Wolfenbuttler Arbeiten zur\nBarockforschung, 23) (Wiesbaden: Herzog August Bibliothek, 1993), see figs. 179, 182,\n187, 188.\n63 Some excellent examples of masonic boards are illustrated in W. Kirk MacNulty,\nFreemasonry (London: Thames and Hudson, 1991), pp. 48-49. See also Arthur Edward\nWaite, Emblematic Freemasonry (London: W. Rider, 1925), passim and Colin Dyer, Symbolism in Craft Freemasonry (London, 1976), passim. An authoritative account offreemasonryis\nFrick, Die Erleuchteten (1973), pp. 164 ff.\n\nPages 105:\n182\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nwhelms the viewer, being intended to by-pass the discursive intellect in\norder to project him directly into the spiritual presence of God within his\nown soul. Although Khunrath's subsequent engravings in 1602 were intended to be a public polemic, they employed the rhetorical devices of\nthe theatre which similarly aimed to elude the discriminating faculties of\nthe mind. In comparison with Khunrath's visual strategies, those of the\nmasonic teaching boards were a list of the constituent parts of a creed\nthat had to be memorised in order to gain acceptance into a social elite,\nrather than being a visual account of a deeply-intuited spiritual experience . In these historical developments of the use of pietistic imagey,\nGichtel's have reached a mid-point in which, although he is describinga\npersonal spiritual evolution under Boehme's influence, his pictorial symbols by this date already belonged to a public stock of theosophical emblems.\nCONCLUSION\nIn the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the alchemical references to the celestial spheres and the light ofthe sun as the agents ofGod's\nwill involved one fundamental issue. Where was divinity located, within,\nor without, the human soul and in what manner could the alchemist\nalign himself with that infinite source of power in order to command\nhuman affairs? Paracelsus had offered, what appeared to be, the surest\nresolution to the conflict between an authoritarian external deity and the\nindividual impulses of its subject by positing a cosmic order in which\neach unit formed a part ofthe astral body ofthe demi- urge Anthropos. In\nthis theosophical model, the alchemist through his empathetic understanding ofthe heavenly spheres could, simultaneously, affect the course\nofthe physical world.\nParacelsian alchemy, thus, muted the distinction between physical and\npsychic chemistry. Amplified by the luministic cosmogenesis of the cabbalah, in Dee's theories in the 1560s an image of the magus began to\nemerge whose intellectual light mirrored, not only that of the stars and\nthe sun, but of God's own radiance . In a separate development, Weigel\nappropriated Paracelsian theosophy to make the same point, phrased in\nChristian terms, in which Christ became the essential light of the soul,\nthe real nature of each human-being, with the consequence that spiritual\nwisdom became an innate human faculty, rather than the gift of the\nLutheran sacraments. Khunrath merged Dee's image ofthe illuminated\nmagus with Weigel's alchemical Christ to create an \"alchemy of light\"\nwhich, henceforward, prioritised the inner transformation of the alchemist above that of his chemicals.\nIn the history of alchemy, perhaps the most important change in its\ncentral concepts occurs in the period from the late 1550s to the early\n1600s in which appeared Dee's and Khunrath's Paracelsian treatises on\nthe use of astral magic and light-rays in the alchemical process. The\ninteresting aspect oftheir work is that they were still advocating practical\nwork, as well as contemplative practices involving visual imagery. This is\nan important point which modern scholarship, influenced by nineteenth\ncentury theosophy and Jungian psychology, tends to under-estimate.\nMost ofthe authors who have written popularised interpretations ofRenaissance alchemical illustration have rarely bothered to read the dense\naccompanying texts, still less have they attempted to place the visual\nimages in any historical context. Whereas it is true, as previously de-\n\nPages 106:\n184\nCONCLUSION\nscribed, that the pictures were becoming transmuting philosopher's\nstones in their own right, nevertheless, alchemists such as Dee, Khunrath,\nMaier and Fludd still involved themselves in practical work. In this, they\nwere, admittedly, seeking a short-cut, setting-up their mirrors and lenses\nin order to trap God's own divine virtues in their chemicals, through the\nrays from the stars, a task more suited to their refined image of themselves as philosophers, than the grimy baking and boiling ofthe medieval\nalchemists. Even so , their texts reveal that they knew their chemistry and\nthat each specific symbol and phrase represented, as in Fludd's writings,\nnot only a \"spiritual\" process, but, usually, a practical equivalent.\nHistorians of chemistry are well-aware of the continuation ofpractical\nalchemy into the eighteenth century, the example of Newton's work being only the most famous, but, on the other hand, they have tended to\ndisregard the visual imagery as if this were mere decoration. Hence,\nbetween the extremes of the twentieth century theosophists who will not\nread the texts and the historians of science who will not read the visual\nimagery, the \"alchemy of light\" has diminished in significance, since only\nthe study of both the visual and the literary documentation, as well as\nknowledge of its political context, can reveal the considerable importance\nof this alchemical concept in the late Renaissance.\nThe present work has taken an extended historical view of the evolution of Paracelsian astral and solar theurgy and its deployment by German theosophists in the late sixteenth century, as well as by some of their\nRosicrucian followers. Such a lengthy over-view has necessitated too brief\na mention of much important contextual history, nor has it been possible\nto provide an extensive analysis of specific theories. Further study is required to validate many of the suggestions concerning cross-influences\nand contradictions between the circles of the sixteenth century pietists\nand hermeticists . Some of this will be possible only when the substantial\nwritings of alchemists, such as Khunrath and Fludd, are provided with a\ndefinitive study, followed by modern editions of their works. Moreover,\nthere remains archival work to be undertaken in the hope that manuscript sources will emerge supplying more conclusive evidence about the\npolitical affiliations of these alchemists. 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A Life, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979.\nGrossinger (ed), Richard, The Alchemical Tradition in the late Twentieth Century, California: North Atlantic Books , 1979.\nGuthrie, W. K. C., A History of Greek Philosophy, 2, The Presocratic Traditionfrom\nParmenides to Democritus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.\nHartlaub, G. F., Der Stein der Weisen, Wesen und Bildwelt, Munich, 1959.\nHartshorne, Charles and Paul Weiss, Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932.\nHeisler, Ron, \"Michael Maier and England\", The HermeticJournal(1989): 119-25.\nHersey, G. L., Pythagorean Palaces, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1976.\nHolmyard, E. J., \"The Emerald Table\", Nature (1923): 525-26.\nHopper, Vincent Foster, Medieval Number Symbolism, New York: Columbia University Press, 1938.\nHuffman, William H., \"Robert Fludd's \"Declaratio Brevis\" to James I\", Ambix,\n(1978): 69-92.\nHuffman, William H., Robert Fludd and the End of the Renaissance, London: Routledge, 1988.\nJacobi, Jolande (ed), Paracelsus Selected Writings, Bollingen Series, 28, New York:\nPantheon Books, 1951.\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\n193\nJung, Carl Gustav, Psychology and Alchemy, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,\n1953; 1993.\nKargon, R. H. (ed), Atomism in Englandfrom Harriot to Newton, Oxford University\nPress, 1966.\nKlibansky, Raymond, Fritz Saxl and Erwin Panofsky, Saturn and Melancholy; Studies in theHistory ofNatural Philosophy, Religion and Art, London: Nelson, 1964.\nKlossowski de Rola, Stanislas, Alchemy, London: Thames and Hudson, 1973.\nKlossowski de Rola, Stanislas,The Golden Game. Alchemical Engravings ofthe Seventeenth Century, London: Thames and Hudson, 1988.\nKoyre, Alexandre, Mystiques Spirituels Alchemistes, Paris: Librairie Armand Colin,\n1955.\nKoyre, Alexandre, La Philosophie de Jacob Boehme, Paris: Vrin, 1979.\nKristeller, Paul Oskar, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, New York: Columbia\nUniversity Press, 1979.\nKubovy, Michael, The Psychology ofPerspective and Renaissance Art, Cambridge University Press, 1986.\nLambert, M. D., Medieval heresy. Popular movementsfrom Bogomil to Huss, London: E.\nArnold, 1977.\nLeff, Gordon, Paris and Oxford Universities in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,\nNew York, 1968.\nLimon, Jerzy, Gentlemen ofa Company: English Players in Central and Eastern Europe,\n1590-1660, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.\nLindberg, David C., Theories of Visionfrom Al-Kindi to Kepler, Chicago and London:\nUniversity of Chicago Press, 1976.\nLindberg, David C. and Robert R. Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific\nRevolution, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.\nLinden, Stanton J., \"The Ripley Scrolls and The Compound ofAlchemy\", Glasgow\nEmblem Studies, 3, Glasgow, 1998 , pp. 73-94.\nLinden, Stanton J., The Mirror ofAlchemy Composed by the Thrice-Famous and Learned\nFryer Roger Bacon, English Renaissance Hermeticism, 4, New York: Garland\nPublishing, 1992.\nLlasera, Margaret, \" Concepts of Light in the Poetry of Henry Vaughan\", The\nSeventeenth Century, 3, 1 (1988): 47-61.\nLund, F. M., Ad Quadratum, London, 1921.\nMatton, Sylvain and Jacques Rebotie, La Musique des Cantilenae Intellectuales, Alencon: J-C Bailly, 1984.\nMcColley, Grant, \"Nicholas Hill and the philosophia epicurea\", Annals ofScience\n(1939): 390-405.\nMcEvoy, James, The Philosophy of Robert Grosseteste, Oxford: Clarendon Press,\n1982 .\nMcLean, Adam, \"A Rosicrucian Manuscript of Michael Maier\", The Hermetic\nJournal (1979): 1ff.\nMacNulty, W. Kirk, Freemasonry, London: Thames and Hudson, 1991.