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Ambix
ISSN: 0002-6980 (Print) 1745-8234 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/yamb20
Trithemius and Alchemy
J. R. Partington
To cite this article: J. R. Partington (1938) Trithemius and Alchemy, Ambix, 2:2, 53-59, DOI:
10.1179/amb.1938.2.2.53
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Ambix
Being the Journal of the. Society for the
Study of Alchemy and Early Chemistry
President: Sir ROBERTl\lo~D, LL.D., M.A., F.R.S.
M embers of Council.
Dr. D. McKIE (Hon. Treasurer).
Prof. J. R. PARTINGTON(Chairman).
Dr. V. A. PETRO\V(Han. Sec.).
Prof. J. READ, F.R.S.
Dr. F. SHERWOOD TAYLOR (Hon.
Editor).
Dr. A. F. TITLEY.
Prof. !{. C. BAILEY.
Prof. S. R. K. GLANVILLE.
Sir RICHARDA. GREGORY,Bt., F.R.S.
G. HEYM, Esq. (Han. F01'eign Sec.).
Dr. E. J. HOLMYARD.
Dr. STEPHEN MIALL.
VOL. II SEPTEl\tIBER, 1938 NO.2
TRITHEMIUS AND ALCHEMY.
By J. R. PARTINGTON,M.B.E., D.Sc.
JOHANNESTRITHEMIUSwas born in 1462 1. at Trittenheim near Trier on the
Moselle, and takes his name from that of his birthplace. After assiduous but
unsystematic study at Trier and Heidelberg he left for home in 1482, travelling
on foot. He got as far as Sponheim, a mile from Bingen, where deep snow
drove him to shelter in the Benedictine cloister of St. Martin, where he decided
to become a novitiate. Later in the year he made profession, and in 14832,
at the age of barely twenty-two, he was elected Abbot of Sponheim, an office
which he filled for twenty-three years. During this period he re-established
1 Moehsen, Geschichte ,der Wissenschaften in der Mark Brandenburg, 4°, Berlin and
Leipzig, 1781, 449, is the only author I have seen who gives 1464 as the date of birth.
In the Beitriige to this work, Berlin and Leipzig, 4°, 1783, 29, Moehsen ranks Trithemius,
Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas among the adepts, or those who t at least worked
in the art '.
2 Moehsen says in 1488.
F
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S4 J. R. Partington on
the discipline and fostered tIle studies of the monks, repaired the monastery,
increased its library from 48 to 2000 books, and established for himself a great
reputation for learning. In 1505 he went to Heidelberg to advise the Count
Palatine on the site of a monastery, and during his absence disaffection broke
out at Sponheim. After sojourning at Cologne and Spires, Trithemius, in 1506,
became Abbot of the Scottish monastery of St. James at Wiirzburg, where
he died in 15163• In 1508 he stayed for a short time at the court of the
Emperor Maximilian 4.
Trithemius was a voluminous writer both of books and letters; his works
are now little esteemed, and there is no recent account of him. His separate
works <;>nhistory and theology are most conveniently consulted in two collec￾tions: (1) the Opera Historica, edited by Marquardt Freher, in two folio
volumes, Frankfurt, 1601 5, and St. Gall, 1690 6; and (2) the Opera Pia et
Spiritualia, edited by John Busreus, S.J., folio, Mainz, 1604 7. Not included
in these collections are his Steganographia (1531, etc.) 8, a work on cipher
messages mistaken for magic conjurations, and his Polygraphiee 9. His letters
(Epistolarum jamiliarium libri duo) 10 are included in the Opera H istorica.
3 Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, Glasgow, 1906, ii, 471, says he died in 1519.
4 On the life and writings of Trithemius may be consulted: Zedler, Grosses Universal￾Lexicon, Leipzig and Halle, 1745, xlv, cols. 929-34; jocher, Allgemeines Gelehrten Lexicon,
Leipzig, 1751, iv, 1326; N. Scheid, Catholic Encyclopcedia, New York, 1912, xv, 62
(portrait); • K.' in Nouvelle Biographie Generale, Paris, 1866, xlv, 644; Strunz, Paracelsus,
Leipzig, 1903, 30 f.; lives of Trithemius are also contained in the collected editions of his
works (see ') and in W. E. Heidel, Trithemii . . .. Steganographia . . .. Con
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Journal of Physics: Conference Series
PAPER • OPEN ACCESS
Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and
Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on Android Platform
To cite this article: M A Budiman et al 2018 J. Phys.: Conf. Ser. 978 012088
View the article online for updates and enhancements.
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1
Content from this work may be used under the terms of theCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence. Any further distribution
of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI.
Published under licence by IOP Publishing Ltd
1234567890 ‘’“”
2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius
Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF
Files on Android Platform
M A Budiman, D Rachmawati and Jessica
Departemen Ilmu Komputer, Fakultas Ilmu Komputer dan Teknologi Informasi,
Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl. Universitas No. 9-A, Kampus USU, Medan 20155,
Indonesia
Email: mandrib@usu.ac.id, dian.rachmawati@usu.ac.id, jessica13@student.usu.ac.id
Abstract. This study aims to combine the trithemus algorithm and double transposition cipher
in file security that will be implemented to be an Android-based application. The parameters being
examined are the real running time , and the complexity value. The type of file to be used is a file in
PDF format. The overall result shows that the complexity of the two algorithms with duper encryption
method is reported as Θ (𝑛2).However, the processing time required in the encryption process uses
the Trithemius algorithm much faster than using the Double Transposition Cipher. With the length of
plaintext and password linearly proportional to the processing time.
1. Introduction
The word ‘cryptography’ comes from Greek. According to the language, the word cryptography is
divided into two, namely ‘crypto’ and ‘graphia’. ‘Crypto’ means secret and ‘graphia’ means writing.
According to its terminology, cryptography is the science and art of keeping messages safe when
messages are sent from one place to another [1]. Thus, cryptography can help us in preventing the arrival
of important information, into unauthorized hands. The purpose of cryptography is 4. ie confidentiality,
integrity, authentication,andnon-repudation. Confidentiality focuses on data confidentiality, integrity
focuses on received data is true and genuine data, authentication is done to prevent false data, and non￾repudation aims to prevent the shielding of the data from the sender. Cryptography algorithm divided 2
that is, symmetric algorithm and asymmetric algorithm. However, in this study the algorithm used is a
classical algorithm, namely Trithemius Algorithm and double transposition cipher.
Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table of Trithemius
Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table Trithemius, which has 24
rows and columns 24 of 24 letters in the Latin alphabet except the letter j and v [2].
However, in order to make the system more useful, in this study we used a trithemius table consisting
of 65 rows and columns. Where, all characters have entered into the table. Both lowercase and
uppercase. Plus numbers 0 through 9, and some punctuation.
Double Transposition Cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys.
After the key in the first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical
order, and the plaintext is read per column based on the sequence of numbers. Where, the direction of
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 7>
2
1234567890 ‘’“”
2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
the sequence should be determined first whether left-to-right, or right-to-left, to facilitate when there is
the same letter on the key.Ciphertext generated from the first round, encrypted again in the second round
in the same way, but using a different key [3].
File to be used in this research is a
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 6>
Warburg Institute is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes.
http://www.jstor.org
The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny: Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus?
Author(s): Charles G. Nauert
Source: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 42 (1979), pp. 282-286
Published by: Warburg Institute
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/751105
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 6>
282 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS
ducati xv p(er) una vice, alli poveri de contra
ducati diese p(er) una vice, ducati cinque al
capitollo-et ducati diese per cadauno d(e)lli
hospedali d(e)lla pieta-san Zuanepolo-In￾curabili---et alle povere citelle p(er) una vice-et
li putti d(e)lli hospedali predetti d(e)bbino
aco(m)pagnar il nostro corpo : Noi siamo nella
scholla della misericordia p(er)ho le lasciamo
ducati diese. It(em) lasciamo a sebastiano da
Todi nostro antiquo servitor ducati dusento da
,C 6 s 4 p(er) ducato-et ducati quaranta a tutti
gli altri n(ost)ri servitori cioe a cadauno de loro
essi ducati 40. et sono Zuane da bassan, egidio
peonio cremonese-et vincentio migliorino--
Lasciamo p(er) una vice ducati quindese a
m(esser) Andrea paladio architetto nostro
amorevole et scudi tre p(er) cadauna donna
servente di casa et ducati diese a francesco
spenditore di casa. Allo Ill(ustrissi)mo mon￾s(igno)r Pat(riarc)ha d' aquileia nostro tanto
amorevole padre in segno d honor et di amor
lasciamo la taza nostra che ne dono la maesta
d(e)l Re dinghiltera Noi renunti(assimo> gia"
(mo)lto tempo fa li beni paterni Li libri ch(e) er
(ano) et <sarano> in casa parte erano di prima
parte habbiamo comprati Imperho desideramo che
restino al nostro car(issi)mo fratello (con suoi)
figlioli in sieme co(n) li istromenti di astrologia
comprati et fatti in casa. Et al quale n(ost)ro
fratello et nepoti lasciamo tutti q(ue)lli beni et
raggione di che possiamo disponere. Nostri
commissarij-et executori di q(ue)lla nostra
volonta Instituimo el cl(arissi)mo m(esser) Andrea
Gradenigo fu del cl(arissi)mo m(esser) Alvise
n(ost)ro cognato-et il m(agnifi)co m(esser)
Leonardo Zustignan fu del m(agnific)o m(esser)
Antonio quali p(re)ghiamo habbino ad exiquire
quanto p(er) questo n(ost)ro testamento habbiamo
ordinato. Lasciamo alla deleta n(ost)ra cognata
la m(agnifi)ca madonna Justiniana due n(ost)re
tazze dargento dorate et altro non vogliamo
ordinare. Preterea et signis et signu(m).
T Io p(re) zuane di adriani mansionario nella
chiesa de s. Hyer(e)mia fui testimonio
p(re)gado et zurado.
T Io pre paris d(e) theuthonicis mansionario
nella Chiesa predetta fui testimonio pregato, et
giurato.
() = abbreviations expanded
() = missing letters from autograph text supplied
by the fair copy
THE AUTHOR OF A
RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY
ON PLINY: RIVIUS,
TRITHEMIUS OR AQUAEUS?
T he authorship of the unsigned com￾mentary on two chapters of Pliny's
Natural History (xxx, ch. 1-2, or sect. 1-18
in the modern numeration) dealing with
magic, published at Wiurzburg in 1548 by
Johann Myller,1 poses a problem that has
misled nearly all bibliographers. Although
neither the title-page nor the text of the
commentary identifies the author, the title￾page does carry a cryptic set of initials which
can readily be decoded: 'D.G.H.R. M. & M.'
The student of mid-sixteenth-century German
scientific literature can decipher this line as
an abbreviation for 'Dominus Gualtherus
Hermenius Rivius, Medicus et Mathe￾maticus'. Rivius (in German, Walther
Hermann Ryff) was a prolific writer on
medical, biological, occultist and other sub￾jects: his modern bibliographer lists a total
of 194 titles and editions, including post￾humous ones.2 Furthermore, the printer
Myller is known to have published other
books by him at precisely this period.3
1 In Caii Plinii Secundi Naturalis historiae argutis￾simi scriptoris I. & II. Cap. Libri XXX. commen￾tarius, naturalis quidem magiae compendiariam
rationem, plenam mysteriis, profundissimamque rerum
secretissimarum contemplationem, naturam, poten￾tiam, qualitatem, substantiam & virtutem, totiusque
naturae cognitionem complectens. Cui praeterea
adiecta est De fascinationibus disputatio elegans &
erudita, ad cognoscendosque naturae secretiores
effectus mire utilis & necessaria. Item de incantatione
& adiuratione, collique suspensione epistola incerti
authoris, una cum loannis Tritemii abbatis Spanchey￾mensis viri doctissimi, occultiorisque philosophiae
atque magicarum artium indagatoris solertissimi, in
libros suos Steganographiae epistola apologetica &c.
Quibus difficultates Plinianae, praesertim magicae,
omnes explicantur & tolluntur ab quibusdam authori￾bus ac monumentis vetustissimis singulari diligentia
excerpta. In Plinianae lectionis studiosorum gratiam,
nunc primum conscripta & edita, cura & diligentia
D. G. H. R. M. & M.' MDXLVIII. [40. Colophon
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DEC. 20. 1851.] NOTES AND QUERIES. 489
language; but to differ too much to be considered
as a dialect of Zend, and must rank as a separate
language.
I would observe, that one of the peculiarities
mentioned, as compared with all the Indo-Ger￾manic languages—namely, the having no conso￾nant at the end of the masculine or feminine
accusative — existed in the old Latin, as in the
Scipionic tombs, " optiino viro, onine Loucana."
Sir Edmund Head, in the Classical Museum,
No. II., considers the people to be the Solymi of
Homer. C. R.
AUerius Orbis Papa (Vol. ii., p. 407.)• — In
Twysden's Historical Vindication of the Church
of England, p. 22. (Cambridge edition, 1847), I
find —
" After the erection of Canterbury into an arch￾bishopric, the bishops of that see were held quasi aJte￾rius orbit paper, as Urban II. styled them."
In a note, William of JIalmcsbury (De Gestis
Pontif, lib. i. in Anselm., p. 22:). 1.33.) is referred
to as authority for the above statement. Urban II.
was pope from 1087 to 1099. C. W. G.
Carmagnoles (Vol. iv., p. 208.). — Your querist
AY. B. II. will perhaps accept the following partial
solution of his question, which has been communi￾cated to me by one of your own. distinguished
correspondents in France. It is contained in a
little volume published by Ducllersan under the
following title, Chansons Nutionules et Pojiulaircs
ik France, Paris, 1846, 32mo:
" Cette horrible chanson, la Carmagnole, est un
monument curieux lie la folio demngogique, ct nous la
donnons pour faire vuir avec quelle pocsie brutale on
excitatt le pcuple. Elle cut line vogue en Aofit 1792,
epoque a laquclle Jxjuis XVI. fut mis au Temple.
Elle devint le signal ct raccompagncincnt lies joics
feroccs et (U'S executions sanglfintes. On dansait la
Cormaynvlc dans \vs bals; on la dnnsait au tlieutrc
ct autour tic la guillotine, Barren* appelait.lcs dis￾cours qu'il prononcait a la Convention, ties Curmaynoles.
L'air, qui cst veritablement entminnnt, etait joue en
pas redouble dans la tnusique militairc ; mais llona￾parte la defend')!, ainsi que 1c Ca-ira, lors qu'il fut
Consul. '
" Cctlc chanson parut au moment on les troupes
Francaises venaicnt d'entrer trioinph.intes dans la Savoie
ct le l'icmont. On ignore si la musiquc ct la clause
dc la Curmayiiolc sont originaircfl de ce pays.**
In the month of January, 1849, the General-in￾Chief of the army of Paris, Chnngarnier, having
taken vigorous measures to prevent new tumults,
the first verse of the original, which commences—
" Madame Veto avail promts
De faire egorger tout ParLi,"
was thus parodied:
" Changarnier avait promis •
De faire bruler tout Paris," &c.
. PEBIEBGUS BIDLIOPUICUS.
General James Wolfe (Vol. iv., p. 271.).—The
late Admiral Frank Sotheron, of Kirklington
Hall, near Southwell, Notts, was, I have heard,
related to Wolfe, and possessed a portrait and
several letters of his. Admiral Sotheron died
.some ten years ago, but his daughter (and only
child) married the present member for Wilts, who
afterwards took the name of Sotheron. J. M. W.
I have a portrait of Wolfe in my possession, and,
I believe, the original from which the print, stated
to be a scarce and contemporary one, was taken,
which furnishes the frontispiece to the second
volume of the History of the Canadas, by the
author of Hochelaga. It fell, singularly enough,
into my hands a short time previous to the appear￾ance of the work in question, and I have been
enabled since to trace its possession by parties,
and amongst them members of my own family,
for a very lengthened period. Tbe artist I have
not been able to discover; but perhaps some pos￾sessor of the print, should the name appear, will
afford this information.
C. A.
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Fabula 2018; 59(3–4): 195–216
William C. McDonald
Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt
https://doi.org/10.1515/fabula-2018-0100
Zusammenfassung: Das rege Interesse des vielseitigen und renommierten Theo￾logen, Kryptologen und Chronisten Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516) an allen
Aspekten der Magie ist hinreichend dokumentiert. Bisher ist aber seine Einstel￾lung zu einem Bereich des Zauberwesens weitgehend unbeachtet, nämlich zum
weit verbreiteten, im Volksglauben fest verankerten Legendenkomplex Wilde
Jagd/Wilder Jäger. Uns ist gelungen, in seinem chronikalischen Werk vier Stellen
ausfindig zu machen, die differenzierten Schattierungen des Phänomens ans
Licht bringen. Sie behandeln ein Totenheer, einen verfluchten, nächtlichen Jäger
und zwei durch die Lüfte jagende Zauberer. Einer dieser Zauberer ist ein jüdischer
Magier, der durch Sinnestäuschung das Trugbild einer Jagd hervorbringt. Es wird
klar, dass der Abt Trithemius der Geisterjagd gegenüber wenig Skepsis aufwies.
Im Gegenteil: durch die genaue Datierung jedes einzelnen Vorkommens (878 bis
zum Jahr 1354) war er bestrebt, seinen Ausführungen Glauben zu schenken. Jeder
Beleg lässt sich als warnendes Exempel interpretieren, aber der religiöse Firnis
bleibt dünn.
Abstract: It is well-established that Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), the
renowned polymath (theologian, cryptographer, and chronicler), entertained an
avid interest in all things concerning magic. Scholars have neglected, however, to
pay heed to his views about The Wild Hunt/Wild Huntsman, a widely propagated
tapestry of legends rooted in popular mythology. We examine four passages from
his chronicles to shed light on the many facets of this lore. The subjects of these
testimonies include: a phantom army; a cursed nocturnal hunter; and two aerial
hunting sorcerers, one of whom was a Jewish magician who conjured the illusion
of venery by deceiving the senses. The writings of Trithemius offer little indica￾tion of skepticism about the phantasmal chase. On the contrary, the abbot pro￾vides a precise chronology (878–1354) of these extraordinary tales of the hunt in
order to lend credibility to them. Each entry can be read as a cautionary example,
but the religious veneer seems shallow.
William C. McDonald, Professor, German and Jewish Studies, University of Virginia, Charlottes￾ville, Virginia, USA 22904, E-Mail: wcm@virginia.edu
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196  William C. McDonald
Introduction
Lindow so defines the legend of the Wild Hunt:
a legend complex concerning a ghostly hunter, often accompanied by dogs or spirits and
often hunting a woman, who is frequently one of the supernatural beings […] In other forms
of the legend more common in Germany, the hunter may be a lost soul, or he may lead lost
souls on a wild ride through the sky […] (Lindow 2000, 1036)
The Wild Hunt is a pan-European myth prominent in folklore, charted since the
eleventh century, and named Die wilde Jagd already in the eighteenth century.1
Despite its ubiquity, the Wild Hunt is neither uniform nor immutable. There are
many versions of the Hunt, which range from a single diabolical huntsman to a
raging/furious host – troops of the dead or phantom armies. Sounds are promi￾nent: yelping dogs, wind, and horses’ hoof-beats, each of which portends griev￾ous affliction: Oft bellen die Hunde der Luft in finsterer Nacht (Grimm 1854, 876).
A widespread belief identifies the furious host as consisting of men, women, and
children – those having perished before their time, perhaps having experienced a
particularly violent death. Ginzburg calls this group “the menacing apparition of
the unplacated dead” (Ginzburg 1991, 101).
Generalizations about the Wild Hunt and associated phenomena are difficult.
Menzel, focusing on the role of Odin, a sky god, in the formation of the Wild Hunt,
stresses the many aspects of the concept:
In gewissen Nächten…sieht und hört man das wilde Heer durch die Lüfte ziehen. Darüber
sind alle Sagen einverstanden, daß es aus Gespenstern oder Dämonen bestehe, inzwischen
ist keineswegs jedes wilde Heer dem andern gleich. Bald ist es ein eigentliches Heer von
wohlgerüsteten Kriegern mit Kriegslärm, Trommeln und Trompeten. Bald eine Jagd mit
Jägern und vielen Hunden, denen scheues Wild voraneilt. Bald ein bachantischer Zug
lachender und toller Weiber, bald ein klagender Zug, wobei viel wimmernde Kinderstim￾men gehört werden, bald ein Zug holder Wesen mit lieblicher Musik (Menzel 1855, 199).
Given the profusion of motifs and exemplars, Lindow expresses the state of schol￾arly frustration: “We are left with no clear interpretation of many of the motifs in
the legend complex of the Wild Hunt” (Lindow 2000, 1036). For example, there
is no agreement over the name of the Hunt, the purpose of the chase, or the color
of the horse of the phantasmal leader, the Wild Huntsman. This figure, der Wilde
Jäger, or Nachtjäger, is ambiguous, sometimes an historical personality (even
1 For summaries of the motifs and scholarship on the legend complex of the Wild Hunt, see, for
example, Lecouteux 1999; Kindl 2012; and Hutton 2014.
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Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt 197
King Arthur) or an anonymous apparition (Petzoldt 1990, 188–190). The Hunts￾man may fly or remain on the earth, he may manifest himself in order to frighten
and admonish individuals, or he may pursue them, as in the Frauenjagdsage
(Röhrich 1965). A constant is the presence, or threat, of the demonic. The Wild
Hunt is closely associated with the Devil.
Much scholarship has been devoted to the Wild Hunt and its Nachtvolk.
Hutton summarizes the theories and then proposes a definition, influenced by
Jacob Grimm, combining:
three […] mythical components, all of which were said to be apparitions active by night: a
procession of female spirits, often joined by privileged human beings and often led by a
supernatural woman whom medieval clerics called Diana or Herodias and who was known
by a range of local names; a lone spectral huntsman, regarded as demonic, accursed, or
otherworldly; and a procession of the human dead, normally thought to be wandering to
expiate their sins, often noisy and tumultuous, and usually consisting of those who had
died prematurely and violently (Hutton 2014, 175).
Two of these components of the Hunt appear in the Chronicon Sponheimense,
compiled 1495–1509 (Freher 1601) and the Annales Hirsaugienses, compiled
1509–1514 (Schlegel 1690) of Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), Benedictine abbot
of Sponheim and St. Jacob in Würzburg. Trithemius, a polymath and influential
author with a vast library on demonology and occult studies, was a chronicler,
lexicographer, Hebrew scholar, cryptologist, and enthusiastic investigator of
magic.2 So deep were his forays into natural and artificial magic that Trithemius
was branded a promoter of superstition and illicit magic, a necromancer, a magus
whose views on magic were incompatible with Christianity, and a spirit con￾jurer in league with the Devil (Baron 2013, esp. 44–46). Among the fields that he
investigated were the Hermetic tradition, number mysticism, alchemy, astrology,
Cabala, angelic mediation, geomancy, steganography, exorcism, and witchcraft.
His chronicles hold allusions to demons, ghosts, and magic in all its forms.3
To the long list of marvelous and supernatural topics explored by Trithemius
we add the Wild Hunt. It is surprising that only a single reference to the Hunt has
been located in his chronicles. Lecouteux labels that motif le chasseur maudit
(hereinafter the Cursed Hunter), the tale of the undead Huntsman expiating a sin
committed during his lifetime (Lecouteux 1999, 73). We have discovered three
2 On Trithemius and his career, see Brann 1981 and 1999. Cf. Lehmann 1961.
3 One example is the story of Hudekin, a certain spiritus malignus, who supposedly resided in
the diocese of Hildesheim in the year 1132 and performed wonders there. See Annales Hirsau￾gienses, ed. Schlegel, vol. 1, 395–397. This passage is cited by Johann Wier (also Weyer) in De
Praestigiis Daemonum 1583, 114–116. Cf. Brann 1999, 34.
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198  William C. McDonald
additional allusions, the first being the Troop of the Dead, which coincides with
Lecouteux’ category les troupes de morts, a sub-grouping of les cohortes nocturnes
(Lecouteux does not cite Trithemius). The second and third tales involve the chase
of the Wild Huntsman through the sky. Trithemius fixes each occurrence of the
Hunt with chronological and spatial markers. But these prove unstable, revealing
themselves to be a narrative tactic aimed at granting the Wild Hunt plausibility
and credibility.
Our thesis is that Trithemius, receptive to the idea that the Hunt had mani￾fested itself in recorded history, and hesitant to interpret it from a uniformly Chris￾tian perspective, was eager to explore its dimensions – especially the appearance
of spirits in bodily form. Fearful that too favorable reception of the lore of the
Hunt might contribute to his reputation for embracing topics incompatible with
Christianity, he chose a compensatory two-pronged technique. On the one hand,
he adopts a neutral stance, for example, regarding the physical perceptibility of
the dead, and reports on the same absent consistent moral application or judg￾ment. On the other hand, he overlays tales of the Hunt with possible religious sig￾nificance, for example, that the ghostly processions of the dead represent souls
in purgatory. He leaves it to the reader to determine the more reasonable interpre￾tation. His brother clerics, in contrast, were eager to practice Christian exegesis
on tales of the Wild Hunt.
The Troop of the Dead: The Procession of Souls on
the Hunt
Chronicling the year 1098, Trithemius describes a nocturnal gathering of slain
warriors. This noisy throng, composed of cavalry and foot soldiers, is in constant
motion, moving in and out of a mountain near the German city of Worms. Trithe￾mius here chronicles the version of the Hunt called les troupes de morts (Lecou￾teux 1999, 35–44). It involves “a procession of the human dead […] wandering to
expiate their sins, often noisy and tumultuous, and […] consisting
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© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2002 Aries Vol. 2, no. 2
TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE:
A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM
NOEL L. BRANN
Of past figures whose reported exploits have moved from the historical arena
to the arena of legend and even of myth, one of the more intriguing is a certain
Doctor Faustus († ca. 1540). That metamorphosis from historical to legendary
status, notably illustrated by the Lutheran-authored Faustbuch of 1587, had
already begun during its subject’s own lifetime. Initially construed as a de￾monically inspired sorcerer, Faustus subsequently passed through a series of
further metamorphoses no longer holding to the relatively one-dimensional
image earlier projected.
Already with Christopher Marlowe, who was given access to an English
translation of the Faustbuch, the Faust legend had became transmogrified
from a series of superficial cautionary tales about the dangers of magic into a
deeper dramatic “tragedy” in which its central protagonist’s occult interests
were no longer so easily slighted. The simple religious conflict between the
righteousness of faith and the unrighteousness of demonically incited sorcery
had now become revamped into a conflict between two opposing versions of
how one can best be put into touch with a realm of the spirit transcending the
limitations of nature: one through demonic assistance and the other through
Christian faith. Migrating to the age of the Enlightenment, with a writer like
Lessing enhancing the tragical framework within which the Faust legend could
flourish, it was most famously picked up by Goethe and transformed into a
foremost prototype of the Romantic drive to transcend the finite limits laid
down by the classical heritage.
Further passing into the modern age, it is above all the Marlowe and Goethe
takes on the Faust legend that have had the most durable impact on the con￾temporary western mind. In this form the Faust image has been adapted to the
ballet stage by Heinrich Heine and to the opera stage by Berlioz, Gounod and
Boito; it represented for Kierkegaard a tormented “apostate of the spirit”
epitomizing the existential disjunction between the finite and infinite domains;
it has been utilized as a historical metaphor by Spengler and Toynbee, the
former replacing the famous Dionysian-Apollonian antithesis with a Faustian￾Apollonian antithesis and the latter associating Faust with the Yang side of
what he conceived to be a Yin-Yang dynamic of history; it served Thomas
Mann, in his novel Doktor Faustus, as an allegorical motif symbolizing a cor-
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 20>
154 NOEL L. BRANN
relation between genius and psychic alienation; and, as illustrated by a recent
study applying the Faustian theme to a number of literary heroines, it has even
impacted on the modern feminist movement. In sum, the image of Faust has
evolved from one of a mere demon conjuror into a protean-like metaphor for a
heroic-like drive to surpass the bounds of finite mediocrity1
.
Faustus and Trithemius
Faustus, as it happened, was not alone among Renaissance magicians to fur￾nish the modern world with a striking Renaissance paradigm pitting an occult
pursuit of the transrational infinite against the finite limits of human reason.
He was notably anticipated by the Benedictine abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)
of Sponheim and Würzburg2
, who, responding to a query by an acquaintance
cognizant of his burgeoning reputation in the same area of arcane interests as
attracted Faustus, offers us the first documented evidence of the historical per￾sonage behind the Faust legend in the form of a highly unflattering epistolary
portrait of its subject. Having by chance spent a night at the same Gelnhausen
inn as Faustus during the year 1506, Trithemius, in the relevant letter marking
this fortuitous intersection of the two magi, portrayed his fellow itinerant in
highly unflattering terms.
Puffing himself up as ‘a fountain of necromantics’(fons necromanticorum)
Trithemius charged, Faustus in truth was nothing but ‘a vagabond, an utterer of
vain repetitions, and a wandering monk’ deserving, not of admiration, but of
‘chastisement by whipping’. Boasting ‘that if all the volumes of Plato and
Aristotle, with all their philosophy, completely perished from the memory of
man, he by his genius, as if he were another Ezra the Hebrew, could restore
them with an even more superior elegance’, Faustus, in Trithemius’ opinion,
‘being ignorant of all good letters, ought rather to be called a fool than a mas￾ter’. To be sure, the main thrust of this portrayal is one that appears to present
1 For general accounts of the historical Faustus see Butler, Myth of the Magus, 121-124, and
Mahal, Historische Faust. Among the vast contemporary literature touching on the Faust legend
see, e.g., Bianquis, Faust à travers quatre siècles; Palmer & More, Sources of the Faust Tradi￾tion; Butler, Fortunes of Faust; Kiesewetter, Faust in der Geschichte; Smeed, Faust in Litera￾ture; Baron, Doctor Faustus; Maus, Faust: Eine Deutsche Legende; Grimm & Hermand, Our
Faust?; Boerner and Johnson, Faust through Four Centuries; and Druxes, Feminization of Dr.
Faustus.
2 Establishing the general intellectual context for Trithemius’ mystical and magical interests are Arnold, Johannes Trithemius, and Brann, The Abbot Trithemius. For elaboration of the shift
from mystical to magical theology by Trithemius see Brann, Trithemius and Magical Theology. For briefer treatments of Trithemian magic see Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic, 86-90,
and Couliano, Eros and Magic, 162-175.
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A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 155
Faustus more as a magical fraud than as the outright demon-conjuror that sub￾sequently became the crux of his legend. Given the Devil’s well-known repu￾tation as deceiver, however, it is a portrayal that readily contributed to the
more sinister Faustian reputation of later years. Going so far in his perversity
as to blaspheme ‘that the miracles of Christ our Saviour were not truly
marvelous acts, and that he himself could perform, every day and wherever he
wished, all the things which Christ performed’, Trithemius intimated in his
epistolary testament without expressly saying so, Faustus exercized remark￾able powers of prestidigitation that at bottom owed, not to divine assistance as
he would have us believe, but to assistance of the demons intent on counter￾feiting the miracles of God3
. The irony in all of this, of course, is that Trithemius himself, whose objec￾tion to Faustus hinged, not on an objection to magic per se but only on a dis￾tinction he discerned between diabolically inspired sorcery and divinely in￾spired Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and Kabbalist magic, became subsequently
linked by magic-detesting Christians to the self-described “fountain of necro￾mantics”, Faustus. Spearheaded by the widespread propagation of a letter by a
1503 guest of Trithemius at Sponheim, the Frenchman Carolus Bovillus, who,
on being presented with a partially completed manuscript of the abbot’s Steganographia, vehemently castigated its author as a demon-conjuror, the
name of Trithemius readily became associated in the minds of many after the
1580’s with that of the demon-conjuring subject of the Faustbuch. Serving to
reinforce this commonplace linkage of the two names was an early merging of
the two legends, Trithemian and Faustian, illustrated by a story of Faustus’
raising of ancient personages from the nether regions in the court of Charles V
paralleling a comparable necromantic feat attributed to Trithemius in the court
of Charles’ grandfather Maximilian. As one sixteenth century writer typified
the later coalescence of the two legends with reference to this Faustian anec￾dote: ‘Some men relate that this same act was performed by Johannes
Trithemius’ 4
.
3 Trithemius to Johannes Virdung de Hasfurt, Würzburg, 20 August 1507, Epistolae fami￾liares II:48, in: Opera historica II, 559-60. Repr. in De septem secundeis, 140-141 (in Tille,
Faustsplitter, no.1, 1-3) and in Rupprich, Humanismus, 184-185. For transl. into German,
French, and English respectively see Kiesewetter, Faust, 4-6; Chacornac, Trithème, 59-61; and
Palmer & More, Sources, 83-86. On this documented Trithemius-Faust encounter see Harmen￾ing, ‘Faust und die Renaissance-Magie’, 56-79; Maus, Faust, 109-138; Arnold, Trithemius, 185;
Brann, The Abbot Trithemius, 48, and id., Trithemius and Magical Theology, 64-65; and Baron,
Faustus, 23-24. 4 Christoph Zeisseler, Neu-eröffneter Historischer Schauplatz (1595), excerpted in Tille,
Faustsplitter, no.146, p. 149. For further references in this anthology illustrating the popular
conflation of the Faustian and Trithemian magical legends see no. 12, 14-15; no. 31, 62-68; no.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 20>
156 NOEL L. BRANN
What decisively distinguishes the Trithemian legend from its Faustian ana￾logue is that, whereas Faustus did not leave behind so much as a word about
the motivation for his magical interests, depending for that on others incorpo￾rating it into their own agendas, Trithemius bequeathed a formidable corpus of
writings documenting his motivation. Whereas, as set forth, for example, in
M
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Catholic University of America Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Catholic
Historical Review.
http://www.jstor.org
Review
Author(s): Gerald Strauss
Review by: Gerald Strauss
Source: The Catholic Historical Review, Vol. 69, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 584-585
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
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584 BOOK REVIEWS
circumstances under which confraternities were originally founded and their
relationship to the rise of the mendicant orders in the cities. What was the changing
nature of their spiritual mission, and how closely were they connected to the
churches in which many held their meetings and to the clergy who served as their
chaplains and presumably as their spiritual advisors? What role did confraternities
play in the education of their members and in the development of liturgy? These
questions go far beyond the scope of the present study with its emphasis on social
networks. Professor Weissman is definitely to be congratulated for illuminating
one important side of confraternal life. The reader, however, is left longing for
a more comprehensive view of confraternities and their place in the religious and
cultural life of medieval and Renaissance cities.
Melissa Meriam Bullard
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanism. By
Noel L. Brann. [Studies in the History of Christian Thought, Volume XXIV.]
(Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1981. Pp. xx, 400. Gld. 124,-.)
Of the two books published in the past ten years on the late fifteenth-century
monastic intellectual and reformer Johannes Trithemius, this is the longer and the
more supportive of Trithemius' claim to historical importance. It is also the more
restricted. Unlike Klaus Arnold's Johannes Trithemius, which appeared in 1971
and presented in little more than 200 pages of text a fascinating portrait of an
ambiguous, not to say self-contradictory, figure with an exciting career in the
German Renaissance, Noel Brann's new study devotes itself to a single theme, which
it pursues through the abbot's life with relentless single-mindedness. Brann's
picture, immensely detailed, is of a man passionately committed to the ideal of
monastic erudition?to the attainment of it in his own life and the propagation of it
in the lives of others. Scientia latet incuculliswas Trithemius' maxim."Knowledge
lies under a monk's hood" is the theme of Brann's book. In order to develop it, he
not only takes over Trithemius' favorite image of himself as a Christian pilgrim, but
also assumes the abbot's own outlook on the world and his contemporaries. This
results in an exceedingly informative, but also very biased treatment, the chief
objective of which seems to be to demonstrate that Renaissance humanism must
not be thought of as a lay monopoly.
This case can be considered proven. Trithemius was formidably versed in all the
subjects considered worth knowing in his time and culture. He was indefatigable as
a historian, biographer, theological commentator, and writer of letters. In his
twenty-two years as abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Sponheim (he was
elected at age 22!)
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632 Book Reviews / CHRC 88.4 (2008) 623-655
PAOLA ZAMBELLI, White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From
Ficino, Pica, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno [Studiesin Medieval and
Reformation Traditions 125]. Brill, Leiden/Boston 2007, x + 282 pp. ISBN
9789004160989. €99; US$148.
Der vorliegende Sammelband vereinigt sieben teilweise bearbeitete und erst￾mals ins Englische ubersetzte Beitrage der vor allem durch ihre philosophie￾historischen Forschungen zum 1hema bekannt gewordenen Autorin, erganzt
durch eine instruktive Einleitung und drei Anhangen zu den Hauptteilen.
Die drei Aufsatze des ersten Teils zu ,White Magic, Black Magic' (S. 13-
112) widmen sich der Frage der Kontinuitat im theoretischen Verstandnis
der sog. ,naturlichen Magie' von Pico della Mirandola bis Della Porta (S.
13-34), den scholastischen und humanistischen Wurdigungen der hermeti￾schen Tradition, insbesondere bei Fieino, Pico, Trithemius und Agrippa (S.
35-72), und den verschiedenen Aspekten der Magie bei Trithemius (S. 73-
100). Appendix 1 gibt die fur die Magieforschung hilfreichen bibliographi￾schen Seiten von Trithemius' Antipalus maleficiorum wieder, mangels kriti￾scher Edition nach dem Druck von A. Busaeus aus dem Jahre 1605. Die￾ser erste Teil bietet hilfreiche Erinnerungen an die verschiedenen Konzeptio￾nen und Dimensionen von Magie. So wird differenziert zwischen einem eher
,kultivierten', weil primar literarisch-antiquarischen (Pico, Reuchlin, Agrippa),
und einem eher popularen, weil an Ritualen und praktischen Handlungs￾anweisungen interessierten Typus (Trithemius, Paracelsus), aber auch-mehr
inhaltlich-zwischen der im Gefolge Pico'salsTeil der Naturphilosophie legiti￾mierten ,naturlichen' Magie und der zeremoniellen, ,damonischen', der Hexe￾rei verwandten Magie. Dabei verdient das durch Zensur und Inquisition mit
bedingte ,Doppelspiel' mancher Autoren Beachtung, so etwa das des Trithe￾mius, der einerseits eine esoterische Praxis zeremonieller Magie vertrat, das ent￾sprechende Treiben von ,Hexen' aber als Verbrechen bekampfte. Trotz innerer
Spannungen wird sowohl Trithemius als auch Agrippa eine mehr oder weni￾ger koharente Denkweise bescheinigt, wobei Freilichder letztere eine deutliche
Entwicklung erkennen lasst. Dass sich die vielseitigen Interessen und Vorlie￾ben des Trithemius-von der zeremoniellen Magie uber seine Endzeitprophe￾zeiungen bis hin zur allseits bekannten ,Ernndung' und Manipulation histo￾rischer Quellen-zu einem ,Spiel' (game) des grogen Humanisten fugen (S.
100), klingt verlockend, doch wusste man gern mehr uber den Ernst eines sol￾chen Spiels.
Der zweite Teil widmet sich in zwei Beitragen Agrippa als Autor verbo￾tener Bucher, ein Anhang bespricht altere und neuere Agrippa-Literatur (S.
© Koninklijke Brill NY, LeiJen, 2008 DO!: 1O.1l63/187124108X426826
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Book Reviews / CHRC 88.4 (2008) 623-655
I I 5- I 88). Der erste Beitrag prasentiert Agri ppa als "kritischen Mag
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 9>
AMBIX, Vol. 26, Part 3, November 1979
GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS:
AN INQUIRY INTO CONTRASTING MEDICAL ATTITUDES
By NOEL L. BRANN*
IF we should take at face value the heading assigned to a section of an alchemical tract by
the fifteenth-century English cleric of Bridlington, George Ripley (d. 1490), included by
Lazarus Zetzner in his seventeenth century Theatrum Chemicum-"Physica-Chemica Tri￾themiea"-then the alchemical reputation of the German Benedictine Abbot of Sponheim
Johann Trithemius (1462-1516) took its shape well in advance of his far better kno'wn
steganographic reputation.! To accept this supposition, however, 'would be to run counter
to the premise of Trithemius's principal biographer Klaus Arnold that the magical fame of
the arcane-minded monk was not in manifest evidence prior to the inadvertent circulation of
a letter from his hand to the Carmelite monk Arnold Bastius in 1499 summarizing his parti￾ally written 5teganographia with its claim to communicate ideas at long distances with the
help of spirits. 2 But inasmuch as the name of Trithemius does not crop up in the text of
Ripley's treatise, there is little need to disturb ourselves on this score. The heading was an
afterthought of the editor Zetzner, who thereby sought to draw a connection in the minds
of his readers between the Hermetic doctrines of the legendary Abbot Trithemius, the al￾chemical precepts of Ripley, and the arcane teachings of the sixteenth century spagyric
and true successor of Ripley in the advocacy of alchemical magic, Paracelsus (d. 1541).3
By no means was Zetzner the only seventeenth-century alchemical enthusiast to locate
Trithemius within the mainstream of the spagyrical movement culminating in the doctrines
of Paracelsus. Indeed, following a line taken the century before by the French Paracelsian
Jacques Gohory (= Leo Suavius, d. 1576), not a few of Zetzner's alchemical-minded con￾temporaries were of the belief that Trithemius and Paracelsus had developed a personal
association.4 To help buttress this widespread opinion a sizeable corpus of alchemical
writings, bearing such headings as Chemic'Us Nobilis, De lap ide Philosophico, Veterum
sophorum sigilla et imagines magicae, and the like, came to light under the abbot's name in
the first half of the seventeenth century.5 The Chemicus Nobilis, representing the sole
"Trithemius" selection in the Theatrum ChemicU111t,furnishes a typical expression of the state
of mind at the bottom of this spuriously attributed group of alchemical tracts:
He who desires to prolong to its conclusion anything arising from the great depths of
chemical knowledge must consider attentively the celestial bodies, and diligently
apprehend their qualities, natures, and positions. If he does so, he will discover, with
the help of divine grace, the insatiable intellect which lies within them.6
In this statement we. readily comprehend why the spagyrics placed so much stress upon
astrology-to the point, as we would infer from the above words, of considering it a sine
qua non of their alchemical operations. For all magical transformations here below, accord￾ing to this way of thinking, are fundamentally bound up with corresponding occult changes
in the heavens above.
* Department of History, University of Tennessee, 1101 McClung Tower, Knoxville, Tennessee
37916.
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GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS
Although it is perfectly true that the th-esis of a link .between Trithemius and the
fifteenth-century spagyric Ripley cannot be sustained by the evidence, the principal reason
being that Ripley's life ante-dated the demonstrable nlagical career of the Sponheimabbot,
the allegation oia direct and personal link between- 'Trithemius and the sixteenth century
spagyric Paracelsus is much more difficult to discount.7 Aside from the interesting question
of whether Trithemius and Paracelsus ever actually met one another, there is much in the
abbot's genuine post-:I499writings to lend substance tothe notion of Trithemi'Us Alchemic'Us
upheld by the later Paracelsians. In particular, it ,can be established that Trithemius
consciously based his magical theory upon the Emerald Table (Tabula Smaragdina) of
Hermes Trismegistus, the thirteen precepts of which have served alchemists through the
centuries as a basic creed of their art.8 The key document to consult in verification of this
claim is a letter addressed by Trithemius to the Frenchman Germanus de Ganay in the late
summer of 1505, written in reply to a previous letter from Ganay in which the correspondent
had informed Trithemius that he had come into possession of an epistle from the abbot to a
disciple making obscure reference to Ha very rare and and admirable philosophy, shrouded in
numbers, elements, and enigmas, and abstruse with arcane words", and requested
Trithe~ius to furnish the writer with an explanation. Tritheniius's answer was a virtual
playback of the Hermetic. Emerald Table.9
Thus~ in elucidation of the second and third precepts of the Emerald Table, the second
declaring that "what is superior is like that which is inferior and what is inferior is like that
which is superior ... , so that there maybe accomplished many-miracles of one thing",
and the third that Hall things ·were produced from this one thing by adaptation", Tlithemius
inquires of Ganay: "Is it not true that all things flow from one thing, from the goodness of
the One,. and that whatever is joined toUIiity cannotbe diverse, but rather fructifies by
means of the simplicity and adaptability of the One?"10 Numerically playingupbn his'
own name in this regard Trithemiusfurther seeks to clarify these precepts with the mystical
observation:
. What is born from Unity? Is it n_ot the ternary? Take note: Unity is unmixed
(simplex), the binary is compounded (compositus), and the ternary is reduced to the
simplicity of Unity .. I, Trithemius, am not of three minds, but persist in a single
integrated mind taking pleasure in the ternary, which gives birth to' a marvellous
offspring. 11
The reference to "a marvellous offspring" (mirabilis foetus) concluding the above passage
anticipates the fourth precept, which as restated by Trithemius reads: "Its father is the sun,
its mother them60n; the wind carried its seed in her belly and the earth nourished it."12
In like fashion Trithemius passes to the seventh precept with the claim that if the aforesaid
({seed" is castby its adept sower "upon the earth you will separate the earth from the fire,
t~e gross from the subtle", and to the following eighth precept with the exegesis:
When the ternary has at lasfreturned to itself it may, by' all inner disposition and
great delight (cum ingenio et suavitate magna), ascend from the earth to Heaven;
and again, after it has been adorned with virtue and beauty, descend to the
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Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius?
Author(s): Noel L. Brann
Source: The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Spring, 1979), pp. 70-82
Published by: The Sixteenth Century Journal
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2539686 .
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70 The Sixteenth Century Journal
Tombstone of Trithemius (Detail)
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Sixteenth Century Journal
X, 1 (1979)
Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius?
Noel L. Brann
Huntington Library
WAS THE RENOWNED alchemical physician Theophrastus Bombastus von
Hohenheim (1493-1541), better known to posterity as Paracelsus, a student of
the Benedictine Abbot Trithernius (1462-1516) of steganographic fame?' This
question sticks like a thorn in the flesh of Paracelsian research. Until recently
it has been taken as more or less an unquestioned axiom of Paracelsus scholar￾ship, based in the last analysis on nothing more substantial than a single
ambiguous reference by Paracelsus in his Die Grosse Wundarznei (1536) to the
early influences upon his life which had led him to become interested in
alchemy, that at some time in his youth Paracelsus managed to make his way
to Trithernius at home in his second cloister of St. Jacob in Wuirzburg (the
abbot was formerly in charge of St. Martin at Sponheim) for instruction in
the arcana. Among those introducing him into the adept philosophy, Para￾celsus reported, were his father Wilhelm, four bishops (cited by name), "many
abbots, as the abbot of Sponheim (vil ept, als von Spanheim), and many
others of like persuasion."2 As Will-Erich Peuckert aptly echoed the typical
I On the magical career of Trithemius see Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius
(1462-1516) (Wiirzburg: Schoningh, 1971), pp. 180 ff. Trithemius had conceived and
composed two books and part of a third book of his projected eight-book Steganographia
by 1500. However, as the result of the vehement commotion stirred up by the inadvert￾ent circulation of a letter he had penned the year before to the just-deceased Gent
Carmelite Arnold Bostius, outlining the planned tract's contents, and of a bitter denuncia￾tion of his steganographic magic for being demon-riddled by the French philosopher
Carolus Bovillus in a widely disseminated letter to Germanus de Ganay reputedly dated
1509, Trithemius decided to leave the Steganographia stillborn. But the abbot did not
thereupon desist from his cryptological efforts, following up the controversial stegano￾graphic handbook with a safer, entirely spirit-free Polygraphia, completed by 1508 and
posthumously printed a decade later at Basel. The completed portions of the Stegano￾graphia were printed at Frankfort a/M in 1606.
2 Paracelsus, Die Grosse Wundarznei (=Chirurgia Magna), II, in Sdmtliche Werke,
Abteilung I: Medizinische, naturwissenschaftliche und philosophische Schriften, ed. Karl
Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiessen, 14 vols. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1922-1933), X (1928),
354: "Domit ich euch auch unterricht, wie mir solichs zutun muglich sei, soliches zu
schicken wie gemelt ist, so nempt ir als zu verstehen: von kintheit auf hab ich die ding
getriben und von guten underrichtern gelernet, die in der adepta philosophia die
ergrundesten warent und den kunsten mechtig nach grundeten. erstlich Wilhelmus von
Hohenheim, meinen vatter, der mich nie verlassen hat, demnach und mit sampt in ein
grosse zal, die nit wol zu nennen ist, mit sampt vilerlei geschriften der alten und der
neuen von etlichen herkomen, die sich gross gemiihet habent, als bischof Scheit von
Settgach, bischof Nicolaus von Yppon, bischof Mattheus Schacht, sufraganus Phreisingen
und vil ept, als von Spanheim und dergleichen mer, und vil ander den anderen doctorn
und dergleichen, auch so ist ein grosse erfarnus beschehen und ein lange seit her durch vil
alchimisten die in solchen kuinsten gesucht haben, als nemlich der edel und fest Sigmund
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72 The Sixteenth Century Journal
response of Paracelsus scholars to this passage in his Pansophie of 1936:
"There is no doubt whom he meant. For at Sponheim no one but Trithemius
had occupied himself with the light of nature, that is, the philosophia
adepta. . . Trithemius was indeed [Paracelsus'] teacher."3
This logical inference, however, has not passed entirely unchallenged.
Indeed, the very year of 1936, which had brought Peuckert's Pansophie to
light, also saw the publication of a new Paracelsus biography by Karl Sudhoff
radically contesting the customary interpretation of Paracelsus' phrase: "vil
ept, als von Spanheim." By the 1536 reference to an abbot of Sponheim
among his early instructors in the arcana, Sudhoff determined, Paracelsus was
not really thinking of Trithemius, as "an old biographical error" in Paracelsian
studies would have it, but on a long-dead twelfth century abbot of St. Paul in
Lavanttal by the name of Bruno, the second in the line of abbots of the
cloister (1117-1140) after its foundation in 1091, who through his father,
Count Bernhard of Sponheim and Lavant, could claim noble lineage going
back to the days of the Carolingians. Somehow Paracelsus had confused
matters while taking Latin lessons from the current abbot of Lavanttal, if we
are to believe Sudhoff, so that, misled by the inscription on the portal of St.
Paul and on the family gravestone marking the spot at which the Sponheim
counts were buried, he inadvertently interchanged the title of the abbot of
Lavanttal with that of the abbot of Sponheim.4
Though this re-interpretation of the key Paracelsus passage by Sudhoff
proved to be sufficiently peruasive to his former student Franz Strunz, who
incorporated it into his Paracelsus biography of the following year (1937), it
was far from convincing to others of a more unyielding disposition.5 Peuckert,
Fuger von Schwaz mit sampt einer anzal seiner gehaltenen laboranten." All subsequent
citations from Paracelsus are from this same edition.
3Will-Erich Peuckert, Pansophie: Ein Versuch zur Geschichte der weissen und
schwarzen Magie (Stuttgart: Kohihammer, 1936), p. 228. Cf
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【0†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn1file0
Mclick Target: "1:0"
Content Snippet:
[L1] Noel L. Brann
[L2] Huntington Library
[L3] WAS THE RENOWNED alchemical physician Theophrastus Bombastus von
[L4] Hohenheim (1493-1541), better known to posterity as Paracelsus, a student of
[L5] the Benedictine Abbot Trithernius (1462-1516) of steganographic fame?' This
[L6] question sticks like a thorn in the flesh of Paracelsian research. Until recently
[L7] it has been taken as more or less an unquestioned axiom of Paracelsus scholar￾ship, based in the last analysis on nothing more substantial than a single
[L8] ambiguous reference by Paracelsus in his Die Grosse Wundarznei (1536) to the
[L9] early influences upon his life which had led him to become interested in
[L10] alchemy, that at some time in his youth Paracelsus managed to make his way
[L11] to Trithernius at home in his second cloister of St. Jacob in Wuirzburg (the
[L12] abbot was formerly in charge of St. Martin at Sponheim) for instruction in
[L13] the arcana. Among those introducing him into the adept philosophy, Para￾celsus reported, were his father Wilhelm, four bishops (cited by name), "many
[L14] abbots, as the abbot of Sponheim (vil ept, als von Spanheim), and many
[L15] others of like persuasion."2 As Will-Erich Peuckert aptly echoed the typical
[L16] I On the magical career of Trithemius see Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius
[L17] (1462-1516) (Wiirzburg: Schoningh, 1971), pp. 180 ff. Trithemius had conceived and
[L18] composed two books and part of a third book of his projected eight-book Steganographia
[L19] by 1500. However, as the result of the vehement commotion stirred up by the inadvert￾ent circulation of a letter he had penned the year before to the just-deceased Gent
[L20] Carmelite Arnold Bostius, outlining the planned tract's contents, and of a bitter denuncia￾tion of his steganographic magic for being demon-riddled by the French philosopher
[L21] Carolus Bovillus in a widely disseminated letter to Germanus de Ganay reputedly dated
[L22] 1509, Trithemius decided to leave the Steganographia stillborn. But the abbot did not
[L23] thereupon desist from his cryptological efforts, following up the controversial stegano￾graphic handbook with a safer, entirely spirit-free Polygraphia, completed by 1508 and
[L24] posthumously printed a decade later at Basel. The completed portions of the Stegano￾graphia were printed at Frankfort a/M in 1606.
[L25] 2 Paracelsus, Die Grosse Wundarznei (=Chirurgia Magna), II, in Sdmtliche Werke,
[L26] Abteilung I: Medizinische, naturwissenschaftliche und philosophische Schriften, ed. Karl
[L27] Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiessen, 14 vols. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1922-1933), X (1928),
[L28] 354: "Domit ich euch auch unterricht, wie mir solichs zutun muglich sei, soliches zu
[L29] schicken wie gemelt ist, so nempt ir als zu verstehen: von kintheit auf hab ich die ding
[L30] getriben und von guten underrichtern gelernet, die in der adepta philosophia die
[L31] ergrundesten warent und den kunsten mechtig nach grundeten. erstlich Wilhelmus von
[L32] Hohenheim,