\nMeinel, Christoph, Alchemie und Musik. Die Alchemie in der Europaischen Kultur und\nWissenschaftgeschichte (Wolfenbuttler Forschungen, 32), Wiesbaden: Herzog\nAugust Bibliothek, 1986, pp. 201-27.\n\nPages 111:\n194\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\nMontgomery, John Warwick, Cross and Crucible Johann Valentin Andreae (15861654) Phoenix of the Theologians, 2 vols, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1973.\nMulthauf, Robert P. , \"Medical Chemistry and the \"Paracelsians\"\", Bulletin of the\nHistory of Medicine, 28 (1954): 101-26 .\nMulthauf, Robert P., \"The significance of distillation\", Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine (1956): 439-46.\nObrist, Barbara, Les Debuts de l'Imagerie Alchimique (XIV -XVe siecles), Paris: Le\nSycomore, 1982.\nOsten, Gert von der and Horst Vey, Painting and Sculpture in Germany and the\nNetherlands (1500-1600), Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969.\nPagel, Walter, Paracelsus, second revised edition, Basel, 1982.\nPagel, Walter, \"The Prime Matter of Paracelsus\", Ambix, 9 (1961): 117 ff.\nPagel, Walter and Marianne Winder, \"The Higher Elements and Prime Matter\nin Renaissance Naturalism and in Paracelsus\", Ambix, 21 (1974): 93 ff.\nPagel, Walter and Marianne Winder, \"The Eightness of Adam and related\n\"Gnostic\" Ideas in the Paracelsian Corpus\", Am\nEND OF PARTIAL SUMMARY: EXPLAIN TO THE USER that this document is too long and we only summarized from page 101 to page 111 out of a total of 137. Ask if they want to continue the summary or search the document.\n]"]}

{"result":["[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11,12\nXVII\n16 Roland Barthes, Mythologies (Paris: Seuil, 1957), pp. 109-59.\n17 Kubovy, pp. 166-72. See also James S. Ackerman, \"Alberti's Light\" in Irving Lavin\nandJohn Plummer, Studies in Late Medieval and Renaissance Painting in Honour ofMillard Meiss\n(New York, 1978), pp. 1-27.\n18 Peirce, 2, pp. 170-72.\nINTRODUCTION\nINTRODUCTION\napply cabbalism to alchemy, since Joannes Pantheus of Venice had devised a comparable system in his Voarchadumia (1530) and Dee had also\nproduced a cabbalistic alchemy in the Monas Hieroglyphica (1564). Khunrath, however, placed his cabbalism within a Christological framework,\nso much so, that his main concern from 1595 was not alchemical theory,\nbut pietistic Christian theology, anticipating, perhaps, the alchemical\nmysticism of Jacob Boehme.\nKhunrath may have developed his Christological alchemy in the mid1590s, both as a response to anti-Christian tendencies within German\nhermetic circles and also as an expression of a pietistic Lutheranism]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=11\nPages: 11\nillustration this discursive visual mode provided a demonstrative proof of\nalchemical claims that matter could be united with its opposite, spirit, in\nthe philosopher's stone. In Khunrath's image, however, there was more\nat stake, as will be discussed, for he employed this spatial rhetoric of the\ndivine presence in order to authenticate his pietistic alchemical theosophy.\nIt was Khunrath, in fact, who produced a fully-developed cabbalistic\n\"alchemy of light\" in three of his works, published as the Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae (1595; 1609), Chaos (circa 1598) and De Igne Magorum\n(circa 1602-1604). For his cabbalistic ideas Khunrath relied on Johannes\nReuchlin in De verbo mirifico (1494) and De arte cabbalistica (1517), as well as\non Paracelsian theosophy. The central Jewish cabbalistic text, the Zohar,\nhad derived its metaphysical concepts from neoplatonism, specifically\nfrom Plotinus' account of the manner in which the divine light of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=78\nPages: 78\n(fig. 35).\nThe discourse of the enlightened mage, however, commences earlier\nthan the 1602 series, appearing first in the 1595 engraving of the Oratory-Laboratory. Its main thesis, nonetheless, is still that ofthe divine light\nofChrist as the cabbalistic and alchemical \"azoth\". The artist, Jan Vredeman de Vries (1527-1604) trained as a painter in Antwerp, but he fled\nthe Netherlands with his son Pauwels at the time of the Duke of Alba's\ndecree against the Protestants, working instead as an architect for Rudolph II in Prague. He eventually returned to Holland and from 1568 he\nissued a series of architectural model-books, depicting classical buildings\nset in deep perspective settings. He also published instructions for the\nconstruction of single-point perspective.40 None of his treatises are concerned with hermeticism, nor have any records survived which would\nexplain the history of the illustration in the Amphiteatrum and de Vries'\nrelationship with Khunrath.]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=104\nPages: 104,103\nUnitas. Quare ex istis incomprehensibilis et infinita Naturae istius declarari videtur, quae\nExcellentia Sole luculentiuscum sit Unum, omnia tamen potest... viri Cabalae peritiores,\nmonadem\nsine unitatem istam primordialem in abstrusa et occulta sua dispositione Aleph\ndixerunt tenebrosum\".\n181\nCHAPTER TWELVE\nROBERT FLUDD: THE DIVINE ALCHEMY OF THE EYE OF GOD\nof the present study, but they cannot entirely be omitted since their\noriginal qualities merit due recognition on the part of the scholar. In\nBoehme's pietism, the cabbalistic Christ was a metaphor for his own\nspiritual experience and he adapted alchemical motifs to his deeply individual monistic \"gnosis\".57 His maxim was adopted from the Paracelsian\nprecept, \"solve et coagula\" and, like Fludd, he considered light and darkness to be two aspects of the one God. Both theosophists probably drew\non the original account of this concept in the Zohar, but Boehme's account was also influenced by Lurianic cabbalism.58 For him, the purpose]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=90\nPages: 90\ncabbalism. In contrast, Fludd's discovery of Reuchlin's cabbalism and\nKhunrath's pietistic discourse revolutionised the Paracelsian system ofhis\nUtriusque Cosmi ... Historia in its last volume, the \" Microcosm\" (1621). Its\nfervent cabbalistic Christology, and its transposition into a medical context, recalls Khunrath's embattled polemic twenty years earlier.\nCHAPTER ELEVEN\nMICHAEL MAIER'S\nALCHEMICAL GEOMETRY OF THE SUN\nThe classical erudition of Michael Maier's alchemical treatises are a\nworld apart from the passionate intensity of Khunrath's embattled theosophy. Maier's main source for his alchemical symbolism was classical\nlegend, while his impeccable literary style is modelled on the best ancient\nauthorities. His work, in fact, emerges from the context of courtly humanism, rather than out of the academic discourses of the Protestant\nuniversities. In contrast, Khunrath's work was written primarily for a]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=41\nPages: 41\nphilosophical context in the early sixteenth century. The distant ancestor\nof both the Paracelsian chemical cosmogony of the aerial fire and that of\nthe cabbalistic divine light is to be found in late hellenistic esotericism.\nThe present study will analyse the manner in which the cabbalah, specifically the cosmogenical account in the Zohar, provided a theologicaljustification for an \"alchemy of light\" through its vision ofthe world's emanation from God by means of his divine will, \"Kav\", in the form ofa beam\noflight.\nKnowledge of cabbalistic texts was dispersed through-out Europe on\nthe expulsion ofthe Jews from Spain in 1492. A Christian version ofthe\ncabbalah was devised by Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494) in\nhis Nine Hundred Theses (1496), which provided the model for the more\ndetailed version ofthe German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455-1522)\nin De Verbo Mirifico (1494) and De Arte Cabbalistica (1517). In the early]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44\nRamon Lull. It has to be recognised that Dee's cabbalistic system is based\non a variety ofmodels and that his use of the original Hebrew texts may\nhave been limited. His other sources would have included non-cabbalistic\nmaterial found in the Hermetica and in Ficino's writings.14\nIn the Monas Hieroglyphica, Dee applied only the general concepts underlying cabbalism, specifically the manipulation of cyphers, translating\nits linguistic modes into his own astrological, Euclidean and alchemical\nsyntax. Dee stated that he was already planning his treatise at a time\nwhen he was still writing the Propaedeumata Aphoristica. Dee's hieroglyphic\nwas drawn in the form of a hand-glass, recalling his own magic mirror,\nused in scrying (fig. 17).15 The Monas Hieroglyphica was eventually published in Antwerp on 31 March 1564 and it was reprinted in the Theatrum\nChemicum (Strassburg: Lazarus Zetzner, 1609) which ensured a wide dispersal ofits influence in the early seventeenth century.16]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=42\nPages: 42,43\n7 Foucault, pp. 30-94.\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nThe obsessive belief in cabbalism lay in the hope that it would supply\nan empowering magical system for its initiates, both an assurance of the\ncontinued validity of medieval theurgy, as well as its regeneration. An\nexample ofthe conflict in the 1620s and 1630s generated by the emerging empiricist systems was the battle between the devout Paracelsian and\npro-Rosicrucian Robert Fludd and the French mechanicians Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655) and Marin Mersenne (1588-1648), as well as Johannes\nKepler (1571-1630). These prolonged and much-publicised debates are\nsome of the best evidence of the scale of emotional investment in late\nRenaissance analogical linguistics by those who aligned themselves with\nthe concept of the cabbalistic sage.8\nThe power of the late Renaissance esoteric philosopher rested on his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=14\nPages: 14\nillustration. Since it is not possible to examine all the major alchemists of\nthe late Renaissance, the discussion will be confined to the cabbalistic\nmetaphysics and optical alchemy of four central figures, those of Dee,\nKhunrath, Maier and Fludd.