【1†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Lasciamo alla deleta n(ost)ra cognata
[L2] la m(agnifi)ca madonna Justiniana due n(ost)re
[L3] tazze dargento dorate et altro non vogliamo
[L4] ordinare. Preterea et signis et signu(m).
[L5] T Io p(re) zuane di adriani mansionario nella
[L6] chiesa de s. Hyer(e)mia fui testimonio
[L7] p(re)gado et zurado.
[L8] T Io pre paris d(e) theuthonicis mansionario
[L9] nella Chiesa predetta fui testimonio pregato, et
[L10] giurato.
[L11] () = abbreviations expanded
[L12] () = missing letters from autograph text supplied
[L13] by the fair copy
[L14] THE AUTHOR OF A
[L15] RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY
[L16] ON PLINY: RIVIUS,
[L17] TRITHEMIUS OR AQUAEUS?
[L18] T he authorship of the unsigned com￾mentary on two chapters of Pliny's
[L19] Natural History (xxx, ch. 1-2, or sect. 1-18
[L20] in the modern numeration) dealing with
[L21] magic, published at Wiurzburg in 1548 by
[L22] Johann Myller,1 poses a problem that has
[L23] misled nearly all bibliographers. Although
[L24] neither the title-page nor the text of the
[L25] commentary identifies the author, the title￾page does carry a cryptic set of initials which
[L26] can readily be decoded: 'D.G.H.R. M. & M.'
[L27] The student of mid-sixteenth-century German
[L28] scientific literature can decipher this line as
[L29] an abbreviation for 'Dominus Gualtherus
[L30] Hermenius Rivius, Medicus et Mathe￾maticus'. Rivius (in German, Walther
[L31] Hermann Ryff) was a prolific writer on
[L32] medical, biological, occultist and other sub￾jects: his modern bibliographer lists a total
[L33] of 194 titles and editions, including post￾humous ones.2 Furthermore, the printer
[L34] Myller is known to have published other
[L35] books by him at precisely this period.3
[L36] 1 In Caii Plinii Secundi Naturalis historiae argutis￾simi scriptoris I. & II. Cap. Libri XXX. commen￾tarius, naturalis quidem magiae compendiariam
[L37] rationem, plenam mysteriis, profundissimamque rerum
[L38] secretissimarum contemplationem, naturam, poten￾tiam, qualitatem, substantiam & virtutem, totiusque
[L39] naturae cognitionem complectens. Cui praeterea
[L40] adiecta est De fascinationibus disputatio elegans &
[L41] erudita, ad cognoscendosque naturae secretiores
[L42] effectus mire utilis & necessaria. Item de incantatione
[L43] & adiuratione, collique suspensione epistola incerti
[L44] authoris, una cum loannis Tritemii abbatis Spanchey￾mensis viri doctissimi, occultiorisque philosophiae
[L45] atque magicarum artium indagatoris solertissimi, in
[L46] libros suos Steganographiae epistola apologetica &c.
[L47] Quibus difficultates Plinianae, praesertim magicae,
[L48] omnes explicantur & tolluntur ab quibusdam authori￾bus ac monumentis vetustissimis singulari diligentia
[L49] excerpta.

【2†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] During recent
[L2] work on a census of medieval and Renais￾sance commentaries on Pliny, I found that
[L3] the Catalogue gindral des livres imprimis of the
[L4] Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris ascribes to
[L5] another writer, ttienne de L'Aigue (in
[L6] Latin, Stephanus Aquaeus), authorship of
[L7] the commentary in Myller's Wiirzburg
[L8] edition of 1548, the one here under dis￾cussion. The Paris catalogue entry makes no
[L9] reference to Ryff, not even as editor. Com￾parison of the 1548 commentary with the
[L10] same chapters in the complete commentary
[L11] by L'Aigue, In omnes C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis
[L12] historiae arguitissimi scriptoris libros (Paris 1530)
[L13] shows that in compiling the volume here
[L14] under study, Ryff reprinted the complete
[L15] text of L'Aigue's commentary on the first
[L16] two chapters of Pliny's Book XXX.10 The
[L17] only changes he made seem to have been
[L18] calculated to suppress materials which might
[L19] offend the occultist readers for whom the
[L20] book was intended, and perhaps also to
[L21] disguise his source. In the commentary on
[L22] Chapter I of Book XXX, Ryff suppressed
[L23] the lemma at the opening of L'Aigue's com￾mentary, 'Magicas vanitates, &c,' and on
[L24] fol. A2r changed the words 'in hoc magiae
[L25] praetexta acturi sumus' (L'Aigue, fol.
[L26] CCCXXVIIv) into the more neutral 'in
[L27] hoc Magiae compendio acturi sumus'. A
[L28] little further along (same pages in both
[L29] editions), Aquaeus's rather neutral words,
[L30] 'nescientes magiam esse philosophiae naturalis
[L31] apicem, ob id constituimus hic de ea eiusque
[L32] generibus agere, primum de duobus hic, et
[L33] caeteris capitulo sequenti', have become more
[L34] positive towards magic: 'scilicet Magiam
[L35] esse Philosophiae naturalis absolutam con￾summationem atque perfectissimam sum￾mamque scientiam, ob id constituimus hic de
[L36] 6 Aside from what his books reveal, little is known
[L37] about the life, education and intellectual background
[L38] of Ryff. He was probably born about 1500 at Stras￾bourg; at least, he seems to have lived in that city
[L39] longer than anywhere else, and to have been com￾monly regarded by contemporaries as a Strassburger.
[L40] His biographers have set his death at various dates in
[L41] the 1540s, 155os, and 156os; but Heinrich Endres,
[L42] 'Der Arzt Gualterus Hermenius Rivius und der
[L43] Wiirzburger Drucker Johann Myller,' Zentralblatt fiir
[L44] Bibliothekswesen, lii, 1935, PP. 605-607, has discovered a
[L45] document which seems to date his death clearly at
[L46] Wuiirzburg on 29 September 1548. For other bio￾graphical literature, see n. 9, below.
[L47] 7 Leonhart Fuchs, Apologia . . . qua refellit malitiosas
[L48] Gualtheri Ryffi ueteratoris pessimi reprehensiones. .
[L49] ., Basle
[L50] i543, fol. a2v-a3v; Fuchs, De sanandis totius humani
[L51] corporis eiusdemque partium tam internis quam externis malis
[L52] libri quinque.

【3†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Elsewhere we show that Trithemius created the myth of Sedechias the master
[L2] magician, borrowing details from monastic chronicles (McDonald 2015–2016). In
[L3] so doing, Trithemius affirms one of the most persistent and malign tropes of the
[L4] era: the purported relationship of Jews to black magic – even witchcraft. Newall
[L5] reminds us about the inter-connectedness of the legends of the Wandering Jew (der
[L6] ewige Jude) and the Wild Huntsman (Newall 1973, esp. 103–104; cf. Simrock 1878,
[L7] 206). A popular designation for the Hunt, she reminds us, was “Cain’s Hunt,”
[L8] Cain being the progenitor of the Wandering Jew. At the very least, Newall gives
[L9] the Hunt a Jewish imprint, a perspective that we believe Trithemius exploited (Cf.
[L10] Trachtenberg 1993, 66). It is a fact that authors of the following centuries were
[L11] quick to brand Sedechias a black magician and a walking spirit, or specter whose
[L12] tricks are demonically inspired (Lavater 1569, 91). One claimed that Sedechias
[L13] “war ein so großer Schwartz-Künstler/ daß deß Pharaonis Zauberer gegen ihm
[L14] [sic] nur für Lehr-Schüler zu achten/ er flog in der Lufft herum wie Simon Magus”
[L15] (Schudt 1714, 6th book, 210).
[L16] The Sedechias-figure as seen in Trithemius is complex, serving as the locus
[L17] and ingathering point for legends and tropes. One of his habitats, as expressed
[L18] by Robert Harrison, sixteenth-century translator of Ludwig Lavater (1527–1586),
[L19] is “the aire and cloudes.” In that place, Harrison continues, “he was seene and
[L20] hearde of all men to exercise hunting […]” (Harrison 1572, 168). This is a refer￾ence, we have argued, to the Wild Hunt.
[L21] Conclusion
[L22] Trithemius treats four occurrences of the Wild Hunt, showing good awareness of
[L23] its lore. One passage concerns the Troop of the Dead; another treats the Cursed
[L24] 19 Trithemius offers two endings to his Sedechias anecdote, the already cited allusion to the
[L25] Wild Hunt (Chronicon Hirsaugiense, ed. Freher, 18), and the general reference in the Annales Hir￾saugienses (ed. Schlegel, vol. 1, 34) regarding the role of demonic aid in his trickery: “Multa his
[L26] operabatur similia, quae vel daemonum auxilio, vel alicujus subtilissimae fictionis similitudine,
[L27] ut pictura vesicarum facta fuisse creduntur.” (He wrought many things like this, which were
[L28] believed to have been made with the aid of demons or by the likeness of some crafty fiction –as,
[L29] for example, the apparent projection of images.) Note that for this latter citation Trithemius gives
[L30] the year as 879, not 878, as he had done elsewhere. See previous note.
[L31] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L32] Authenticated
[L33] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 17 / 22> Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt 211
[L34] Hunter; and two regard flying Huntsmen. At first glance these stories, sometimes
[L35] separated by centuries, betray no authorial design.

【4†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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[L1] & M.' MDXLVIII. [40. Colophon:
[L2] Vvirczburgi per Ioannem Mylium. Cum Priuilegio
[L3] Caesareae Maiestatis.]
[L4] 2Josef Benzing, Walther H. Ryff und sein literarisches
[L5] Werk: Eine Bibliographie, Hamburg I959. The book
[L6] here under discussion is no. 192 in this bibliography.
[L7] 3 Other works by Ryff published by Myller at
[L8] Wiurzburg included: Niitzlicher Bericht, wie man die
[L9] Augen und das Gesicht, wo das selbig mangelhaft, blide,
[L10] dunckel oder befinstert, scherpfen, gesundt erhalten, stercken
[L11] und bekrefftigen soll.
[L12] ...., 1548; Kurtzer Ausszug und eigent￾liche Verzeichnus der gantzen Histori aller Handlung was sich
[L13] Kay. May. furgenommenen Kriegsristung halben, von dem
[L14] MDXL V Jar biss auff dise jtzige Zeit gegenwertigs Reich￾stags zu Augspurg wider die auffrirische Rebellion etlicher
[L15] Firsten, Stedt und jre Bundtsuerwandten zugetragen und
[L16] verlauffen hat ., 1548; Newe heilsame unnd nutzliche
[L17] Baden Fart . . , 1549; and Ursach oder Ursprung, ware
[L18] Erkantnuss unnd eigentliche Underschidung, aller zufelliger
[L19] eusserlicher unnd innerlicher Kranckheyten . . . , 1551.
[L20] This content downloaded from 134.121.47.100 on Sun, 24 Jan 2016 00:03:33 UTC
[L21] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 6><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 6>RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY ON PLINY 283
[L22] Finally, his titles appear in precisely the form
[L23] indicated above on both the title-page and
[L24] the dedicatory epistle of his best known work,
[L25] Vitruvius Teutsch (Nirnberg, 1548), the first
[L26] German translation of Vitruvius's De archi￾tectura: 'D. Gualtherus H. Rivius, Medicus
[L27] et Mathematicus.'
[L28] The volume which contains the com￾mentary on Pliny's chapters on magic also
[L29] contains other texts: the two chapters of
[L30] Pliny covered by the commentary; an un￾attributed Defascinationibus disputatio elegans et
[L31] erudita; an unattributed De incantatione et
[L32] adiuratione collique suspensione epistola incerti
[L33] authoris which Lynn Thorndike has identified
[L34] as a ninth-century work of Costa ben Luca ;4
[L35] and an apology by the learned abbot
[L36] Johannes Trithemius of Spanheim for his
[L37] occultist book Steganographia, here entitled In
[L38] libros suos Steganographiae epistola apologetica.
[L39] As Thorndike has noted, the whole book
[L40] catered to the sixteenth-century taste for
[L41] magic and the other occult arts. Ryff's role
[L42] as editor of the volume is evident from the
[L43] abbreviation on the title-page and from his
[L44] known association with the publisher.

【5†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] erstlich Wilhelmus von
[L2] Hohenheim, meinen vatter, der mich nie verlassen hat, demnach und mit sampt in ein
[L3] grosse zal, die nit wol zu nennen ist, mit sampt vilerlei geschriften der alten und der
[L4] neuen von etlichen herkomen, die sich gross gemiihet habent, als bischof Scheit von
[L5] Settgach, bischof Nicolaus von Yppon, bischof Mattheus Schacht, sufraganus Phreisingen
[L6] und vil ept, als von Spanheim und dergleichen mer, und vil ander den anderen doctorn
[L7] und dergleichen, auch so ist ein grosse erfarnus beschehen und ein lange seit her durch vil
[L8] alchimisten die in solchen kuinsten gesucht haben, als nemlich der edel und fest Sigmund
[L9] This content downloaded from 62.122.76.54 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 18:34:33 PM
[L10] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 14><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 14>72 The Sixteenth Century Journal
[L11] response of Paracelsus scholars to this passage in his Pansophie of 1936:
[L12] "There is no doubt whom he meant. For at Sponheim no one but Trithemius
[L13] had occupied himself with the light of nature, that is, the philosophia
[L14] adepta. . . Trithemius was indeed [Paracelsus'] teacher."3
[L15] This logical inference, however, has not passed entirely unchallenged.
[L16] Indeed, the very year of 1936, which had brought Peuckert's Pansophie to
[L17] light, also saw the publication of a new Paracelsus biography by Karl Sudhoff
[L18] radically contesting the customary interpretation of Paracelsus' phrase: "vil
[L19] ept, als von Spanheim." By the 1536 reference to an abbot of Sponheim
[L20] among his early instructors in the arcana, Sudhoff determined, Paracelsus was
[L21] not really thinking of Trithemius, as "an old biographical error" in Paracelsian
[L22] studies would have it, but on a long-dead twelfth century abbot of St. Paul in
[L23] Lavanttal by the name of Bruno, the second in the line of abbots of the
[L24] cloister (1117-1140) after its foundation in 1091, who through his father,
[L25] Count Bernhard of Sponheim and Lavant, could claim noble lineage going
[L26] back to the days of the Carolingians. Somehow Paracelsus had confused
[L27] matters while taking Latin lessons from the current abbot of Lavanttal, if we
[L28] are to believe Sudhoff, so that, misled by the inscription on the portal of St.
[L29] Paul and on the family gravestone marking the spot at which the Sponheim
[L30] counts were buried, he inadvertently interchanged the title of the abbot of
[L31] Lavanttal with that of the abbot of Sponheim.4
[L32] Though this re-interpretation of the key Paracelsus passage by Sudhoff
[L33] proved to be sufficiently peruasive to his former student Franz Strunz, who
[L34] incorporated it into his Paracelsus biography of the following year (1937), it
[L35] was far from convincing to others of a more unyielding disposition.5 Peuckert,
[L36] Fuger von Schwaz mit sampt einer anzal seiner gehaltenen laboranten." All subsequent
[L37] citations from Paracelsus are from this same edition.

【6†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] A completed
[L2] Antipalus maleficorum, the outline for a planned encyclopedia of demons, and
[L3] several of his replies to the Octo quaestiones addressed to the Emperor
[L4] Maximilan assured that Trithemius’ name would figure as prominently in the
[L5] anti-magical as pro-magical literature of his successors, with their vinculum
[L6] consisting of his conviction that his good, divinely sanctioned magic stands at
[L7] the opposite spiritual pole from the wicked sorcerous magic instructed and
[L8] facilitated by the demons. The affirmative, as distinct from demologically ad￾monitory, side of Trithemius’magical program consists of a synthesis of Her￾metic natural magic and alchemy, Pythagorean numerology, astrology, and
[L9] Kabbalist word and angel magic, the combined force of which is to propel the
[L10] soul of the magical adept upward, by esoteric means, from the finitely demon￾infested material world to the infinitely removed supermaterial world ruled
[L11] over by God and His ministering angels. Each of these constituents of
[L12] Trithemius’magical amalgam can be tied down by many references in his oc￾cult writings, of which the following can be taken as representative.
[L13] Trithemius’ Occult Program
[L14] ‘It is the opinion of our most erudite men’, Trithemius maintained in the intro￾duction to his Steganographia, ‘that the ancient sapients whom we call by the
[L15] Greek name “philosophers”, if they happened to discover any arcana either of
[L16] nature or of art, concealed them by various modes and figures so that they
[L17] would not fall into the clutches of depraved men’19
[L18] . Indeed, it was with a pro￾fessed intent of furnishing a linguistic aid to concealment that Trithemius had
[L19] invented the steganographical art in the first place. Moreover, it was not only
[L20] the safekeeping of his magical secrets from the perils of human depravation
[L21] that lay at the heart of Trithemius’ cryptographical contrivances. Even more
[L22] imperative from his standpoint was the guarding of those secrets from en￾croachment by demonic malefactors that he saw as abetting human deprava￾tion. Capsulizing the primary incentive behind Trithemius’ demonological
[L23] writings is the warning inserted into an early monastic treatise that ‘it is the
[L24] part of demons to insinuate evils, and it is our part to refuse consent, because
[L25] the more rigorously we resist their assaults, the more surely we overcome
[L26] them’20
[L27] . It followed for Trithemius in his theological speculations that a com￾19 Trithemius, Steganographia, pref., sig. ) : (2r.
[L28] 20 Trithemius, De tentationibus monachorum I: 4, in: Opera pia, 668. For elaboration of this
[L29] theme in the abbot see my Trithemius and Magical Theology, ch. 3, 33-84. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 20> 164 NOEL L. BRANN
[L30] parable resistance needed to be exerted against the sorcerous arts of the de￾mons, a motive of his demonological concerns made explicit with the words in
[L31] the preface to the second of his cryptographical handbooks, the Polygraphia:
[L32] ‘Lest the arcana of owls be revealed in any way to the demons, these mysteries
[L33] are concealed under enigmas’21
[L34] .

【7†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] This content downloaded from 62.122.76.54 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 18:34:33 PM
[L2] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 6 / 14><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 7 / 14>Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius? 75
[L3] Of the assorted aids traditionally available to those who have sought to
[L4] back up their claim that it was indeed Trithemius who was meant by Para￾celsus in his reference to an "ept von Spanheim" among his earliest teachers,
[L5] one of the more frequently invoked has been a letter reputedly from the hand
[L6] of Paracelsus now recognized to be spurious. The pseudo-Paracelsus behind
[L7] this letter, which first came to light in the anonymous Alchimia Vera of 1604
[L8] under the heading "Theophrastus schreibet an einen seiner guten Freund vom
[L9] Lapide Philosophico Anno 1534," attributed "this secret of our art" (diese
[L10] Geheimnis unser Kunst) first of all to God, but secondarily to certain excep￾tional mortals privileged to mediate between God and man for its transmis￾sion. Among these great mortal exponents of the dark philosophy, we are
[L11] further informed, "the great and secret philosopher of the German nation,
[L12] that is, Father Trithemius, the abbot of Sponheim, produced many million
[L13] gold-pieces with the highest tincture."1 1
[L14] Aside from the fact that this letter implying Paracelsus' great admiration
[L15] of Trithemius is a stark forgery of a later day, it also outrightly contradicts
[L16] the abbot's many strident warnings against the very practice therein indicated.
[L17] Such a use (or rather misuse) of alchemy was, in Trithemius' mind, an expres￾sion, not of virtue, but of vice - that is, of the vice of avarice. Trithemius'
[L18] attitude toward the attempt to increase material wealth through alchemical
[L19] means is effectively recorded in a memorable excursus upon the art in his
[L20] Hirsau Annals apropos of the fourteenth century alchemist Johannes
[L21] Rupescissa:
[L22] Alchemy, as we say in the human manner, is a chaste whore (casta
[L23] meretrix), who has many lovers but by deluding them all is successfully
[L24] embraced by none among them. From foolish men it makes insane ones,
[L25] from rich men poor ones, from philosophers fatuous men, from deceived
[L26] men very garrulous deceivers, all who, though they know nothing, pro￾fess to know all things, and although they are very poor promise to give
[L27] their followers the riches of Croesus. Hence are their goals full of con￾fusion.1 2
[L28] ' ' I.P.S.M.S., Alchimia Vera, Das ist: Der wahren und von Gott /zochbenedeyten
[L29] Naturgemessen Edlen Kunst Alchimnia wahre beschreibung (n.p., 1604), p. 58: "Diese
[L30] Geheimnis unser Kunst ist von Gott sonderlichen Leuten mermeindt die andern armen
[L31] Leuten zur Ehre Gottes darmit helffende wie dann der grosse und geheime Philosophus
[L32] Deudtscher Nation quasi noster Pater Thritemius, Abt zu Spanheim viel Million Goldes
[L33] mit der h6chsten Tinctur er6bert...."
[L34] 1 2 Trithemius, Annales Hirsaugienses, 2 vols.

【8†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] . . , 1551.
[L2] This content downloaded from 134.121.47.100 on Sun, 24 Jan 2016 00:03:33 UTC
[L3] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 6><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 6>RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY ON PLINY 283
[L4] Finally, his titles appear in precisely the form
[L5] indicated above on both the title-page and
[L6] the dedicatory epistle of his best known work,
[L7] Vitruvius Teutsch (Nirnberg, 1548), the first
[L8] German translation of Vitruvius's De archi￾tectura: 'D. Gualtherus H. Rivius, Medicus
[L9] et Mathematicus.'
[L10] The volume which contains the com￾mentary on Pliny's chapters on magic also
[L11] contains other texts: the two chapters of
[L12] Pliny covered by the commentary; an un￾attributed Defascinationibus disputatio elegans et
[L13] erudita; an unattributed De incantatione et
[L14] adiuratione collique suspensione epistola incerti
[L15] authoris which Lynn Thorndike has identified
[L16] as a ninth-century work of Costa ben Luca ;4
[L17] and an apology by the learned abbot
[L18] Johannes Trithemius of Spanheim for his
[L19] occultist book Steganographia, here entitled In
[L20] libros suos Steganographiae epistola apologetica.
[L21] As Thorndike has noted, the whole book
[L22] catered to the sixteenth-century taste for
[L23] magic and the other occult arts. Ryff's role
[L24] as editor of the volume is evident from the
[L25] abbreviation on the title-page and from his
[L26] known association with the publisher. His
[L27] authorship of the commentary on Pliny's
[L28] chapters has seemed to follow from his work
[L29] as compiler of the entire volume of which it is
[L30] the most important part, and most biblio￾graphers have regarded Ryff as the com￾mentator. 5
[L31] This attribution, though incorrect, has
[L32] seemed plausible in large part because
[L33] interest in a section of Pliny that dealt with
[L34] natural magic would have come easily to
[L35] Ryff. Although there is no evidence except
[L36] his own claims to prove that he actually held
[L37] degrees in medicine or even in mathematical
[L38] arts, there is some evidence that he practised
[L39] medicine in several German towns: at
[L40] Gi-strow in Mecklenburg (where he may have
[L41] worked as a pharmacist rather than as a
[L42] physician, and where he probably met the
[L43] woman from Rostock whom he married), at
[L44] Strasbourg, Frankfurt-am-Main, Mainz,
[L45] Ntirnberg and Wiirzburg. His real pro￾fession, however, was neither medicine nor
[L46] pharmacy but writing; and he was closely
[L47] associated with a number of important West
[L48] German printers, including Jakob Cammer￾lander, Balthasar Beck and Georg Messer￾schmidt of Strasbourg; Christian Egenolff of
[L49] Frankfurt; Johann Petreius ofNtirnberg; and
[L50] the printer of the Pliny commentary, Johann
[L51] Myller of Wiirzburg. For several of these
[L52] printers, Ryff appears to have functioned as
[L53] the firm's resident author and editor. He
[L54] was (to use a descriptive term which has
[L55] unfortunately dropped out of current usage
[L56] though not out of current practice) a literary
[L57] hack, engaged in producing works designed
[L58] to appeal to the large book-buying public of
[L59] Germany.

【9†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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[L1] He thought it contained Arabic,
[L2] Hebrew, Chaldee and Greek names of spirits 12. Trithemius 13 complained
[L3] of charges brought against him by Bovillus, f that rude ox " and swore that
[L4] he never carried out works of superstitious magic or entered the theatre of
[L5] alchemy, nor directed the attention of his friars to such vanities. Naude 14 and
[L6] Heidel15 acquit him of being a magician, astrologer or alchemist. Trithemius
[L7] had read suspiciousworks 16 and he was acquainted with alchemy; Cornelius
[L8] Agrippa 17 says he conversed with Trithemius in the latter's cell at Wiirzburg
[L9] on chemistry, magic and the Cabbala (in cenobio tuo apud Herbipolim
[L10] aliquandiu conversatus, multa de chymicis, multa de magicis, multa de
[L11] cabalisticis). This interest had the same effect as that of Albertus Magnus,
[L12] in that several spurious works on alchemy were foisted on Trithemius 18.
[L13] 11 Quoted by Heidel, Steganographia, 1721, Vita Trithemii, 35.
[L14] 12 In Que hoc volumine continetur. Liber de intel1ectu . • •• Epistole complures, fo1.,
[L15] Paris (Stephanus), 1510, fo1. 172 r.
[L16] 13 Annalium Hirsaugensium, edit. St. Gall, 1690, ii, 288; • In animam juro meam,
[L17] quod magi~ superstitiosre operam dedi nunquam, neque theatrum Alchimire intravi, neque
[L18] fratrum meum aliquis intendit hisce vanitatibus '.
[L19] 14 Apologie pour tous les grands personnages qui ont este faussement soupt;onnez de magie,
[L20] La Haye, 1653, 505 f.
[L21] 15 Ope cit. 3, 56 f., in a section headed: ' Trithemium non fuisse Alchymistam, Astro￾logum et Magum '.
[L22] 16 In a letter from Cologne, 12 July, 1505, to Jacob of Mafeck, he thanks him for the
[L23] gift of a Greek manuscript of the Kyrannis, which he says he values more than a gift of
[L24] money. He quotes from it. Epistol. familiar., 1536, 37.
[L25] 17 De Occulta Philosophia, fo1.,s.l. [Cologne], 1533,sign. aaiii; Morley, Cornelius Agrippa,
[L26] 1856, i, 217. The work was shown in 1510 to Trithemius, who advised Agrippa not to
[L27] publish it.
[L28] 18 Hoefer, Histoire de la Chimie, Paris, 1866, i, 475; Kopp, Die Alchemie in IJ,lterer
[L29] und neuerer Zeit, Heidelberg, 1886, i, 141, 226; both say the works are spurious, and
[L30] Kopp emphasizes that Trithemius criticizes alchemy in his genuine works.

【10†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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[L1] 44–46). Among the fields that he
[L2] investigated were the Hermetic tradition, number mysticism, alchemy, astrology,
[L3] Cabala, angelic mediation, geomancy, steganography, exorcism, and witchcraft.
[L4] His chronicles hold allusions to demons, ghosts, and magic in all its forms.3
[L5] To the long list of marvelous and supernatural topics explored by Trithemius
[L6] we add the Wild Hunt. It is surprising that only a single reference to the Hunt has
[L7] been located in his chronicles. Lecouteux labels that motif le chasseur maudit
[L8] (hereinafter the Cursed Hunter), the tale of the undead Huntsman expiating a sin
[L9] committed during his lifetime (Lecouteux 1999, 73). We have discovered three
[L10] 2 On Trithemius and his career, see Brann 1981 and 1999. Cf. Lehmann 1961.
[L11] 3 One example is the story of Hudekin, a certain spiritus malignus, who supposedly resided in
[L12] the diocese of Hildesheim in the year 1132 and performed wonders there. See Annales Hirsau￾gienses, ed. Schlegel, vol. 1, 395–397. This passage is cited by Johann Wier (also Weyer) in De
[L13] Praestigiis Daemonum 1583, 114–116. Cf. Brann 1999, 34.
[L14] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L15] Authenticated
[L16] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 22> 198  William C. McDonald
[L17] additional allusions, the first being the Troop of the Dead, which coincides with
[L18] Lecouteux’ category les troupes de morts, a sub-grouping of les cohortes nocturnes
[L19] (Lecouteux does not cite Trithemius). The second and third tales involve the chase
[L20] of the Wild Huntsman through the sky. Trithemius fixes each occurrence of the
[L21] Hunt with chronological and spatial markers. But these prove unstable, revealing
[L22] themselves to be a narrative tactic aimed at granting the Wild Hunt plausibility
[L23] and credibility.
[L24] Our thesis is that Trithemius, receptive to the idea that the Hunt had mani￾fested itself in recorded history, and hesitant to interpret it from a uniformly Chris￾tian perspective, was eager to explore its dimensions – especially the appearance
[L25] of spirits in bodily form. Fearful that too favorable reception of the lore of the
[L26] Hunt might contribute to his reputation for embracing topics incompatible with
[L27] Christianity, he chose a compensatory two-pronged technique. On the one hand,
[L28] he adopts a neutral stance, for example, regarding the physical perceptibility of
[L29] the dead, and reports on the same absent consistent moral application or judg￾ment. On the other hand, he overlays tales of the Hunt with possible religious sig￾nificance, for example, that the ghostly processions of the dead represent souls
[L30] in purgatory. He leaves it to the reader to determine the more reasonable interpre￾tation. His brother clerics, in contrast, were eager to practice Christian exegesis
[L31] on tales of the Wild Hunt.
[L32] The Troop of the Dead: The Procession of Souls on
[L33] the Hunt
[L34] Chronicling the year 1098, Trithemius describes a nocturnal gathering of slain
[L35] warriors.

【11†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 22> Fabula 2018; 59(3–4): 195–216
[L2] William C. McDonald
[L3] Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt
[L4] https://doi.org/10.1515/fabula-2018-0100
[L5] Zusammenfassung: Das rege Interesse des vielseitigen und renommierten Theo￾logen, Kryptologen und Chronisten Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516) an allen
[L6] Aspekten der Magie ist hinreichend dokumentiert. Bisher ist aber seine Einstel￾lung zu einem Bereich des Zauberwesens weitgehend unbeachtet, nämlich zum
[L7] weit verbreiteten, im Volksglauben fest verankerten Legendenkomplex Wilde
[L8] Jagd/Wilder Jäger. Uns ist gelungen, in seinem chronikalischen Werk vier Stellen
[L9] ausfindig zu machen, die differenzierten Schattierungen des Phänomens ans
[L10] Licht bringen. Sie behandeln ein Totenheer, einen verfluchten, nächtlichen Jäger
[L11] und zwei durch die Lüfte jagende Zauberer. Einer dieser Zauberer ist ein jüdischer
[L12] Magier, der durch Sinnestäuschung das Trugbild einer Jagd hervorbringt. Es wird
[L13] klar, dass der Abt Trithemius der Geisterjagd gegenüber wenig Skepsis aufwies.
[L14] Im Gegenteil: durch die genaue Datierung jedes einzelnen Vorkommens (878 bis
[L15] zum Jahr 1354) war er bestrebt, seinen Ausführungen Glauben zu schenken. Jeder
[L16] Beleg lässt sich als warnendes Exempel interpretieren, aber der religiöse Firnis
[L17] bleibt dünn.
[L18] Abstract: It is well-established that Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), the
[L19] renowned polymath (theologian, cryptographer, and chronicler), entertained an
[L20] avid interest in all things concerning magic. Scholars have neglected, however, to
[L21] pay heed to his views about The Wild Hunt/Wild Huntsman, a widely propagated
[L22] tapestry of legends rooted in popular mythology. We examine four passages from
[L23] his chronicles to shed light on the many facets of this lore. The subjects of these
[L24] testimonies include: a phantom army; a cursed nocturnal hunter; and two aerial
[L25] hunting sorcerers, one of whom was a Jewish magician who conjured the illusion
[L26] of venery by deceiving the senses. The writings of Trithemius offer little indica￾tion of skepticism about the phantasmal chase. On the contrary, the abbot pro￾vides a precise chronology (878–1354) of these extraordinary tales of the hunt in
[L27] order to lend credibility to them. Each entry can be read as a cautionary example,
[L28] but the religious veneer seems shallow.
[L29] William C. McDonald, Professor, German and Jewish Studies, University of Virginia, Charlottes￾ville, Virginia, USA 22904, E-Mail: wcm@virginia.edu
[L30] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L31] Authenticated
[L32] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 22> 196  William C. McDonald
[L33] Introduction
[L34] Lindow so defines the legend of the Wild Hunt:
[L35] a legend complex concerning a ghostly hunter, often accompanied by dogs or spirits and
[L36] often hunting a woman,

【12†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] This is a refer￾ence, we have argued, to the Wild Hunt.
[L2] Conclusion
[L3] Trithemius treats four occurrences of the Wild Hunt, showing good awareness of
[L4] its lore. One passage concerns the Troop of the Dead; another treats the Cursed
[L5] 19 Trithemius offers two endings to his Sedechias anecdote, the already cited allusion to the
[L6] Wild Hunt (Chronicon Hirsaugiense, ed. Freher, 18), and the general reference in the Annales Hir￾saugienses (ed. Schlegel, vol. 1, 34) regarding the role of demonic aid in his trickery: “Multa his
[L7] operabatur similia, quae vel daemonum auxilio, vel alicujus subtilissimae fictionis similitudine,
[L8] ut pictura vesicarum facta fuisse creduntur.” (He wrought many things like this, which were
[L9] believed to have been made with the aid of demons or by the likeness of some crafty fiction –as,
[L10] for example, the apparent projection of images.) Note that for this latter citation Trithemius gives
[L11] the year as 879, not 878, as he had done elsewhere. See previous note.
[L12] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L13] Authenticated
[L14] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 17 / 22> Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt 211
[L15] Hunter; and two regard flying Huntsmen. At first glance these stories, sometimes
[L16] separated by centuries, betray no authorial design. A closer reading reveals that
[L17] Trithemius wished to explore various configurations of the legend complex, and
[L18] that his choice of the four was not random. Generalizations are possible. He
[L19] embeds each within the narrative frame of monastic history. Despite the pres￾ence of chronological and geographical markers, however, Trithemius aims to
[L20] contribute to the body of legend, not to the historical record. The apparatus of
[L21] history writing serves him as veneer, functioning to grant incredible stories a full
[L22] measure of credibility. Religious scaffolding proves equally unstable. Its presence
[L23] is accountable more for personal reasons of self-defense against accusations of
[L24] black magic than for the edification of the believer. Admittedly, each of his anec￾dotes can be read to convey a moral lesson (the avoidance of evil, the need for
[L25] repentance, attachment to the world, and the like), but each episode of the Hunt
[L26] in Trithemius’ hands can also be appreciated as an entertaining story because he
[L27] prefers to let the uncanny speak for itself. We have characterized this technique as
[L28] a neutrality of narration, meaning that Trithemius chronicles marvelous events
[L29] without consistent authorial intervention. By and large he trusts the reader to
[L30] judge whether the Wild Hunt deserves to be a warning example.
[L31] Finally, Trithemius reminds us that Sedechias and Theoodo are praestigia￾tores. One sixteenth-century author links the pejorative term praestigator with
[L32] the concept Gauckler, claiming that both “mit hülffe des Sathans der Menschen
[L33] Augen mit Zauberey vnnd Gespügnüß verblenden vnnd betriegen/daß sie nicht
[L34] sehen die Dinge/so da sindt/vnd meynen sie sehen die Ding/so nicht sindt” (Nigri￾nus 1592, 22).

【13†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] However, as the result of the vehement commotion stirred up by the inadvert￾ent circulation of a letter he had penned the year before to the just-deceased Gent
[L2] Carmelite Arnold Bostius, outlining the planned tract's contents, and of a bitter denuncia￾tion of his steganographic magic for being demon-riddled by the French philosopher
[L3] Carolus Bovillus in a widely disseminated letter to Germanus de Ganay reputedly dated
[L4] 1509, Trithemius decided to leave the Steganographia stillborn. But the abbot did not
[L5] thereupon desist from his cryptological efforts, following up the controversial stegano￾graphic handbook with a safer, entirely spirit-free Polygraphia, completed by 1508 and
[L6] posthumously printed a decade later at Basel. The completed portions of the Stegano￾graphia were printed at Frankfort a/M in 1606.
[L7] 2 Paracelsus, Die Grosse Wundarznei (=Chirurgia Magna), II, in Sdmtliche Werke,
[L8] Abteilung I: Medizinische, naturwissenschaftliche und philosophische Schriften, ed. Karl
[L9] Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiessen, 14 vols. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1922-1933), X (1928),
[L10] 354: "Domit ich euch auch unterricht, wie mir solichs zutun muglich sei, soliches zu
[L11] schicken wie gemelt ist, so nempt ir als zu verstehen: von kintheit auf hab ich die ding
[L12] getriben und von guten underrichtern gelernet, die in der adepta philosophia die
[L13] ergrundesten warent und den kunsten mechtig nach grundeten. erstlich Wilhelmus von
[L14] Hohenheim, meinen vatter, der mich nie verlassen hat, demnach und mit sampt in ein
[L15] grosse zal, die nit wol zu nennen ist, mit sampt vilerlei geschriften der alten und der
[L16] neuen von etlichen herkomen, die sich gross gemiihet habent, als bischof Scheit von
[L17] Settgach, bischof Nicolaus von Yppon, bischof Mattheus Schacht, sufraganus Phreisingen
[L18] und vil ept, als von Spanheim und dergleichen mer, und vil ander den anderen doctorn
[L19] und dergleichen, auch so ist ein grosse erfarnus beschehen und ein lange seit her durch vil
[L20] alchimisten die in solchen kuinsten gesucht haben, als nemlich der edel und fest Sigmund
[L21] This content downloaded from 62.122.76.54 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 18:34:33 PM
[L22] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 14><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 14>72 The Sixteenth Century Journal
[L23] response of Paracelsus scholars to this passage in his Pansophie of 1936:
[L24] "There is no doubt whom he meant. For at Sponheim no one but Trithemius
[L25] had occupied himself with the light of nature, that is, the philosophia
[L26] adepta. . . Trithemius was indeed [Paracelsus'] teacher."3
[L27] This logical inference, however, has not passed entirely unchallenged.

【14†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 284v-285r.
[L2] Cf. Thorndike, v, pp. 442-3.
[L3] 9 Christian Gottlieb J6cher, Allgemeines Gelehrten￾Lexicon, iii, 1751, cols. 2129-2130, calls him 'a most
[L4] shameless plagiarist'; Benzing, Bibliographie, pp. 7-8,
[L5] who notes, however, that Ryff often made some
[L6] changes in the materials he took from other authors;
[L7] Wilhelm Haberling, in Biographisches Lexikon der hervor￾ragenden Artze, 2nd ed., iv, 1932, PP- 936-37; F. W. E.
[L8] Roth, 'Hieronymus Brunschwyg und Walther Ryff,
[L9] zwei deutsche Botaniker des XVI. Jahrhunderts',
[L10] Zeitschriftfiir Naturwissenschaften, lxxv, 1902, pp. 102-23,
[L11] especially pp. 114-16; Emil J. Walter, 'Von Nic.
[L12] Tartaglia (50oo [?]-57) uiber Walter H. Ryff (gest.
[L13] nach 1552) zu Leonhard Zubler (gest. i6iI), ein
[L14] Beitrag zum Problem der sozialen Rezeption wissen￾schaftlicher Erkenntnisse,' Verhandlungen der
[L15] Schweizerischen Naturforschenden Gesellschaft, cxxix, 1949,
[L16] pp. 204-5, documents the use of several Italian works
[L17] of Niccol6 Tartaglia in the compilation of Ryff's own
[L18] work on architecture, though this published abstract
[L19] does not deal with the general question of his plagia￾risms. These works, together with those by Endres
[L20] and Thorndike cited above, constitute virtually all
[L21] modern scholarship on Ryff, except for discussions of
[L22] the woodcuts in his Vitruvius Teutsch and his Architectur
[L23] by art historians, notably Heinrich R6ttinger.
[L24] 10 Catalogue general des livres imprimes, lxxxvi, 1925,
[L25] pp. 620-21. For the commentary by L'Aigue, or
[L26] Aquaeus, see my article on Pliny commentaries in
[L27] Catalogus translationum et commentariorum, iv, 1979,
[L28] pp. 381-83-
[L29] This content downloaded from 134.121.47.100 on Sun, 24 Jan 2016 00:03:33 UTC
[L30] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 4 / 6><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 5 / 6>RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY ON PLINY 285
[L31] ea eiusque generibus paulo accuratius agere.'
[L32] Again, on his fol. A2v, after a discussion of
[L33] the opinion of the jurisconsult Ulpian that
[L34] books on goetia, or demonic conjuration, are
[L35] forbidden, Ryff has omitted a statement by
[L36] L'Aigue that such forbidden writings would
[L37] include incantations written on scraps of
[L38] paper to cause (or to cure: the Latin is
[L39] ambiguous) sickness (L'Aigue, fol. cccxxviiv :
[L40] 'In quod forte genus veniunt pyctatiolae ad
[L41] aegritudinem conscriptae quamlibet.') In
[L42] the second chapter, where L'Aigue opens
[L43] with a clear attack on demonic magic (fol.

【15†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Jeder
[L2] Beleg lässt sich als warnendes Exempel interpretieren, aber der religiöse Firnis
[L3] bleibt dünn.
[L4] Abstract: It is well-established that Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), the
[L5] renowned polymath (theologian, cryptographer, and chronicler), entertained an
[L6] avid interest in all things concerning magic. Scholars have neglected, however, to
[L7] pay heed to his views about The Wild Hunt/Wild Huntsman, a widely propagated
[L8] tapestry of legends rooted in popular mythology. We examine four passages from
[L9] his chronicles to shed light on the many facets of this lore. The subjects of these
[L10] testimonies include: a phantom army; a cursed nocturnal hunter; and two aerial
[L11] hunting sorcerers, one of whom was a Jewish magician who conjured the illusion
[L12] of venery by deceiving the senses. The writings of Trithemius offer little indica￾tion of skepticism about the phantasmal chase. On the contrary, the abbot pro￾vides a precise chronology (878–1354) of these extraordinary tales of the hunt in
[L13] order to lend credibility to them. Each entry can be read as a cautionary example,
[L14] but the religious veneer seems shallow.
[L15] William C. McDonald, Professor, German and Jewish Studies, University of Virginia
Visible: 0% - 77%

unknown{"queries":["Key points about +(Ripley) +(Zetzner) Physica-Chemica Trithemiea Chemicus Nobilis spurious Trithemius works","Gerald Strauss review \"Scientia latet incucullis\" Knowledge lies under a monk's hood bias","Kirn review Zambelli double play Trithemius ceremonial magic witches crime game","Harrington Notes and Queries Johannes Trithemius 1851 what says","Budiman Rachmawati Jessica Trithemius algorithm double transposition PDF Android Θ(n^2)"],"source_filter":["files_uploaded_in_conversation"]}

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【0†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 7>Journal of Physics: Conference Series
[L2] PAPER • OPEN ACCESS
[L3] Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and
[L4] Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on Android Platform
[L5] To cite this article: M A Budiman et al 2018 J. Phys.: Conf. Ser. 978 012088
[L6] View the article online for updates and enhancements.
[L7] This content was downloaded from IP address 185.252.219.28 on 19/10/2018 at 03:51<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 7><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 7>1
[L8] Content from this work may be used under the terms of theCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence. Any further distribution
[L9] of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI.
[L10] Published under licence by IOP Publishing Ltd
[L11] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L12] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L13] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
[L14] Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius
[L15] Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF
[L16] Files on Android Platform
[L17] M A Budiman, D Rachmawati and Jessica
[L18] Departemen Ilmu Komputer, Fakultas Ilmu Komputer dan Teknologi Informasi,
[L19] Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl. Universitas No. 9-A, Kampus USU, Medan 20155,
[L20] Indonesia
[L21] Email: mandrib@usu.ac.id, dian.rachmawati@usu.ac.id, jessica13@student.usu.ac.id
[L22] Abstract. This study aims to combine the trithemus algorithm and double transposition cipher
[L23] in file security that will be implemented to be an Android-based application. The parameters being
[L24] examined are the real running time , and the complexity value. The type of file to be used is a file in
[L25] PDF format. The overall result shows that the complexity of the two algorithms with duper encryption
[L26] method is reported as Θ (𝑛2).However, the processing time required in the encryption process uses
[L27] the Trithemius algorithm much faster than using the Double Transposition Cipher. With the length of
[L28] plaintext and password linearly proportional to the processing time.
[L29] 1. Introduction
[L30] The word ‘cryptography’ comes from Greek. According to the language, the word cryptography is
[L31] divided into two, namely ‘crypto’ and ‘graphia’. ‘Crypto’ means secret and ‘graphia’ means writing.
[L32] According to its terminology, cryptography is the science and art of keeping messages safe when
[L33] messages are sent from one place to another [1]. Thus, cryptography can help us in preventing the arrival
[L34] of important information, into unauthorized hands. The purpose of cryptography is 4. ie confidentiality,
[L35] integrity, authentication,andnon-repudation. Confidentiality focuses on data confidentiality, integrity
[L36] focuses on received data is true and genuine data, authentication is done to prevent false data, and non￾repudation aims to prevent the shielding of the data from the sender. Cryptography algorithm divided 2
[L37] that is, symmetric algorithm and asymmetric algorithm. However, in this study the algorithm used is a
[L38] classical algorithm, namely Trithemius Algorithm and double transposition cipher.
[L39] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use.

【1†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 1541).3
[L2] By no means was Zetzner the only seventeenth-century alchemical enthusiast to locate
[L3] Trithemius within the mainstream of the spagyrical movement culminating in the doctrines
[L4] of Paracelsus. Indeed, following a line taken the century before by the French Paracelsian
[L5] Jacques Gohory (= Leo Suavius, d. 1576), not a few of Zetzner's alchemical-minded con￾temporaries were of the belief that Trithemius and Paracelsus had developed a personal
[L6] association.4 To help buttress this widespread opinion a sizeable corpus of alchemical
[L7] writings, bearing such headings as Chemic'Us Nobilis, De lap ide Philosophico, Veterum
[L8] sophorum sigilla et imagines magicae, and the like, came to light under the abbot's name in
[L9] the first half of the seventeenth century.5 The Chemicus Nobilis, representing the sole
[L10] "Trithemius" selection in the Theatrum ChemicU111t,furnishes a typical expression of the state
[L11] of mind at the bottom of this spuriously attributed group of alchemical tracts:
[L12] He who desires to prolong to its conclusion anything arising from the great depths of
[L13] chemical knowledge must consider attentively the celestial bodies, and diligently
[L14] apprehend their qualities, natures, and positions. If he does so, he will discover, with
[L15] the help of divine grace, the insatiable intellect which lies within them.6
[L16] In this statement we. readily comprehend why the spagyrics placed so much stress upon
[L17] astrology-to the point, as we would infer from the above words, of considering it a sine
[L18] qua non of their alchemical operations. For all magical transformations here below, accord￾ing to this way of thinking, are fundamentally bound up with corresponding occult changes
[L19] in the heavens above.
[L20] * Department of History, University of Tennessee, 1101 McClung Tower, Knoxville, Tennessee
[L21] 37916.<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 9>GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS
[L22] Although it is perfectly true that the th-esis of a link .between Trithemius and the
[L23] fifteenth-century spagyric Ripley cannot be sustained by the evidence, the principal reason
[L24] being that Ripley's life ante-dated the demonstrable nlagical career of the Sponheimabbot,
[L25] the allegation oia direct and personal link between- 'Trithemius and the sixteenth century
[L26] spagyric Paracelsus is much more difficult to discount.7 Aside from the interesting question
[L27] of whether Trithemius and Paracelsus ever actually met one another, there is much in the
[L28] abbot's genuine post-:I499writings to lend substance tothe notion of Trithemi'Us Alchemic'Us
[L29] upheld by the later Paracelsians. In particular, it ,can be established that Trithemius
[L30] consciously based his magical theory upon the Emerald Table (Tabula Smaragdina) of
[L31] Hermes Trismegistus, the thirteen precepts of which have served alchemists through the
[L32] centuries as a basic creed of their art.8 The key document to consult in verification of this
[L33] claim is a letter addressed by Trithemius to the Frenchman Germanus de Ganay in the late
[L34] summer of 1505,

【2†[The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000033107230845f888b6d9248ae】

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Title: [The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 3>Catholic University of America Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Catholic
[L2] Historical Review.
[L3] http://www.jstor.org
[L4] Review
[L5] Author(s): Gerald Strauss
[L6] Review by: Gerald Strauss
[L7] Source: The Catholic Historical Review, Vol. 69, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 584-585
[L8] Published by: Catholic University of America Press
[L9] Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25021685
[L10] Accessed: 21-12-2015 15:31 UTC
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[L17] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 3>584 BOOK REVIEWS
[L18] circumstances under which confraternities were originally founded and their
[L19] relationship to the rise of the mendicant orders in the cities. What was the changing
[L20] nature of their spiritual mission, and how closely were they connected to the
[L21] churches in which many held their meetings and to the clergy who served as their
[L22] chaplains and presumably as their spiritual advisors? What role did confraternities
[L23] play in the education of their members and in the development of liturgy? These
[L24] questions go far beyond the scope of the present study with its emphasis on social
[L25] networks. Professor Weissman is definitely to be congratulated for illuminating
[L26] one important side of confraternal life. The reader, however, is left longing for
[L27] a more comprehensive view of confraternities and their place in the religious and
[L28] cultural life of medieval and Renaissance cities.
[L29] Melissa Meriam Bullard
[L30] University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
[L31] The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanism. By
[L32] Noel L. Brann. [Studies in the History of Christian Thought, Volume XXIV.]
[L33] (Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1981. Pp. xx, 400. Gld. 124,-.)
[L34] Of the two books published in the past ten years on the late fifteenth-century
[L35] monastic intellectual and reformer Johannes Trithemius, this is the longer and the
[L36] more supportive of Trithemius' claim to historical importance. It is also the more
[L37] restricted. Unlike Klaus Arnold's Johannes Trithemius, which appeared in 1971
[L38] and presented in little more than 200 pages of text a fascinating portrait of an
[L39] ambiguous, not to say self-contradictory, figure with an exciting career in the
[L40] German Renaissance, Noel Brann's new study devotes itself to a single theme, which
[L41] it pursues through the abbot's life with relentless single-mindedness. Brann's
[L42] picture, immensely detailed, is of a man passionately committed to the ideal of
[L43] monastic erudition?to the attainment of it in his own life and the propagation of it
[L44] in the lives of others. Scientia latet incuculliswas Trithemius' maxim.