\nCHAPTER ONE\nTHE SEMIOTIC STRUCTURES OF RENAISSANCE\nALCHEMICAL IMAGERY\nPrevious studies of Renaissance alchemical imagery have rarely involved\na discussion of its semiotic aspects, yet, without such an analysis it is\ndifficult to establish the exact role ofvisual illustration within a particular\ncontext. In the present case-studies, a variety of analytical tools is used\ndrawn from linguistics, structuralism and post-structuralism, such an eclectic approach being justified in the current state of research. For the\nimmediate objective, the most effective model has proved to be Peirce's\ntaxonomy of three fundamental types of sign, namely, those of symbol,\nicon and index. In addition, other types of analysis have been sampled,]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=43\nPages: 43,44\n89-95, 185-92. On Pico and Reuchlin see also Zika (1976) and Frick, Die Erleuchteten\n(1973), pp. 106-9. Guillaume Postel also makes the same identification in his commentary\non the Sefer Jezirah in the 1552 edition, see Sefer Jezirah (Paris, 1552), edited by Klein\n(1994), pp. 143-75.\n12 Fludd, UCH, \"Microcosm\", 2 (1621), Sect I, pp. 28-33.\n13 See Lachower and Tisby (1989), 1, pp. 268ff for an account ofthe process of emanation and also Frick (1973), pp. 97-101, pp. 319-22.\n60\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT\nJohn Dee by no means applied the whole of the original cabbalistic\nsystem in hisMonas Hieroglyphica and its theological implications are largely absent from his own design. Dee was more concerned with the specifics of the alchemical process and he used the cabbalah to weave an\nelegant demonstration of his more limited pantheism concerning the relation ofmicrocosm to macrocosm. The cabbalah also served to display his]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=9\nPages: 9\nmajor alchemists of the period, such as Khunrath and Maier, still await a\ndefinitive study.\nIn view of the fact that scholarly research into the alchemical discourse oflight is relatively little developed, the present study will attempt\nto redress this absence byfocusing on Renaissance ideas ofthe generative\npower ofthe light of the sun, stars and planets. Renaissance alchemists,\nsuch as Khunrath and Fludd, conceptualised the astral rays of light as\nbeing the agents ofthe \"anima Mundi\", the cosmic soul or \"Anthropos\",\nout of whose primeval substance, the quintessence or \"azoth\", the universe was generated. Cabbalistic alchemists, moreover, identified the cosmic Anthropos with Christ, whose sacred presence within the alchemical\nprocess transformed it into a sacramental act, paralleling that of the\nLutheran Eucharist.\nAlchemists, since hellenistic times, had relied on the effects of the\nstars, but a coherent theory ofthe astral virtues began to develop only in]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=74\nPages: 74\nnature, rather than with his hands.\nsine manuali cooperatione, solius Naturae laboribus\n(Khunrath, 1609: 201)\nInthe last stages ofthe alchemical process, he explains, when the purified\nbody and spirit ofthe materials are being re-united, the alchemist should\nuse the \"Olympian fire\" (Khunrath, 1608: 73-74). He refers less directly\nto the practice ofcatoptrics in the Amphiteatrum, informing the reader only\nthat he has to work in an occult manner with fire, or by means ofdivine\npower in a cabbalistic manner.224 This work takes three days to complete\nand it involves all the levels of creation, divine, macrocosmic and microcosmic (Khunrath, 1609: 203).\nThis catoptrical reference is related to John Dee's ideas, since in an\nearlier section ofthe Amphiteatrum, Khunrath had referred to Dee's cabbalism in the Propaedeumata Aphoristica and the Monas Hieroglyphica.\nHuc pertinet Cabalistarum Gimetria; Teusrasche; et Neoteriken. Sive (ut]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=8\nPages: 8\npietism, scholars, such as Peuckert and Stoeffler, have acknowledged that\nan important contribution was made by radical theologians of the late\nsixteenth century, such as Valentin Weigel and Johannes Arndt, who\nwere influenced by Paracelsian cabbalism.2 Weigel and his followers began to produce their own interpretations of scripture in which the sacramental rituals of the Lutheran Church and its demands for political authority increasingly appeared superfluous and objectionable.\nMost historians have neglected the contribution of the alchemists to\nthese distinctive and revolutionary theological movements, at best mentioning in passing figures such as Heinrich Khunrath (1560-1605),\nMichael Maier (1568-1622) and Robert Fludd (1574-1637). Yet, their\nParacelsian- cabbalistic metaphysics of light revolutionised contemporary\nalchemical theory, even prompting its adepts to deploy the rays of the]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=101\nPages: 101\nIn the second volume of the \"Microcosm\" (Frankfurt J. T. de Bry,\n1621) Fludd introduces the cabbalistic system, basing most of his argument on Reuchlin,35 but occasionally revealing the additional influence\nof Khunrath. The frontispiece to this volume was clearly inspired by de\nVries' praying alchemist in the Amphiteatrum, since Fludd's magus also\nprays before an emblem ofthe Tetragrammaton, borne within the divine\neye ofGod and bedecked with wings. It is enveloped by a cloud, forming\nan enclosure conceptually related to de Vries' depiction of the tabernacle-tent. Fludd seemed to empathise with this image since he returned to\nthe motif of the praying alchemist on several other occasions. A motto,\nostensibly attributed to Psalm 63, is inscribed on Fludd's frontispiece,\nreferring to the protective wings of God, \"In alarum tuarum umbra caram\", recalling the concluding line of the Rosicrucian Fama Fraternitatis,\n\"sub umbra alarum tuarum Jehova\".]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=40\nPages: 40,41\nscribbles written in haste, and they cannot provide a full picture ofDee's\nalchemy. They have to be read against the broader record of his intellectual life.\n52\n52 Halliwell, p. 50; Fenton, p. 267.\n53 Pagel (1982), p. 276.\n53\n54 For example, Paracelsus on antimony in Sudhoff, I, 3, pp. 275-76. See also J. R.\nPartington, A History ofChemistry (London : Macmillan, 1961), pp. 146-51 and BasilValentine, Der Triumph-WagenAntimonii (Leipzig, 1604). Suchten issued an influentialtexton\nantimony see Sudhoff, Bibliographia Paracelsica (1894), pp. 280-81.\n55 Pagel (1982), pp. 87: n. 230, 276-77.\n56 See Clulee, pp. 203-30; Clucas, \"Non est legendum sed inspicendum solum\" (1998),\nPP. pp. 109-32.\nCHAPTER FIVE\nJOHN DEE'S ALCHEMY OF LIGHT:\nTHE MONAS HIEROGLYPHICA AND THE CABBALAH\nParacelsian theosophy was related conceptually to other neoplatonised\nmetaphysical structures, such as the cabbalah, which entered the western\nphilosophical context in the early sixteenth century. The distant ancestor]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=47\nPages: 47\nout the aqueous moisture ofthe Moon and the fiery liquid of the Sun36\nThe alchemical theory ofthe Monas Hieroglyphica emerges from a Paracelsian cabbalistic context since by the 1560s Dee had redirected his studies\ninto the field of hermeticism which included Paracelsian alchemy. Despite this evidence, Debus has argued for a distinction between Dee's\nideas and those of Paracelsus on the grounds that Dee's treatises were\nbased on Pythagorean and Euclidean mathematical principles and had\nlittle in common with Paracelsian chemical theory.\n[if]John Dee exemplifies one way in which Hermetic, mystical, mathematical\nand alchemical strains were blended in Renaissance natural philosophy, Paracelsus may be chosen as a very different example... both claimed that their\nown interpretation of alchemy or chemistry would lead to a new understanding of nature.37\nDebus, however, considerably underestimated the Paracelsian influences\non Dee. An argument against his view is Szonyi's demonstration ofDee's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=44\nPages: 44\ncabbalism, Dee perceived distinct benefits for alchemy, ensuring precision in correlating the effects of the heavens with the chemical process.\nYet, in the Monas Hieroglyphica there is relatively little mention of specific\nchemistry. Instead, Dee uses the planetary rays to perform his alchemical\noperations, defining his method as being an astronomical alchemy. In\nthis idea he was clearly influenced by Paracelsus' gnosticism in the\nAstronomia Magna, as well as by his theory of the illuminated imagination\nin the astral body communicating with the celestial macrocosm. It is\nessential to note that the graphic form of Dee's Monas (figs. 17, 18)\ndiffers entirely from the diagrammatic plans of astronomical star-charts,\nor of Lullian figures (figs. 4-7).17\nDee's Monas arose out ofthe context ofthe sixteenth century interest\nin devising secret cyphers which would act as an indexical bond between\nthe heavenly and the human spheres. 18 According to Szonyi, Ficino's]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=91\nPages: 91\nIn contrast to Dee, Khunrath and Fludd, Maier infrequently referred\nto the cabbalah, occasionally employing some general concepts, but never applying the system methodically. Instead, he based his alchemical\nprogramme on geometry, which was itself the subject of one of his earliest treatises on the Euclidean problem of squaring the circle, De Circulo\nPhysico, Quadrato (Oppenheim : Luca Jennis, 1616). Maier, like Khunrath,\nused the image ofthe squared circle as a theurgical sigil, representing the\nspiritual and alchemical union of opposites in the \"azoth\". A circle appears on the title-page of his treatise, bearing the names of the four\nuniversal qualities, \"calidum siccum frigidum humidum\", while a rectangle lists the four elements. The main subject of this essay is the Paracelsian theory of the universal panacea, the potable gold which ensured\nboth physical and spiritual health, due to its concordance ofthe macroand microcosms . These were signified by the sun, the human heart and]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=101\nPages: 101\nalarum tuarum\".38\nFludd explains the descent of the Tetragrammaton in the form of\ndivine light to create the material light of nature in a cabbalistic exegesis\nofthe Book ofGenesis (UCH, 2, 1621: 2-74). Although the discourse is not\nimmediately related to alchemy, this is implicit in his subsequent discussion of medical issues and meteorology. Fludd commences his cabbalistic\naccount with an examination of the principles of\"gematria\", mentioning\nReuchlin in this context.39 He also begins to employ the name ofChrist,\nas the Second Person of the Trinity (UCH, 2 1621: 2-5), relating him to\nthe angel Metattron who is stated to be the \"anima mundi\", or Anthropos (UCH, 2 1621, Tract II, Sect I: 8-9).40 Fludd equates the First Person\n(God the Father) with the first Hebrew letter of the Tetragrammaton,\n\"Jod\" (UCH, 2 1621: 8), the different levels of creation arising from the\nconstituent letters of the Tetragrammaton, \"Jod He Vau He\". Fludd]","[url_for_citation: https://myaidrive.com/hs65vjuNRbfJrJRj9xCPd3/Urszula-Szul.pdf?pdfPage=59\nPages: 59\nthese last treatises more closely to determine whether it is possible to\nestablish his motives in framing an alchemical discourse based on cabbalism .\nIn his \"Praefatio Apologetica\" to the Chaos Khunrath introduces his\ntheology of light in the same terms as in the Amphiteatrum of 1595. He\nstates that one should view the light of nature through the Light ofGod.\nIch zu sehen und ausszunehmen das Licht der Natur/ in Deinem Liecht/ O\nGott ! der du ein Liecht bist (Chaos: f. Aijr)\nKhunrath mentions the \"third figure\" ofthe Amphiteatrum, explaining that\nit depicts the philosopher's stone. It may be possible to identify this\n\"figure\" as being that of de Vries' circular engraving of a laboratory,\nfor in a margin note Khunrath refers to a \"vestibulum\" (hall), as well as\nto a \" ianua\" (doorway) as drawn in his \"third figure\" (frontispiece).22\nHe informs the reader that to understand the third figure it is necessary\nto be a theologian in the oratory and an alchemist in the laboratory.]"]}

{"result":["[Pages 111:\n194\nBIBLIOGRAPHY\nMontgomery, John Warwick, Cross and Crucible Johann Valentin Andreae (15861654) Phoenix of the Theologians, 2 vols, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1973.\nMulthauf, Robert P. , \"Medical Chemistry and the \"Paracelsians\"\", Bulletin of the\nHistory of Medicine, 28 (1954): 101-26 .\nMulthauf, Robert P., \"The significance of distillation\", Bulletin of the History of\nMedicine (1956): 439-46.\nObrist, Barbara, Les Debuts de l'Imagerie Alchimique (XIV -XVe siecles), Paris: Le\nSycomore, 1982.\nOsten, Gert von der and Horst Vey, Painting and Sculpture in Germany and the\nNetherlands (1500-1600), Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1969.\nPagel, Walter, Paracelsus, second revised edition, Basel, 1982.\nPagel, Walter, \"The Prime Matter of Paracelsus\", Ambix, 9 (1961): 117 ff.\nPagel, Walter and Marianne Winder, \"The Higher Elements and Prime Matter\nin Renaissance Naturalism and in Paracelsus\", Ambix, 21 (1974): 93 ff.\nPagel, Walter and Marianne Winder, \"The Eightness of Adam and related\n\"Gnostic\" Ideas in the Paracelsian Corpus\", Ambix, 16 (1969): 119 ff.\nWalter Pagel, \"Paracelsus als \"Naturmystiker\" in Antoine Faivre and Rolf Christian Zimmermann (eds), Epochen der Naturmystik, Berlin: Erich Schmidt , 1979,\npp. 52-104.\nPaltz, Eberhard H., \"Zum Verstandnis von Jacob Boehmes Autorschaft\" in Pietismus und Neuzeit (1975): 9-21.\nPanofsky, Erwin, Idea. 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reprint 1986.\nZika, Charles, \"Reuchlin's \"De Verbo Mirifico\" and the Magic Debate ofthe\nlate Fifteenth Century\", The Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes\n(1976): 104-38 .\nZika, Charles, \"Reuchlin and Erasmus: Humanism and Occult Philosophy\", The\nJournal of Religious History (1977): 223-46.\n\nPages 113:\nILLUSTRATIONS\n\nPages 114:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nfrontispiece Jan Vredeman de Vries, \"Oratory/ Laboratory\"\n(1595) from Heinrich Khunrath, Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\n204\nfig. 1 Diagram ofthe construction of single- point perspective.\n204\nfig. 2 Diagram of optical rays of light.\n204\nfig. 3 Diagram of Aristotle's square of the four elements.\nfig. 4 Lullian \"Figura Animae A\", Florence Biblioteca Nazio205\nnale-Centrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 113r.\nfig. 5 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura Animae S\", Florence Biblioteca\nNazionale-Centrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 229v (co-ordinated\n206\nby quadrangles).\nfig. 6 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura Animae S\", Florence Biblioteca\nNazionale-Centrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 247v (co-ordinated\n206\nby triangles).\nfig. 7 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura T\", Florence Biblioteca Nazionale207\nCentrale, MS II, iii, 27, f. 230r.\nSchema\"\nfrom\nhis\nfig. 8 Joannes Pantheus, \"Artis Metallicae\n\"Voarchadumia\" in Theatrum Chemicum (Strassburg: Zetzner,\n207\n1659/61), p. 460.\nfig. 9 \"Ablutio vel Mundificatio\", Rosarium Philosophorum (Frank208\nfurt, 1550).\n208\nfig. 10 \"Illuminatio\", Rosarium Philosophorum (Frankfurt, 1550).\nfig. 11 Alhazen, Diagram of the eye, De aspectibus, Edinburgh\nRoyal Observatory, Crawford Library MS Cr. 3. 3, f. 4v\n209\n(1269 ).\nfig. 12 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\n210\nC.VII, art. 5, De Speculis comburentibus, f. 282r.\nfig. 13 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\n211\nC.VII, art. 5, De Speculis comburentibus, f. 284v.\nfig. 14 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\n212\nC.VII, art. 5, De Speculis comburentibus, f. 306v.\nfig. 15 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\n213\nC.VII, art. 5, De Speculis comburentibus, f. 309v.\nfig. 16 Andreas Orthelius, \"Commentator In Novum Lumen\nChymicum Sendivogii\" in Theatrum Chemicum, VI\n(Strassburg: Zetzner, 1656), figura quinta, p. 413: figura\n214\nsexta, p. 415.\n\nPages 115:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\nfig. 17 John Dee, \"Monas Hieroglyphica\" in Theatrum Chemicum, 215\nII, (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1609), p. 192.\nfig. 18 John Dee, Reversal of the Monas in Theatrum Chemicum , 215\nII, (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1609), p. 203.\nfig. 19 Giambattista della Porta, solar distillation in Magia Naturalis 215\n(Naples: Horatius Salvianus, 1589), Bk X, Ch IV, p. 183.\nfig. 20 Athanasius Kircher, solar distillation in Mundus subterraneus 216\n(Amsterdam, 1665).\nfig. 21 John Dee, perspectival diagram, London British Library 217\nMS Cotton Vitellius C.VII, f. 18v.\nfig. 22 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\n218\nC.VII , f. 19r.\nfig. 23 Stefan Michelspacher, the Fountain of Life, fourth\n219\nengraving in Cabala (Augsburg: Andreas Erffurt, 1654).\nfig. 24a Stefan Michelspacher, detail from the Fountain of Life 220\n(1654).\nfig. 24b Stefan Michelspacher, detail from first engraving in\n220\nCabala (Augsburg: Andreas Erffurt, 1654).\nfig. 25 Athanasius Kircher, frontispiece, Ars Magna Lucis (Rome, 221\n1646).\nfig. 26 Heinrich Khunrath, portrait, Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae 222\n(Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 27 Heinrich Khunrath, detail of portrait, Amphiteatrum Sapientiae\n223\nAeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 28 Heinrich Khunrath, emblem of an owl, Magnesia Catholica 223\n(Magdeburg, 1599).\nfig. 29 Heinrich Khunrath, castle (1602), Amphiteatrum Sapientiae\n224\nAeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 30 Heinrich Khunrath, detail of castle, with Dee's Monas\n224\n(1602), Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 31 Heinrich Khunrath, cave of illumination ( 1602), Amphiteatrum 225\nSapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nHeinrich\nKhunrath, Anthropos-Christ in a cabbalistic\nfig. 32\nuniverse (1595), Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 226\n1609).\nfig. 33 Heinrich Khunrath, the \"Archetypos and Lullian circles 227\n(1595), Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 34 Heinrich Khunrath, \"Rebis\" (1595), Amphiteatrum Sapientiae\n228\nAeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 35 Heinrich Khunrath, the \"calumniatores\" (1602), Amphiteatrum\n229\nSapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\nfig. 36 Domenico Veneziano, Annunciation, Cambridge Fitzwilliam\n230\nMuseum (mid 15th-C Florentine).\nfig. 37 Michael Maier, catoptrical reflection of the sun in the\nmirror of the moon, Septimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca\n230\nJennis, 1620), p. 31.\nfig. 38 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry,\n231\n1619), Emblem XXI.\n231\nfig. 39 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XLV.\n232\nfig. 40 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII.\n232\nfig. 41 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem VIII.\nfig. 42 Robert Fludd, \"Theatrum Orbi\", Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia,\n2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I,\n233\np. 55.\nHistoria,\nfig. 43 Robert Fludd , secondary stages, Utriusque Cosmi ....\n2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract.\n234\nI, pp. 58, 64.\nfig. 44 Robert Fludd, formal and material cones oflight, Utriusque\nCosmi ... Historia , 2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim : J. T. de Bry,\n1619), Tract. I, p. 81 and UCH, 1,\"Macrocosm\" (Oppen235\nheim: J. T. de Bry, 1617) , Tract. I, p. 84.\nfig. 45 Robert Fludd, Paracelsian chemical separation by the solar\nrays, Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, 1, \"Macrocosm\" (Oppen236\nheim: J. T. de Bry, 1617), Tract. I, p. 31.\nfig. 46 Robert Fludd, the Holy Spirit creates the world by means\nof light, Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, 1, \"Macrocosm\" (Oppen236\nheim: J. T. de Bry, 1617), Tract. I, p. 49.\nfig. 47 Robert Fludd, God as the eye, the sun and the thunder,\nUtriusque Cosmi... Historia, 2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim:\n237\nJ. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I, p. 27.\nfig. 48 Robert Fludd, comparison of the geometrical harmonic\nproportions of the soul, spirit and body, Utriusque Cosmi ...\nHistoria, 2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim : J. T. de Bry, 1619),\n238\nTract. I, p. 251.