【3†[Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf†file_00000000488c71fda3af065c48dd031a】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn2file3
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[L1] 73-
[L2] 100). Appendix 1 gibt die fur die Magieforschung hilfreichen bibliographi￾schen Seiten von Trithemius' Antipalus maleficiorum wieder, mangels kriti￾scher Edition nach dem Druck von A. Busaeus aus dem Jahre 1605. Die￾ser erste Teil bietet hilfreiche Erinnerungen an die verschiedenen Konzeptio￾nen und Dimensionen von Magie. So wird differenziert zwischen einem eher
[L3] ,kultivierten', weil primar literarisch-antiquarischen (Pico, Reuchlin, Agrippa),
[L4] und einem eher popularen, weil an Ritualen und praktischen Handlungs￾anweisungen interessierten Typus (Trithemius, Paracelsus), aber auch-mehr
[L5] inhaltlich-zwischen der im Gefolge Pico'salsTeil der Naturphilosophie legiti￾mierten ,naturlichen' Magie und der zeremoniellen, ,damonischen', der Hexe￾rei verwandten Magie. Dabei verdient das durch Zensur und Inquisition mit
[L6] bedingte ,Doppelspiel' mancher Autoren Beachtung, so etwa das des Trithe￾mius, der einerseits eine esoterische Praxis zeremonieller Magie vertrat, das ent￾sprechende Treiben von ,Hexen' aber als Verbrechen bekampfte. Trotz innerer
[L7] Spannungen wird sowohl Trithemius als auch Agrippa eine mehr oder weni￾ger koharente Denkweise bescheinigt, wobei Freilichder letztere eine deutliche
[L8] Entwicklung erkennen lasst. Dass sich die vielseitigen Interessen und Vorlie￾ben des Trithemius-von der zeremoniellen Magie uber seine Endzeitprophe￾zeiungen bis hin zur allseits bekannten ,Ernndung' und Manipulation histo￾rischer Quellen-zu einem ,Spiel' (game) des grogen Humanisten fugen (S.
[L9] 100), klingt verlockend, doch wusste man gern mehr uber den Ernst eines sol￾chen Spiels.
[L10] Der zweite Teil widmet sich in zwei Beitragen Agrippa als Autor verbo￾tener Bucher, ein Anhang bespricht altere und neuere Agrippa-Literatur (S.
[L11] © Koninklijke Brill NY, LeiJen, 2008 DO!: 1O.1l63/187124108X426826<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 4><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 4>Book Reviews / CHRC 88.4 (2008) 623-655
[L12] I I 5- I 88). Der erste Beitrag prasentiert Agri ppa als "kritischen Magus" . Ihm
[L13] liegt dessen Schrift De vanitate zugrunde, eine Kritik aller Wissenschaften und
[L14] okkulten Disziplinen, aber auch der reformatorischen Bewegung. Der zweite,
[L15] recht umfangliche Artikel dieses Teils handelt von Magie und ,radikaler Refor￾mation' bei Agrippa (S. 138-182). Demnach verfolgte Agrippa schon 1510,
[L16] dem Erscheinen der ersten Version von De occult a philosophia, Magie als "alter￾native form of religious life" (S. 142).

【4†[The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000033107230845f888b6d9248ae】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] These
[L2] questions go far beyond the scope of the present study with its emphasis on social
[L3] networks. Professor Weissman is definitely to be congratulated for illuminating
[L4] one important side of confraternal life. The reader, however, is left longing for
[L5] a more comprehensive view of confraternities and their place in the religious and
[L6] cultural life of medieval and Renaissance cities.
[L7] Melissa Meriam Bullard
[L8] University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
[L9] The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanism. By
[L10] Noel L. Brann. [Studies in the History of Christian Thought, Volume XXIV.]
[L11] (Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1981. Pp. xx, 400. Gld. 124,-.)
[L12] Of the two books published in the past ten years on the late fifteenth-century
[L13] monastic intellectual and reformer Johannes Trithemius, this is the longer and the
[L14] more supportive of Trithemius' claim to historical importance. It is also the more
[L15] restricted. Unlike Klaus Arnold's Johannes Trithemius, which appeared in 1971
[L16] and presented in little more than 200 pages of text a fascinating portrait of an
[L17] ambiguous, not to say self-contradictory, figure with an exciting career in the
[L18] German Renaissance, Noel Brann's new study devotes itself to a single theme, which
[L19] it pursues through the abbot's life with relentless single-mindedness. Brann's
[L20] picture, immensely detailed, is of a man passionately committed to the ideal of
[L21] monastic erudition?to the attainment of it in his own life and the propagation of it
[L22] in the lives of others. Scientia latet incuculliswas Trithemius' maxim."Knowledge
[L23] lies under a monk's hood" is the theme of Brann's book. In order to develop it, he
[L24] not only takes over Trithemius' favorite image of himself as a Christian pilgrim, but
[L25] also assumes the abbot's own outlook on the world and his contemporaries. This
[L26] results in an exceedingly informative, but also very biased treatment, the chief
[L27] objective of which seems to be to demonstrate that Renaissance humanism must
[L28] not be thought of as a lay monopoly.
[L29] This case can be considered proven. Trithemius was formidably versed in all the
[L30] subjects considered worth knowing in his time and culture. He was indefatigable as
[L31] a historian, biographer, theological commentator, and writer of letters. In his
[L32] twenty-two years as abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Sponheim (he was
[L33] elected at age 22!) he built a superb library of nearly 2,000 volumes on almost every
[L34] subject. The purpose of this collection, in addition to satisfying Trithemius' passion
[L35] for books, was to help raise the level and increase the refinement of monastic
[L36] learning, a cause of which Trithemius became the leading advocate in Germany. In
[L37] touch with everyone who counted?the list of his visitors and correspondents,
[L38] This content downloaded from 212.219.139.72 on Mon, 21 Dec 2015 15:31:01 UTC
[L39] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 3><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 3>BOOK REVIEWS 585
[L40] headed by Emperor Maximilian, is a Who's Who of the movers and doers of church
[L41] and state?he was tireless in arguing that his secularized age was in desperate need
[L42] of the ancient ideal of the vera eruditio mon?stica.

【5†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 9>AMBIX, Vol. 26, Part 3, November 1979
[L2] GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS:
[L3] AN INQUIRY INTO CONTRASTING MEDICAL ATTITUDES
[L4] By NOEL L. BRANN*
[L5] IF we should take at face value the heading assigned to a section of an alchemical tract by
[L6] the fifteenth-century English cleric of Bridlington, George Ripley (d. 1490), included by
[L7] Lazarus Zetzner in his seventeenth century Theatrum Chemicum-"Physica-Chemica Tri￾themiea"-then the alchemical reputation of the German Benedictine Abbot of Sponheim
[L8] Johann Trithemius (1462-1516) took its shape well in advance of his far better kno'wn
[L9] steganographic reputation.! To accept this supposition, however, 'would be to run counter
[L10] to the premise of Trithemius's principal biographer Klaus Arnold that the magical fame of
[L11] the arcane-minded monk was not in manifest evidence prior to the inadvertent circulation of
[L12] a letter from his hand to the Carmelite monk Arnold Bastius in 1499 summarizing his parti￾ally written 5teganographia with its claim to communicate ideas at long distances with the
[L13] help of spirits. 2 But inasmuch as the name of Trithemius does not crop up in the text of
[L14] Ripley's treatise, there is little need to disturb ourselves on this score. The heading was an
[L15] afterthought of the editor Zetzner, who thereby sought to draw a connection in the minds
[L16] of his readers between the Hermetic doctrines of the legendary Abbot Trithemius, the al￾chemical precepts of Ripley, and the arcane teachings of the sixteenth century spagyric
[L17] and true successor of Ripley in the advocacy of alchemical magic, Paracelsus (d. 1541).3
[L18] By no means was Zetzner the only seventeenth-century alchemical enthusiast to locate
[L19] Trithemius within the mainstream of the spagyrical movement culminating in the doctrines
[L20] of Paracelsus. Indeed, following a line taken the century before by the French Paracelsian
[L21] Jacques Gohory (= Leo Suavius, d. 1576), not a few of Zetzner's alchemical-minded con￾temporaries were of the belief that Trithemius and Paracelsus had developed a personal
[L22] association.4 To help buttress this widespread opinion a sizeable corpus of alchemical
[L23] writings, bearing such headings as Chemic'Us Nobilis, De lap ide Philosophico, Veterum
[L24] sophorum sigilla et imagines magicae, and the like, came to light under the abbot's name in
[L25] the first half of the seventeenth century.5 The Chemicus Nobilis, representing the sole
[L26] "Trithemius" selection in the Theatrum ChemicU111t,furnishes a typical expression of the state
[L27] of mind at the bottom of this spuriously attributed group of alchemical tracts:
[L28] He who desires to prolong to its conclusion anything arising from the great depths of
[L29] chemical knowledge must consider attentively the celestial bodies, and diligently
[L30] apprehend their qualities, natures, and positions. If he does so, he will discover, with
[L31] the help of divine grace, the insatiable intellect which lies within them.6
[L32] In this statement we.

【6†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 1530), who, five years after the abbot's death (1521), composed his Laus podagrae (Praise
[L2] of the Gout) under the assumption that health of body and purity of soul are at heart dis￾junctive rather than conjunctive categories. Wrote Pirckheimer, speaking through the
[L3] mouth of a personified gout in which the afflicter seeks to console the afflicted by reference
[L4] to certain inborn benefits to his scourges which transcend the question of mere physical
[L5] health:
[L6] For the truth is that while I am debilitating the body, I restore to health the mind;
[L7] while I am afflicting the flesh, I strengthen the spirit; while I am cleansing you of
[L8] that which is earthly, I am introducing into you that which is celestial; while I am
[L9] divesting you of that which is temporal, I am conferring on you that which is
[L10] immortal. 27
[L11] It is not by chance that when the author of the above words sought a book to use
[L12] against certain heretics imprisoned in Nuremberg who allegedly were invoking demons, it
[L13] was Trithemius to whom he immediately turned, the author of a demonological treatise who,
[L14] like himself, sharply dichotomized between the supernatural and natural· realms of exis￾tence.28 Of a very different inclination was the man held by many to have been a disciple
[L15] of Trithemius, Paracelsus,who declared in his Paragranum in a spirit entirely opposite to
[L16] that motivating the medical interests of Trithemius: "1t is the outer physician from whom
[L17] the inner physician is born, and where there is no outward physician there is also no inward
[L18] physician."29 Likewise of a very different inclination from Trithemius was Paracelsus'
[L19] spagyrical forerunner Ripley, who, much more consistently faithful to the Hermetic
[L20] Emerald Table than the occcult-minded abbot with whom his name is linked by Zetzner,
[L21] declared in paraphrase of the second precept maintaining that (\vhat is below is like that
[L22] which is above, and what is above is like that which is belovv": etl t is established that virtues
[L23] both superior and inferior inhere in all things produced by nature."30
[L24] REFERENCES
[L25] I. George Ripley, Duodedm portarum axiomata philosophica, in Lazarus Zetzner, ed ..Theatrum Chemi--
[L26] cum, 6 vols., Strassburg, 1613-61, II (1659), 121-3. Failing to grasp the chronological incongruency
[L27] between the magical careers of Ripley and Trithemius, Paul Chacomac, in· his Grandeur et A dversite
[L28] deJean Tritheme, Paris, 1963. pp. 120-1, has erred in presenting a French translation of the "Physica￾Chemica Trithemica" as if it were actually inspired by the abbot across the channel.
[L29] 2. Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Wiirzburg, 1971, pp. 182 ff. On Trithemius'
[L30] magical outlook and the part the l?ostius letter played in sparking a Trithemian magicallegerid see
[L31] also D. P. Walker. Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, London, 1958; reprint,
[L32] Nendeln/Lichtenstein, 1969. pp. 86-90, and my paper: "The Shift from Mystical to Magical Theology
[L33] in the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)", Studies in Medieval Culture, 11, ed.

【7†[The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000033107230845f888b6d9248ae】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Speaking for himself, and speaking of his notable
[L2] predecessors in the history of the Church, he struggled to resolve the conflicts
[L3] between faith and understanding, piety and learning, Christian values and pagan
[L4] literature, meaning and eloquence. He managed to sustain them in what Brann calls
[L5] a "tense equilibrium." In 1506 he carried his literary activities to the monastery of
[L6] St. Jacob in W?rzburg, touching bases with the many interests of his fellow
[L7] humanists in writing patriotic German history, local chronicles, an autobiography,
[L8] and exercises in the occult. By the time of his death in 1516 he had gained a sizable
[L9] group of followers who strove to guard the values of monastic humanism from
[L10] virulent attacks under which monasticism was coming on the eve of the
[L11] Reformation.
[L12] Noel Brann writes about all this with the warmest sympathy for his hero, but
[L13] unfortunately (from my point of view) also without any detachment. As a result of
[L14] this lack of distance between author and subject there is not conveyed to us much of
[L15] a critical understanding of Trithemius as a phenomenon in the northern
[L16] Renaissance. Most of the abbot's positions on matters of current intellectual
[L17] interest were entirely conventional: the common coin of literary men of the time,
[L18] often mere topoi. But they are presented here solely in the context of Trithemius'
[L19] life, as though they had been uniquely his own inventions. Unlike Arnold's book,
[L20] which frequently moves outward from the abbot's life to observe it in a wider frame
[L21] of reference, Brann's sees everything through Trithemius' eyes. In its detail and its
[L22] use of long quotations, it is excessively pedantic, even pausing to explain at one
[L23] point that the abbot's famous dog, which was trained to respond to commands in
[L24] Greek, didn't really understand Greek. Trithemius' transparently spurious
[L25] fabrication of historical sources for use in his history of the ancient Franks receives
[L26] only the barest mention, and there is no discussion at all of his occult interests and
[L27] his reputation as a magician and a prototype of Dr. Faust. Above all, Brann subjects
[L28] his reader to endless reiteration of Trithemius' problem of reconciling piety with
[L29] erudition and rhetoric. No doubt Trithemius did agonize over this. But after turning
[L30] the pages for the umpteenth time on this familiar theme one is tempted to dismiss
[L31] the plaint as a pose.
[L32] Trithemius led an interesting life, and his writings project a complex and
[L33] appealing personality. There is much to be learned from him and, through him,
[L34] about his age. But he was not a saint. His biography should not be treated as
[L35] hagiography.
[L36] Gerald Strauss
[L37] Indiana University, Bloomington
[L38] This content downloaded from 212.219.139.72 on Mon, 21 Dec 2015 15:31:01 UTC
[L39] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 3>

【8†[The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000033107230845f888b6d9248ae】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn2file8
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[L1] In order to develop it, he
[L2] not only takes over Trithemius' favorite image of himself as a Christian pilgrim, but
[L3] also assumes the abbot's own outlook on the world and his contemporaries. This
[L4] results in an exceedingly informative, but also very biased treatment, the chief
[L5] objective of which seems to be to demonstrate that Renaissance humanism must
[L6] not be thought of as a lay monopoly.
[L7] This case can be considered proven. Trithemius was formidably versed in all the
[L8] subjects considered worth knowing in his time and culture. He was indefatigable as
[L9] a historian, biographer, theological commentator, and writer of letters. In his
[L10] twenty-two years as abbot of the Benedictine monastery of Sponheim (he was
[L11] elected at age 22!) he built a superb library of nearly 2,000 volumes on almost every
[L12] subject. The purpose of this collection, in addition to satisfying Trithemius' passion
[L13] for books, was to help raise the level and increase the refinement of monastic
[L14] learning, a cause of which Trithemius became the leading advocate in Germany. In
[L15] touch with everyone who counted?the list of his visitors and correspondents,
[L16] This content downloaded from 212.219.139.72 on Mon, 21 Dec 2015 15:31:01 UTC
[L17] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 3><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 3>BOOK REVIEWS 585
[L18] headed by Emperor Maximilian, is a Who's Who of the movers and doers of church
[L19] and state?he was tireless in arguing that his secularized age was in desperate need
[L20] of the ancient ideal of the vera eruditio mon?stica. True Christian learning, he
[L21] thought, was possible only in the monastery where "vain curiosity" would be kept at
[L22] bay and the monk's undivided love of God gave the right direction to his labors in
[L23] pursuit of knowledge. Speaking for himself, and speaking of his notable
[L24] predecessors in the history of the Church, he struggled to resolve the conflicts
[L25] between faith and understanding, piety and learning, Christian values and pagan
[L26] literature, meaning and eloquence. He managed to sustain them in what Brann calls
[L27] a "tense equilibrium." In 1506 he carried his literary activities to the monastery of
[L28] St. Jacob in W?rzburg, touching bases with the many interests of his fellow
[L29] humanists in writing patriotic German history, local chronicles, an autobiography,
[L30] and exercises in the occult. By the time of his death in 1516 he had gained a sizable
[L31] group of followers who strove to guard the values of monastic humanism from
[L32] virulent attacks under which monasticism was coming on the eve of the
[L33] Reformation.
[L34] Noel Brann writes about all this with the warmest sympathy for his hero, but
[L35] unfortunately (from my point of view) also without any detachment. As a result of
[L36] this lack of distance between author and subject there is not conveyed to us much of
[L37] a critical understanding of Trithemius as a phenomenon in the northern
[L38] Renaissance. Most of the abbot's positions on matters of current intellectual
[L39] interest were entirely conventional: the common coin of literary men of the time,
[L40] often mere topoi. But they are presented here solely in the context of Trithemius'
[L41] life, as though they had been uniquely his own inventions. Unlike Arnold's book,
[L42] which frequently moves outward from the abbot's life to observe it in a wider frame
[L43] of reference, Brann's sees everything through Trithemius' eyes.

【9†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn2file9
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Content Snippet:
[L1] Integer j2 = k2.length(); C1 1 C1
[L2] 20. char[][] tabel2 = new char[i2][j2]; C1 1 C1
[L3] 21. k = 0; C1 1 C1
[L4] 22. for (int i = 0; i < i2; i++) C2 n C2n
[L5] 23. for (int j = 0; j < j2; j++) { C2 n
[L6] 2 C2n2
[L7] 24. if (k < cipher1.length()) C3 n
[L8] 2 C3n2
[L9] 25. tabel2[i][j] = cipher1.charAt(k); C1 n
[L10] 2 C1n2
[L11] 26. else
[L12] 27. tabel2[i][j] = 'Ī'; C1 n
[L13] 2 C1n2
[L14] 28. k++; C1 n
[L15] 2 C1n2
[L16] 29. }
[L17] 30. runtutan = urutan(k2); C1 1 C1
[L18] 31. for (int i = 0; i < runtutan.length; i++) C2 n C2n
[L19] 32. for (int j = 0; j < i2; j++) C2 n
[L20] 2 C2n2
[L21] 33. cipher2 += tabel2[j][runtutan[i]]; C1 n
[L22] 2 C1n2
[L23] 34. return cipher2; C4 1 C4<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 7 / 7>6
[L24] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L25] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L26] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
[L27] 35. }
[L28] 𝑇(𝑛) = ∑𝐶𝑖#𝑖
[L29] 𝑇(𝑛) = 11𝐶1 + 4𝐶2𝑛 + 8𝐶1𝑛
[L30] 2 + 4𝐶2𝑛
[L31] 2 + 2𝐶3𝑛
[L32] 2 + 𝐶4
[L33] 𝑇(𝑛) = (11𝐶1 + 𝐶4
[L34] )𝑛
[L35] 0 + 4𝐶2𝑛 + + (8𝐶1 + 4𝐶2 + 2𝐶3)𝑛
[L36] 2
[L37] 𝑇(𝑛) = Θ(𝑛
[L38] 2
[L39] )
[L40] From the above calculation, the result of complexity for Double Transposition Cipher is Θ(𝑛
[L41] 2
[L42] ). Thus,
[L43] it can be concluded that the complexity of the super-encryption method between the Trithemius
[L44] algorithm and the Double Transposition Cipher is Θ(𝑛
[L45] 2
[L46] ). It means, the length of plaintext and password
[L47] proportional to linear processing time. The longer the plaintext and password the longer the time it takes.
[L48] 4. Conclusion
[L49] • The process of encryption and decryption using a combination of Trithemius algorithm and
[L50] Double Transposition Cipher in super encryption method, successfully done.
[L51] • The value of super encryption complexity between the two algorithms used is Trithemius and
[L52] Double Transposition Cipher algorithm yield value Θ (n2
[L53] )
[L54] • In the encryption process, the longer the plaintext and password the longer the time it takes. In
[L55] other words, the length of the plaintext and the password is linearly proportional to time.
[L56] 5. References
[L57] [1] Ariyus, Doni. 2008.

【10†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] PDF files are considered safe for static
[L2] file formats . The advantage of a document created in PDF format is that it can not be changed directly
[L3] by the recipient of a document unlike a document file with the format .doc, .txt or the other [4].
[L4] The purpose of this study are using Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in super
[L5] encryption scheme to avoid theft of files / data, calculates the super encryption complexity in Big Theta
[L6] (Big-θ), and measure Real Running Time super encryption in millisecond (ms).
[L7] 2. Method
[L8] On the encryption process, Trithemius algorithm will be used first. In the encryption process, the next
[L9] letter on the plaintext will be replaced by the relevant letter of the next row in the table. After using the
[L10] last line, one should move back to the first line. This means that all letters on the plaintext change
[L11] according to the number of positions specified by the actual row. Therefore the first letter is encrypted
[L12] without a shift, the second letter with the shift is determined by the second row (so by one position), the
[L13] third letter with the shift determined by the third row (so by two positions) and so on. Or, can also be
[L14] calculated by the formula:
[L15] 𝐶 ≡ 𝑃 + 𝐾(𝑚𝑜𝑑 𝑛) (1)
[L16] 𝑃 ≡ 𝐶 − 𝐾(𝑚𝑜𝑑 𝑛) (2)
[L17] Where :
[L18] C: Ciphertext
[L19] P: Plaintext
[L20] K: Key
[L21] N: number of letters used
[L22] This cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys. After the key in the
[L23] first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical order, and the plaintext
[L24] is read per column based on the sequence of numbers. Where, the direction of the sequence should be
[L25] determined first whether left-to-right, or right-to-left, to facilitate when there is the same letter on the
[L26] key.
[L27] Ciphertext generated from the first round, encrypted again in the second round in the same way, but
[L28] using a different key. Ciphertext generated from the second round, then divided into blocks. Where,
[L29] each block consists of 5 letters to facilitate the transmission process. One of the requirements of
[L30] encryption process using this cipher is, the table we use must be fully loaded. In order for the table used
[L31] to be fully charged, padding character is used.
[L32] While in the decryption process by using Double Transposition Cipher, start by using the second key
[L33] first. Where, the number of rows in the table is determined by the division of ciphertext length by key.
[L34] (Salomon, 2005). Then, the ciphertext is inserted into the table based on the number of fragments in
[L35] alphabetical order in the key used.
[L36] 3. Result and Discussion
[L37] The system was built using Android Studio 1.3.2. with the programming language is Java. This system
[L38] is tested with Personal Computer with processor intel core i7 – 3632QM CPU @ 2.20 GHz, Memory 4
[L39] GB RAM.
[L40] Table 1. Complexity of Trithemius Algorithm Encryption Method<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 7>3
[L41] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L42] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L43] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf.

【11†[Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf†file_00000000488c71fda3af065c48dd031a】

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Title: [Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf
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[L1] Dass sich die vielseitigen Interessen und Vorlie￾ben des Trithemius-von der zeremoniellen Magie uber seine Endzeitprophe￾zeiungen bis hin zur allseits bekannten ,Ernndung' und Manipulation histo￾rischer Quellen-zu einem ,Spiel' (game) des grogen Humanisten fugen (S.
[L2] 100), klingt verlockend, doch wusste man gern mehr uber den Ernst eines sol￾chen Spiels.
[L3] Der zweite Teil widmet sich in zwei Beitragen Agrippa als Autor verbo￾tener Bucher, ein Anhang bespricht altere und neuere Agrippa-Literatur (S.
[L4] © Koninklijke Brill NY, LeiJen, 2008 DO!: 1O.1l63/187124108X426826<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 4><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 4>Book Reviews / CHRC 88.4 (2008) 623-655
[L5] I I 5- I 88). Der erste Beitrag prasentiert Agri ppa als "kritischen Magus" . Ihm
[L6] liegt dessen Schrift De vanitate zugrunde, eine Kritik aller Wissenschaften und
[L7] okkulten Disziplinen, aber auch der reformatorischen Bewegung. Der zweite,
[L8] recht umfangliche Artikel dieses Teils handelt von Magie und ,radikaler Refor￾mation' bei Agrippa (S. 138-182). Demnach verfolgte Agrippa schon 1510,
[L9] dem Erscheinen der ersten Version von De occult a philosophia, Magie als "alter￾native form of religious life" (S. 142). 1m Blick auf seine kritische Haltung
[L10] gegenuber kirchlichen Autoritaten, seine Betonung der geistlichen Schriftin￾terpretation und des Laienchristentums wird eine besondere Nahe zu F. Lam￾bert und W. Capito konstatiert. Agrippas Spiritualism us wohnte Freilich eine
[L11] Tendenz zur ,naturlichen Religion' inne, die auch vor dem AufZeigen von
[L12] innerbiblischen Widerspruchen nicht zuruckschreckte. Seine wegen der Zen￾sur verborgen gehaltene Offenheit gegenuber der Lehre vom Seelenschlaf, die
[L13] sich von Wittenberg uber Stragburg bis an den Hof der Margarete von Navarra
[L14] verbreitet hatte, aber auch tauferische Vertreter fand, wird dabei als Bestatigung
[L15] der Verbindung zu diesen Kreisen gesehen. Zu Recht wird die Frage gestellt,
[L16] ob Agrippa nicht auch noch nach seinem Tod eine wichtige Rolle als Identi￾fikationsfigur fur Calvins Polemik gegen Libertiner und Nikodemiten spielte
[L17] (S. 180). Freilich musste dem realen Verhaltnis von radikaler Reformation und
[L18] Magie aufbreiterer Basis nachgegangen werden. Die angehangte Literaturbe￾sprechung geht nochmals auf die Bedeutung der Lehre vom Seelenschlaf und
[L19] die Nikodemiten-1hese ein.
[L20] Der dritte Hauptteil bietet zwei Beitrage zu G. Bruno als Leser verbotener
[L21] Bucher (S. 191-253). Der Index kann geradezu als bibliographischer Leitfaden
[L22] fur Bruno's Lekture gelten.

【12†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] This study aims to combine the trithemus algorithm and double transposition cipher
[L2] in file security that will be implemented to be an Android-based application. The parameters being
[L3] examined are the real running time , and the complexity value. The type of file to be used is a file in
[L4] PDF format. The overall result shows that the complexity of the two algorithms with duper encryption
[L5] method is reported as Θ (𝑛2).However, the processing time required in the encryption process uses
[L6] the Trithemius algorithm much faster than using the Double Transposition Cipher. With the length of
[L7] plaintext and password linearly proportional to the processing time.
[L8] 1. Introduction
[L9] The word ‘cryptography’ comes from Greek. According to the language, the word cryptography is
[L10] divided into two, namely ‘crypto’ and ‘graphia’. ‘Crypto’ means secret and ‘graphia’ means writing.
[L11] According to its terminology, cryptography is the science and art of keeping messages safe when
[L12] messages are sent from one place to another [1]. Thus, cryptography can help us in preventing the arrival
[L13] of important information, into unauthorized hands. The purpose of cryptography is 4. ie confidentiality,
[L14] integrity, authentication,andnon-repudation. Confidentiality focuses on data confidentiality, integrity
[L15] focuses on received data is true and genuine data, authentication is done to prevent false data, and non￾repudation aims to prevent the shielding of the data from the sender. Cryptography algorithm divided 2
[L16] that is, symmetric algorithm and asymmetric algorithm. However, in this study the algorithm used is a
[L17] classical algorithm, namely Trithemius Algorithm and double transposition cipher.
[L18] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
[L19] random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table of Trithemius
[L20] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
[L21] random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table Trithemius, which has 24
[L22] rows and columns 24 of 24 letters in the Latin alphabet except the letter j and v [2].
[L23] However, in order to make the system more useful, in this study we used a trithemius table consisting
[L24] of 65 rows and columns. Where, all characters have entered into the table. Both lowercase and
[L25] uppercase. Plus numbers 0 through 9, and some punctuation.
[L26] Double Transposition Cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys.
[L27] After the key in the first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical
[L28] order, and the plaintext is read per column based on the sequence of numbers. Where, the direction of <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 7>2
[L29] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L30] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L31] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
[L32] the sequence should be determined first whether left-to-right, or right-to-left, to facilitate when there is
[L33] the same letter on the key.Ciphertext generated from the first round, encrypted again in the second round
[L34] in the same way, but using a different key [3].
[L35] File to be used in this research is a file with PDF format. PDF files are considered safe for static
[L36] file formats .

【13†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] "30
[L2] REFERENCES
[L3] I. George Ripley, Duodedm portarum axiomata philosophica, in Lazarus Zetzner, ed ..Theatrum Chemi--
[L4] cum, 6 vols., Strassburg, 1613-61, II (1659), 121-3. Failing to grasp the chronological incongruency
[L5] between the magical careers of Ripley and Trithemius, Paul Chacomac, in· his Grandeur et A dversite
[L6] deJean Tritheme, Paris, 1963. pp. 120-1, has erred in presenting a French translation of the "Physica￾Chemica Trithemica" as if it were actually inspired by the abbot across the channel.
[L7] 2. Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Wiirzburg, 1971, pp. 182 ff. On Trithemius'
[L8] magical outlook and the part the l?ostius letter played in sparking a Trithemian magicallegerid see
[L9] also D. P. Walker. Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, London, 1958; reprint,
[L10] Nendeln/Lichtenstein, 1969. pp. 86-90, and my paper: "The Shift from Mystical to Magical Theology
[L11] in the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)", Studies in Medieval Culture, 11, ed. John R. Sommerfeldt and<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 7 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 8 / 9>GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS
[L12] Thomas H. Seiler, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, 1977, 147-60, esp. pp.
[L13] 147-8.
[L14] 3. On Hermeticism in general see Will-Erich P,euckert, Pansophie: ,Ein Versuchzuy Geschichte de••
[L15] weissen und schwayzen Magie, Stuttgart, 1936; Walker, Magic (note 2); and Frances A. Yates,
[L16] Giordano Bruno and the Heymetic Tradition, London, 1964, 1971 and The Rosicyucian Enlightenment,
[L17] London/Boston, 1972; and on alchemy as a special strain of Hermeticism, Arthur E. Waite, The
[L18] Secyet Tradition in Alchemy: Its Development and Records, London, 1926; john Read, Prelude to
[L19] Chemistyy: An Outline of Alchemy, 2nd ed., London, 1939; reprint. Cambridge, Mass., 1961; and
[L20] Eric j. Holmyard, Alchemy, Baltimore, 1968. On Paracelsus see most notably Walter Pagel,
[L21] Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance, Basel, 1958,
[L22] and Das M edizinische Weltbild des Paracelsus : Seine Zusammenhiinge mit N euplatonismus und Gnosis,
[L23] Wiesbaden, 1962, and on the Paracelsian movement, Allen G. Debus, The English Paracelsians,
[L24] New York, 1965, and The Chemical Philosophy, 2 vols., New York, 1977. The most formidable
[L25] scholarly investigation into all aspects of the occult traditions from ancient times through the
[L26] seventeenth century is of course Lynn Thorndike's A History of Magic and Experimental Science,
[L27] 8 vols., New York/London, 1923-58.

【14†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] In contrast to this illicit form of alchemy
[L2] -referred to else\vhere by Trithemius as a "chaste \vhore" (casta meretrix) \vho is widely
[L3] renowned for promising many pleasures to her lovers but in the end witholding that \vhich is
[L4] promised- Trithemius proclaims as the elevated goal of all true alchemy:
[L5] Our philosophy is celestial, not worldly (Nostra philosophia coelestis est non
[L6] terrena), in order that we may faithfully behold, by means of a direct intuition of
[L7] the mind through faith and knowledge, that principle (principium) which we call
[L8] God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, one Principle (unum principium), one God,
[L9] and one highest Good existing in a Trinity of eternal persons, and also so that we may
[L10] believe in His existence with conviction and become intimately acquainted with
[L11] Him from Whom all things which are able to be present anywhere derive, ahvays
[L12] adoring Him with a most fervent show of love and service. Unless the mind is
[L13] enlivened and surges upward to this. destination, it may comprehend nothing of
[L14] those things which are really noble (pulchra), but must languish in its o\vn ig￾norance.I5
[L15] Making appeal in this vein to certain "ancient wise men" (antiqui sapientes) who put
[L16] forth this doctrine as a '''yay to the divine" (ad superos via), Trithemius leaves no doubt to
[L17] Ganay but that a leader among those antiqui sapientes, the presumed author of a tract
[L18] praising man as a1nagnum 1niraculttm by virtue of his inward magical powers, was the very
[L19] same Hermes Trismegistus presumed to be the author of the Emerald Table. Thus, as a
[L20] kind of summary statement of all that has gone before, Trithemius instructs Ganay in
[L21] keeping with demands of vera alchy1nia: "Study generates knowledge; knowledge prepares
[L22] love; love, similarity; similarity, communion; communion, virtue; virtue, dignity; dignity,<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 9>GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS 215
[L23] power; and po\ver performs the miracle (et potentia facit miraculum)." In this doctrine
[L24] and in this doctrine alone, Trithemius exhorts Ganay, resides:
[L25] the sole path to the goal of magical perfections both divine and natural, by the virtue
[L26] of which it is protected and propagated far from every deceptive, diabolical, and
[L27] superstitious influence. For truly we should wish to have understood by magic
[L28] nothing else but \visdom, that is, the discernment of things both physical and meta￾physical, \vhich kno\vledge is dependent upon the po\ver of divine and of natural
[L29] things,16-
[L30] From the foregoing it should be clear that, though a case cannot legitimately be made for
[L31] an influence of Trithemius upon George Ripley's alchemical speculations, there is much in
[L32] the abbot's outlook of a kindred spirit \vith that of Ripley. And where better can we look
[L33] for evidence of this kindred spirit than in the tract chosen by the alchemical anthologist
[L34] Zetzner to represent Ripley in his Theatrum Chemic'lJ,m, Ripley's Duodecim portarum
[L35] axiol1tata Philosophica, above all in the special section of that tract fallaciously assigned the
[L36] heading by Zetzner: HPhysica-Chemica Trithemica".