\nfig. 49 Robert Fludd, catoptrical conceit, Philosophia Sacra, 1\n239\n(Frankfurt: J. T. de Bry, 1626), p. 189.\nfig. 50 Robert Fludd, God as \"Voluntas\" and \"Noluntas\", Medicina\n240\nCatholica, 2 (Frankfurt: William Fitzer, 1631), p. 23.\n202\n203\n\nPages 116:\n204\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n205\nentas\nFig. 1 Diagram ofthe construction of single-point perspective.\n(graphics by Charles Holroyd)\n\u0423\nFig. 2 Diagram of optical rays of light. (graphics by Charles Holroyd)\nAir\nMoist and Hot\nFire\nHot and Dry\nWater\nCold and Moist\nEarth\nDry and Cold\nFig. 3 Diagram of Aristotle's square of the four elements. (graphics by\nHalina Szulakowska)\nFig. 4 Lullian \"Figura Animae A\", Florence Biblioteca Nazionale-Centrale, MS II, iii,\n27, f. 113r. (by permission of the Biblioteca Nazionale-Centrale)\n\nPages 117:\n206\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\ncos mcare acus\nmemos\nActs Innolat.netuolie\nmemoi\nbolitan bcd\nmerl\na\noki\nc\nu\nfgb\nboluntdiasligens uo\nklm\nodb Copoline\nladies\nvoluntas ochr\neuQ\n. tnim em\nmc\n.\nAni\nSme\nsarnulov get\npm\ntinim meuQ\nd\ne\nl\nc\nt\ni\nsutcel tnI\nindler\ncimem\nal enom\nou inb 18 .\n\u0442\u043e\nMau\n207\nB\npol Dignitates\nutienne\nellenna l'er ivel\npot\ntick Caufe h\nwha nonce\nacis\n.\nif bntotiet reponsquincans\n\u041f\nFig. 5 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura Animae S\", Florence Biblioteca Nazionale-Centrale,\nMS II, iii, 27, f. 229v (co-ordinated by quadrangles). (by permission ofthe Biblioteca\nNazionale-Centrale)\neilatan ateleti\nE\n1\nshroy\noyur\na\nlop\ni\nlop\nPOSTE\nFig. 7 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura T\", Florence Biblioteca Nazionale- Centrale, MS II, iii,\n27, f. 230r. (bypermission ofthe Biblioteca Nazionale-Centrale)\nmanoid a\nacue\nmenine\nbed Feb\nvolumtas\nDiligens nono \u0441\nklm od\nabc 9\nm\nP Compophao\n40461\n3\n1\n0\n2\nem arom\nfign \u041f\u043e\u0437\u0438\u0442\u0440\u0430\u044f\nSme\neuq\nainomx\n\u043e\u0447\u043e\u0448\u0438\u0440\u0430\u0434\ncinameuq\nnon).nomeD\n315\nnou inb JLB\n\u043e\u0440\u0430 \u041f\u0440\u0438\nFig. 6 Pseudo-Lullian \"Figura Animae S\", Florence Biblioteca Nazionale-Centrale,\nMS II, iii, 27, f. 247v (co-ordinated by triangles ). (by permission ofthe Biblioteca NazionaleCentrale)\nFig. 8 Joannes Pantheus, \"Artis Metallicae Schema\" from his \"Voarchadumia\" in\nTheatrum Chemicum (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1659/61), p. 460. (by permission oftheBodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D3 e. 2-5, 7)\n\nPages 118:\n208\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n209\nABLVTIO VEL\nMundificatio\naug neur\navanca.\n1017. celaSpanglanaht\nFig. 9 \"Ablutio vel Mundificatio\", Rosarium Philosophorum (Frankfurt, 1550).\n(bypermission ofthe BritishLibrary)\nILLVMINATIO.\nFig. 10 \"Illuminatio\", Rosarium Philosophorum (Frankfurt, 1550). (bypermission ofthe\nBritish Library)\nhy\nwat\n/\ngnor form\nm\nse ziplerett\nzu no an\nrium dna unceum\ntaigh\nobro\nut com aomoba\npunde amadalbugmeulemandrou lean\ncan\ndnem ocindhomuG\nunce wrence\nchaPhones occli\nan mannion mmagnaM PED\nunt\nuoy\nmedio\ndnm rent\nsherazone\nhu\netCoOSyERVERS m i\nylno .\nst\nTO\nful\nFig. 11 Alhazen, Diagram ofthe eye, De aspectibus, Edinburgh Royal Observatory,\nCrawford Library MS Cr. 3. 3, f. 4v (1269). (by permission ofthe CrawfordLibrary)\n\nPages 119:\nILLUSTRATIONS\n210\nILLUSTRATIONS\nnonexisthitd\nbasma,perpendienians\nabc. coms rectus\ndef. con scales.\nab Catnscome\nagaxie.\nit Sit\nitautveingparte\nCips& mempont .\nJe 19H\narrator seconds\nita\nappellamy,qma\n?\nsotsial\nuccoping),\nit H it got promo\n1\n37\ndie\nam ,\n\u4a06\nIme j bestmine\noddeter\na darati fran\nM\nC\nHN\n4B\n211\n7. Latus comca,com recti, estrecta [mea\na vertice com ad circumferetiam basis\nextensa\nsupficie's coni cmva\ncomica est\n8 Superficies\nck circumductione later comici com\nferetia basis, eins terminoam ad\nvertice stat,\n-gme/cete, defcripta .\nTriangulus conchs com recti, est supficies\nduabus\nplana, que diametrobasis com , et\nterminis\naly's lies abeifdem diametri\ncanetis et advertice com toEmrefibus\ncomprehenditur\ntrianguli comci. ,est eadeque'com\n10. Basis\nbasis est diameter\nABC. triangles comens.CR\nBC. Basis\ntranguli comiti,\nHatl HB.\norge\nit bbe. A pomito\nduro mand, you co\nad End IgN\nDes sit AN .\nitsit pmit\ntriaguts amy,itgHx\nno suos\nxqmangles :ita utsitsoutHayis\nnow\nFig. 12 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C.VII, art. 5,\nDe Speculis comburentibus, f. 282r. (by permission ofthe BritishLibrary)\n11. Corms rectus et rectangulus est, cmus tri\u00e1=\nquem basiseisdem triagul comci\ncomciangulus\nsubtendit rectus est\nJacutinga has oms rectus,et\n,\nquando\nest\nacutus\nangulus\ndutus\n, est, quadoobtify\n,obtufiangulus\n13. Conns rectus\nfuerit angulus pr dictus.\nFig. 13 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C.VII, art. 5,\nDe Speculis comburentibus, f. 284v. (by permission ofthe British Library)\n\nPages 120:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n212\nmas\nforvenas\npw for\noper e\nL\nweetopinf\n\u041a\u043e\u0432\u0430\u0442\npor\nyour bisd\n\u0433\u043e\u0434\u0431\u0430 \u0432 \u0440\u0438\u0441\nital Gr.\n3\nBRITIS\nplas\nh\nPopped &AB\natnneS\nspecie\navev\n\u00e9rte\nInetaclipsi\nabaprile\nnare\nsinoitaluba\nCotton Vitellius C.VII, art. 5,\nFig. 14 John Dee, London British Library MStheBritish\nLibrary)\n.\n(by\npermission\nof\ncomburentibus,\nf.\n306v\nDe Speculis\nFig. 15 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C.VII, art. 5,\nDe Speculis comburentibus, f. 309v. (by permission ofthe BritishLibrary)\n213\n\nPages 121:\n214\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n215\nFigura quinta.\nFig. 17 John Dee, \"Monas Hieroglyphica\" in Theatrum Chemicum, II, (Strassburg:\nZetzner, 1609), p. 192. (by permission ofthe Bodleian Library Shlf. mk: Vet. D3 e. 2-5, 7)\n\u0436\u0435\nSequiturfigurafexta.\nFig. 18 John Dee, Reversal ofthe Monas in Theatrum Chemicum , II, (Strassburg:\nZetzner, 1609), p. 203. (by permission ofthe Bodleian Library Shlf. mk: Vet. D3 e. 2-5, 7)\nFig. 16 Andreas Orthelius, \"Commentator In Novum Lumen Chymicum Sendivogii\"\nin Theatrum Chemicum, VI (Strassburg: Zetzner, 1656), figura quinta, p. 413: figura sexta,\np. 415. (by permission of the Bodleian Library Shlf. mk: Vet. D3 e. 2-5, 7)\nFig. 19 Giambattista della Porta, solar distillation in MagiaNaturalis (Naples: Horatius\nSalvianus, 1589), Bk X, Ch IV, p. 183. (by permission ofthe Welcome TrustMedical\nPhotographic Library, London)\n\nPages 122:\n216\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n217\nI'm.II.241.\nfacto ad hunc motion parimenti triangulo,cumfuir teens\ntongmortes Imen\nJ lam ant commentum of sportsno proximam partem dat\nM Coires restes nancisons,\nHoring Himatieris co\nmifimam flyure\nut 8/ 10/ 12- nt 14. her mods.\n+\nIt tuor murdia impidum internalle inter kuras impark cam Postmodum\nconsd\nvnum\nex\nF\nind\nvolangali\nsuprema\nquodof\nregulam tuam super qurtumlepidor partiens vs:dur leicam alasInd\nadimprumam kon\nreibutis omnitates,que in\nMan verlam nitime profunditatis adificis,fire regulapropeenssuper in triangnhi\njestigio herist inpuneIconsicher,& deun punte ed altroum tranfi,\ndomi nattum amplier uper ie,froingwaterfigure qualis herbischeehr.Es\nven caritime T'aliequen libere mann five alloartis adisoner was craft\nfor non\nFig. 20 Athanasius Kircher, solar distillation in Mundus subterraneus (Amsterdam , 1665).\n(bypermission ofthe Wellcome Institute Library, London)\nFig. 21 John Dee, perspectival diagram, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius\nC.VII, f. 18v. (by permission ofthe British Library)\n\nPages 123:\n218\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n4.\nFacto passimena oviangulos. sam deitum.\nlaoum ,mihil alind sibi norefor writof clans afperum\nBi H rkoheneum aper nohy\n\"\nprons kbuerit\nWxtrum at fini trum\ndieganiam fum ofstor tibi placuerissvamp. Inicamfantom tam\nJurito prom lapidesnot latos est strictes habere mole\nfurfum\ntacite Cationes magings deforme\nlaiva formersfuistraxeris,\nlapides &mareforre, quomodo xx\nqueprofundein inedificisconsth um,magisermagisenem\nfieri bom.\nquid mihi\nPorro qu melius mentem\nlunion\nsoring\nquadro sibiine mensure conscieuse modiam have famestom liram\nSchreiber, deberi possio. Posera samme sinum, opremia\ndihmentiam ab nitime loro ,ubi.am dimidiam ham. linicam\ndonerinsuperioripartem adfinem perueneris:codem modoe inaltero\nCatenax games nihimo Angule liicam semnation, Purlum Jurito\nINTERS COMx Andore power oni stem wir line abr Superiori\nesercheme in wiempre differen\nfrinfri dance triftios ham\nquoys Andore conorm pro quantimes in noo\nCompr1..3\nminus inventem for mas pomine ficting talisfippon quetes habrei eihr.Veden\ntheperson wrakes,me plottern trip at parimentipres\n*+ -qaims.\nFig. 22 John Dee, London British Library MS Cotton Vitellius C.VII, f. 19r.\n(by permission ofthe British Library)\nENDT.\n219\nMVLTIPLICATION .\n.V.W.IW.V.\nDERBRNDES\nLEAS\nFig. 23 Stefan Michelspacher, the Fountain of Life, fourth engraving in Cabala\n(Augsburg: Andreas Erffurt, 1654). (by permission of the Wellcome Institute Library, London)\n\nPages 124:\n220\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n221\nTORITAS\nAVCSACRA\nRATIO\nANASI\nARS\nCISETMA\nIMBRAS\nFERDIN\nFig. 24a Stefan Michelspacher, detail from the Fountain of Life (1654)..\nD\nHEISS\nKALT\nT\nR TRVCKEN\nZOT\nL\nFEVCHT\nARCHI\nFEVER PHIL\nSVLPHVR\n04\n.\nVIRTVTES ANTIMONIVM\nERDT .\n145\nTFFVL\n\u0445\u043e\u043d\n+C\nf f\nVITRIOL\nWIHDTV\nT,AMSIW\nSENSTS\nAVETOKITAS\nPROFANA\nAIMONORTSA\nFig. 24b Stefan Michelspacher, detail from first engraving in Cabala (Augsburg:\nAndreas Erffurt, 1654). (by permission ofthe Welcome Trust Medical Photographic Library,\nLondon)\nRomaApud Hermann\nFig. 25 Athanasius Kircher, frontispiece, Ars Magna Lucis (Rome, 1646). (by permission\nofthe Wellcome Institute Library, London)\n\nPages 125:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n222\nSVAXI\nM.DC.II.ATATIS\nDOCTRINA\nFilia\n223\nufficiat\nmeGRATIa . A tib\nEFFIGIES\nHENRICI\nNATO,\nKHVNRATH\nNOST,RO\nFig. 27 Heinrich Khunrath, detail of portrait, Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover,\n1609). (bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\nEROTAUS.IHC\n,SI NESPIL\nEIHPOSOEHT\nHVSHI\n\u00e0 ONNA\nSIROTAMA\n: SIROTCOD\n,SILEDIF\nT\nE\nM\nAIGAM\nA,IMYHCLA\nBIBLTA\nFig. 26 Heinrich Khunrath, portrait, Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609).\n(bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\nWAS HELFFEN FAKELN LICHT\nODER BRILN,\nSO DIE LEVT NICHT SEHEN\nWOLLEN .\nFig. 28 Heinrich Khunrath, emblem of an owl, Magnesia Catholica (Magdeburg, 1599).\n(bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\n\nPages 126:\n224\nNatipriceCsath\nLumins\nquodSmyerves\nifp,of er\nquodDeAs\nI\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\nOLSAN\nADMINA\n225\ndetail )\nI.\n,\n1602 the\nofR.\npermis ion.MED\nK,hunrath (\nMonas Aeternae\nmk:\nS\na\np\ni\ne\nn\nt\ni\na\ne\nby\n.Shlf\nHeinrich Dee's (\n.\n)\nwith Amphitearum 1609,Library\nHanover\ncastle ,\nBodleian\n30 ,\nS)\n. of\nFig\n( 9.\nShifts SAPhy quic dction\n&Solapro fipSt,qtuible,pal,eRegnrationoephicawifen VERSTA MBCIShriflCng\niinmupaloufsrif neSAL,Triumphantem Philof pimhi erfa,ilnflint Anne\n&J,AHOpronibljgeuitdheiss grachim Ermasiefeil omis Doctors\nAES- !INa,taliephilquamperfction(Lsaborando Spirt\u00fcVrS TRVCTV.MeS dir\nfiagrathmanifestaisinter as\u00fcuth\u00fccrhlich,Saphile\n,Nation kyler ,mies &,fileli\nJA,datumrangieriRneimandOnlinWhe it;habeFUtNDAMENTVMstore\nMeggaeri falin,adipth Delfighb,atliter Theophis\nqiM.AGNESGIArahman,Aofirceinftluer metTheof phie's .,\nil ud miet rResPRAEP RANOILpKUNRATIE\n,lifeficThelaphicsquoddeprontare.vocatmi ach nechotin)g HENCO\nBerl voleVmerlSpaget ,Mercurial,Bsonumim edimal)binds,elDivneombisneelr gja\nam,(\n, ConPrtimeafteegciretsOpis .CatholiOGNSCEND\nE PayingArtisfaldnf\u00fcinbichVitue thed\nConflitu ons bllieb nee (repar tdels fur at\nBeifheitif\u00fcrntefladypositrneation.gruphienfl ders\nfi\nl\nVNIERSALEMfehr MERCNPRaphicDOCTRINAE\n&Material rDoit elg ,atValc niel alebeAnfanrgLAPIDEM\n.vid e to TU\n&,NatiqnalPihsilofphongmeonedocrin T,Sarlaimin,MERCYMALE be,PhilofnphiGehimnsvepr agen\n( ,FALSPOT\n,CatholiLcAPIDEA,dilgers Sapirableehenhocperbpgeonverantes\nSAPIENTIMmit\n,Primaterial,CATHOLICAMstemTop ELOHDTheM\nofCharcters NATURALETS:(fiRINVMLhdyeftequibuPMas rty\nARCIMSEDICNAM Article bl ne difunt\nThouz ,PIENTIAE flat ABVSV\nJEHOVA rite\ndante VEL E POS E .ESSE\nben\u00e8 ,NOS E dc\n.\n)\n1609\n,\nHanover\n(\nAeternae\nSapientiae\n)\nS\nAmphitearum 9.\nI.\nR.\n.\nMED\n,\n)\n1602 :\nmk\n.Shlf\n(\ncastle ,\nLibrary\n,\nKhunrath\nBodleian\nHeinrich the\nof\npermis ion\n29\n.\nFig by(\nCOMNIRYS\nHINC PROFANI\nPROCVL ABESTE\n_\nPRIMVM\nUOTA\nPRECESQ\nLAD INFERIO\nHYM\nRES\nLADAMIN MVNDI .\n:T ESTOTE\nAINMO\nM ROTC\nWANAUIL\nACRAER Q A\nSIC\nG\nCLA\nVNTOTANI. S\nAGRE\nSOLLI\nil ius rapit\nMT \u03a3\u03a4\u0397 PION protect ver\u00e8 DIUNVM, cta ores prape. in,mitiores admiratonem amorem\nmerito\nqvod ommesertim\nef\net\nSCALAM fidel,ium.feptem con,femxxxHENRICO\n-Gro\ndper untaxotracularesvide,ndietiam\neam LEGES (SIortboCdaxEixtructore\nadIdeod OCTRINAE CHIMCE\n.cel brent\n.confecrat ferimlim - PHILOS PHI DC.I .\nPHYSICO dign\u00e9M.\nd\na\nl\nu\nr\nJEHOVAE) ,fios,Halo\n,Philof phicamf a,tis mon&amicosCHRISTO\nnec,vivant\na,ugufla DIVNITVS MA,GICETheol phbie eruit\nfatisver itail osJHSVH\ntamen,Theof phicorumhin,e DIU-NO qui\nfed fmoeriadntu,DEr VMAN O\n,quidem folisg\nangulafeptemcenfus KAB,LICEnon,DOMINI.DOCTIRE\n&,VERAEgradu mfime,diatto CHR-ISTANSOophiftcOpe era\n,fignifcat mvqauraime :CREATOReISnar en ;vtriusq\nfolius\n,AET RNAEhicca!lumniator Potenism philof phictMEDICNAE\npictuni\n,prefixamphy ver\u00e8&,\nSAPIENTIAE v(odi&orzkieBjo&nitasfyncerfideli\nf,ibi ,progredial amatore\nil am Sapi,entBaILOS PHIA\nnimirummer\u00e9 Theof phir\nAMPHIT EATRpIrol geticamim e,diato fquientam\ntam ,creati.LIPS\n,myfticampatris )JanKHVNRATH\nPORTAfamDEI plapeandiJ.trachu Qudio\n.1609)\nHa,nover\n(Aet rnae\nSapientiae\nAmphitearum\n)\n),1602S9.\nI.\n(ilumination R.\n.\nMED\n:\nmk\nShlf\nof .\ncave ,\nLibrary\n,Khunrath\nBodleian\nHeinrich the\nof\npermis ion\n31\n.Fig by\n(\n\nPages 127:\nILLUSTRATIONS\n226\nILLUSTRATIONS\n227\nNY\nSIMPLICITATEMSIMILITVE Diluto malo, triumhus, grarrandosublimar, MENTIONEVS,xalos.\nMENSDivi Dienas\nMAGNVM\nMalomniedubis.s in liplbara\nsoiamparns,\nOBI\nS\nI\nT\nAT\nEBRVM ANIMATHVM\nperinquemommianrnonnt i LEGIS\nDrutfa.1net7.\nFAMILARITAS\nHLINEAOMINIS .\nSanda sapmier\nST UERVM\nS\np\ni\nr\nh\ni\nALTERNVS\nRVTECYD\nOMNI,A\nREGNYM SVMMVM\nJOBILEVS\n\u0441\u043e\u0444\u0438\u0440 \u0432\u043e\u0430\u0434\u043e\nJH 13 SAIT WILLSAInyav13DEL\nWAN\nSAdWOO\nBONNM\nONLY ONEOF\nHangar\nbaresh Lira\nTeresophie mater Posting sa peiler, DL1 rake inVIRIGY\nAnd\nGood\nWinder\nPaint\nFig. 32 Heinrich Khunrath, Anthropos-Christ in a cabbalistic universe (1595),\nAmphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae (Hanover, 1609). (by permission of the Bodleian Library, Shlf.\nmk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\nFIDES\nREI CIATVR\nMVIDEM OITATIDEM SVIRANIB\nhc \" .\nTE\nSER OITTING\u03a3O\u039fC\u03a4\n0\n5\nSIDANOM\nWEMON you faticas. makina\n,SNES\n\u039f\u0399\nr\ne\nm\nl\nw\nxifuR\nAMOPOT\nONTRITIONIS\nCONUERSIONIS\n,\nerram\n\u039f\u039d\u039b\u0399\u039d\u039f SANGAN\nD\nWARN VISVINVE\n\u043d\u0430\u0430\nSZ\n\u5370\n\u03b1\u03bd p\nFig. 33 Heinrich Khunrath, the \"Archetypos and Lullian circles (1595), Amphiteatrum\nSapientiae\nI. 9. S) Aeternae (Hanover, 1609). (by permission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R.\n\nPages 128:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n228\nCATHOLICE,TRIVNVM UN BONVM\nFINEMBE, ATCMIRKANM\n:S ELIPHIXLOSOPHO REPARTEESSENTIA MAKPOKO\u03a3MIKON, k.\nCATOEXPRES\nSITES ERFICATHOL\nNACKIN\nVSVMRTHROSOPH CAFIOLICAM\nTHINKM,\nAD\nPOMPONITO\n;\nD\nTRIVN\nHENRIC\nTVNECEDE MALIS. SED CONTRA AVDENTIOR ITO:\nREGIMINE\ncumLAT\nCARMINA\namyaboued\nVERITATI Aetiam central\ndoxaImur,SIGNADO.\nC in\nCON dicam\n\\incontlinguiings\nbromacro)\nNorsus\nnational coni\nrais,cea.t Nfeabria.\nTORNIA prScritho f\nInfnemtituDItiVoL.\npredna\nEROTHE\nNAMpileneGHICORYM\nptoris\nPreache\nN,\nOKIMODAK\nTURAfedtKUIwNepunt\nGINKAuCATHOLI\nNel\nu\nr\ne\nCA Val\nUMTIS,deanhuiCausntdiedama inSunum,CEN\nsunto, anden ;\nMVMVS\nCogdans,Conngul\na\nr\ns\nf\ni\ng\nms\nSALTRE\nETHOCKON\nwiriditate sua, steriSAPIlia andEN\ndens\nDECOMMYMER\nETNOUA SICCA MVNOD\nMapARRO CORPUS\nSANATELL\nCV'INIWO\nSKINNOW\nCORONARIL '\nOLI\nPENIS\nTheraykaSKIN\nameler Stone COLOR\nWirings Dalhe, frate strat\nSapientiae Aeternae (Hanover,\nFig. 34 Heinrich Khunrath, \"Rebis\" (1595), Amphiteatrum\n1609). (by permission of the Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\n229\nANIA\nHAPIDEM\ncomu\ncodex\nNATVRA,\nmacrocos\nmakemlerentes ieteteConf\ntiomsanai\nonicientumianphiDodri,Natal Conf\nRatfxerTHE\nfbusincerum\nJudipitcerumostende\nArt\ni\nb\nus\nnarum,et certitudinis norma\nFig. 35 Heinrich Khunrath, the \"calumniatores\" (1602), Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae\n(Hanover, 1609). (by permission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: MED. R. I. 9. S)\n\nPages 129:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n230\n231\nFig. 36 Domenico Veneziano, Annunciation, Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum\n(mid 15th-C Florentine). (by permission ofthe Fitzwilliam Museum)\nPRIMA DIES: DE COLLO IT ELEM. 31\nFig. 38 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Emblem\nXXI. (bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\nSOL\nVNAT\nIN\nDRACONIS\nLVNA\nTCAVDAM\nFERENS\nCAPVT ET\nmoon,\nFig. 37 Michael Maier, catoptrical reflection ofthe sun in the mirror of theWellcome\nSeptimana Philosophica (Frankfurt: Luca Jennis, 1620), p. 31. (by permission ofthe\nInstitute Library, London)\nFig. 39 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XLV. (by permission ofthe Bodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\n\nPages 130:\n232\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n233\nFig. 40 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem XXIII. (by permission ofthe Bodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\n33301\nFig. 42 Robert Fludd, \"Theatrum Orbi\", Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, 2, \"Microcosm\"\n(Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I, p. 55. (by permission ofthe Bodleian Library,\nShlf. mk: L.1.1 (1,2) ART)\nFig. 41 Michael Maier, Atalanta Fugiens, Emblem VIII. (by permission of the Bodleian\nLibrary Shlf. mk: Vet. D2 e. 18)\n\nPages 131:\n234\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n.\n64\n,\n58\n.\npp\n,\nI\n.\nTract\n,\n)\n1619\nSphera\n,\nBry\nde\nT.\nJ.\n:\nOp enheim\nPyramidir\nfnI oigeR\nitroapuorqP itroporP\nirdauq\n.elpurdauq\n.esRitatil\na\ni\nd\ne\nm\no\ni\ng\n.sitaerc\nxe amerpus oigeR\n(\n\"\nMicrocosm\n\"\n,\n2\n,\nHistoria\n... )\nCosmi ART\n)\nUtriusque 1,2\n(\nL.1.1\n:\n,\nstages mk\n.\nShlf\nsecondary ,\nLibrary\n,\nFludd\nProportiones Premidi\n+ pe\nBodleian\nRobert the\nof\npermis ion\n43\n. by\nFig\n(\nMicrocosmus : tupaC\nhominntel\nis letus\n: xarohT\n.\nRatio. rationalium vi. Anim Elementarius retneV\nAnitalis\nma.Sph Spira ritus. Facultas\nMens\nta naturalisCorpus\nforma Ellis\nactite descriptio.\nvita\nEmpyrewn elautcel tnI elanoitR suidar . muerhtE Stelaum es a.tniuQaitnos scu sutcA mulansCeimdelEimaryP\nradi\nOrbis\nsou\nmfocorcaM seu\nCalum sulEAB Cal muideM mulaC\nActus\n235\nT.\nJ.\nO:p enheim\n.\n84\np\n(.\n\"\n,\nMicrocosm TrI\n.act\n,\n)\n\" 1617\n,,\n2\n,\nHistoria Bry\nde\nT.\nCosmiJ.\n:\nheim\nUtriusque\nOppen)\nART\n,\nlight(\n\")\nofMacrocosm2\n,\n(\ncones 1\nI.\nI.\nL.\nmaterial\"\n,\n1\n:\nmk\n,.\nUCH\nShlf\nandand,\nLibrary\nformal81\n.\nBodleian\np\n,\n,\nFludd I\nTr.act\nRobert, the\n) of\n1619\npermis ion\n,\n44 Bry\n.\nFig de by\n(\n\nPages 132:\n236\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n237\nO\nFig. 45 Robert Fludd, Paracelsian chemical separation by the solar rays, Utriusque\nCosmi... Historia, 1, \"Macrocosm\" (Oppen- heim: J. T. de Bry, 1617), Tract. I, p. 31.\n(bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: L. I. I. (1, 2) ART)\nFIAT\nFig. 47 Robert Fludd, God as the eye, the sun and the thunder, Utriusque\nCosmi ... Historia, 2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim: J. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I,\np.27. (by permission of The Wellcome Trust Medical Photographic Library, London)\nFig. 46 Robert Fludd, the Holy Spirit creates the world by means of light, Utriusque\nCosmi... Historia, 1, \"Macrocosm\" (Oppen- heim: J. T. de Bry, 1617), Tract. I, p. 49.