【15†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] 21. String hasil = new String(arrayplaintext); C1 1 C1
[L2] 22. return hasil; C5 1 C5
[L3] 23. }
[L4] 𝑇(𝑛) = ∑𝐶𝑖#𝑖
[L5] 𝑇(𝑛) = 5𝐶1 + 7𝐶1𝑛 + 𝐶2𝑛 + 2𝐶3𝑛 + 𝐶4𝑛 + 𝐶5
[L6] 𝑇(𝑛) = (5𝐶1 + 𝐶5
[L7] )𝑛
[L8] 0 + (7𝐶1 + 𝐶2 + 2𝐶3 + 𝐶4
[L9] )𝑛
[L10] 1
[L11] �
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【0†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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Title: [Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 2 Moehsen says in 1488.
[L2] F
[L3] Downloaded by [Florida State University] at 02:27 30 June 2016 <IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 8><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 8>S4 J. R. Partington on
[L4] the discipline and fostered tIle studies of the monks, repaired the monastery,
[L5] increased its library from 48 to 2000 books, and established for himself a great
[L6] reputation for learning. In 1505 he went to Heidelberg to advise the Count
[L7] Palatine on the site of a monastery, and during his absence disaffection broke
[L8] out at Sponheim. After sojourning at Cologne and Spires, Trithemius, in 1506,
[L9] became Abbot of the Scottish monastery of St. James at Wiirzburg, where
[L10] he died in 15163• In 1508 he stayed for a short time at the court of the
[L11] Emperor Maximilian 4.
[L12] Trithemius was a voluminous writer both of books and letters; his works
[L13] are now little esteemed, and there is no recent account of him. His separate
[L14] works <;>nhistory and theology are most conveniently consulted in two collec￾tions: (1) the Opera Historica, edited by Marquardt Freher, in two folio
[L15] volumes, Frankfurt, 1601 5, and St. Gall, 1690 6; and (2) the Opera Pia et
[L16] Spiritualia, edited by John Busreus, S.J., folio, Mainz, 1604 7. Not included
[L17] in these collections are his Steganographia (1531, etc.) 8, a work on cipher
[L18] messages mistaken for magic conjurations, and his Polygraphiee 9. His letters
[L19] (Epistolarum jamiliarium libri duo) 10 are included in the Opera H istorica.
[L20] 3 Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, Glasgow, 1906, ii, 471, says he died in 1519.
[L21] 4 On the life and writings of Trithemius may be consulted: Zedler, Grosses Universal￾Lexicon, Leipzig and Halle, 1745, xlv, cols. 929-34; jocher, Allgemeines Gelehrten Lexicon,
[L22] Leipzig, 1751, iv, 1326; N. Scheid, Catholic Encyclopcedia, New York, 1912, xv, 62
[L23] (portrait); • K.' in Nouvelle Biographie Generale, Paris, 1866, xlv, 644; Strunz, Paracelsus,
[L24] Leipzig, 1903, 30 f.; lives of Trithemius are also contained in the collected editions of his
[L25] works (see ') and in W. E. Heidel, Trithemii . . .. Steganographia . . .. Conivrationes
[L26] Spiritvvm •... , 4°, Nuremberg, 1721; Ferguson, Opecit., gives a bibliography of sources
[L27] (mostly secondary); L. Silbernagel, Johannes Trithemius, Landshut, 1868 (pp. 226 f., 244),
[L28] says the alchemical works are spurious; a second edit., Regensburg. 1885, I have not seen;
[L29] W. Schneegans, Abt Trithemius und Kloster Sponheim, Kreuznach, 1882 (on his scientific
[L30] work, pp. 184 fI.).
[L31] 6 lohannis Trithemii . .

【1†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] However, as the result of the vehement commotion stirred up by the inadvert￾ent circulation of a letter he had penned the year before to the just-deceased Gent
[L2] Carmelite Arnold Bostius, outlining the planned tract's contents, and of a bitter denuncia￾tion of his steganographic magic for being demon-riddled by the French philosopher
[L3] Carolus Bovillus in a widely disseminated letter to Germanus de Ganay reputedly dated
[L4] 1509, Trithemius decided to leave the Steganographia stillborn. But the abbot did not
[L5] thereupon desist from his cryptological efforts, following up the controversial stegano￾graphic handbook with a safer, entirely spirit-free Polygraphia, completed by 1508 and
[L6] posthumously printed a decade later at Basel. The completed portions of the Stegano￾graphia were printed at Frankfort a/M in 1606.
[L7] 2 Paracelsus, Die Grosse Wundarznei (=Chirurgia Magna), II, in Sdmtliche Werke,
[L8] Abteilung I: Medizinische, naturwissenschaftliche und philosophische Schriften, ed. Karl
[L9] Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiessen, 14 vols. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1922-1933), X (1928),
[L10] 354: "Domit ich euch auch unterricht, wie mir solichs zutun muglich sei, soliches zu
[L11] schicken wie gemelt ist, so nempt ir als zu verstehen: von kintheit auf hab ich die ding
[L12] getriben und von guten underrichtern gelernet, die in der adepta philosophia die
[L13] ergrundesten warent und den kunsten mechtig nach grundeten. erstlich Wilhelmus von
[L14] Hohenheim, meinen vatter, der mich nie verlassen hat, demnach und mit sampt in ein
[L15] grosse zal, die nit wol zu nennen ist, mit sampt vilerlei geschriften der alten und der
[L16] neuen von etlichen herkomen, die sich gross gemiihet habent, als bischof Scheit von
[L17] Settgach, bischof Nicolaus von Yppon, bischof Mattheus Schacht, sufraganus Phreisingen
[L18] und vil ept, als von Spanheim und dergleichen mer, und vil ander den anderen doctorn
[L19] und dergleichen, auch so ist ein grosse erfarnus beschehen und ein lange seit her durch vil
[L20] alchimisten die in solchen kuinsten gesucht haben, als nemlich der edel und fest Sigmund
[L21] This content downloaded from 62.122.76.54 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 18:34:33 PM
[L22] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 14><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 14>72 The Sixteenth Century Journal
[L23] response of Paracelsus scholars to this passage in his Pansophie of 1936:
[L24] "There is no doubt whom he meant. For at Sponheim no one but Trithemius
[L25] had occupied himself with the light of nature, that is, the philosophia
[L26] adepta. . . Trithemius was indeed [Paracelsus'] teacher."3
[L27] This logical inference, however, has not passed entirely unchallenged.

【2†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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[L1] Prof. S. R. K. GLANVILLE.
[L2] Sir RICHARDA. GREGORY,Bt., F.R.S.
[L3] G. HEYM, Esq. (Han. F01'eign Sec.).
[L4] Dr. E. J. HOLMYARD.
[L5] Dr. STEPHEN MIALL.
[L6] VOL. II SEPTEl\tIBER, 1938 NO.2
[L7] TRITHEMIUS AND ALCHEMY.
[L8] By J. R. PARTINGTON,M.B.E., D.Sc.
[L9] JOHANNESTRITHEMIUSwas born in 1462 1. at Trittenheim near Trier on the
[L10] Moselle, and takes his name from that of his birthplace. After assiduous but
[L11] unsystematic study at Trier and Heidelberg he left for home in 1482, travelling
[L12] on foot. He got as far as Sponheim, a mile from Bingen, where deep snow
[L13] drove him to shelter in the Benedictine cloister of St. Martin, where he decided
[L14] to become a novitiate. Later in the year he made profession, and in 14832,
[L15] at the age of barely twenty-two, he was elected Abbot of Sponheim, an office
[L16] which he filled for twenty-three years. During this period he re-established
[L17] 1 Moehsen, Geschichte ,der Wissenschaften in der Mark Brandenburg, 4°, Berlin and
[L18] Leipzig, 1781, 449, is the only author I have seen who gives 1464 as the date of birth.
[L19] In the Beitriige to this work, Berlin and Leipzig, 4°, 1783, 29, Moehsen ranks Trithemius,
[L20] Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas among the adepts, or those who t at least worked
[L21] in the art '.
[L22] 2 Moehsen says in 1488.
[L23] F
[L24] Downloaded by [Florida State University] at 02:27 30 June 2016 <IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 8><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 8>S4 J. R. Partington on
[L25] the discipline and fostered tIle studies of the monks, repaired the monastery,
[L26] increased its library from 48 to 2000 books, and established for himself a great
[L27] reputation for learning. In 1505 he went to Heidelberg to advise the Count
[L28] Palatine on the site of a monastery, and during his absence disaffection broke
[L29] out at Sponheim. After sojourning at Cologne and Spires, Trithemius, in 1506,
[L30] became Abbot of the Scottish monastery of St. James at Wiirzburg, where
[L31] he died in 15163• In 1508 he stayed for a short time at the court of the
[L32] Emperor Maximilian 4.
[L33] Trithemius was a voluminous writer both of books and letters; his works
[L34] are now little esteemed, and there is no recent account of him. His separate
[L35] works <;>nhistory and theology are most conveniently consulted in two collec￾tions: (1) the Opera Historica, edited by Marquardt Freher, in two folio
[L36] volumes, Frankfurt, 1601 5, and St. Gall, 1690 6; and (2) the Opera Pia et
[L37] Spiritualia, edited by John Busreus, S.J., folio, Mainz, 1604 7. Not included
[L38] in these collections are his Steganographia (1531, etc.) 8, a work on cipher
[L39] messages mistaken for magic conjurations, and his Polygraphiee 9.

【3†[Notes and Queries 1851-dec 20 vol. s1-IV iss. 112] Harrington, E. C. - Johannes Trithemius (1851) [10.1093_nq_s1-IV.112.489g] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000f97471fda7b31d073e5d7e72】

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Title: [Notes and Queries 1851-dec 20 vol. s1-IV iss. 112] Harrington, E. C. - Johannes Trithemius (1851) [10.1093_nq_s1-IV.112.489g] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Some time after
[L2] Wolfe's death liis family wished to give some
[L3] nicinorisil of him to tlic laily who had been en￾gaged to him, and they consulted her as to the
[L4] form which it. should take. Her answer was, " A
[L5] diamond necklace;" and her reason, because she
[L6] was going to be married to another person, and
[L7] such an ornament would be useful. My informant,
[L8] whose birth, according to the Peerage, was in 1766,
[L9] had, in her earlier days, often met this lady, and
[L10] described her as showing remains of beauty, but as
[L11] no wiser than this anecdote would lead us to sup￾pose her. J. C. K.
[L12] Johannes Trilhemius (Vol. iv., p. 442.). — This
[L13] noted historian and divine was born at Tritten￾licim, in the electorate of Treves, in 1462. He
[L14] became abbot of Spanhcim about 1482, where he
[L15] made a rich collection of manuscript and printed
[L16] books. In 1506 he was appointed abbot of St.
[L17] James at Wurtzbourg. His writings are nu￾merous, and there is an ample collection of them
[L18] in the British Museum. In his Nepiachus, he
[L19] gives an account of his life and studies. He died
[L20] at Wurtzbourg in 1516. The learned and ju￾dicious Daunou thus characterises the volume
[L21] De xcriptoribus ecclesiasticis: '*Mal™re beaucoup
[L22] d'omissions et d'erreiirs, ce livre a ete fort utije a
[L23] ceux qui ont depuis mieux traitc la meme miuiere;
[L24] ' on le consulte encore aujourd'hui." • ' • • .
[L25] Lel.imi, Bale, Pits, and Wharton, hare recorded
[L26] their obligations to Tritheinius.- The venerable
[L27] •Leland quotes him frequently, under tbe name of
[L28] Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/nq/article-abstract/s1-IV/112/489/4530693 by Bibliotheque Mathematique Orsay user on 13 May 2019<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 2><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 2>490 NOTES AND QUEKIES. [No. 112.
[L29] Trittemius, and styles him " homo diligentia? plane
[L30] maxims, nee minoris lectionis." BOI/TON COBSEY.
[L31] " John Trytheme was a German Benedictine, and
[L32] Ablwt of Hirsauge, A.D. 1484. He was the author of
[L33] A Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, several Letter*,
[L34] Treatises of Piety, of Doctrine, and Morality, other
[L35] historical works, and The Chronicle of Hirsauge."—(See
[L36] •Xhifresnov's Chronological Tables.)
[L37] It.would appear that the work Trithemii Col￾lectanea de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis has gone
[L38] through several editions ; mid Walch tells us that
[L39] " inter onines ea eininet, quam Jo. Alberto Fabricio
[L40] debemus." The following remarks also respecting
[L41] Trithemius appear in Walch's Bibliutheca (torn. iii.
[L42] p. 389 ) :
[L43] . " Incipit Trithemius a Clemente Romano; recenset
[L44] scrip tores 970; ac testatur, se in opere hoc conficiendo
[L45] per septem fere annorum spatium elahorasse.

【4†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Noel L. Brann
[L2] Huntington Library
[L3] WAS THE RENOWNED alchemical physician Theophrastus Bombastus von
[L4] Hohenheim (1493-1541), better known to posterity as Paracelsus, a student of
[L5] the Benedictine Abbot Trithernius (1462-1516) of steganographic fame?' This
[L6] question sticks like a thorn in the flesh of Paracelsian research. Until recently
[L7] it has been taken as more or less an unquestioned axiom of Paracelsus scholar￾ship, based in the last analysis on nothing more substantial than a single
[L8] ambiguous reference by Paracelsus in his Die Grosse Wundarznei (1536) to the
[L9] early influences upon his life which had led him to become interested in
[L10] alchemy, that at some time in his youth Paracelsus managed to make his way
[L11] to Trithernius at home in his second cloister of St. Jacob in Wuirzburg (the
[L12] abbot was formerly in charge of St. Martin at Sponheim) for instruction in
[L13] the arcana. Among those introducing him into the adept philosophy, Para￾celsus reported, were his father Wilhelm, four bishops (cited by name), "many
[L14] abbots, as the abbot of Sponheim (vil ept, als von Spanheim), and many
[L15] others of like persuasion."2 As Will-Erich Peuckert aptly echoed the typical
[L16] I On the magical career of Trithemius see Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius
[L17] (1462-1516) (Wiirzburg: Schoningh, 1971), pp. 180 ff. Trithemius had conceived and
[L18] composed two books and part of a third book of his projected eight-book Steganographia
[L19] by 1500. However, as the result of the vehement commotion stirred up by the inadvert￾ent circulation of a letter he had penned the year before to the just-deceased Gent
[L20] Carmelite Arnold Bostius, outlining the planned tract's contents, and of a bitter denuncia￾tion of his steganographic magic for being demon-riddled by the French philosopher
[L21] Carolus Bovillus in a widely disseminated letter to Germanus de Ganay reputedly dated
[L22] 1509, Trithemius decided to leave the Steganographia stillborn. But the abbot did not
[L23] thereupon desist from his cryptological efforts, following up the controversial stegano￾graphic handbook with a safer, entirely spirit-free Polygraphia, completed by 1508 and
[L24] posthumously printed a decade later at Basel. The completed portions of the Stegano￾graphia were printed at Frankfort a/M in 1606.
[L25] 2 Paracelsus, Die Grosse Wundarznei (=Chirurgia Magna), II, in Sdmtliche Werke,
[L26] Abteilung I: Medizinische, naturwissenschaftliche und philosophische Schriften, ed. Karl
[L27] Sudhoff and Wilhelm Matthiessen, 14 vols. (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1922-1933), X (1928),
[L28] 354: "Domit ich euch auch unterricht, wie mir solichs zutun muglich sei, soliches zu
[L29] schicken wie gemelt ist, so nempt ir als zu verstehen: von kintheit auf hab ich die ding
[L30] getriben und von guten underrichtern gelernet, die in der adepta philosophia die
[L31] ergrundesten warent und den kunsten mechtig nach grundeten. erstlich Wilhelmus von
[L32] Hohenheim,

【5†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Gall, 1690, II, 286 fi., where the abbot ridicules numerous
[L2] figures seduced as much by their own avarice as by a false conception of the alchemical art.
[L3] 16. Ibid. For a reference to this passage see Thorndike, Magic (note 3), VI (1941), 438-9.
[L4] 17. Ripley, Duodec. axiom. (note I), in Zetzner, Theatrum, II (1659), 121-2.
[L5] 18. Trithemius to Count Johannes of Westerburg, Sponheim, 10 May 1503, Epistolae, in De septem
[L6] secundeis ... , Cologne, 1567, pp. 87-8.
[L7] 19. Bartholomaeus Lescanius to Trithemius, Berlin, 13 May 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 52, in Freher, ed.
[L8] Ope hist., 565.
[L9] 20. Trithemius to Bartholomaeus Lescanius, Wurzburg, 30 August 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 53, in
[L10] Freher, ed. Ope hist., 566.
[L11] 21. Trithemius, Antipalus maleficiorum, lib. III, in Johannes Busaeus, S.J., ed. Paralipomena opusculo￾rum Petri Blenensis et Joannis Trithemii, Cologne, 1624, p. 393. On Trithemius's demonological
[L12] preoccupations see Arnold, Trithemius, pp. 196 fi., with this passage from the Antip. cited p. 198 n.'
[L13] 22. Patacelsus, Von den Krankheiten, so die Vernunfft berauben, Basel, 1567, tr. by Gregory Zilboorg as:
[L14] The Diseases That Deprive Man oj His Reason, Such as St. Vitus' Dance, Falling Sickness, Melancholy,
[L15] and Insanity and their Correct Treatment, preface, in Henry E. Sigerist, ed. Four Treatises dfTheo￾phrastus von Hohenheim called Paracelsus, Baltimore, 1941, p. 142. As Zilboorg points out in his
[L16] introduction to this tract, Paracelsus anticipates by several decades the campaign of the German
[L17] physician Johann Wier to put an end to the witch persecutions. Cf. Zilboorg, The Medical Man and
[L18] the Witch During the Renaissance, Baltimore, 1935, passim; Zilboorg and George W. Henry, A
[L19] History oj Medical Psychology, New York, 1941, pp. 195 fi.; and Walter Bromberg, The Mind of
[L20] Man: A History oj Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis, New York, 1954, 1059, p. 168.
[L21] 23. Paracelsus, Paragranum, in Werke, ed. Will-Erich Peuckert, 4 vols., Basel/Stuttgart, 1965, I, 504.
[L22] 24. Ripley, Duodec. axiom. (note I), in Zetzner, Theatrum, II (1659), 121-2.
[L23] 25. Trithemius, De sept. secund. (note 18), p. 96.
[L24] 26. Trithemius, Liber octo quaestionum, no. 7, in Busaeus, ed.

【6†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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[L1] His letters
[L2] (Epistolarum jamiliarium libri duo) 10 are included in the Opera H istorica.
[L3] 3 Ferguson, Bibliotheca Chemica, Glasgow, 1906, ii, 471, says he died in 1519.
[L4] 4 On the life and writings of Trithemius may be consulted: Zedler, Grosses Universal￾Lexicon, Leipzig and Halle, 1745, xlv, cols. 929-34; jocher, Allgemeines Gelehrten Lexicon,
[L5] Leipzig, 1751, iv, 1326; N. Scheid, Catholic Encyclopcedia, New York, 1912, xv, 62
[L6] (portrait); • K.' in Nouvelle Biographie Generale, Paris, 1866, xlv, 644; Strunz, Paracelsus,
[L7] Leipzig, 1903, 30 f.; lives of Trithemius are also contained in the collected editions of his
[L8] works (see ') and in W. E. Heidel, Trithemii . . .. Steganographia . . .. Conivrationes
[L9] Spiritvvm •... , 4°, Nuremberg, 1721; Ferguson, Opecit., gives a bibliography of sources
[L10] (mostly secondary); L. Silbernagel, Johannes Trithemius, Landshut, 1868 (pp. 226 f., 244),
[L11] says the alchemical works are spurious; a second edit., Regensburg. 1885, I have not seen;
[L12] W. Schneegans, Abt Trithemius und Kloster Sponheim, Kreuznach, 1882 (on his scientific
[L13] work, pp. 184 fI.).
[L14] 6 lohannis Trithemii . . .. PrimCB Partis Opera H istorica. SecundCBPartis Chronica
[L15] Insignia Dvo. I. Coenobii Hirsavgiensis . . .. II. Coenobii Spanhemiensis . . .. Accedunt
[L16] EpistolCB eiusdem Familiares . . .. Cum Indice .... , fo1., Frankfurt, 1601.
[L17] 6 Joannis Trithemij .... Tomus I. [Tomus II.] Annalium Hirsavgensivm . . .. Nunc
[L18] primum .... e Manuscriptis BibliothecCB Monasterij S. Galli publicce luci datum ....
[L19] Typis ejusdem Monasterij S. Galli, fo1., 2 vols., 1690. This edition includes some text of
[L20] interest to us which is omitted in 6.
[L21] 7 An edition with supplement (Paralipomena) is said to have been published at Mainz
[L22] in 1605. I have not read this large work, which seemed to contain nothing of interest
[L23] to us.
[L24] a The first edition is said to have been jn 2 vols. 8°, Lyons, with works of Agrippa etc. ;
[L25] the first edition I have seen is of Frankfurt and Darmstadt, 4°, 1606, 5teganographia ....
[L26] Joanne Trithemio, Abbate Spanheimensi &- MagiCB Naturalis Magistro perfectissimo; for
[L27] Heidel's edition see 3.
[L28] 8 PoZygraphiCBlibri sex .... accessit Clavis; sm. fo1.,s. 1.

【7†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Given the Devil’s well-known repu￾tation as deceiver, however, it is a portrayal that readily contributed to the
[L2] more sinister Faustian reputation of later years. Going so far in his perversity
[L3] as to blaspheme ‘that the miracles of Christ our Saviour were not truly
[L4] marvelous acts, and that he himself could perform, every day and wherever he
[L5] wished, all the things which Christ performed’, Trithemius intimated in his
[L6] epistolary testament without expressly saying so, Faustus exercized remark￾able powers of prestidigitation that at bottom owed, not to divine assistance as
[L7] he would have us believe, but to assistance of the demons intent on counter￾feiting the miracles of God3
[L8] . The irony in all of this, of course, is that Trithemius himself, whose objec￾tion to Faustus hinged, not on an objection to magic per se but only on a dis￾tinction he discerned between diabolically inspired sorcery and divinely in￾spired Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and Kabbalist magic, became subsequently
[L9] linked by magic-detesting Christians to the self-described “fountain of necro￾mantics”, Faustus. Spearheaded by the widespread propagation of a letter by a
[L10] 1503 guest of Trithemius at Sponheim, the Frenchman Carolus Bovillus, who,
[L11] on being presented with a partially completed manuscript of the abbot’s Steganographia, vehemently castigated its author as a demon-conjuror, the
[L12] name of Trithemius readily became associated in the minds of many after the
[L13] 1580’s with that of the demon-conjuring subject of the Faustbuch. Serving to
[L14] reinforce this commonplace linkage of the two names was an early merging of
[L15] the two legends, Trithemian and Faustian, illustrated by a story of Faustus’
[L16] raising of ancient personages from the nether regions in the court of Charles V
[L17] paralleling a comparable necromantic feat attributed to Trithemius in the court
[L18] of Charles’ grandfather Maximilian. As one sixteenth century writer typified
[L19] the later coalescence of the two legends with reference to this Faustian anec￾dote: ‘Some men relate that this same act was performed by Johannes
[L20] Trithemius’ 4
[L21] .
[L22] 3 Trithemius to Johannes Virdung de Hasfurt, Würzburg, 20 August 1507, Epistolae fami￾liares II:48, in: Opera historica II, 559-60. Repr. in De septem secundeis, 140-141 (in Tille,
[L23] Faustsplitter, no.1, 1-3) and in Rupprich, Humanismus, 184-185. For transl. into German,
[L24] French, and English respectively see Kiesewetter, Faust, 4-6; Chacornac, Trithème, 59-61; and
[L25] Palmer & More, Sources, 83-86. On this documented Trithemius-Faust encounter see Harmen￾ing, ‘Faust und die Renaissance-Magie’, 56-79; Maus, Faust, 109-138; Arnold, Trithemius, 185;
[L26] Brann, The Abbot Trithemius, 48, and id., Trithemius and Magical Theology, 64-65; and Baron,
[L27] Faustus, 23-24.

【8†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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[L1] fo1.,s. 1. [Oppenheim], 1518 (unpaged),
[L2] and many later editions, e. g., 8°, Argentinc;e (Strasburg), 1600; French translation by
[L3] Gabriel de Collonge, Polygraphie, 4°, Paris, 1561 and 1625.
[L4] 10 Haganovc;e, 4°, 1536.
[L5] Downloaded by [Florida State University] at 02:27 30 June 2016 <IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 8><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 8>Trithemius and Alchemy 55
[L6] Many other works (including Naturalium Qutestionum in twenty books) are
[L7] unpublished or lost.
[L8] Trithemius 11 emphasized that Albertus Magnus was a learned and saintly
[L9] man, who' scrutinised the depths of natural philosophy and learned to know
[L10] wonders unheard of by others', as a result of which he was unjustly regarded
[L11] as a magician. Although not ignorant of natural magic, Albert had innocently
[L12] acquired his knowledge by reading a great number of superstitious books,
[L13] which is necessary if one is to be able to distinguish natural from illicit magic.
[L14] Trithemius was for the same reason accused of being a magician. Bovillus
[L15] (Charles de Bouelles, 1470?-1553), in a letter to Germanus de Ganay of
[L16] 8 March, 1509,reports that he had seen the Steganographia, a large work which
[L17] if published would be the wonder of the world [quod si vnq. publicatii fuerit
[L18] (quod absit) totus mundus mirabitur]. He thought it contained Arabic,
[L19] Hebrew, Chaldee and Greek names of spirits 12. Trithemius 13 complained
[L20] of charges brought against him by Bovillus, f that rude ox " and swore that
[L21] he never carried out works of superstitious magic or entered the theatre of
[L22] alchemy, nor directed the attention of his friars to such vanities. Naude 14 and
[L23] Heidel15 acquit him of being a magician, astrologer or alchemist. Trithemius
[L24] had read suspiciousworks 16 and he was acquainted with alchemy; Cornelius
[L25] Agrippa 17 says he conversed with Trithemius in the latter's cell at Wiirzburg
[L26] on chemistry, magic and the Cabbala (in cenobio tuo apud Herbipolim
[L27] aliquandiu conversatus, multa de chymicis, multa de magicis, multa de
[L28] cabalisticis). This interest had the same effect as that of Albertus Magnus,
[L29] in that several spurious works on alchemy were foisted on Trithemius 18.
[L30] 11 Quoted by Heidel, Steganographia, 1721, Vita Trithemii, 35.
[L31] 12 In Que hoc volumine continetur. Liber de intel1ectu . • •• Epistole complures, fo1.,
[L32] Paris (Stephanus), 1510, fo1. 172 r.
[L33] 13 Annalium Hirsaugensium, edit. St. Gall, 1690, ii, 288; • In animam juro meam,
[L34] quod magi~ superstitiosre operam dedi nunquam, neque theatrum Alchimire intravi, neque
[L35] fratrum meum aliquis intendit hisce vanitatibus '.

【9†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] II. Ibid. Trithemius's numerical play upon his name, which in truth is a Latin derivation from his home
[L2] village of Trittenheim on the Mosel, is prompted by a similar play on the name of the supposed
[L3] author of the Emerald Table comprising the twelfth precept: ItItaque vocatus sum Hermes Tris￾megistus, habens tres partes Philosophiae totius mundi."
[L4] 12. Ibid. Cf. Ruska, Tabula, p. 2: "4. Pater ejus est Sol, mater ejus Luna; portavit illud ventus in
[L5] ventre suo; nutrix ejus terra est."
[L6] 13. Ibid., pp. 471-72. Cf. Ruska, Tabula, p. 2: "7. Separabis terram ab igne, subtile a spisso, suaviter
[L7] cum magno ingenio. 8. Ascendit a terra in coelum, iterumque descendit in terram, et recipit vim
[L8] superiorum et inferiorum. Sic habebis gloriam totius mundi. Ideo fugiat (fugiet) a te omnis
[L9] ohsruritas. "<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 8 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 9>220 NOELL. BRANN
[L10] 14. Ibid., p. 472. Cf. Ruska, Tabula, p. 2: "9. Hic (Haec) est totius fortitudinis fortitudo fortis, quia
[L11] vincet omnem rem subtilem, omnemque solidam penetrabis."
[L12] IS. Ibid. Trithemius's condemnation of false alchemy as a casta meretrix appears under the year 1388
[L13] in his Annales Hirsaugienses, 2 vols., St. Gall, 1690, II, 286 fi., where the abbot ridicules numerous
[L14] figures seduced as much by their own avarice as by a false conception of the alchemical art.
[L15] 16. Ibid. For a reference to this passage see Thorndike, Magic (note 3), VI (1941), 438-9.
[L16] 17. Ripley, Duodec. axiom. (note I), in Zetzner, Theatrum, II (1659), 121-2.
[L17] 18. Trithemius to Count Johannes of Westerburg, Sponheim, 10 May 1503, Epistolae, in De septem
[L18] secundeis ... , Cologne, 1567, pp. 87-8.
[L19] 19. Bartholomaeus Lescanius to Trithemius, Berlin, 13 May 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 52, in Freher, ed.
[L20] Ope hist., 565.
[L21] 20. Trithemius to Bartholomaeus Lescanius, Wurzburg, 30 August 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 53, in
[L22] Freher, ed. Ope hist., 566.
[L23] 21. Trithemius, Antipalus maleficiorum, lib. III, in Johannes Busaeus, S.J., ed. Paralipomena opusculo￾rum Petri Blenensis et Joannis Trithemii, Cologne, 1624, p. 393. On Trithemius's demonological
[L24] preoccupations see Arnold, Trithemius, pp.

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[L1] Johannes Busaeus, Mainz: Ex typographeo Ioan. Albini
[L2] 1604, 1605. ——, Polygraphiae libri VI, Cologne: Apud Johannem Birckmannum & Theodorum Baumium
[L3] 1571. ——, Steganographia, hoc est, ars per occultam scripturam animi sui voluntatem absentibus
[L4] aperiendi certa, Frankfurt a/M: Ex officina typographica Mathiae Beckeri, sumptibus
[L5] Joannis Berneri 1606, 1608, 1621.
[L6] secondary sources
[L7] Arnold, Klaus, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Würzburg: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2nd ed.
[L8] 1991.
[L9] Baron, Frank, Doctor Faustus from History to Legend, Munich: Wilhelm Fink 1978. ——, ‘Trithemius und Faustus: Begegnungen in Geschichte und Sage’, in: Richard Auernhei- mer & Frank Baron (eds.), Johannes Trithemius: Humanismus und Magie im vorreforma￾torischen Deutschland, Munich: Profil 1991, 39-57. ——, ‘The Precarious Legacy of Renaissance Humanism in the Faust Legend’, in: Manfred P. Fleischer (ed.), The Harvest of Humanism in Central Europe: Essays in Honor of Lewis W.
[L10] Spitz, St. Louis: Concordia 1992, 303-315.
[L11] Bianquis, Geneviève, Faust à travers quatre siècles, Paris: Droz 1935.
[L12] Boerner, Peter & Sidney Johnson (eds.), Faust through Four Centuries: Retrospect and Analy￾sis, Tübingen: Max Niemeyer 1989.
[L13] Brann, Noel L., The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516): The Renaissance of Monastic Humanism, Leiden: Brill 1981. ——, Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy over Occult Studies in
[L14] Early Modern Europe, Albany: SUNY Press 1999. ——, The Debate over the Origin of Genius during the Italian Renaissance: The Theories of
[L15] Supernatural Frenzy and Natural Melancholy in Accord and in Conflict on the Threshold
[L16] of the Scientific Revolution, E.J. Brill: Leiden/Boston/Köln 2002.
[L17] Brown, Norman O., Life against Death: The Psychoanalytical Meaning of History, Middle￾town, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press 1959. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 20> A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 171
[L18] Butler, E.M., The Myth of the Magus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press/New York: Mac￾millan 1948. ——, The Fortunes of Faust, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1952.
[L19] Cassirer, Ernst, The Individual and the Cosmos in Renaissance Philosophy, New York: Harper
[L20] & Row 1963.
[L21] Chacornac, Paul, Grandeur et adversité de Jean Trithème, Bénédictin Abbé de Spanheim et de
[L22] Wurtzbourg (1462-1516): La vie, la légende, l’oeuvre, Paris: Editions Traditionelles 1963.
[L23] Couliano, Ioan P., Eros and Magic in the Renaissance, Chicago: University of Chicago Press
[L24] 1987.
[L25] Cranz, Edward, ‘Cusanus, Luther, and the Mystical Tradition’, in: Charles Trinkaus & Heiko
[L26] Oberman (eds.)