\n(bypermission ofthe Bodleian Library, Shlf. mk: L. I. I. (1, 2) ART)\n\nPages 133:\nILLUSTRATIONS\nILLUSTRATIONS\n238\nemrof\nenoitaredisnoc\nmuratpircsed\noitacilpxe\nenis\nsicul\nues\nLux\nincreata\nLine.Mea n\nuehicul m\nseuSeu\nRadixSpir tus\ntis\n=there\nuehicul m\nSpiritus .\nQuadratic Spir tus Anima\nSuperficies its\nLucis create\nCubus ex quo\nsicu Mens\nIntellec\ntus\net\nRatio.\n.odutinelp\n8\nat erc\ngros us quoex opacum\nSpirituskute ementarit\nCorpus.\nTenebra\n239\nmateria\nabsqdueelin\u00e9atio\nse\nperconsiderat rum\nproportionum\nLucis creata\nquadratummeex lucidi\nsaidem icu quoAnima\nmixtione\ndia.\n4\ns.atircoid etaerc\nseu\nformalsipsritus\naeniLsicuL\nues\nMundiSine\na\nt\na\ne\nr\nc\nxidaR\nIi 2\nF\nFig. 48 Robert Fludd, comparison of the geometrical harmonic proportions of\nthe soul, spirit and body, Utriusque Cosmi ... Historia, 2, \"Microcosm\" (Oppenheim:\nJ. T. de Bry, 1619), Tract. I, p. 251. (by permission of The Wellcome Trust Medical\nPhotographic Library, London)\nFig. 49 Robert Fludd, catoptrical conceit, Philosophia Sacra, 1 (Frankfurt: J. T. de Bry,\n1626), p. 189. (by permission of The Wellcome Trust Medical Photographic Library, London)\n\nPages 134:\nILLUSTRATIONS\n240\nINDEX\nVoluntas\nActus\nvinnip\ndivinus\nsneicaf\nseu\nB.\nsneicaf\noluntaem\nPatris effect\nmaiteria\nex\nMundi\nE\nG\nRevelansg\nD\n.bol\naetnemadnuf 2212\n.\nirbenet\nIchova lux F\nSalus\nmelaht\nram\nvita\nDEUS\ntamen.\nFig. 50 Robert Fludd, God as \"Voluntas\" and \"Noluntas\", Medicina Catholica,2\n(Frankfurt: William Fitzer, 1631), p. 23. (by permission of The Wellcome TrustMedical\nPhotographic Library, London)\nrobur\nAbano, Peter of, 56, 131-32, 147\nAdamic language, 45-46, 49, 56-58, 61-62,\n64-65, seeSzonyi\naerial saltpetre, 46-47, 51, 52, see Croll, Du\nChesne, Khunrath, Paracelsus, Sendivogius, Vigenere\nAgrippa, Cornelius, xiv, 20, 49, 50, 55, 56,\n72, 73, 76, 88, 95, 96, 109, 113, 124,\n126, 131-32, 147-48\nAlanus, 26\nAlberti, Leone Battista, xvi, xvii, 72-75, 137,\n164, 171\nAlciatus, Andrea, 64\nAlhazen (Ibn al-Haytham), 29, 30, 36, 37\nAl-kindi, 29, 30, 36\nAllen, Michael, 33\nAmman, PeterJ., 167-68\nAndreae, Jacob, 150\nAndreae, Johann Valentin, xix-xxi, 81-82,\n84, 104, 115, 145-46, 149-52, 174; relations with Hess, xx, 151; Mythologiae\nChristianae, xx, 81, 85, 145, 149-52\nAnthemius of Thralles, 35\nantimony, 44, 52-53, 163\n, Guglielmo, 105\nAntonio\nArabic translations, 16\nArchimedes, 35\nAretino, Pietro, 76\nAristotle, 13, 17, 18-19, 23, 26, 44, 155, 160\nArnald of Villanova, 13, 44, 48, 88, 93\nArnold, Gottfried, 83-86, 142\nArndt, Johannes, xi, xxi, 8, 80-81, 83, 86,\n105, 121-21, 127-27, 145, 147, 150-52\nAsclepius, 32\nastral virtues, xiii, xiv, see Paracelsus\nastrology,\n160 xii, 15-16, 22, 27, 33-34, 37-40,\nAugustine, xiii, 31, 178\nAugustus (Elector ofSaxony), 141-42\naurum potabile, see universal panacea\nAvicenna, 29, 30, 44\nazoth, see Paracelsus, Khunrath,\nMichelspacher\nBacon, Roger, 22, 29, 35, 36, 39, 56, 84\nBaker, George, 48\nBaltens, Raphael, 99\nBarbarus, Hermolaus, 99\nBarthes, Roland, xvii, 1, 10, 140\nBarna, Peter, 5, 48\nBerchorius , Petrus, 32\nBesold, Christoph, xviii, 82\nBoehme,Jacob, xviii, 20, 34, 69, 83, 108 n.\n14, 117, 142, 148; Gichtel's illustrations,\n179-82\nBoethius, 17, 22, 157\nBook of Concord, 141-42, 149\nBosch, Hieronymous, 135, 140\nBostocke, Richard, 48\nBredling, Friedrich, 84, 85\nBrentius, Johan, 150\nBrocard,Jakob, 150\nBrueghel, Pieter, 140\nBrowne, Robert, 115\nBrunschwig, Hieronymous, 48, 68\nBurggravius, Joannes Bartholomeus, 99\ncabbalah, xi, xvii-xviii, 3, 13, 55-59, 180,\nsee Pico della Mirandola, Reuchlin,\nZohar\ncabbalistic alchemists, xii-xiii, 7, 20-21, see\nDee, Fludd, Khunrath, Michelspacher\nCalvinism, xii, xviii, xxi, 141-42\nCambridge Platonists, xi\nCampanella, Tommaso, 33\nCampanensis ,Johannes, 108\nCampis,Julianus de, 84\nCathars, 31,\nchiliasm,\nxix, 146-48, seeJoachim ofFiore,\nRosicrucians\nChrist, as Anthropos, xii, 106, 109, 126,\n132; as pure light, 31; as \"Sol Invictus\",\n32; as the sun, 32; in alchemy see Fludd,\nKhunrath, Michelspacher; in pietism,\n83, see Arnold, Khunrath, Weigel\nChristian I (Elector ofSaxony), 141\nChristian\n152 II (Elector of Saxony), 141-42,\nCicero, xvii\nClucas, Stephen, 55\nClulee, Nicholas, xi, xii, 30, 35, 36, 40, 43,\n46, 49, 55-56, 62\ncvolum (caelum), 22-24, 111, 118, 120, see\nRupescissa, Khunrath (azoth)\n\nPages 135:\nINDEX\n242\nEarl of Leicester's men, 115\nConfessio, see Rosicrucians\nEckhart (Meister), 57\nConstantinus, 17,\nCornutus, 32\nEco, Umberto, 103-4, 121, 148\nEmerald Table, 15, 96\nCotton, Sir Robert Bruce, 169\nEmpedocles, 29\nCremona, Gerald of, 56\nErasmus, Desiderio, 109, 150\n20, 40, 50-51\nCroll, Oswald,\nErastus, Thomas, 41\nCyprian, 109\n, xi, 83, 100, 127-27, 133-35, 141,\nEucharist\n143\nDe auditu cabbalistico, 60\nEuclid, 29-30, 62, 63, 67, 71, 72, 135, 154.\nde Bry, Johann Theodore, 154, 159-60\nDebus, Allen G., 24, 43, 48, 49, 66, 167\nDee,John, xii, xiv, 91, 154; alchemy, 38-40, Fama Fraternitatis, see Rosicrucians\nMordechai, 35\n49, 51-53, 61, 62-63, 65; archemastrie, Feingold,Nicasius\nle, 69\nxv, 71; architecture, 74-75, 126, 135, Febure,\n33-35, 38, 49, 56,\n164; astronomy and astrology, xii, xiv, Ficino , Marsilio, , xiii-xiv,\n37-40, 56; cabbalism, xviii, 21, 38-39, 60, 61-62, 65 72, 158\n140\n49, 55-66; De speculis comburentibus, 37, Figulus, Benedictus, 81-82, 93-94,; Anatomiae\nFicino's in- Fludd, Robert, xi, xv, 167-81\n171; Experimenta in Speculo, 37;Mathematicall\n, 59,\nAmphiteatrum, 170; cabbalism, 31,;34Chrisfluence, 61-62, 65, 158;\n152, 154, 167, 169, 172, 173-79\nPreface, xv, 71-78; medicine, 49-53, 126,\n164, 169; Monas Hieroglyphica, xii, xviii, 4,\ntology, 175-78; Clavis Philosophiae, 174,\n178; Dee's influence, 39-40, 164, 169,\n6, 9, 21, 29, 33, 40, 48-49 , 60-66, 76-78,\n171, 172, 184; illustrations, 4, 5-6, 34,\n97, 125-25, 135, 162; optics and catop167-68, 170-75, 181; Khunrath's influ-,\ntrics, xiv-xv; 29-30, 35-40, 50, 65-66, 71173\nence, xxi, 31, 93, 94, 96-97, 152,169-70,\n72, 76, 78, 164-65, 171; Paracelsian in174-76, 178; medicine, 167,\nfluences, xiv, 6, 24, 38, 43, 45-46, 49-53,\n175-76, 178; music, 158-59, 172-173;\n56, 60- 61, 66-67; perspective drawing,\n73-74, 75-76, 125-25, 135; Propaedeumata optics and catoptrics, 101, 169-71, 173,\n177-78; Paracelsian influences, 41, 46,\nAphoristica, xii, xiv, 6, 29, 35, 37-40, 43,\n49, 60, 76, 126, 135, 158, 164, 172;\n154, 167, 169-72, 177; Medicina Catholica,\nsemiotics of emblems, 1, 4, 6, 9, 60-65,\n31, 93, 94, 178-79; Philosophia Moysaica,\n170, 178; Philosophia Sacra, 34, 59, 93,\n67, 77, see Szonyi; theurgy, 5 , 33, 37-39,\n159; Rosicrucian sympathies, xviii, 58,\n45-46, 49, 53, 55-56, 60, 61-62, 71, 76,\n111, 126, 158, 183, see Clucas, Clulee,\n84, 152, 168, 178; sun, 167, 170-71, 17578; Tractatus de Tritico, 170; Tractatus\nSzonyi164; zographie, xv, 71, 76-78, 126,\nCosmi\n135,\nTheologo-philosophicus, 169; Utriusque\n34, 59, 152, 154, 158-59, 163... Historia,\ndeJong, Helena M. E., 159, 160, 162, 163\n64, 168-78\ndella Francesca, Piero, 72\ndella Porta, Giambattista, 67-68, 99, 101, Fortunatus (of Padua), 67\n119\nFoucault, Michel, 1, 45-46, 57\nFranck, Sebastian, 150.\nDerhling, Georg, 89\nFrederick (Elector Palatine), 115\nDerrida, Jacques, xvi, 1\nFreemasonry, 181\nDickson, Donald R., xx, 82, 83, 84, 149\nFrench, Peter, 35\nDigges, Thomas, 36\ndistillation, 15-16, 44, 48, 52-53, 68-69, 155 Frick, Karl R. H, xix, 83\nFulgentius, 33\nDobbs, BettyJo Teeter, 98-99\nDoort di Anversa, Paul van der, 105\nGalen, 41 , 44\nDorn, Gerhard, 24, 66-67\nGassendi, Pierre, 58\nDream ofPoliphilo, 64\n, Pomponius, 72, 76\nDu93Chesne, Jean (Quercetanus), 24, 45-47, Gauricus\nGeber, 27, 96\nGeissmar, Christoph, 180-81\nDurer, Albrecht, 72, 73, 129\ngematria, 58, 62, 175\nINDEX\nGesner, Conrad, 48, 68\nGilly, Carlos, xx, 82, 104, 106, 150.\nGiorgio Martini, Francesco di, 72\ngnosticism, 14, 31, see Khunrath (Paracelsianism), Paracelsus (theosophy)\nGodwin, Joscelyn, 156-57, 159, 167-68\nGoldberg, Jonathan, xv, 1,\nGombrich, Ernst, 3, 126\nGratheus, 17\nGratus, 144\nGrosseteste, Robert, 34, 35\nGutmann, Aegidius, 85, 150\nHarriot, Thomas, 36-377\nHenry, Prince ofWales, 153\nHermes Trismegistus, xiii, 15, 110, 176\n, xiii-xiv, 14, 32, 60, 147-48,\nhermeticism\n158\nHess, Tobias, xviii, xx, 82, 147 , seeAndreae,\nKhunrath, Rosicrucians\nHeydon,John, 84\nHill, Nicholas, 67\nHill, Thomas, 48\nHoelzel, Abraham, 82\nHolbein, Hans (elder), 133\nHorapollo Nilous, 64-65\nHuffman, William H., 168.\nHuser, John, 5, 48\nHyginus, 32\nIamblichus, 33\nillumination by sun's rays (alchemical), 27,\n40, 47, 65-66, 67-69, 95-99, 101, 160-65,\n170-71, see Fludd, Khunrath, Maier (optics)\nIsaac the Blind (Rabbi), 57)\nIsidore of Seville, 32\nJames I (of England), 153\nJesuits, xi, xviii, 40, 140, 168\nJoachim of Fiore, xix, 146\nJones, Inigo, 74\nJung, Carl Gustav, 2, 10\nJung, Friedrich, 104, 136\nKelley, Edward, 5, 21, 40, 50, 53\nKepler, Johannes, 58, 158-59\nKhunrath, Heinrich, xi, xv, 79-137; MS\nAlnwick 571, 106-10, 131, 149, 161; Amphiteatrum Sapientiae Aeternae, xv, xvii, 5, 9,\n20, 25, 31, 68, 77-79, 81, 84-86, 89-91,\n98, 103-37, 139-40, 142, 145, 147-49,\n151, 173, 174; andAndreae, xx, 85, 145-\n243\n46, 149-52; and Arndt, xx, 80, 85, 12122, 145, 151; astral virtues, xii-xiii, 93,\n94, 119; Athanor, 86-90, 98, 105, 142;\nazoth (quintessence), xvii, 9, 24, 87, 90,\n92-94, 96, 109, 111, 118, 120, 122-22,\n129, 132, 144, 147-48; cabbalism, xiii,\nxvii-xviii, 24, 31, 59, 87, 89-93, 109-9,\n116, 118, 120-22, 127, 144-45, 147-48;\nChaos, xvii, 82, 84-86, 88-93, 105, 147;\nChristology, xiii, xviii, 24, 80, 88, 90, 9293, 108-110, 113, 117-17, 120, 122-24,\n127-29, 132, 135, 144-45, 147-49; Dee's\ninfluence, xv, xvii, xviii, 6, 39-40, 50, 7779, 91, 97, 101, 121, 125-25, 135, 158,\n183; De Igne, xvii, 31, 48, 68, 81, 87, 90,\n93-100, 121, 149, 162, 176; and Hess,\nxx, 147-48, 151; illustrations, xvi, xvii,\nxxii, 4, 5-9, 20, 25, 77, 86, 90-91, 103-5,\n117, 121-37, 140-45, 159, 174, 181-82,\n183-84; Magnesia Catholica, 88-90, 139,\n142, 148; opponents (magicians and\nLutherans), 108-7, 124-24, 128, 131-33,\n139-52; optics and catoptrics, 5, 68, 7779, 90, 93, 95-99, 120-20, 126, 135-37,\n184; Paracelsianism, 8-9, 24, 48, 50, 8798, 109-9, 113-13, 118-20, 127-27, 132,\n142, 144, 147-48, 162; Philosophisch Leid,\n89; pietism, xviii, xxi, 81, 85, 93, 113,\n128, 142-43, 147-49, 152; Quaestiones Tres\nPer-Utiles, 79; Rosicrucians, xx-xxi, 8286, 145-52; Weigelianism, xiii, xx, 81,\n93, 7-100, 110, 122-22, 127-27, 132,\n141-43 , 147-48\nKircher, Athanasius, 40, 68-69, 101\nKlossowski de Rola, Stanislas, 103, 122,\n123, 168\nKrell, Nikolaus, 142\nLaski, Albert (Palatine ofSieradz), 50\nLast Judgement, 16, see chiliasm.