【11†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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Title: [Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 8>Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
[L2] http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=yamb20
[L3] Download by: [Florida State University] Date: 30 June 2016, At: 02:27
[L4] Ambix
[L5] ISSN: 0002-6980 (Print) 1745-8234 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/yamb20
[L6] Trithemius and Alchemy
[L7] J. R. Partington
[L8] To cite this article: J. R. Partington (1938) Trithemius and Alchemy, Ambix, 2:2, 53-59, DOI:
[L9] 10.1179/amb.1938.2.2.53
[L10] To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/amb.1938.2.2.53
[L11] Published online: 18 Jul 2013.
[L12] Submit your article to this journal
[L13] Article views: 15
[L14] View related articles
[L15] Citing articles: 2 View citing articles <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 8>Ambix
[L16] Being the Journal of the. Society for the
[L17] Study of Alchemy and Early Chemistry
[L18] President: Sir ROBERTl\lo~D, LL.D., M.A., F.R.S.
[L19] M embers of Council.
[L20] Dr. D. McKIE (Hon. Treasurer).
[L21] Prof. J. R. PARTINGTON(Chairman).
[L22] Dr. V. A. PETRO\V(Han. Sec.).
[L23] Prof. J. READ, F.R.S.
[L24] Dr. F. SHERWOOD TAYLOR (Hon.
[L25] Editor).
[L26] Dr. A. F. TITLEY.
[L27] Prof. !{. C. BAILEY.
[L28] Prof. S. R. K. GLANVILLE.
[L29] Sir RICHARDA. GREGORY,Bt., F.R.S.
[L30] G. HEYM, Esq. (Han. F01'eign Sec.).
[L31] Dr. E. J. HOLMYARD.
[L32] Dr. STEPHEN MIALL.
[L33] VOL. II SEPTEl\tIBER, 1938 NO.2
[L34] TRITHEMIUS AND ALCHEMY.
[L35] By J. R. PARTINGTON,M.B.E., D.Sc.
[L36] JOHANNESTRITHEMIUSwas born in 1462 1. at Trittenheim near Trier on the
[L37] Moselle, and takes his name from that of his birthplace. After assiduous but
[L38] unsystematic study at Trier and Heidelberg he left for home in 1482, travelling
[L39] on foot. He got as far as Sponheim, a mile from Bingen, where deep snow
[L40] drove him to shelter in the Benedictine cloister of St. Martin, where he decided
[L41] to become a novitiate. Later in the year he made profession, and in 14832,
[L42] at the age of barely twenty-two, he was elected Abbot of Sponheim, an office
[L43] which he filled for twenty-three years. During this period he re-established
[L44] 1 Moehsen, Geschichte ,der Wissenschaften in der Mark Brandenburg, 4°, Berlin and
[L45] Leipzig, 1781, 449, is the only author I have seen who gives 1464 as the date of birth.
[L46] In the Beitriige to this work, Berlin and Leipzig, 4°, 1783, 29, Moehsen ranks Trithemius,
[L47] Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas among the adepts, or those who t at least worked
[L48] in the art '.

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[L1] Serving to
[L2] reinforce this commonplace linkage of the two names was an early merging of
[L3] the two legends, Trithemian and Faustian, illustrated by a story of Faustus’
[L4] raising of ancient personages from the nether regions in the court of Charles V
[L5] paralleling a comparable necromantic feat attributed to Trithemius in the court
[L6] of Charles’ grandfather Maximilian. As one sixteenth century writer typified
[L7] the later coalescence of the two legends with reference to this Faustian anec￾dote: ‘Some men relate that this same act was performed by Johannes
[L8] Trithemius’ 4
[L9] .
[L10] 3 Trithemius to Johannes Virdung de Hasfurt, Würzburg, 20 August 1507, Epistolae fami￾liares II:48, in: Opera historica II, 559-60. Repr. in De septem secundeis, 140-141 (in Tille,
[L11] Faustsplitter, no.1, 1-3) and in Rupprich, Humanismus, 184-185. For transl. into German,
[L12] French, and English respectively see Kiesewetter, Faust, 4-6; Chacornac, Trithème, 59-61; and
[L13] Palmer & More, Sources, 83-86. On this documented Trithemius-Faust encounter see Harmen￾ing, ‘Faust und die Renaissance-Magie’, 56-79; Maus, Faust, 109-138; Arnold, Trithemius, 185;
[L14] Brann, The Abbot Trithemius, 48, and id., Trithemius and Magical Theology, 64-65; and Baron,
[L15] Faustus, 23-24. 4 Christoph Zeisseler, Neu-eröffneter Historischer Schauplatz (1595), excerpted in Tille,
[L16] Faustsplitter, no.146, p. 149. For further references in this anthology illustrating the popular
[L17] conflation of the Faustian and Trithemian magical legends see no. 12, 14-15; no. 31, 62-68; no. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 20> 156 NOEL L. BRANN
[L18] What decisively distinguishes the Trithemian legend from its Faustian ana￾logue is that, whereas Faustus did not leave behind so much as a word about
[L19] the motivation for his magical interests, depending for that on others incorpo￾rating it into their own agendas, Trithemius bequeathed a formidable corpus of
[L20] writings documenting his motivation. Whereas, as set forth, for example, in
[L21] Marlowe’s version of Faustus, magic represented an alternative to Christian
[L22] theology as a means to achieving godlike power and knowledge, it was
[L23] Trithemius’ announced intention to reconcile magic with his orthodox Chris￾tian principles. Whereas the view encouraged by the pre-Enlightenment Faust
[L24] legend, with St. Augustine a foremost religious authority, was to establish an
[L25] inpenetrable partition dividing a true Christian miracle from a mere magical
[L26] marvel – the former presumed to originate in an infinitely removed realm of
[L27] supernature and the latter in a finitely placed occult realm of nature readily
[L28] accessible to the demons for the counterfeiting of miracles –, the view pre￾sented by Trithemius was of a conflation of miracle and magic in the tradition,
[L29] not of magic-detesters like St. Augustine or, closer to his own time, St.

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[L1] [No. 112.
[L2] Trittemius, and styles him " homo diligentia? plane
[L3] maxims, nee minoris lectionis." BOI/TON COBSEY.
[L4] " John Trytheme was a German Benedictine, and
[L5] Ablwt of Hirsauge, A.D. 1484. He was the author of
[L6] A Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, several Letter*,
[L7] Treatises of Piety, of Doctrine, and Morality, other
[L8] historical works, and The Chronicle of Hirsauge."—(See
[L9] •Xhifresnov's Chronological Tables.)
[L10] It.would appear that the work Trithemii Col￾lectanea de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis has gone
[L11] through several editions ; mid Walch tells us that
[L12] " inter onines ea eininet, quam Jo. Alberto Fabricio
[L13] debemus." The following remarks also respecting
[L14] Trithemius appear in Walch's Bibliutheca (torn. iii.
[L15] p. 389 ) :
[L16] . " Incipit Trithemius a Clemente Romano; recenset
[L17] scrip tores 970; ac testatur, se in opere hoc conficiendo
[L18] per septem fere annorum spatium elahorasse. Posse￾vinus, Labbeuv-itqiie "1". varios ejus errores chrono￾logicos ac historicos notartitit. Quodsi autem rationem
[L19] temporis reputamus, quo Trithemius vixit scripsitque,
[L20] causa omnino est, cur cum ob errata non reprehen￾damus, sed excuscmus atque industriafn illius lau￾demus."
[L21] Cave, also, in his Historia Literaria (part ii.
[L22] p. 369.), gives us a brief account of Trithemius,
[L23] and of his literary productions.
[L24] E. C. HARBINGTOJJ.
[L25] The Close, Exeter.
[L26] The work of John Trittenheim, De Scriptoribus
[L27] Ecclesiasticis, is held in high and deserved repute.
[L28] (See Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin. Med. JEtaL, iv.
[L29] 451.) He died abbot of Wiirtzburg, in 1518.
[L30] The eopy of A. W. H. is the first edition, which
[L31] was published at Mainz (Moguntia) in 1494.
[L32] C. H.
[L33] Sir William Herschel (Vol. ii., p. 391.). —Your
[L34] correspondent gives the quotation about the star
[L35] observed in Virgo, which he supposes, identical
[L36] with Neptune, quite correctly, except in one very
[L37] material point—the observer's name.- The pas￾sage in question will be found in Captain W. H.
[L38] Smyth's Cycle of Celestial Objects, vol. ii. p. 264.,
[L39] and is extracted from a letter addressed to him by
[L40] M. Cacciatore of Palermo, in 1835, many years
[L41] after the death of Sir William. H. C. K. is not
[L42] the first person who has suggested the idenlity of
[L43] the objects ; but, as pointed out by Captain Smyth
[L44] in a paper on Neptune, in the United Service
[L45] Journal for 1847, Fart II., Neptune must, in 1835,
[L46] have been fully 1-20° from the position assigned by
[L47] Cacciatore to the star observed by him.
[L48] J. S. WABDEN.
[L49] Balica, Oct. 1851.
[L50] . Dr. Wm. Wall (Vol.

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[L1] Theile der Welt sonderlich durch Teutschland zerstreuten Juden zugetragen. Frankfurt a. M.
[L2] 1714.
[L3] Scot, Reginald: Discouerie of Witchcraft. London 1584, rpt. Amsterdam/New York 1971.
[L4] Trithemius, Johannes: Annales Hirsaugienses. Joannis Trithemii, Spanheimensis, et Postea
[L5] Divi Jacobi apud Herbipolim Abbatis, Viri suo aevo doctissimi, tomus … Annalium
[L6] Hirsavgiensivm: opus nunquam hactenus ed., & ab eruditis semper desideratum;
[L7] complectens historiam Franciae et Germaniae, ed. Johann Georg Schlegel. St. Gallen
[L8] 1690.
[L9] Trithemius, Johannes: Chronicon Hirsaugiense. In: Johannis Trithemii Opera historica. ed. M.
[L10] Freher. Frankfurt a. M. 1601, rpt. Frankfurt a. M. 1966, 1–235.
[L11] Trithemius, Johannes: Chronicon Sponheimense. In: Johannis Trithemii Opera historica. ed. M.
[L12] Freher. Frankfurt a. M. 1601, rpt. Frankfurt a. M: 1966, 236–435.
[L13] Trithemius, Johannes: Des Abtes Johannes Trithemius Chronik des Klosters Sponheim.
[L14] Chronikon Spanheimense Deutsch 1024–1509. trans. C. Velten. Bad Kreuznach 1969.
[L15] Weinhold, G. A.: Historische Remarquen über Dr. Johann Fausten des Schwarz-Künstlers.
[L16] Zwickau 1722.
[L17] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L18] Authenticated
[L19] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 22> Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt 213
[L20] Widmann, Georg Rudolf: Das ärgerliche Leben und schreckliche Ende des viel-berüchtigten
[L21] Ertz-Schwartzkünstlers D. Johannis Fausti. eds. Pfitzer Johann Nicolaus, Conrad Wolfgang
[L22] Platz. Nürnberg 1717.
[L23] Wier, Johannes: Ioannis VVieri De Praestigiis Daemonum, & incantationibus ac ueneficiis, Libri
[L24] sex, postrema editione sexta aucti & recogniti, Basileae, 1583.
[L25] Witekind, Hermann: Christlich bedenken und die Entstehung des Faustbuchs von 1587. ed. F.
[L26] Baron. Berlin 2009.
[L27] Zimmerische Chronik. Vol. 2. ed. Karl August Barack. Freiburg i. B. 1881.
[L28] Secondary Sources
[L29] Anonymous: Die wilde Jagd, oder das wütende Heer; aus natürlichen Gründen erklärt. In:
[L30] Neueste Mannigfaltigkeiten. Eine gemeinnützige Wochenschrift 4 (1781) 492–495.
[L31] Arnold, Klaus: Johannis Trithemius (1462–1516). Zweite, neu bearb. Auflage. Würzburg 1991.

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[L1] A completed
[L2] Antipalus maleficorum, the outline for a planned encyclopedia of demons, and
[L3] several of his replies to the Octo quaestiones addressed to the Emperor
[L4] Maximilan assured that Trithemius’ name would figure as prominently in the
[L5] anti-magical as pro-magical literature of his successors, with their vinculum
[L6] consisting of his conviction that his good, divinely sanctioned magic stands at
[L7] the opposite spiritual pole from the wicked sorcerous magic instructed and
[L8] facilitated by the demons. The affirmative, as distinct from demologically ad￾monitory, side of Trithemius’magical program consists of a synthesis of Her￾metic natural magic and alchemy, Pythagorean numerology, astrology, and
[L9] Kabbalist word and angel magic, the combined force of which is to propel the
[L10] soul of the magical adept upward, by esoteric means, from the finitely demon￾infested material world to the infinitely removed supermaterial world ruled
[L11] over by God and His ministering angels. Each of these constituents of
[L12] Trithemius’magical amalgam can be tied down by many references in his oc￾cult writings, of which the following can be taken as representative.
[L13] Trithemius’ Occult Program
[L14] ‘It is the opinion of our most erudite men’, Trithemius maintained in the intro￾duction to his Steganographia, ‘that the ancient sapients whom we call by the
[L15] Greek name “philosophers”, if they happened to discover any arcana either of
[L16] nature or of art, concealed them by various modes and figures so that they
[L17] would not fall into the clutches of depraved men’19
[L
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【0†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] During recent
[L2] work on a census of medieval and Renais￾sance commentaries on Pliny, I found that
[L3] the Catalogue gindral des livres imprimis of the
[L4] Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris ascribes to
[L5] another writer, ttienne de L'Aigue (in
[L6] Latin, Stephanus Aquaeus), authorship of
[L7] the commentary in Myller's Wiirzburg
[L8] edition of 1548, the one here under dis￾cussion. The Paris catalogue entry makes no
[L9] reference to Ryff, not even as editor. Com￾parison of the 1548 commentary with the
[L10] same chapters in the complete commentary
[L11] by L'Aigue, In omnes C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis
[L12] historiae arguitissimi scriptoris libros (Paris 1530)
[L13] shows that in compiling the volume here
[L14] under study, Ryff reprinted the complete
[L15] text of L'Aigue's commentary on the first
[L16] two chapters of Pliny's Book XXX.10 The
[L17] only changes he made seem to have been
[L18] calculated to suppress materials which might
[L19] offend the occultist readers for whom the
[L20] book was intended, and perhaps also to
[L21] disguise his source. In the commentary on
[L22] Chapter I of Book XXX, Ryff suppressed
[L23] the lemma at the opening of L'Aigue's com￾mentary, 'Magicas vanitates, &c,' and on
[L24] fol. A2r changed the words 'in hoc magiae
[L25] praetexta acturi sumus' (L'Aigue, fol.
[L26] CCCXXVIIv) into the more neutral 'in
[L27] hoc Magiae compendio acturi sumus'. A
[L28] little further along (same pages in both
[L29] editions), Aquaeus's rather neutral words,
[L30] 'nescientes magiam esse philosophiae naturalis
[L31] apicem, ob id constituimus hic de ea eiusque
[L32] generibus agere, primum de duobus hic, et
[L33] caeteris capitulo sequenti', have become more
[L34] positive towards magic: 'scilicet Magiam
[L35] esse Philosophiae naturalis absolutam con￾summationem atque perfectissimam sum￾mamque scientiam, ob id constituimus hic de
[L36] 6 Aside from what his books reveal, little is known
[L37] about the life, education and intellectual background
[L38] of Ryff. He was probably born about 1500 at Stras￾bourg; at least, he seems to have lived in that city
[L39] longer than anywhere else, and to have been com￾monly regarded by contemporaries as a Strassburger.
[L40] His biographers have set his death at various dates in
[L41] the 1540s, 155os, and 156os; but Heinrich Endres,
[L42] 'Der Arzt Gualterus Hermenius Rivius und der
[L43] Wiirzburger Drucker Johann Myller,' Zentralblatt fiir
[L44] Bibliothekswesen, lii, 1935, PP. 605-607, has discovered a
[L45] document which seems to date his death clearly at
[L46] Wuiirzburg on 29 September 1548. For other bio￾graphical literature, see n. 9, below.
[L47] 7 Leonhart Fuchs, Apologia . . . qua refellit malitiosas
[L48] Gualtheri Ryffi ueteratoris pessimi reprehensiones. .
[L49] ., Basle
[L50] i543, fol. a2v-a3v; Fuchs, De sanandis totius humani
[L51] corporis eiusdemque partium tam internis quam externis malis
[L52] libri quinque.

【1†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] & M.' MDXLVIII. [40. Colophon:
[L2] Vvirczburgi per Ioannem Mylium. Cum Priuilegio
[L3] Caesareae Maiestatis.]
[L4] 2Josef Benzing, Walther H. Ryff und sein literarisches
[L5] Werk: Eine Bibliographie, Hamburg I959. The book
[L6] here under discussion is no. 192 in this bibliography.
[L7] 3 Other works by Ryff published by Myller at
[L8] Wiurzburg included: Niitzlicher Bericht, wie man die
[L9] Augen und das Gesicht, wo das selbig mangelhaft, blide,
[L10] dunckel oder befinstert, scherpfen, gesundt erhalten, stercken
[L11] und bekrefftigen soll.
[L12] ...., 1548; Kurtzer Ausszug und eigent￾liche Verzeichnus der gantzen Histori aller Handlung was sich
[L13] Kay. May. furgenommenen Kriegsristung halben, von dem
[L14] MDXL V Jar biss auff dise jtzige Zeit gegenwertigs Reich￾stags zu Augspurg wider die auffrirische Rebellion etlicher
[L15] Firsten, Stedt und jre Bundtsuerwandten zugetragen und
[L16] verlauffen hat ., 1548; Newe heilsame unnd nutzliche
[L17] Baden Fart . . , 1549; and Ursach oder Ursprung, ware
[L18] Erkantnuss unnd eigentliche Underschidung, aller zufelliger
[L19] eusserlicher unnd innerlicher Kranckheyten . . . , 1551.
[L20] This content downloaded from 134.121.47.100 on Sun, 24 Jan 2016 00:03:33 UTC
[L21] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 2 / 6><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 6>RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY ON PLINY 283
[L22] Finally, his titles appear in precisely the form
[L23] indicated above on both the title-page and
[L24] the dedicatory epistle of his best known work,
[L25] Vitruvius Teutsch (Nirnberg, 1548), the first
[L26] German translation of Vitruvius's De archi￾tectura: 'D. Gualtherus H. Rivius, Medicus
[L27] et Mathematicus.'
[L28] The volume which contains the com￾mentary on Pliny's chapters on magic also
[L29] contains other texts: the two chapters of
[L30] Pliny covered by the commentary; an un￾attributed Defascinationibus disputatio elegans et
[L31] erudita; an unattributed De incantatione et
[L32] adiuratione collique suspensione epistola incerti
[L33] authoris which Lynn Thorndike has identified
[L34] as a ninth-century work of Costa ben Luca ;4
[L35] and an apology by the learned abbot
[L36] Johannes Trithemius of Spanheim for his
[L37] occultist book Steganographia, here entitled In
[L38] libros suos Steganographiae epistola apologetica.
[L39] As Thorndike has noted, the whole book
[L40] catered to the sixteenth-century taste for
[L41] magic and the other occult arts. Ryff's role
[L42] as editor of the volume is evident from the
[L43] abbreviation on the title-page and from his
[L44] known association with the publisher.

【2†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] It(em) lasciamo a sebastiano da
[L2] Todi nostro antiquo servitor ducati dusento da
[L3] ,C 6 s 4 p(er) ducato-et ducati quaranta a tutti
[L4] gli altri n(ost)ri servitori cioe a cadauno de loro
[L5] essi ducati 40. et sono Zuane da bassan, egidio
[L6] peonio cremonese-et vincentio migliorino--
[L7] Lasciamo p(er) una vice ducati quindese a
[L8] m(esser) Andrea paladio architetto nostro
[L9] amorevole et scudi tre p(er) cadauna donna
[L10] servente di casa et ducati diese a francesco
[L11] spenditore di casa. Allo Ill(ustrissi)mo mon￾s(igno)r Pat(riarc)ha d' aquileia nostro tanto
[L12] amorevole padre in segno d honor et di amor
[L13] lasciamo la taza nostra che ne dono la maesta
[L14] d(e)l Re dinghiltera Noi renunti(assimo> gia"
[L15] (mo)lto tempo fa li beni paterni Li libri ch(e) er
[L16] (ano) et <sarano> in casa parte erano di prima
[L17] parte habbiamo comprati Imperho desideramo che
[L18] restino al nostro car(issi)mo fratello (con suoi)
[L19] figlioli in sieme co(n) li istromenti di astrologia
[L20] comprati et fatti in casa. Et al quale n(ost)ro
[L21] fratello et nepoti lasciamo tutti q(ue)lli beni et
[L22] raggione di che possiamo disponere. Nostri
[L23] commissarij-et executori di q(ue)lla nostra
[L24] volonta Instituimo el cl(arissi)mo m(esser) Andrea
[L25] Gradenigo fu del cl(arissi)mo m(esser) Alvise
[L26] n(ost)ro cognato-et il m(agnifi)co m(esser)
[L27] Leonardo Zustignan fu del m(agnific)o m(esser)
[L28] Antonio quali p(re)ghiamo habbino ad exiquire
[L29] quanto p(er) questo n(ost)ro testamento habbiamo
[L30] ordinato. Lasciamo alla deleta n(ost)ra cognata
[L31] la m(agnifi)ca madonna Justiniana due n(ost)re
[L32] tazze dargento dorate et altro non vogliamo
[L33] ordinare. Preterea et signis et signu(m).
[L34] T Io p(re) zuane di adriani mansionario nella
[L35] chiesa de s. Hyer(e)mia fui testimonio
[L36] p(re)gado et zurado.
[L37] T Io pre paris d(e) theuthonicis mansionario
[L38] nella Chiesa predetta fui testimonio pregato, et
[L39] giurato.
[L40] () = abbreviations expanded
[L41] () = missing letters from autograph text supplied
[L42] by the fair copy
[L43] THE AUTHOR OF A
[L44] RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY
[L45] ON PLINY: RIVIUS,
[L46] TRITHEMIUS OR AQUAEUS?
[L47] T he authorship of the unsigned com￾mentary on two chapters of Pliny's
[L48] Natural History (xxx, ch. 1-2, or sect. 1-18
[L49] in the modern numeration) dealing with
[L50] magic, published at Wiurzburg in 1548 by
[L51] Johann Myller,1 poses a problem that has
[L52] misled nearly all bibliographers.

【3†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

Content source: Source.file
Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] This content downloaded from 134.121.47.100 on Sun, 24 Jan 2016 00:03:33 UTC
[L2] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 6><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 6>284 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS
[L3] not himself a major figure in the history of
[L4] science, his works would be a major source
[L5] for any study of popular science and medicine
[L6] in sixteenth-century Germany.6
[L7] Many of Ryff's works were admittedly
[L8] compilations taken wholly or partly from
[L9] other authors, but he seems to have made
[L10] free with the writings of others to a degree
[L11] unusual even in that age. He was bitterly
[L12] attacked as a plagiarist by two weightier and
[L13] more respectable figures in sixteenth-century
[L14] German science, Leonhart Fuchs and Konrad
[L15] Gesner. Fuchs published two works which
[L16] denounced Ryff as a pretentious ignoramus
[L17] and as a plagiarist who in his edition of
[L18] Dioscorides stole from Fuchs's De historia
[L19] stirpium (Basle 1542) both pictures and com￾mentary, and who in his vernacular works
[L20] merely translated the writings of other men
[L21] and presented them as his own.' Gesner in
[L22] his influential Bibliotheca universalis repeated
[L23] these charges and added other names
[L24] (Hieronymus Tragus, Manardus, Hermolaus
[L25] Barbarus, Vergilius Marcellus and himself) to
[L26] the list of authors victimized by Ryff's
[L27] plagiarisms.8 This reputation for plagiarism
[L28] has survived in more recent literature on
[L29] Ryff.9
[L30] In the case of the commentary on Pliny's
[L31] Natural History, this reputation as a plagiarist
[L32] now seems to be confirmed. During recent
[L33] work on a census of medieval and Renais￾sance commentaries on Pliny, I found that
[L34] the Catalogue gindral des livres imprimis of the
[L35] Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris ascribes to
[L36] another writer, ttienne de L'Aigue (in
[L37] Latin, Stephanus Aquaeus), authorship of
[L38] the commentary in Myller's Wiirzburg
[L39] edition of 1548, the one here under dis￾cussion. The Paris catalogue entry makes no
[L40] reference to Ryff, not even as editor. Com￾parison of the 1548 commentary with the
[L41] same chapters in the complete commentary
[L42] by L'Aigue, In omnes C. Plinii Secundi Naturalis
[L43] historiae arguitissimi scriptoris libros (Paris 1530)
[L44] shows that in compiling the volume here
[L45] under study, Ryff reprinted the complete
[L46] text of L'Aigue's commentary on the first
[L47] two chapters of Pliny's Book XXX.10 The
[L48] only changes he made seem to have been
[L49] calculated to suppress materials which might
[L50] offend the occultist readers for whom the
[L51] book was intended, and perhaps also to
[L52] disguise his source. In the commentary on
[L53] Chapter I of Book XXX, Ryff suppressed
[L54] the lemma at the opening of L'Aigue's com￾mentary, 'Magicas vanitates, &c,' and on
[L55] fol. A2r changed the words 'in hoc magiae
[L56] praetexta acturi sumus' (L'Aigue, fol.
[L57] CCCXXVIIv) into the more neutral 'in
[L58] hoc Magiae compendio acturi sumus'.

【4†[Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000eddc7230808284f7de1e2fa1】

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Title: [Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes vol. 42] Charles G. Nauert - The Author of a Renaissance Commentary on Pliny_ Rivius, Trithemius or Aquaeus_ (1979) [10.2307_751105] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Lasciamo alla deleta n(ost)ra cognata
[L2] la m(agnifi)ca madonna Justiniana due n(ost)re
[L3] tazze dargento dorate et altro non vogliamo
[L4] ordinare. Preterea et signis et signu(m).
[L5] T Io p(re) zuane di adriani mansionario nella
[L6] chiesa de s. Hyer(e)mia fui testimonio
[L7] p(re)gado et zurado.
[L8] T Io pre paris d(e) theuthonicis mansionario
[L9] nella Chiesa predetta fui testimonio pregato, et
[L10] giurato.
[L11] () = abbreviations expanded
[L12] () = missing letters from autograph text supplied
[L13] by the fair copy
[L14] THE AUTHOR OF A
[L15] RENAISSANCE COMMENTARY
[L16] ON PLINY: RIVIUS,
[L17] TRITHEMIUS OR AQUAEUS?
[L18] T he authorship of the unsigned com￾mentary on two chapters of Pliny's
[L19] Natural History (xxx, ch. 1-2, or sect. 1-18
[L20] in the modern numeration) dealing with
[L21] magic, published at Wiurzburg in 1548 by
[L22] Johann Myller,1 poses a problem that has
[L23] misled nearly all bibliographers. Although
[L24] neither the title-page nor the text of the
[L25] commentary identifies the author, the title￾page does carry a cryptic set of initials which
[L26] can readily be decoded: 'D.G.H.R. M. & M.'
[L27] The student of mid-sixteenth-century German
[L28] scientific literature can decipher this line as
[L29] an abbreviation for 'Dominus Gualtherus
[L30] Hermenius Rivius, Medicus et Mathe￾maticus'. Rivius (in German, Walther
[L31] Hermann Ryff) was a prolific writer on
[L32] medical, biological, occultist and other sub￾jects: his modern bibliographer lists a total
[L33] of 194 titles and editions, including post￾humous ones.2 Furthermore, the printer
[L34] Myller is known to have published other
[L35] books by him at precisely this period.3
[L36] 1 In Caii Plinii Secundi Naturalis historiae argutis￾simi scriptoris I. & II. Cap. Libri XXX. commen￾tarius, naturalis quidem magiae compendiariam
[L37] rationem, plenam mysteriis, profundissimamque rerum
[L38] secretissimarum contemplationem, naturam, poten￾tiam, qualitatem, substantiam & virtutem, totiusque
[L39] naturae cognitionem complectens. Cui praeterea
[L40] adiecta est De fascinationibus disputatio elegans &
[L41] erudita, ad cognoscendosque naturae secretiores
[L42] effectus mire utilis & necessaria. Item de incantatione
[L43] & adiuratione, collique suspensione epistola incerti
[L44] authoris, una cum loannis Tritemii abbatis Spanchey￾mensis viri doctissimi, occultiorisque philosophiae
[L45] atque magicarum artium indagatoris solertissimi, in
[L46] libros suos Steganographiae epistola apologetica &c.
[L47] Quibus difficultates Plinianae, praesertim magicae,
[L48] omnes explicantur & tolluntur ab quibusdam authori￾bus ac monumentis vetustissimis singulari diligentia
[L49] excerpta.

【5†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Johannes Busaeus, Mainz: Ex typographeo Ioan. Albini
[L2] 1604, 1605. ——, Polygraphiae libri VI, Cologne: Apud Johannem Birckmannum & Theodorum Baumium
[L3] 1571. ——, Steganographia, hoc est, ars per occultam scripturam animi sui voluntatem absentibus
[L4] aperiendi certa, Frankfurt a/M: Ex officina typographica Mathiae Beckeri, sumptibus
[L5] Joannis Berneri 1606, 1608, 1621.
[L6] secondary sources
[L7] Arnold, Klaus, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Würzburg: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2nd ed.
[L8] 1991.
[L9] Baron, Frank, Doctor Faustus from History to Legend, Munich: Wilhelm Fink 1978. ——, ‘Trithemius und Faustus: Begegnungen in Geschichte und Sage’, in: Richard Auernhei- mer & Frank Baron (eds.), Johannes Trithemius: Humanismus und Magie im vorreforma￾torischen Deutschland, Munich: Profil 1991, 39-57. ——, ‘The Precarious Legacy of Renaissance Humanism in the Faust Legend’, in: Manfred P. Fleischer (ed.), The Harvest of Humanism in Central Europe: Essays in Honor of Lewis W.
[L10] Spitz, St. Louis: Concordia 1992, 303-315.
[L11] Bianquis, Geneviève, Faust à travers quatre siècles, Paris: Droz 1935.
[L12] Boerner, Peter & Sidney Johnson (eds.), Faust through Four Centuries: Retrospect and Analy￾sis, Tübingen: Max Niemeyer 1989.
[L13] Brann, Noel L., The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516): The Renaissance of Monastic Humanism, Leiden: Brill 1981. ——, Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy over Occult Studies in
[L14] Early Modern Europe, Albany: SUNY Press 1999. ——, The Debate over the Origin of Genius during the Italian Renaissance: The Theories of
[L15] Supernatural Frenzy and Natural Melancholy in Accord and in Conflict on the Threshold
[L16] of the Scientific Revolution, E.J. Brill: Leiden/Boston/Köln 2002.
[L17] Brown, Norman O., Life against Death: The Psychoanalytical Meaning of History, Middle￾town, Conn.: Wesleyan Univ. Press 1959. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 20> A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 171
[L18] Butler, E.M., The Myth of the Magus, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press/New York: Mac￾millan 1948. ——, The Fortunes of Faust, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1952.
[L19] Cassirer, Ernst, The Individual and the Cosmos in Renaissance Philosophy, New York: Harper
[L20] & Row 1963.
[L21] Chacornac, Paul, Grandeur et adversité de Jean Trithème, Bénédictin Abbé de Spanheim et de
[L22] Wurtzbourg (1462-1516): La vie, la légende, l’oeuvre, Paris: Editions Traditionelles 1963.
[L23] Couliano, Ioan P., Eros and Magic in the Renaissance, Chicago: University of Chicago Press
[L24] 1987.
[L25] Cranz, Edward, ‘Cusanus, Luther, and the Mystical Tradition’, in: Charles Trinkaus & Heiko
[L26] Oberman (eds.)

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] (ed.), Corpus historicum medii aevi, 2 vols., Leipzig: Apud Jo. Frid. Gleditschii B.
[L2] Fil. 1723.
[L3] Fritz, Josef (ed.), Das Volksbuch vom Doktor Faust: Nach der um die Erfurter Geschichten
[L4] vermehrten Fassung, Halle a/S: Max Niemeyer,1914 (based on 1596 ed.)
[L5] Palmer, Philip Mason & Robert Pattison More (eds.), The Sources of the Faust Tradition from
[L6] Simon Magus to Lessing, New York: Oxford Univ. Press 1936.
[L7] Rupprich, Hans, Humanismus und Renaissance in den deutschen Städten und an den Universi￾täten, Leipzig: P. Reclam jun. 1935; repr., Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft
[L8] 1964, 1965.
[L9] Tille, Alexander (ed.), Die Faustsplitter in der Literature des sechzehnten bis achtzehnten Jahr￾hunderts nach den ältesten Quellen, Berlin: Emil Felber 1900.
[L10] Trithemius, Johannes, De septem secundeis, id est, intelligentiis sive spiritibus orbes post Deum
[L11] moventibus ..., Cologne: Apud Johannem Birckmannum 1567. ——, Opera historica, 2 parts, (Marquard Freher, ed.), Frankfurt a/M: Typis Wechelianis apud
[L12] Claudium Marnium & haeredes Ioannis Aubrij 1601 (facs., Frankfurt: Minerva 1966). ——, Opera pia et spiritualia, (ed.) Johannes Busaeus, Mainz: Ex typographeo Ioan. Albini
[L13] 1604, 1605. ——, Polygraphiae libri VI, Cologne: Apud Johannem Birckmannum & Theodorum Baumium
[L14] 1571. ——, Steganographia, hoc est, ars per occultam scripturam animi sui voluntatem absentibus
[L15] aperiendi certa, Frankfurt a/M: Ex officina typographica Mathiae Beckeri, sumptibus
[L16] Joannis Berneri 1606, 1608, 1621.
[L17] secondary sources
[L18] Arnold, Klaus, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Würzburg: Ferdinand Schöningh, 2nd ed.
[L19] 1991.
[L20] Baron, Frank, Doctor Faustus from History to Legend, Munich: Wilhelm Fink 1978. ——, ‘Trithemius und Faustus: Begegnungen in Geschichte und Sage’, in: Richard Auernhei- mer & Frank Baron (eds.), Johannes Trithemius: Humanismus und Magie im vorreforma￾torischen Deutschland, Munich: Profil 1991, 39-57. ——, ‘The Precarious Legacy of Renaissance Humanism in the Faust Legend’, in: Manfred P. Fleischer (ed.), The Harvest of Humanism in Central Europe: Essays in Honor of Lewis W.
[L21] Spitz, St. Louis: Concordia 1992, 303-315.
[L22] Bianquis, Geneviève, Faust à travers quatre siècles, Paris: Droz 1935.
[L23] Boerner, Peter & Sidney Johnson (eds.), Faust through Four Centuries: Retrospect and Analy￾sis, Tübingen: Max Niemeyer 1989.