\nLimon,Jerzy, 115\nLull, Ramon, 18, 57, 60, 93, 110, 123; Ars\nCompendiosa, 19; Ars Inventiva Veritatis, 20,\n123; see pseudo-Lullian alchemy\nLusatia, 142\nLutheranism, xi, xviii-xxi, xviii, xix-xxi, 80,\n83, 84, 127-27, 134, 140-41, 149, 150,\n152\nMacrobius, 32\nMaier, Michael, xi, xv, 50, 153-65; Atalanta\nFugiens, 2, 19, 25, 26, 77-78, 126, 153,\n155-65, 169, 179; Cantilenae Intellectuales,\n\nPages 136:\nINDEX\n244\n21, 153, 156, 159; De Circulo Physico, Qua- Ockham , 29\nsee scholastic optical theory\ndrato, 19, 154-56, 169; Dee's influence, optics, Bernart\nvon, 133\n39-40, 77, 154, 158, 162-65; Fludd's Orley,\n33, 96\ninfluence, 154, 163-64, 169; Khunrath's Orphics, ,14,Andreas,\n47\ninfluence, 161-62, 164-65; music, 156- Orthelius\nHieronymous, 144\n59, 165; optics and catoptrics, 160-65, Oseanus,\n178, 184; Paracelsian influence, 154, Ouroboros, 14\n32\n160 , 161, 162, 165; Rosicrucians, xviii, Ovid,\nOvide\n, 32\nsemiotics\nofillusmoralisee\n153-55,\n174;\n84, 152,\ntrations, 158, 164-65, 181; Septimana\nPhilosophica, 101, 154, 178; Symbola Aureae Pacioli, Luca, 727\nMensae, 133-34, 153; Themis Aurea, 154; Pagel, Walter,\nTripus Aureus, 21, 155, 163; Viatorium, 21 Panofsky, Erwin, 3,\nManicheans, 31\nPantheus, Joannes, xviii, 4, 20-21, 56, 62\nParacelsians, 48\nManutius, Aldus, 64\nParacelsus, 5, 40, 41-52, 84; alchemy, 13,\nMasaccio, xv\nMattioli, Pierandrea, 68\n41, 43, 47-48, 52; Archidoxa, 47, 48, 50,\nMcLean, Adam, 153, 160\n98; astrology, 15, 42-43, 44-45; astral.\nMederus, David, 84\nbody, 7-8, 42-43, 61, 77; astral virtue,\nmedieval alchemical illustration, 17-18, see xii, xiv, 7-8, 23-24, 42-45, 46, 48; AstronoObrist\nmia magna, 43; azoth (quintessence)55,, xvii,\n23-24, 44, 46-47, 61; cabbalism, 58;\nMelancthon, xii, 150\nMerian, Matthieu, 159, 163\ncosmogony, 41-42; De pestilate, 42; docMersenne, Martin, 58, 174, 178\ntrine of signatures, xiv, 45-46; Expositio\nMichelspacher, Stefan, xxi, 5 , 7, 40, 69, 76,\nmagicarumfigurarum, 45; imagination, 7-8,\n99-101, 181\n61, 77, 114; light ofnature, 8, 43; mediMithras, 31-32\ncal theory, 15, 42-45, 51-53, 95; nitre\nMoffett, Thomas, 48\n(saltpetre), 24, 46-48, 52, 93; Paragranum,\n42, 98; Philosophia ad Athenienses, 41;\nMoller, Johannes, 83\n, xix-xx, 80, 82,\nMontgomery,JohnWarwick\nPhilosophia Magna, 43; theosophy, xix, 784, 146\n8, 41, 43, 55, 77, 83, 84, 183; theurgy,\n38 , 42, 45-46, 49 , 55, 77, 97; Volumen\nmoon, 14, 25, 62-63, 66, 160, 178\nmedicinae, 45\nMorhof, Georg, 83\nParacelsian influences on alchemical illusMorienus, 96\nmusic(alchemical), 21-22, 130, 133, 156-59, tration, 5-9, 61, 77, see Fludd, Khunrath\n165, 172, 173, 174, see Boethius, Pytha- (illustrations)\nPecham, John, 29, 35, 36\ngoreani\nPeirce, Charles Sanders, xvi, xvii, 1-3, 4\nMylius ,Johann, 20, 69, 174, 179\nPenotus, 99\nMythologiae Christianae, see Andreae\nPercy, Henry (Earl ofNorthumberland), 3637, 67, 106\nNagyrevy, Andrew, 133\nNaometria, see Studion.\nPernety, Dom, 10\nneoplatonism, xi, xiii-xiv, 16, 31, 32, 33,see perspective drawing, see single-point perFicino\nspective\nPeuckert, Will-Erich, xi, 81, 82\nNewton, Isaac, 69, 98-99, 184\nnitre (saltpetre), 46-47 , 51-53, see Croll, Du Philippism, xxi, 141-42\nChesne, Khunrath, Paracelsus, Sendivo- Piaget, Jean,, 1311, 11\nPicatrix, 56\ngius, Vigenere\nPico della Mirandola, Giovanni, xiv, 33, 55,\nNollius, Heinrich, 84\n58, 60, 84, 91, 101\nnotarikon, 58, 62\n147Norton, Thomas, 21-22, 27\npietism, xviii, xxi, 80, 83, 85, 127-27,Khun48 , 180-81, see Arndt, Arnold,\nrath, Weigel\nObrist, Barbara, 10, 17-18, 137\nINDEX\nPistorius, Johannes, 55, 58\nPlato , 29, 34, 61, 154\nPlotinus, xiii, xvii, 30\nPontanus , Joannes, 99\nPorphyry, 33\nPostel, Guillaume, 55, 58, 60, 150\nPrague\n153 (Imperial court), 50, 79, 115, 142,\nPrincipe, Lawrence, 163\nProclus, 72\nProphetica, see Hess, Studion\nPsellus, 33\nPseudo-Dionysos, xiii, 32\npseudo-Lullian alchemy, 4, 13, 15, 18-22,\n24, 27, 48, 155, 160\nPythagoreanism, xiii, xv, 13, 16-17, 22, 33,\n34, 63, 71-72, 76, 77, 110, 130, 135,\n156, 157-59, 169, 172-74, 177\nQuercetanus, see Jean Du Chesne\nquintessence, 9, 13, 22-24, 27, 44, see\nRupescissa, pseudo-Lullians, Paracelsus\n(azoth), Khunrath (azoth)\nQuintillian, xvii\nRamus, Petrus, 119.\nReductorium morale, 32\nReformation, xi, see Lutheranism\nReuchlin, Johannes, xvii, 58, 59, 60, 84,\n101 , 113, 147, 167, 175-177: De arte cabbalistica, xvii, 55, 116-16, 122, 126, 148,\n172-74; De verbo mirifico, xvii, 55, 174\nRiccius, Andreas (of Saxony), 84-85, 142\nRipley, George, 19, 21-22, 27, 50\nRoberts, Julian and Watson, Andrew G.,\n35, 49-50, 66\nRosarium philosophorum, 24-27, 96, 99, 155,\n160-61\nros coeli, 24-27\nRosemberk,\n142 Villem (Count ofBohemia), 79,\nRosenkreutz, Christian, 146\nRosicrucians, xviii-xxi, 82-86, 116, 145-52\nRubens, Peter Paul, 160\nRudolph II of Habsburg (Holy Roman\nEnperor), 87, 90, 115, 129, 142, 153\nRupescissa, John of, 13, 22-24, 25, 44, 111\nSackville, Thomas, 115\nSaxony, 114, 115, 141-43, 148-49, 152\nScaligerus, Julius Caesar, 110\nSchmeidt, Johann, 89\nscholastic optical theory, xii-xiii, 13, 29-30,\n245\n34-36; optical diagrams, xvi\nSchwan, Balthasar, 178\nSchweighardt, Theophilus, 84, 175\nScleus, Bartholomeo, 85\nSelden, John, 169\nsemiotics (alchemical and theurgic), xv-xvii,\n1-11, 18-20, 45-46, 57-58, 60-65, 67, 7678, 126, 128-29, 140, 152, 158, 165,\n181-82\nSendivogius, Michael, 40, 46-47, 50\nSeneca, 144\nSepher Jezirah, 57, 60\nSettignano, Desiderio de, 133\nSeussius, Joannes\n(of Dresden), 84-85, 114,\n115-15, 142\nSeverinus, Peter, 24, 46-47\nSherman, William H., xviii-xix, 46, 56\nShumaker, Wayne, 37\nsingle-point perspective, xvi, 29, 73-74, 7576, 125-25, 129-30, 133-37, 161-62,\n164-65, see Alberti\nSmith, Pamela, 10\nSperber, Julius, xviii, 84, 150\nsquaring the circle, 18-19 , 131, 132, 154-56\nSteganographia, 56\nStoeffler, F. Ernest, xi, 147\nStreich, Hildemaire, 156-59\nStudion, Simon, xviii, xx, 82, 146-47, 149,\n150-51\nsun, ix, xii-xiii, 14, 25-27, 32-34, 40, 47-48,\n50-51, 62, 65-66, 93-94, 96, 108, 111,\n117-17, 154, 156, 158, 160, 162, 165,\n167 , 170-71, 175-78\nSzathmary, George, 133\nSzonyi, Gyorgy, 1, 3, 33, 35, 45-46, 49, 56,\n61 , 66, 77, 126, 129\nmia\nSzydlo, Zbigniew, 47\n18\ntalismanic theurgy, 33-34, 37-38, 42, 49,\n55-56, 61-65, 97, 126, 131-32, 144-45,\n147, 154, 158, 159, 164-65, see Abano,\nAgrippa, Clucas, Clulee, Dee, Studion,\nSzonyi\ntheatre (Renaissance), 113-15, 140, 163-64\nTholde, Johannes (Basil Valentine), 53, 79,\n155, 162-63\nThurneysser, Leonhard, 48, 50\nTrevisanus, Bernardus, 88, 93\nTrismosin, Salomon, 6, 7, 160\nTrithemius, Joannes, 56, 88, 99\nTubingen, University of, xx-xxi, 82, 148\nTurba Philosophorum, 88, 96\nTymme, Thomas, 48\n\nPages 137:\n246\nINDEX\nuniversalpanacea (potable gold), 51, 13, 93,\n154, 160, 170, 175-77\nUnparteische Kirchen-und-Ketzer Historie, 83-86,\nsee Arnold\nValentine, Basil, see Tholde\nVasari, Giorgio, 76\nVeneziano, Domenico, xv, 134-35\nVesalius, 151\nVestal Virgins, 94\nVickers, Brian, xviii-xi\nVigenere, Blaise de, 24, 46\nVillinganus, Georgius Pictorius, 56\nVitruvius, 72, 74, 126, 135, 164\nVredeman de Vries, Jan, 4, 107, 116, 12837, 159, 161, 164-65, 174\nVue d' Optique, 137\nWalton, Michael, 62\nWeigel, Valentin, xi, xix, xxi, 8, 80-81, 84,\n85, 100-101, 122, 127-27, 132, 141-44,\n147, 150, 183\nWestman, Robert S., xviii-xix\nWitelo, 29, 34, 35\nWittenberg, University of, 141-42\nWolfart, Erasmus, 86, 105, 113, 140\nYates, Frances A., xviii-xx, 46, 55, 71, 74,\n77-78, 82, 83, 114-14, 146, 149, 159,\n163, 168\nZetzner, Eberhard, 47\nZetzner, Lazarus, 68\nzographie, see Dee\nZohar, xvii, 15, 30-31, 55, 60, 133, 179-80\nZoroastrians, 31, 94, 176\nZosimos, 14, 15\nZsambok, Johannes (Sambucus), 64\nSYMBOLA ET EMBLEMATA\nStudies in Renaissance and Baroque Symbolism\nISSN 0923-9073\n1. HIPPISLEY, A. (ed.). N.M. Maksimovi -Ambodik. Emvlemy I Simvoly (1788). The First Russian Emblem Book. With Translation\nand Introduction. 1989. ISBN 90 04 08992 6\n2. SCHOLZ, B.F., M. BATH & D. WESTON (eds.). The European\nEmblem. Selected Papers from the Glasgow Conference, 11-14\nAugust, 1987. 1990. ISBN 90 04 09244 7\n3. ADAMS, A. & A.J. HARPER (eds.). The Emblem in Renaissance\nand Baroque Europe: Tradition and Variety. Selected Papers of the\nGlasgow International Emblem Conference, 13-17 August,\n1990. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09588 8\n4. LASCOMBES, A. (ed.). Spectacle & Image in Renaissance Europe /\ndans l'Europe de la Renaissance. Selected Papers of the XXXIInd\nConference atthe Centre d' tudes Sup\u00e9rieures de la Renaissance de Tours, 29 June-8 July 1989 / Choix de communications\ndu XXXIIe Colloque du Centre d' tudes Sup\u00e9rieures de la\nRenaissance de Tours, 29 juin-8 juillet 1989. 1993. ISBN 90 04\n09774 0\n5. ELDERS, W. Symbolic Scores. Studies in the Music ofthe Renaissance. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09970 0\n6. PLETT, H.F. English Renaissance Rhetoric and Poetics. A Systematic\nBibliography of Primary and Secondary Sources. 1995.\nISBN 90 04 10343 0\n7. SZ NYI, G.E. (ed.). European Iconography East and West.\nSelected Papers of the Szeged International Conference,\nJune 9-12, 1993. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10440 2\n8. WESTERWEEL, B. (ed.). Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Field of\nthe Emblem. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10868 8\n9. OESTERREICH, P.L. & SLOANE, T.O. (eds.). Rhetorica\nMovet. Studies in Historical and Modern Rhetoric in Honour\nof Heinrich F. Plett. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11339 8\n10. SZULAKOWSKA, U. (ed.). The Alchemy of Light. Geometry\nand Optics in late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration.\n2000. ISBN 90 04 11690 7\n]"]}