【7†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Theile der Welt sonderlich durch Teutschland zerstreuten Juden zugetragen. Frankfurt a. M.
[L2] 1714.
[L3] Scot, Reginald: Discouerie of Witchcraft. London 1584, rpt. Amsterdam/New York 1971.
[L4] Trithemius, Johannes: Annales Hirsaugienses. Joannis Trithemii, Spanheimensis, et Postea
[L5] Divi Jacobi apud Herbipolim Abbatis, Viri suo aevo doctissimi, tomus … Annalium
[L6] Hirsavgiensivm: opus nunquam hactenus ed., & ab eruditis semper desideratum;
[L7] complectens historiam Franciae et Germaniae, ed. Johann Georg Schlegel. St. Gallen
[L8] 1690.
[L9] Trithemius, Johannes: Chronicon Hirsaugiense. In: Johannis Trithemii Opera historica. ed. M.
[L10] Freher. Frankfurt a. M. 1601, rpt. Frankfurt a. M. 1966, 1–235.
[L11] Trithemius, Johannes: Chronicon Sponheimense. In: Johannis Trithemii Opera historica. ed. M.
[L12] Freher. Frankfurt a. M. 1601, rpt. Frankfurt a. M: 1966, 236–435.
[L13] Trithemius, Johannes: Des Abtes Johannes Trithemius Chronik des Klosters Sponheim.
[L14] Chronikon Spanheimense Deutsch 1024–1509. trans. C. Velten. Bad Kreuznach 1969.
[L15] Weinhold, G. A.: Historische Remarquen über Dr. Johann Fausten des Schwarz-Künstlers.
[L16] Zwickau 1722.
[L17] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L18] Authenticated
[L19] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 22> Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt 213
[L20] Widmann, Georg Rudolf: Das ärgerliche Leben und schreckliche Ende des viel-berüchtigten
[L21] Ertz-Schwartzkünstlers D. Johannis Fausti. eds. Pfitzer Johann Nicolaus, Conrad Wolfgang
[L22] Platz. Nürnberg 1717.
[L23] Wier, Johannes: Ioannis VVieri De Praestigiis Daemonum, & incantationibus ac ueneficiis, Libri
[L24] sex, postrema editione sexta aucti & recogniti, Basileae, 1583.
[L25] Witekind, Hermann: Christlich bedenken und die Entstehung des Faustbuchs von 1587. ed. F.
[L26] Baron. Berlin 2009.
[L27] Zimmerische Chronik. Vol. 2. ed. Karl August Barack. Freiburg i. B. 1881.
[L28] Secondary Sources
[L29] Anonymous: Die wilde Jagd, oder das wütende Heer; aus natürlichen Gründen erklärt. In:
[L30] Neueste Mannigfaltigkeiten. Eine gemeinnützige Wochenschrift 4 (1781) 492–495.
[L31] Arnold, Klaus: Johannis Trithemius (1462–1516). Zweite, neu bearb. Auflage. Würzburg 1991.

【8†[The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000033107230845f888b6d9248ae】

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Title: [The Catholic Historical Review 1983-oct vol. 69 iss. 4] Review by_ Gerald Strauss - The Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanismby Noel L. Brann (1983) [10.2307_25021685] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Speaking for himself, and speaking of his notable
[L2] predecessors in the history of the Church, he struggled to resolve the conflicts
[L3] between faith and understanding, piety and learning, Christian values and pagan
[L4] literature, meaning and eloquence. He managed to sustain them in what Brann calls
[L5] a "tense equilibrium." In 1506 he carried his literary activities to the monastery of
[L6] St. Jacob in W?rzburg, touching bases with the many interests of his fellow
[L7] humanists in writing patriotic German history, local chronicles, an autobiography,
[L8] and exercises in the occult. By the time of his death in 1516 he had gained a sizable
[L9] group of followers who strove to guard the values of monastic humanism from
[L10] virulent attacks under which monasticism was coming on the eve of the
[L11] Reformation.
[L12] Noel Brann writes about all this with the warmest sympathy for his hero, but
[L13] unfortunately (from my point of view) also without any detachment. As a result of
[L14] this lack of distance between author and subject there is not conveyed to us much of
[L15] a critical understanding of Trithemius as a phenomenon in the northern
[L16] Renaissance. Most of the abbot's positions on matters of current intellectual
[L17] interest were entirely conventional: the common coin of literary men of the time,
[L18] often mere topoi. But they are presented here solely in the context of Trithemius'
[L19] life, as though they had been uniquely his own inventions. Unlike Arnold's book,
[L20] which frequently moves outward from the abbot's life to observe it in a wider frame
[L21] of reference, Brann's sees everything through Trithemius' eyes. In its detail and its
[L22] use of long quotations, it is excessively pedantic, even pausing to explain at one
[L23] point that the abbot's famous dog, which was trained to respond to commands in
[L24] Greek, didn't really understand Greek. Trithemius' transparently spurious
[L25] fabrication of historical sources for use in his history of the ancient Franks receives
[L26] only the barest mention, and there is no discussion at all of his occult interests and
[L27] his reputation as a magician and a prototype of Dr. Faust. Above all, Brann subjects
[L28] his reader to endless reiteration of Trithemius' problem of reconciling piety with
[L29] erudition and rhetoric. No doubt Trithemius did agonize over this. But after turning
[L30] the pages for the umpteenth time on this familiar theme one is tempted to dismiss
[L31] the plaint as a pose.
[L32] Trithemius led an interesting life, and his writings project a complex and
[L33] appealing personality. There is much to be learned from him and, through him,
[L34] about his age. But he was not a saint. His biography should not be treated as
[L35] hagiography.
[L36] Gerald Strauss
[L37] Indiana University, Bloomington
[L38] This content downloaded from 212.219.139.72 on Mon, 21 Dec 2015 15:31:01 UTC
[L39] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 3>

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Weinhold, G. A.: Historische Remarquen über Dr. Johann Fausten des Schwarz-Künstlers.
[L2] Zwickau 1722.
[L3] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L4] Authenticated
[L5] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 22> Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt 213
[L6] Widmann, Georg Rudolf: Das ärgerliche Leben und schreckliche Ende des viel-berüchtigten
[L7] Ertz-Schwartzkünstlers D. Johannis Fausti. eds. Pfitzer Johann Nicolaus, Conrad Wolfgang
[L8] Platz. Nürnberg 1717.
[L9] Wier, Johannes: Ioannis VVieri De Praestigiis Daemonum, & incantationibus ac ueneficiis, Libri
[L10] sex, postrema editione sexta aucti & recogniti, Basileae, 1583.
[L11] Witekind, Hermann: Christlich bedenken und die Entstehung des Faustbuchs von 1587. ed. F.
[L12] Baron. Berlin 2009.
[L13] Zimmerische Chronik. Vol. 2. ed. Karl August Barack. Freiburg i. B. 1881.
[L14] Secondary Sources
[L15] Anonymous: Die wilde Jagd, oder das wütende Heer; aus natürlichen Gründen erklärt. In:
[L16] Neueste Mannigfaltigkeiten. Eine gemeinnützige Wochenschrift 4 (1781) 492–495.
[L17] Arnold, Klaus: Johannis Trithemius (1462–1516). Zweite, neu bearb. Auflage. Würzburg 1991.
[L18] Asbridge, Thomas: The Holy Lance of Antioch: Power, Devotion and Memory on the First
[L19] Crusade. In: Reading Medieval Studies 33 (2007) 3–36.
[L20] Baring-Gould, Sabine: The Wild Huntsman. In: Iceland: Its Scenes and Sagas. London 1863.
[L21] Baron, Frank: Faustus of the Sixteenth Century. His Life, Legends, and Myth. In: The Faustian
[L22] Century. German Literature and Culture in the Age of Luther and Faustus. eds. J. M. van der
[L23] Laan, Andrew Weeks. Rochester, NY. 2013, 43–64.
[L24] Baron, Frank:Trithemius and Faustus. Begegnungen in Geschichte und Sage. In: Johannes
[L25] Trithemius. Humanismus und Magie im vorreformatorischen Deutschland. eds. R.
[L26] Auernheimer, f. Baron. München/Wien 1991, 39–60.
[L27] Binnall, Peter B.G: On a Possible Version of the Wild Hunt Legend in North Lincolnshire. In:
[L28] Folklore 46 (1935) 80–84.
[L29] Bolte, Johannes and Polívka, Georg: Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder
[L30] Grimm. 2nd. ed.1914. rpt.Hildesheim 1963, Vol. 2, 540.
[L31] Booth, Roy: Witchcraft, Flight, and the Early Modern English Stage. In: Early Modern Literary
[L32] Studies 13 (2007) 1–37.
[L33] Brann, Noel L.: The Abbot Trithemius (1462–1516). The Renaissance of Monastic Humanism.

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Title: [Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 184 fI.).
[L2] 6 lohannis Trithemii . . .. PrimCB Partis Opera H istorica. SecundCBPartis Chronica
[L3] Insignia Dvo. I. Coenobii Hirsavgiensis . . .. II. Coenobii Spanhemiensis . . .. Accedunt
[L4] EpistolCB eiusdem Familiares . . .. Cum Indice .... , fo1., Frankfurt, 1601.
[L5] 6 Joannis Trithemij .... Tomus I. [Tomus II.] Annalium Hirsavgensivm . . .. Nunc
[L6] primum .... e Manuscriptis BibliothecCB Monasterij S. Galli publicce luci datum ....
[L7] Typis ejusdem Monasterij S. Galli, fo1., 2 vols., 1690. This edition includes some text of
[L8] interest to us which is omitted in 6.
[L9] 7 An edition with supplement (Paralipomena) is said to have been published at Mainz
[L10] in 1605. I have not read this large work, which seemed to contain nothing of interest
[L11] to us.
[L12] a The first edition is said to have been jn 2 vols. 8°, Lyons, with works of Agrippa etc. ;
[L13] the first edition I have seen is of Frankfurt and Darmstadt, 4°, 1606, 5teganographia ....
[L14] Joanne Trithemio, Abbate Spanheimensi &- MagiCB Naturalis Magistro perfectissimo; for
[L15] Heidel's edition see 3.
[L16] 8 PoZygraphiCBlibri sex .... accessit Clavis; sm. fo1.,s. 1. [Oppenheim], 1518 (unpaged),
[L17] and many later editions, e. g., 8°, Argentinc;e (Strasburg), 1600; French translation by
[L18] Gabriel de Collonge, Polygraphie, 4°, Paris, 1561 and 1625.
[L19] 10 Haganovc;e, 4°, 1536.
[L20] Downloaded by [Florida State University] at 02:27 30 June 2016 <IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 8><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 8>Trithemius and Alchemy 55
[L21] Many other works (including Naturalium Qutestionum in twenty books) are
[L22] unpublished or lost.
[L23] Trithemius 11 emphasized that Albertus Magnus was a learned and saintly
[L24] man, who' scrutinised the depths of natural philosophy and learned to know
[L25] wonders unheard of by others', as a result of which he was unjustly regarded
[L26] as a magician. Although not ignorant of natural magic, Albert had innocently
[L27] acquired his knowledge by reading a great number of superstitious books,
[L28] which is necessary if one is to be able to distinguish natural from illicit magic.
[L29] Trithemius was for the same reason accused of being a magician. Bovillus
[L30] (Charles de Bouelles, 1470?-1553), in a letter to Germanus de Ganay of
[L31] 8 March, 1509,reports that he had seen the Steganographia, a large work which
[L32] if published would be the wonder of the world [quod si vnq. publicatii fuerit
[L33] (quod absit) totus mundus mirabitur]. He thought it contained Arabic,
[L34] Hebrew, Chaldee and Greek names of spirits 12.

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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 8>Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
[L2] http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=yamb20
[L3] Download by: [Florida State University] Date: 30 June 2016, At: 02:27
[L4] Ambix
[L5] ISSN: 0002-6980 (Print) 1745-8234 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/yamb20
[L6] Trithemius and Alchemy
[L7] J. R. Partington
[L8] To cite this article: J. R. Partington (1938) Trithemius and Alchemy, Ambix, 2:2, 53-59, DOI:
[L9] 10.1179/amb.1938.2.2.53
[L10] To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/amb.1938.2.2.53
[L11] Published online: 18 Jul 2013.
[L12] Submit your article to this journal
[L13] Article views: 15
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[L15] Citing articles: 2 View citing articles <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 8>Ambix
[L16] Being the Journal of the. Society for the
[L17] Study of Alchemy and Early Chemistry
[L18] President: Sir ROBERTl\lo~D, LL.D., M.A., F.R.S.
[L19] M embers of Council.
[L20] Dr. D. McKIE (Hon. Treasurer).
[L21] Prof. J. R. PARTINGTON(Chairman).
[L22] Dr. V. A. PETRO\V(Han. Sec.).
[L23] Prof. J. READ, F.R.S.
[L24] Dr. F. SHERWOOD TAYLOR (Hon.
[L25] Editor).
[L26] Dr. A. F. TITLEY.
[L27] Prof. !{. C. BAILEY.
[L28] Prof. S. R. K. GLANVILLE.
[L29] Sir RICHARDA. GREGORY,Bt., F.R.S.
[L30] G. HEYM, Esq. (Han. F01'eign Sec.).
[L31] Dr. E. J. HOLMYARD.
[L32] Dr. STEPHEN MIALL.
[L33] VOL. II SEPTEl\tIBER, 1938 NO.2
[L34] TRITHEMIUS AND ALCHEMY.
[L35] By J. R. PARTINGTON,M.B.E., D.Sc.
[L36] JOHANNESTRITHEMIUSwas born in 1462 1. at Trittenheim near Trier on the
[L37] Moselle, and takes his name from that of his birthplace. After assiduous but
[L38] unsystematic study at Trier and Heidelberg he left for home in 1482, travelling
[L39] on foot. He got as far as Sponheim, a mile from Bingen, where deep snow
[L40] drove him to shelter in the Benedictine cloister of St. Martin, where he decided
[L41] to become a novitiate. Later in the year he made profession, and in 14832,
[L42] at the age of barely twenty-two, he was elected Abbot of Sponheim, an office
[L43] which he filled for twenty-three years. During this period he re-established
[L44] 1 Moehsen, Geschichte ,der Wissenschaften in der Mark Brandenburg, 4°, Berlin and
[L45] Leipzig, 1781, 449, is the only author I have seen who gives 1464 as the date of birth.
[L46] In the Beitriige to this work, Berlin and Leipzig, 4°, 1783, 29, Moehsen ranks Trithemius,
[L47] Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas among the adepts, or those who t at least worked
[L48] in the art '.

【12†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 1829.
[L2] 32 Cassirer, Individual and the Cosmos, 69.
[L3] 33 Brown, Life against Death, 51. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 17 / 20> A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 169
[L4] With Cusanus before him to help point the way, Trithemius can be called
[L5] upon to instruct posterity, along the same “Faustian” terms as employed by
[L6] Cassirer and Brown, that the will to the infinite, in Augustine’s memorable
[L7] words, ‘cannot rest until it rests in Thee’. As poignantly illustrated by Carolus
[L8] Bovillus, one also expressly indebted to Cusanus but acridly turning that debt
[L9] against the abbot in a vehement assault on his magic34
[L10] , Cusanus’ instruction in
[L11] learned ignorance could readily be enlisted in stark opposition to the pursu￾ance of occult studies. Conversely, however, most famously represented in the
[L12] late Renaissance by Giordano Bruno but also less famously represented earlier
[L13] by Trithemius, Cusanus’ instruction in docta ignorantia could just as readily
[L14] be adapted to a systematic conversion of mystical into magical theology. Trithemius’ declaration, earlier quoted, that he alone is able to grasp ‘the more
[L15] secret matters of divine love ... whom the illuminations of love have readied’
[L16] can be said to exhibit closer affiliation to Bruno’s magically infused “heroic
[L17] frenzies” than to Cusanus’ own stilling of the passions through learned igno￾rance35
[L18] . While sharing with Cusanus a view of a dark abyss separating man
[L19] from God intrinsically untraversable by the finitely limited rational faculty,
[L20] Trithemius did not thereby fall back, as did Cusanus himself, on a resignation
[L21] to mystical quietism. His adoption of negative theology was but a prelude to a
[L22] strenuous mystical-magical program through which a soul, following the nec￾essary purgative process, is made capable of transcending all finitely rational
[L23] comparisons and thereby made worthy of entering into the realm of the di￾vinely infinite where all opposites are at last reconciled.
[L24] Noel L. Brann (1937) received his Ph.D. in Early Modern European History and the Humanities
[L25] from Stanford University in 1965 and is the author of several books on Trithemius. He has taught
[L26] at Vassar College, the University of Maryland, the University of Tennessee, State University of
[L27] New York at Old Westbury, and the University of North Carolina.
[L28] 34 On the Bovillus-Cusanus connection, encouraged by Bovillus’ preceptor Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples, see Cassirer, Individual and Cosmos, 88-92.
[L29] 35 Concerning Cusanus’ subsequent influence on Bruno, with the will to the infinite again
[L30] turned to the service of magic, see my Debate over the Origin of Genius, esp. 317-320. Cf. Yates,
[L31] Giordano Bruno, 247. For a list of criticisms relating to the so-called “Yates thesis”, which
[L32] assigns the Renaissance Hermetic revival exemplified by Bruno a formative role in the making
[L33] of the scientific revolution, see my Trithemius and Magical Theology, 255-256 nt 2. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 18 / 20> 170 NOEL L. BRANN
[L34] Bibliography
[L35] primary sources
[L36] Cusanus, Nicholas, The Vision of God, New York: Frederick Ungar 1928 (repr. 1960).
[L37] Eccard, J.G. (ed.

【13†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 1530), who, five years after the abbot's death (1521), composed his Laus podagrae (Praise
[L2] of the Gout) under the assumption that health of body and purity of soul are at heart dis￾junctive rather than conjunctive categories. Wrote Pirckheimer, speaking through the
[L3] mouth of a personified gout in which the afflicter seeks to console the afflicted by reference
[L4] to certain inborn benefits to his scourges which transcend the question of mere physical
[L5] health:
[L6] For the truth is that while I am debilitating the body, I restore to health the mind;
[L7] while I am afflicting the flesh, I strengthen the spirit; while I am cleansing you of
[L8] that which is earthly, I am introducing into you that which is celestial; while I am
[L9] divesting you of that which is temporal, I am conferring on you that which is
[L10] immortal. 27
[L11] It is not by chance that when the author of the above words sought a book to use
[L12] against certain heretics imprisoned in Nuremberg who allegedly were invoking demons, it
[L13] was Trithemius to whom he immediately turned, the author of a demonological treatise who,
[L14] like himself, sharply dichotomized between the supernatural and natural· realms of exis￾tence.28 Of a very different inclination was the man held by many to have been a disciple
[L15] of Trithemius, Paracelsus,who declared in his Paragranum in a spirit entirely opposite to
[L16] that motivating the medical interests of Trithemius: "1t is the outer physician from whom
[L17] the inner physician is born, and where there is no outward physician there is also no inward
[L18] physician."29 Likewise of a very different inclination from Trithemius was Paracelsus'
[L19] spagyrical forerunner Ripley, who, much more consistently faithful to the Hermetic
[L20] Emerald Table than the occcult-minded abbot with whom his name is linked by Zetzner,
[L21] declared in paraphrase of the second precept maintaining that (\vhat is below is like that
[L22] which is above, and what is above is like that which is belovv": etl t is established that virtues
[L23] both superior and inferior inhere in all things produced by nature."30
[L24] REFERENCES
[L25] I. George Ripley, Duodedm portarum axiomata philosophica, in Lazarus Zetzner, ed ..Theatrum Chemi--
[L26] cum, 6 vols., Strassburg, 1613-61, II (1659), 121-3. Failing to grasp the chronological incongruency
[L27] between the magical careers of Ripley and Trithemius, Paul Chacomac, in· his Grandeur et A dversite
[L28] deJean Tritheme, Paris, 1963. pp. 120-1, has erred in presenting a French translation of the "Physica￾Chemica Trithemica" as if it were actually inspired by the abbot across the channel.
[L29] 2. Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Wiirzburg, 1971, pp. 182 ff. On Trithemius'
[L30] magical outlook and the part the l?ostius letter played in sparking a Trithemian magicallegerid see
[L31] also D. P. Walker. Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, London, 1958; reprint,
[L32] Nendeln/Lichtenstein, 1969. pp. 86-90, and my paper: "The Shift from Mystical to Magical Theology
[L33] in the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)", Studies in Medieval Culture, 11, ed.

【14†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn4file14
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Content Snippet:
[L1] "30
[L2] REFERENCES
[L3] I. George Ripley, Duodedm portarum axiomata philosophica, in Lazarus Zetzner, ed ..Theatrum Chemi--
[L4] cum, 6 vols., Strassburg, 1613-61, II (1659), 121-3. Failing to grasp the chronological incongruency
[L5] between the magical careers of Ripley and Trithemius, Paul Chacomac, in· his Grandeur et A dversite
[L6] deJean Tritheme, Paris, 1963. pp. 120-1, has erred in presenting a French translation of the "Physica￾Chemica Trithemica" as if it were actually inspired by the abbot across the channel.
[L7] 2. Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Wiirzburg, 1971, pp. 182 ff. On Trithemius'
[L8] magical outlook and the part the l?ostius letter played in sparking a Trithemian magicallegerid see
[L9] also D. P. Walker. Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, London, 1958; reprint,
[L10] Nendeln/Lichtenstein, 1969. pp. 86-90, and my paper: "The Shift from Mystical to Magical Theology
[L11] in the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)", Studies in Medieval Culture, 11, ed. John R. Sommerfeldt and<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 7 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 8 / 9>GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS
[L12] Thomas H. Seiler, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, 1977, 147-60, esp. pp.
[L13] 147-8.
[L14] 3. On Hermeticism in general see Will-Erich P,euckert, Pansophie: ,Ein Versuchzuy Geschichte de••
[L15] weissen und schwayzen Magie, Stuttgart, 1936; Walker, Magic (note 2); and Frances A. Yates,
[L16] Giordano Bruno and the Heymetic Tradition, London, 1964, 1971 and The Rosicyucian Enlightenment,
[L17] London/Boston, 1972; and on alchemy as a special strain of Hermeticism, Arthur E. Waite, The
[L18] Secyet Tradition in Alchemy: Its Development and Records, London, 1926; john Read, Prelude to
[L19] Chemistyy: An Outline of Alchemy, 2nd ed., London, 1939; reprint. Cambridge, Mass., 1961; and
[L20] Eric j. Holmyard, Alchemy, Baltimore, 1968. On Paracelsus see most notably Walter Pagel,
[L21] Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance, Basel, 1958,
[L22] and Das M edizinische Weltbild des Paracelsus : Seine Zusammenhiinge mit N euplatonismus und Gnosis,
[L23] Wiesbaden, 1962, and on the Paracelsian movement, Allen G. Debus, The English Paracelsians,
[L24] New York, 1965, and The Chemical Philosophy, 2 vols., New York, 1977. The most formidable
[L25] scholarly investigation into all aspects of the occult traditions from ancient times through the
[L26] seventeenth century is of course Lynn Thorndike's A History of Magic and Experimental Science,
[L27] 8 vols., New York/London, 1923-58.

【15†[Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000832071fd9e71952238e04120】

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Title: [Sixteenth Century Journal vol. 10 iss. 1] Noel L. Brann - Was Paracelsus a Disciple of Trithemius_ (1979) [10.2307_2539686] - libgen.li.pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn4file15
Mclick Target: "4:15"
Content Snippet:
[L1] 110.
[L2] This content downloaded from 62.122.76.54 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 18:34:33 PM
[L3] All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 5 / 14><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 6 / 14>74 The Sixteenth Century Journal
[L4] different books about Paracelsus.9 This is a trend of Paracelsus scholarship
[L5] which has been carried to the present day, so that, as a case in point, Stephen
[L6] Skinner felt perfectly free to assert in the 1975 introduction to his facsimile
[L7] edition of Paracelsus' Archidoxa in its seventeenth century English rendering,
[L8] as if the Sudhoff challenge had never occurred, that the author's "knowledge
[L9] of the magical tradition derived . . . from the time he spent with Johannes
[L10] Trithemius, abbot of Sponheim and later of Wtirzburg."1 0
[L11] At this point in the course of Paracelsus research, then, Sudhoff must be
[L12] judged to have failed dismally in his strained effort to supply a feasible alter￾native to Trithemius as the unnamed "ept
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【0†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 7>Journal of Physics: Conference Series
[L2] PAPER • OPEN ACCESS
[L3] Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and
[L4] Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on Android Platform
[L5] To cite this article: M A Budiman et al 2018 J. Phys.: Conf. Ser. 978 012088
[L6] View the article online for updates and enhancements.
[L7] This content was downloaded from IP address 185.252.219.28 on 19/10/2018 at 03:51<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 7><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 7>1
[L8] Content from this work may be used under the terms of theCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 licence. Any further distribution
[L9] of this work must maintain attribution to the author(s) and the title of the work, journal citation and DOI.
[L10] Published under licence by IOP Publishing Ltd
[L11] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L12] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L13] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
[L14] Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius
[L15] Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF
[L16] Files on Android Platform
[L17] M A Budiman, D Rachmawati and Jessica
[L18] Departemen Ilmu Komputer, Fakultas Ilmu Komputer dan Teknologi Informasi,
[L19] Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl. Universitas No. 9-A, Kampus USU, Medan 20155,
[L20] Indonesia
[L21] Email: mandrib@usu.ac.id, dian.rachmawati@usu.ac.id, jessica13@student.usu.ac.id
[L22] Abstract. This study aims to combine the trithemus algorithm and double transposition cipher
[L23] in file security that will be implemented to be an Android-based application. The parameters being
[L24] examined are the real running time , and the complexity value. The type of file to be used is a file in
[L25] PDF format. The overall result shows that the complexity of the two algorithms with duper encryption
[L26] method is reported as Θ (𝑛2).However, the processing time required in the encryption process uses
[L27] the Trithemius algorithm much faster than using the Double Transposition Cipher. With the length of
[L28] plaintext and password linearly proportional to the processing time.
[L29] 1. Introduction
[L30] The word ‘cryptography’ comes from Greek. According to the language, the word cryptography is
[L31] divided into two, namely ‘crypto’ and ‘graphia’. ‘Crypto’ means secret and ‘graphia’ means writing.
[L32] According to its terminology, cryptography is the science and art of keeping messages safe when
[L33] messages are sent from one place to another [1]. Thus, cryptography can help us in preventing the arrival
[L34] of important information, into unauthorized hands. The purpose of cryptography is 4. ie confidentiality,
[L35] integrity, authentication,andnon-repudation. Confidentiality focuses on data confidentiality, integrity
[L36] focuses on received data is true and genuine data, authentication is done to prevent false data, and non￾repudation aims to prevent the shielding of the data from the sender. Cryptography algorithm divided 2
[L37] that is, symmetric algorithm and asymmetric algorithm. However, in this study the algorithm used is a
[L38] classical algorithm, namely Trithemius Algorithm and double transposition cipher.
[L39] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use.

【1†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] PDF files are considered safe for static
[L2] file formats . The advantage of a document created in PDF format is that it can not be changed directly
[L3] by the recipient of a document unlike a document file with the format .doc, .txt or the other [4].
[L4] The purpose of this study are using Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in super
[L5] encryption scheme to avoid theft of files / data, calculates the super encryption complexity in Big Theta
[L6] (Big-θ), and measure Real Running Time super encryption in millisecond (ms).
[L7] 2. Method
[L8] On the encryption process, Trithemius algorithm will be used first. In the encryption process, the next
[L9] letter on the plaintext will be replaced by the relevant letter of the next row in the table. After using the
[L10] last line, one should move back to the first line. This means that all letters on the plaintext change
[L11] according to the number of positions specified by the actual row. Therefore the first letter is encrypted
[L12] without a shift, the second letter with the shift is determined by the second row (so by one position), the
[L13] third letter with the shift determined by the third row (so by two positions) and so on. Or, can also be
[L14] calculated by the formula:
[L15] 𝐶 ≡ 𝑃 + 𝐾(𝑚𝑜𝑑 𝑛) (1)
[L16] 𝑃 ≡ 𝐶 − 𝐾(𝑚𝑜𝑑 𝑛) (2)
[L17] Where :
[L18] C: Ciphertext
[L19] P: Plaintext
[L20] K: Key
[L21] N: number of letters used
[L22] This cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys. After the key in the
[L23] first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical order, and the plaintext
[L24] is read per column based on the sequence of numbers. Where, the direction of the sequence should be
[L25] determined first whether left-to-right, or right-to-left, to facilitate when there is the same letter on the
[L26] key.
[L27] Ciphertext generated from the first round, encrypted again in the second round in the same way, but
[L28] using a different key. Ciphertext generated from the second round, then divided into blocks. Where,
[L29] each block consists of 5 letters to facilitate the transmission process. One of the requirements of
[L30] encryption process using this cipher is, the table we use must be fully loaded. In order for the table used
[L31] to be fully charged, padding character is used.
[L32] While in the decryption process by using Double Transposition Cipher, start by using the second key
[L33] first. Where, the number of rows in the table is determined by the division of ciphertext length by key.
[L34] (Salomon, 2005). Then, the ciphertext is inserted into the table based on the number of fragments in
[L35] alphabetical order in the key used.
[L36] 3. Result and Discussion
[L37] The system was built using Android Studio 1.3.2. with the programming language is Java. This system
[L38] is tested with Personal Computer with processor intel core i7 – 3632QM CPU @ 2.20 GHz, Memory 4
[L39] GB RAM.
[L40] Table 1. Complexity of Trithemius Algorithm Encryption Method<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 7>3
[L41] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L42] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L43] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf.

【2†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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Content Snippet:
[L1] This study aims to combine the trithemus algorithm and double transposition cipher
[L2] in file security that will be implemented to be an Android-based application. The parameters being
[L3] examined are the real running time , and the complexity value. The type of file to be used is a file in
[L4] PDF format. The overall result shows that the complexity of the two algorithms with duper encryption
[L5] method is reported as Θ (𝑛2).However, the processing time required in the encryption process uses
[L6] the Trithemius algorithm much faster than using the Double Transposition Cipher. With the length of
[L7] plaintext and password linearly proportional to the processing time.
[L8] 1. Introduction
[L9] The word ‘cryptography’ comes from Greek. According to the language, the word cryptography is
[L10] divided into two, namely ‘crypto’ and ‘graphia’. ‘Crypto’ means secret and ‘graphia’ means writing.
[L11] According to its terminology, cryptography is the science and art of keeping messages safe when
[L12] messages are sent from one place to another [1]. Thus, cryptography can help us in preventing the arrival
[L13] of important information, into unauthorized hands. The purpose of cryptography is 4. ie confidentiality,
[L14] integrity, authentication,andnon-repudation. Confidentiality focuses on data confidentiality, integrity
[L15] focuses on received data is true and genuine data, authentication is done to prevent false data, and non￾repudation aims to prevent the shielding of the data from the sender. Cryptography algorithm divided 2
[L16] that is, symmetric algorithm and asymmetric algorithm. However, in this study the algorithm used is a
[L17] classical algorithm, namely Trithemius Algorithm and double transposition cipher.
[L18] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
[L19] random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table of Trithemius
[L20] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
[L21] random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table Trithemius, which has 24
[L22] rows and columns 24 of 24 letters in the Latin alphabet except the letter j and v [2].
[L23] However, in order to make the system more useful, in this study we used a trithemius table consisting
[L24] of 65 rows and columns. Where, all characters have entered into the table. Both lowercase and
[L25] uppercase. Plus numbers 0 through 9, and some punctuation.
[L26] Double Transposition Cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys.
[L27] After the key in the first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical
[L28] order, and the plaintext is read per column based on the sequence of numbers. Where, the direction of <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 7>2
[L29] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L30] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L31] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
[L32] the sequence should be determined first whether left-to-right, or right-to-left, to facilitate when there is
[L33] the same letter on the key.Ciphertext generated from the first round, encrypted again in the second round
[L34] in the same way, but using a different key [3].
[L35] File to be used in this research is a file with PDF format. PDF files are considered safe for static
[L36] file formats .

【3†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] Thus,
[L2] it can be concluded that the complexity of the super-encryption method between the Trithemius
[L3] algorithm and the Double Transposition Cipher is Θ(𝑛
[L4] 2
[L5] ). It means, the length of plaintext and password
[L6] proportional to linear processing time. The longer the plaintext and password the longer the time it takes.
[L7] 4. Conclusion
[L8] • The process of encryption and decryption using a combination of Trithemius algorithm and
[L9] Double Transposition Cipher in super encryption method, successfully done.
[L10] • The value of super encryption complexity between the two algorithms used is Trithemius and
[L11] Double Transposition Cipher algorithm yield value Θ (n2
[L12] )
[L13] • In the encryption process, the longer the plaintext and password the longer the time it takes. In
[L14] other words, the length of the plaintext and the password is linearly proportional to time.
[L15] 5. References
[L16] [1] Ariyus, Doni. 2008. Pengantar ilmu Kriptografi, Teori, analisis dan Implementasi. Yogyakarta:
[L17] Penerbit Andi.
[L18] [2] Mollin, Richard A.2005.Codes: the guide to secrecy from ancient to modern times : United State
[L19] of America.
[L20] [3] Salomon, David.2005. Coding for Data and Computer Communications : United State of
[L21] America.
[L22] [4] Kurnanda, Rahman. 2016. Perbandingan Algoritma 3DES dan Rinjdael Dalam Perancangan
[L23] Aplikasi Keamanan Data. Skrpsi. Medan: Universitas Sumatera Utara.Alghazzawi, Daniyal
[L24] M., Hasan, Syed Hamid. & Trigui, Mohamed Salim. 2013. Stream Ciphers: A Comparative
[L25] Study of Attacks and Structures. International Journal of Computer Applications 1 27-29.

【4†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Augustine or, closer to his own time, St. Thomas
[L2] Aquinas, but of a magic-prone German contemporary of St. Thomas, Albertus
[L3] Magnus. Put another way, it was Trithemius’ goal, more systematically reiter￾ated by his famed disciple Agrippa of Nettesheim († 1535), to transform the
[L4] Hermetic magnum miraculum into a magnum miraculum Christianum5
[L5] . The magical reputation of Trithemius at first glance appears to have burst
[L6] onto the historical stage like a lightning bolt, signaled by a misappropriated
[L7] 1499 letter to a friend announcing the birth of the art of steganography, a form
[L8] of cryptography, reputedly invoking planetary angels for the conveyance of
[L9] 51, 99-101; no. 59, 111-114; no. 62, 118-122; and no. 89, 173-178. Cf. Fritz, Volksbuch vom
[L10] Doktor Faust III, 69-70. Drawing out the resemblances between the Faust and Trithemian leg￾ends are Maus, Faust, and Baron, ‘Trithemius und Faustus’, 39-57, and id., ‘Precarious Legacy’, 303-315.
[L11] 5 On a 1509 meeting of Agrippa with Trithemius at Sponheim, followed up the following year
[L12] with Agrippa’s dedication to the abbot of the first version of his De occulta philosophia, see my
[L13] Trithemius and Magical Theology, 152-157. For medieval antecendents to the occult programs
[L14] envisaged by Trithemius and Agrippa alike, with principal emphasis by its contributors on late
[L15] medieval expositions of the Solomonic ars notoria, see Fanger, Conjuring Spirits.What sharply
[L16] distinguishes Trithemius’ mystical-magical methodology from that of this tradition, however,
[L17] highlighted by the abbot’s express condemnation of the ars notoria in his Antipalus
[L18] maleficorum, is his excision of purifying external rituals from its ascending stages. If the external
[L19] rituals spelled out in the Steganographia appear to belie this, it should be noted that they are geared to acquire practical powers in the art of cryptic communication, not to move the soul of
[L20] the operator to purer states of being. Nevertheless, it was precisely this ambiguous feature of
[L21] Trithemius’ leadoff treatise of magic, promising to furnish an occult shortcut to worldly knowl￾edge in association with the drive to a beatific vision, to put his reputation in the same suspect
[L22] ranks as the ars notoria in the minds of his demonological critics. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 5 / 20> A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 157
[L23] secret messages6
[L24] . A careful analysis of Trithemius’ pre-Steganographic
[L25] sources, however, reveals that the ground for the abbot’s detour into a suspect
[L26] art of the arcana was not as sudden or unexpected as it appears, revealing as it
[L27] does a trend in his thinking which places magic on a continuum with the mys￾tical theology to which he so far had devoted his monastic career. His ultimate
[L28] goal was identical to that stated by St. Augustine in the entreaty to God open￾ing his Confessions that ‘Thou hast made us for Thyself, our hearts are restless
[L29] until they rest in Thee’.

【5†[Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf†file_00000000842c71fdaa510b821c6d6e3f】

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Title: [Journal of Physics Conference Series 2018-mar 15 vol. 978] Budiman, M A_ Rachmawati, D_ Jessica, - Implementation of Super-Encryption with Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in Securing PDF Files on.pdf
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[L1] Instead of using a
[L2] random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table of Trithemius
[L3] Trithemius Cipher is one of the polyalphabetic codes designed to be easier to use. Instead of using a
[L4] random combination of letters of the alphabet, Trithemius uses a special table Trithemius, which has 24
[L5] rows and columns 24 of 24 letters in the Latin alphabet except the letter j and v [2].
[L6] However, in order to make the system more useful, in this study we used a trithemius table consisting
[L7] of 65 rows and columns. Where, all characters have entered into the table. Both lowercase and
[L8] uppercase. Plus numbers 0 through 9, and some punctuation.
[L9] Double Transposition Cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys.
[L10] After the key in the first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical
[L11] order, and the plaintext is read per column based on the sequence of numbers. Where, the direction of <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 7>2
[L12] 1234567890 ‘’“”
[L13] 2nd International Conference on Computing and Applied Informatics 2017 IOP Publishing
[L14] IOP Conf. Series: Journal of Physics: Conf. Series 978 (2018) 012088 doi :10.1088/1742-6596/978/1/012088
[L15] the sequence should be determined first whether left-to-right, or right-to-left, to facilitate when there is
[L16] the same letter on the key.Ciphertext generated from the first round, encrypted again in the second round
[L17] in the same way, but using a different key [3].
[L18] File to be used in this research is a file with PDF format. PDF files are considered safe for static
[L19] file formats . The advantage of a document created in PDF format is that it can not be changed directly
[L20] by the recipient of a document unlike a document file with the format .doc, .txt or the other [4].
[L21] The purpose of this study are using Trithemius Algorithm and Double Transposition Cipher in super
[L22] encryption scheme to avoid theft of files / data, calculates the super encryption complexity in Big Theta
[L23] (Big-θ), and measure Real Running Time super encryption in millisecond (ms).
[L24] 2. Method
[L25] On the encryption process, Trithemius algorithm will be used first. In the encryption process, the next
[L26] letter on the plaintext will be replaced by the relevant letter of the next row in the table. After using the
[L27] last line, one should move back to the first line. This means that all letters on the plaintext change
[L28] according to the number of positions specified by the actual row. Therefore the first letter is encrypted
[L29] without a shift, the second letter with the shift is determined by the second row (so by one position), the
[L30] third letter with the shift determined by the third row (so by two positions) and so on. Or, can also be
[L31] calculated by the formula:
[L32] 𝐶 ≡ 𝑃 + 𝐾(𝑚𝑜𝑑 𝑛) (1)
[L33] 𝑃 ≡ 𝐶 − 𝐾(𝑚𝑜𝑑 𝑛) (2)
[L34] Where :
[L35] C: Ciphertext
[L36] P: Plaintext
[L37] K: Key
[L38] N: number of letters used
[L39] This cipher consists of two rounds of transition columns, using 2 different keys. After the key in the
[L40] first round is determined, then each letter in the key is numbered in alphabetical order, and the plaintext
[L41] is read per column based on the sequence of numbers.

【6†[Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf†file_00000000488c71fda3af065c48dd031a】

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Title: [Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 4>632 Book Reviews / CHRC 88.4 (2008) 623-655
[L2] PAOLA ZAMBELLI, White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From
[L3] Ficino, Pica, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno [Studiesin Medieval and
[L4] Reformation Traditions 125]. Brill, Leiden/Boston 2007, x + 282 pp. ISBN
[L5] 9789004160989. €99; US$148.
[L6] Der vorliegende Sammelband vereinigt sieben teilweise bearbeitete und erst￾mals ins Englische ubersetzte Beitrage der vor allem durch ihre philosophie￾historischen Forschungen zum 1hema bekannt gewordenen Autorin, erganzt
[L7] durch eine instruktive Einleitung und drei Anhangen zu den Hauptteilen.
[L8] Die drei Aufsatze des ersten Teils zu ,White Magic, Black Magic' (S. 13-
[L9] 112) widmen sich der Frage der Kontinuitat im theoretischen Verstandnis
[L10] der sog. ,naturlichen Magie' von Pico della Mirandola bis Della Porta (S.
[L11] 13-34), den scholastischen und humanistischen Wurdigungen der hermeti￾schen Tradition, insbesondere bei Fieino, Pico, Trithemius und Agrippa (S.
[L12] 35-72), und den verschiedenen Aspekten der Magie bei Trithemius (S. 73-
[L13] 100). Appendix 1 gibt die fur die Magieforschung hilfreichen bibliographi￾schen Seiten von Trithemius' Antipalus maleficiorum wieder, mangels kriti￾scher Edition nach dem Druck von A. Busaeus aus dem Jahre 1605. Die￾ser erste Teil bietet hilfreiche Erinnerungen an die verschiedenen Konzeptio￾nen und Dimensionen von Magie. So wird differenziert zwischen einem eher
[L14] ,kultivierten', weil primar literarisch-antiquarischen (Pico, Reuchlin, Agrippa),
[L15] und einem eher popularen, weil an Ritualen und praktischen Handlungs￾anweisungen interessierten Typus (Trithemius, Paracelsus), aber auch-mehr
[L16] inhaltlich-zwischen der im Gefolge Pico'salsTeil der Naturphilosophie legiti￾mierten ,naturlichen' Magie und der zeremoniellen, ,damonischen', der Hexe￾rei verwandten Magie. Dabei verdient das durch Zensur und Inquisition mit
[L17] bedingte ,Doppelspiel' mancher Autoren Beachtung, so etwa das des Trithe￾mius, der einerseits eine esoterische Praxis zeremonieller Magie vertrat, das ent￾sprechende Treiben von ,Hexen' aber als Verbrechen bekampfte. Trotz innerer
[L18] Spannungen wird sowohl Trithemius als auch Agrippa eine mehr oder weni￾ger koharente Denkweise bescheinigt, wobei Freilichder letztere eine deutliche
[L19] Entwicklung erkennen lasst.

【7†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Here is a guideline of the abbot’s mystical theology, reinforced by his reading of Cusanus, that could also con￾sistently be carried over into his theory of magic, furnishing him as it did with
[L2] a convenient esoteric cover by consigning the critics of his occult studies to the
[L3] ranks of the same ‘rude and blinded’ who were unprepared for spiritual ad￾vancement through the conventional techniques of mystical theology. Given the above considerations, we should not be surprised to discover that
[L4] Trithemius’ magical theology, following the same guidelines as the mystical
[L5] 16 Quoted in Watts, Cusanus, 26. 17 See, e.g., Yates, Giordano Bruno, 247: ‘The famous saying that God is “a sphere of which
[L6] the centre is everywhere and the circumference nowhere” is, in fact, first found in a pseudo￾Hermetic treatise of the twelfth century, and was transferred by Cusanus to the universe, as a
[L7] reflection of God, in a manner which is Hermetic in spirit’. For this reason we need to distinguish
[L8] a mystical legacy of Hermeticism, to which Cusanus subscribed, from the mystical-magical
[L9] legacy of Hermeticism with which Trithemius identified himself. Extensively treating the latter,
[L10] occultist version of Renaissance Hermeticism are two collections of essays: Vickers, Occult and
[L11] Scientific Mentalities, and Merkel & Debus, Hermeticism and the Renaissance.
[L12] 18 Trithemius, ‘Oratio … de duodecim excidiis observantiae regularis’, in: Opera pia, 881. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 11 / 20> A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 163
[L13] theology preceding and conditioning it, displayed a demonological underbelly
[L14] to complement its positive call to spiritual enlightenment. A completed
[L15] Antipalus maleficorum, the outline for a planned encyclopedia of demons, and
[L16] several of his replies to the Octo quaestiones addressed to the Emperor
[L17] Maximilan assured that Trithemius’ name would figure as prominently in the
[L18] anti-magical as pro-magical literature of his successors, with their vinculum
[L19] consisting of his conviction that his good, divinely sanctioned magic stands at
[L20] the opposite spiritual pole from the wicked sorcerous magic instructed and
[L21] facilitated by the demons. The affirmative, as distinct from demologically ad￾monitory, side of Trithemius’magical program consists of a synthesis of Her￾metic natural magic and alchemy, Pythagorean numerology, astrology, and
[L22] Kabbalist word and angel magic, the combined force of which is to propel the
[L23] soul of the magical adept upward, by esoteric means, from the finitely demon￾infested material world to the infinitely removed supermaterial world ruled
[L24] over by God and His ministering angels. Each of these constituents of
[L25] Trithemius’magical amalgam can be tied down by many references in his oc￾cult writings, of which the following can be taken as representative.
[L26] Trithemius’ Occult Program
[L27] ‘It is the opinion of our most erudite men’, Trithemius maintained in the intro￾duction to his Steganographia, ‘that the ancient sapients whom we call by the
[L28] Greek name “philosophers”, if they happened to discover any arcana either of
[L29] nature or of art, concealed them by various modes and figures so that they
[L30] would not fall into the clutches of depraved men’19
[L31] .

【8†[Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf†file_00000000e99871fdbd77a1ec08b2247a】

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Title: [Ambix 1938-sep vol. 2 iss. 2] Partington, J. R. - Trithemius and Alchemy (1938) [10.1179_amb.1938.2.2.53] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] fo1.,s. 1. [Oppenheim], 1518 (unpaged),
[L2] and many later editions, e. g., 8°, Argentinc;e (Strasburg), 1600; French translation by
[L3] Gabriel de Collonge, Polygraphie, 4°, Paris, 1561 and 1625.
[L4] 10 Haganovc;e, 4°, 1536.
[L5] Downloaded by [Florida State University] at 02:27 30 June 2016 <IMAGE FOR PAGE: 3 / 8><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 8>Trithemius and Alchemy 55
[L6] Many other works (including Naturalium Qutestionum in twenty books) are
[L7] unpublished or lost.
[L8] Trithemius 11 emphasized that Albertus Magnus was a learned and saintly
[L9] man, who' scrutinised the depths of natural philosophy and learned to know
[L10] wonders unheard of by others', as a result of which he was unjustly regarded
[L11] as a magician. Although not ignorant of natural magic, Albert had innocently
[L12] acquired his knowledge by reading a great number of superstitious books,
[L13] which is necessary if one is to be able to distinguish natural from illicit magic.
[L14] Trithemius was for the same reason accused of being a magician. Bovillus
[L15] (Charles de Bouelles, 1470?-1553), in a letter to Germanus de Ganay of
[L16] 8 March, 1509,reports that he had seen the Steganographia, a large work which
[L17] if published would be the wonder of the world [quod si vnq. publicatii fuerit
[L18] (quod absit) totus mundus mirabitur]. He thought it contained Arabic,
[L19] Hebrew, Chaldee and Greek names of spirits 12. Trithemius 13 complained
[L20] of charges brought against him by Bovillus, f that rude ox " and swore that
[L21] he never carried out works of superstitious magic or entered the theatre of
[L22] alchemy, nor directed the attention of his friars to such vanities. Naude 14 and
[L23] Heidel15 acquit him of being a magician, astrologer or alchemist. Trithemius
[L24] had read suspiciousworks 16 and he was acquainted with alchemy; Cornelius
[L25] Agrippa 17 says he conversed with Trithemius in the latter's cell at Wiirzburg
[L26] on chemistry, magic and the Cabbala (in cenobio tuo apud Herbipolim
[L27] aliquandiu conversatus, multa de chymicis, multa de magicis, multa de
[L28] cabalisticis). This interest had the same effect as that of Albertus Magnus,
[L29] in that several spurious works on alchemy were foisted on Trithemius 18.
[L30] 11 Quoted by Heidel, Steganographia, 1721, Vita Trithemii, 35.
[L31] 12 In Que hoc volumine continetur. Liber de intel1ectu . • •• Epistole complures, fo1.,
[L32] Paris (Stephanus), 1510, fo1. 172 r.
[L33] 13 Annalium Hirsaugensium, edit. St. Gall, 1690, ii, 288; • In animam juro meam,
[L34] quod magi~ superstitiosre operam dedi nunquam, neque theatrum Alchimire intravi, neque
[L35] fratrum meum aliquis intendit hisce vanitatibus '.

【9†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Given the Devil’s well-known repu￾tation as deceiver, however, it is a portrayal that readily contributed to the
[L2] more sinister Faustian reputation of later years. Going so far in his perversity
[L3] as to blaspheme ‘that the miracles of Christ our Saviour were not truly
[L4] marvelous acts, and that he himself could perform, every day and wherever he
[L5] wished, all the things which Christ performed’, Trithemius intimated in his
[L6] epistolary testament without expressly saying so, Faustus exercized remark￾able powers of prestidigitation that at bottom owed, not to divine assistance as
[L7] he would have us believe, but to assistance of the demons intent on counter￾feiting the miracles of God3
[L8] . The irony in all of this, of course, is that Trithemius himself, whose objec￾tion to Faustus hinged, not on an objection to magic per se but only on a dis￾tinction he discerned between diabolically inspired sorcery and divinely in￾spired Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and Kabbalist magic, became subsequently
[L9] linked by magic-detesting Christians to the self-described “fountain of necro￾mantics”, Faustus. Spearheaded by the widespread propagation of a letter by a
[L10] 1503 guest of Trithemius at Sponheim, the Frenchman Carolus Bovillus, who,
[L11] on being presented with a partially completed manuscript of the abbot’s Steganographia, vehemently castigated its author as a demon-conjuror, the
[L12] name of Trithemius readily became associated in the minds of many after the
[L13] 1580’s with that of the demon-conjuring subject of the Faustbuch. Serving to
[L14] reinforce this commonplace linkage of the two names was an early merging of
[L15] the two legends, Trithemian and Faustian, illustrated by a story of Faustus’
[L16] raising of ancient personages from the nether regions in the court of Charles V
[L17] paralleling a comparable necromantic feat attributed to Trithemius in the court
[L18] of Charles’ grandfather Maximilian. As one sixteenth century writer typified
[L19] the later coalescence of the two legends with reference to this Faustian anec￾dote: ‘Some men relate that this same act was performed by Johannes
[L20] Trithemius’ 4
[L21] .
[L22] 3 Trithemius to Johannes Virdung de Hasfurt, Würzburg, 20 August 1507, Epistolae fami￾liares II:48, in: Opera historica II, 559-60. Repr. in De septem secundeis, 140-141 (in Tille,
[L23] Faustsplitter, no.1, 1-3) and in Rupprich, Humanismus, 184-185. For transl. into German,
[L24] French, and English respectively see Kiesewetter, Faust, 4-6; Chacornac, Trithème, 59-61; and
[L25] Palmer & More, Sources, 83-86. On this documented Trithemius-Faust encounter see Harmen￾ing, ‘Faust und die Renaissance-Magie’, 56-79; Maus, Faust, 109-138; Arnold, Trithemius, 185;
[L26] Brann, The Abbot Trithemius, 48, and id., Trithemius and Magical Theology, 64-65; and Baron,
[L27] Faustus, 23-24.

【10†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] "30
[L2] REFERENCES
[L3] I. George Ripley, Duodedm portarum axiomata philosophica, in Lazarus Zetzner, ed ..Theatrum Chemi--
[L4] cum, 6 vols., Strassburg, 1613-61, II (1659), 121-3. Failing to grasp the chronological incongruency
[L5] between the magical careers of Ripley and Trithemius, Paul Chacomac, in· his Grandeur et A dversite
[L6] deJean Tritheme, Paris, 1963. pp. 120-1, has erred in presenting a French translation of the "Physica￾Chemica Trithemica" as if it were actually inspired by the abbot across the channel.
[L7] 2. Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516), Wiirzburg, 1971, pp. 182 ff. On Trithemius'
[L8] magical outlook and the part the l?ostius letter played in sparking a Trithemian magicallegerid see
[L9] also D. P. Walker. Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, London, 1958; reprint,
[L10] Nendeln/Lichtenstein, 1969. pp. 86-90, and my paper: "The Shift from Mystical to Magical Theology
[L11] in the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)", Studies in Medieval Culture, 11, ed. John R. Sommerfeldt and<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 7 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 8 / 9>GEORGE RIPLEY AND THE ABBOT TRITHEMIUS
[L12] Thomas H. Seiler, The Medieval Institute, Western Michigan University, 1977, 147-60, esp. pp.
[L13] 147-8.
[L14] 3. On Hermeticism in general see Will-Erich P,euckert, Pansophie: ,Ein Versuchzuy Geschichte de••
[L15] weissen und schwayzen Magie, Stuttgart, 1936; Walker, Magic (note 2); and Frances A. Yates,
[L16] Giordano Bruno and the Heymetic Tradition, London, 1964, 1971 and The Rosicyucian Enlightenment,
[L17] London/Boston, 1972; and on alchemy as a special strain of Hermeticism, Arthur E. Waite, The
[L18] Secyet Tradition in Alchemy: Its Development and Records, London, 1926; john Read, Prelude to
[L19] Chemistyy: An Outline of Alchemy, 2nd ed., London, 1939; reprint. Cambridge, Mass., 1961; and
[L20] Eric j. Holmyard, Alchemy, Baltimore, 1968. On Paracelsus see most notably Walter Pagel,
[L21] Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance, Basel, 1958,
[L22] and Das M edizinische Weltbild des Paracelsus : Seine Zusammenhiinge mit N euplatonismus und Gnosis,
[L23] Wiesbaden, 1962, and on the Paracelsian movement, Allen G. Debus, The English Paracelsians,
[L24] New York, 1965, and The Chemical Philosophy, 2 vols., New York, 1977. The most formidable
[L25] scholarly investigation into all aspects of the occult traditions from ancient times through the
[L26] seventeenth century is of course Lynn Thorndike's A History of Magic and Experimental Science,
[L27] 8 vols., New York/London, 1923-58.

【11†[Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000009bd071f8bc0ef38d41cf0995】

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Title: [Fabula 2018-nov 07 vol. 59 iss. 3-4] McDonald, William C. - Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt (2018) [10.1515_fabula-2018-0100] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] He labels the kind of conjuration that Theodo prac￾tices gauckel Zauberey, a trickster’s magic that is meant to confuse and perplex onlookers. As
[L2] Witekind expresses it, the magician “blendet/verwirret/betrübet/daß sie [people]/das etwas ist/
[L3] nicht sehen/oder das nichts ist für etwas ansehen/oder ein ding in anderer gestalt sehen dann es
[L4] in der warheit ist” (Witekind 2009, 14). Accordingly, acts of illusion, by blinding and confusing
[L5] those in the audience, produce a sinful alternate reality, one that upsets the order of Creation.
[L6] Witekind, in order to ensure that his audience appreciates the origin of this form of harmful
[L7] magic, states plainly: “Gauckeley ist eine wirckung des teuffels” (14). See, also, the work of the
[L8] prominent witchcraft theorist Johann Georg Gödelmann (1559–1611), who identifies praestig￾ium – the art practiced by Theodo – as the first and most ancient form of magic, citing Exodus
[L9] 7–9, the episodes of Moses before Pharaoh (Gödelmann 1591, 23). Gödelmann and Trithemius
[L10] understand the term praestigiator, Theodo’s identifying cognomen presented by Trithemius, to
[L11] be pejorative: “imposter” and “trickster” are rough equivalents. See Clark 2007, 78–122 on “Pres￾tiges: Illusions in Magic and Art.”
[L12] Brought to you by | provisional account
[L13] Authenticated
[L14] Download Date | 12/5/18 1:17 PM <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 14 / 22> 208  William C. McDonald
[L15] Augen verblenden und verstricken” (421). Mephistopheles, Widmann reminds us,
[L16] played the role of a hunter, “mit vielen Hunden begleitet” (406).
[L17] The pattern in the tale of Theodo is plain: we encounter devilry at every junc￾ture. Given this state of affairs, the neutral stance of Trithemius regarding the
[L18] exploits of Theodo causes critics to express surprise. For example, Stumpf first
[L19] seeks an appropriate narrative category for the tale of Theodo, choosing to label
[L20] it one of Trithemius’ Zauber-und Wundernachrichten. He then faults Trithemius
[L21] for slandering another magus while having no such words for the magus Theodo
[L22] (Stumpf 2012, 12). Similarly, Collins is surprised that “Trithemius denounced
[L23] [Theodo] not for deriving power from demons, as might be claimed of someone
[L24] suspected of necromancy, but for deluding simple people” (Collins 2015, 332).17
[L25] Trithemius actually denounces no-one; he merely comments on the gullibil￾ity of Theodo’s audience. Trithemius withholds his censure, even though – as in
[L26] the case of Theodo – the protagonist is a magus et praestigiator who conjures the
[L27] Hunt and then conducts it, flying through the air. The narrative neutrality seen is
[L28] Trithemius’ modus when chronicling the Wild Hunt. The most that can be said, as
[L29] Brann recognizes, is that Trithemius believes that Theodo is one of many “atten￾tion-getting charlatans” (Brann 1999, 63).

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] II. Ibid. Trithemius's numerical play upon his name, which in truth is a Latin derivation from his home
[L2] village of Trittenheim on the Mosel, is prompted by a similar play on the name of the supposed
[L3] author of the Emerald Table comprising the twelfth precept: ItItaque vocatus sum Hermes Tris￾megistus, habens tres partes Philosophiae totius mundi."
[L4] 12. Ibid. Cf. Ruska, Tabula, p. 2: "4. Pater ejus est Sol, mater ejus Luna; portavit illud ventus in
[L5] ventre suo; nutrix ejus terra est."
[L6] 13. Ibid., pp. 471-72. Cf. Ruska, Tabula, p. 2: "7. Separabis terram ab igne, subtile a spisso, suaviter
[L7] cum magno ingenio. 8. Ascendit a terra in coelum, iterumque descendit in terram, et recipit vim
[L8] superiorum et inferiorum. Sic habebis gloriam totius mundi. Ideo fugiat (fugiet) a te omnis
[L9] ohsruritas. "<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 8 / 9><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 9>220 NOELL. BRANN
[L10] 14. Ibid., p. 472. Cf. Ruska, Tabula, p. 2: "9. Hic (Haec) est totius fortitudinis fortitudo fortis, quia
[L11] vincet omnem rem subtilem, omnemque solidam penetrabis."
[L12] IS. Ibid. Trithemius's condemnation of false alchemy as a casta meretrix appears under the year 1388
[L13] in his Annales Hirsaugienses, 2 vols., St. Gall, 1690, II, 286 fi., where the abbot ridicules numerous
[L14] figures seduced as much by their own avarice as by a false conception of the alchemical art.
[L15] 16. Ibid. For a reference to this passage see Thorndike, Magic (note 3), VI (1941), 438-9.
[L16] 17. Ripley, Duodec. axiom. (note I), in Zetzner, Theatrum, II (1659), 121-2.
[L17] 18. Trithemius to Count Johannes of Westerburg, Sponheim, 10 May 1503, Epistolae, in De septem
[L18] secundeis ... , Cologne, 1567, pp. 87-8.
[L19] 19. Bartholomaeus Lescanius to Trithemius, Berlin, 13 May 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 52, in Freher, ed.
[L20] Ope hist., 565.
[L21] 20. Trithemius to Bartholomaeus Lescanius, Wurzburg, 30 August 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 53, in
[L22] Freher, ed. Ope hist., 566.
[L23] 21. Trithemius, Antipalus maleficiorum, lib. III, in Johannes Busaeus, S.J., ed. Paralipomena opusculo￾rum Petri Blenensis et Joannis Trithemii, Cologne, 1624, p. 393. On Trithemius's demonological
[L24] preoccupations see Arnold, Trithemius, pp.

【13†[Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf†file_00000000488c71fda3af065c48dd031a】

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Title: [Church History and Religious Culture vol. 88 iss. 4] Kirn, Hans-Martin - White Magic, Black Magic in the European Renaissance. From Ficino, Pico, Della Porta to Trithemius, Agrippa, Bruno (2008) [10.1163_187124108X42.pdf
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[L1] 73-
[L2] 100). Appendix 1 gibt die fur die Magieforschung hilfreichen bibliographi￾schen Seiten von Trithemius' Antipalus maleficiorum wieder, mangels kriti￾scher Edition nach dem Druck von A. Busaeus aus dem Jahre 1605. Die￾ser erste Teil bietet hilfreiche Erinnerungen an die verschiedenen Konzeptio￾nen und Dimensionen von Magie. So wird differenziert zwischen einem eher
[L3] ,kultivierten', weil primar literarisch-antiquarischen (Pico, Reuchlin, Agrippa),
[L4] und einem eher popularen, weil an Ritualen und praktischen Handlungs￾anweisungen interessierten Typus (Trithemius, Paracelsus), aber auch-mehr
[L5] inhaltlich-zwischen der im Gefolge Pico'salsTeil der Naturphilosophie legiti￾mierten ,naturlichen' Magie und der zeremoniellen, ,damonischen', der Hexe￾rei verwandten Magie. Dabei verdient das durch Zensur und Inquisition mit
[L6] bedingte ,Doppelspiel' mancher Autoren Beachtung, so etwa das des Trithe￾mius, der einerseits eine esoterische Praxis zeremonieller Magie vertrat, das ent￾sprechende Treiben von ,Hexen' aber als Verbrechen bekampfte. Trotz innerer
[L7] Spannungen wird sowohl Trithemius als auch Agrippa eine mehr oder weni￾ger koharente Denkweise bescheinigt, wobei Freilichder letztere eine deutliche
[L8] Entwicklung erkennen lasst. Dass sich die vielseitigen Interessen und Vorlie￾ben des Trithemius-von der zeremoniellen Magie uber seine Endzeitprophe￾zeiungen bis hin zur allseits bekannten ,Ernndung' und Manipulation histo￾rischer Quellen-zu einem ,Spiel' (game) des grogen Humanisten fugen (S.
[L9] 100), klingt verlockend, doch wusste man gern mehr uber den Ernst eines sol￾chen Spiels.
[L10] Der zweite Teil widmet sich in zwei Beitragen Agrippa als Autor verbo￾tener Bucher, ein Anhang bespricht altere und neuere Agrippa-Literatur (S.
[L11] © Koninklijke Brill NY, LeiJen, 2008 DO!: 1O.1l63/187124108X426826<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 4><PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 4>Book Reviews / CHRC 88.4 (2008) 623-655
[L12] I I 5- I 88). Der erste Beitrag prasentiert Agri ppa als "kritischen Magus" . Ihm
[L13] liegt dessen Schrift De vanitate zugrunde, eine Kritik aller Wissenschaften und
[L14] okkulten Disziplinen, aber auch der reformatorischen Bewegung. Der zweite,
[L15] recht umfangliche Artikel dieses Teils handelt von Magie und ,radikaler Refor￾mation' bei Agrippa (S. 138-182). Demnach verfolgte Agrippa schon 1510,
[L16] dem Erscheinen der ersten Version von De occult a philosophia, Magie als "alter￾native form of religious life" (S. 142).

【14†[Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000008248723098b41029a2d94597】

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Title: [Ambix 1979-nov vol. 26 iss. 3] Brann, Noel L. - George Ripley and the Abbot Trithemius_ An Inquiry into Contrasting Medical Attitudes (1979) [10.1179_amb.1979.26.3.212] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Gall, 1690, II, 286 fi., where the abbot ridicules numerous
[L2] figures seduced as much by their own avarice as by a false conception of the alchemical art.
[L3] 16. Ibid. For a reference to this passage see Thorndike, Magic (note 3), VI (1941), 438-9.
[L4] 17. Ripley, Duodec. axiom. (note I), in Zetzner, Theatrum, II (1659), 121-2.
[L5] 18. Trithemius to Count Johannes of Westerburg, Sponheim, 10 May 1503, Epistolae, in De septem
[L6] secundeis ... , Cologne, 1567, pp. 87-8.
[L7] 19. Bartholomaeus Lescanius to Trithemius, Berlin, 13 May 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 52, in Freher, ed.
[L8] Ope hist., 565.
[L9] 20. Trithemius to Bartholomaeus Lescanius, Wurzburg, 30 August 1507, Epist. Jam., II, no. 53, in
[L10] Freher, ed. Ope hist., 566.
[L11] 21. Trithemius, Antipalus maleficiorum, lib. III, in Johannes Busaeus, S.J., ed. Paralipomena opusculo￾rum Petri Blenensis et Joannis Trithemii, Cologne, 1624, p. 393. On Trithemius's demonological
[L12] preoccupations see Arnold, Trithemius, pp. 196 fi., with this passage from the Antip. cited p. 198 n.'
[L13] 22. Patacelsus, Von den Krankheiten, so die Vernunfft berauben, Basel, 1567, tr. by Gregory Zilboorg as:
[L14] The Diseases That Deprive Man oj His Reason, Such as St. Vitus' Dance, Falling Sickness, Melancholy,
[L15] and Insanity and their Correct Treatment, preface, in Henry E. Sigerist, ed. Four Treatises dfTheo￾phrastus von Hohenheim called Paracelsus, Baltimore, 1941, p. 142. As Zilboorg points out in his
[L16] introduction to this tract, Paracelsus anticipates by several decades the campaign of the German
[L17] physician Johann Wier to put an end to the witch persecutions. Cf. Zilboorg, The Medical Man and
[L18] the Witch During the Renaissance, Baltimore, 1935, passim; Zilboorg and George W. Henry, A
[L19] History oj Medical Psychology, New York, 1941, pp. 195 fi.; and Walter Bromberg, The Mind of
[L20] Man: A History oj Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis, New York, 1954, 1059, p. 168.
[L21] 23. Paracelsus, Paragranum, in Werke, ed. Will-Erich Peuckert, 4 vols., Basel/Stuttgart, 1965, I, 504.
[L22] 24. Ripley, Duodec. axiom. (note I), in Zetzner, Theatrum, II (1659), 121-2.
[L23] 25. Trithemius, De sept. secund. (note 18), p. 96.
[L24] 26. Trithemius, Liber octo quaestionum, no. 7, in Busaeus, ed.

【15†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] In addition Trithemius envisaged as operating under the auspices of the above planetary angels 31 regional or district spirits and 24
[L2] temporal spirits. <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 16 / 20> 168 NOEL L. BRANN
[L3] nite. What sharply set Trithemius apart from Faustus was his bequeathal to
[L4] posterity of a sizeable corpus of occult writings in which he extensively
[L5] spelled out the elevated purpose of his magic. In his pursuit of the infinite
[L6] Trithemius openly favored the will over the intellect, a bias conditioning his
[L7] mystical theology before it was restated as a basic guideline of its derivative
[L8] magical theology. While freely admitting to its practical application, Trithe￾mius conceived of his magical specialty, cryptography, as at bottom a spiritual
[L9] instrument intended to assist the soul of the adept on the way to Heaven.
[L10] Much as St. Augustine had consigned his soul to perpetual restlessness until
[L11] it rested in God, so did Trithemius. But whereas Augustine had vehemently
[L12] condemned magic as a demonically sponsored constituent of the material
[L13] world from which he was endeavoring to escape, Trithemius considered magic
[L14] a legitimate auxiliary of the soul’s drive to transcend the demon-infested mate￾rial world. Testifying to a truly Faustlike disposition was Trithemius’ confes￾sion in his Nephiachus that ‘my love for study and for books has been immod￾erate’, and, still more startingly that ‘what in the world is knowable, I have
[L15] always desired to know’31
[L16] . In stark contrast to the comparable curiosity of
[L17] Faustus as related in the Faustbuch, in Marlowe, and even in Goethe, however,
[L18] Trithemius declared his curiosity in things of the arcana to be a divinely rather
[L19] than diabolically inspired means for charting the way from the finite to the
[L20] infinite realms.
[L21] Focusing on Cusanus, Ernst Cassirer has written: ‘The eye, as a sense or￾gan, is neither satiated nor limited by anything visible, for the eye can never
[L22] have too much of seeing; likewise intellectual vision is never satisfied with a
[L23] view of the truth. In this thought, perhaps, the basic Faustian attitude of the
[L24] Renaissance received its clearest philosophical expression and its deepest
[L25] philosophical justification’. Elaborating on this insight, Cassirer further ob￾serves that ‘the striving for the infinite, the inability to stop at anything given
[L26] or attained is neither a fault nor a shortcoming of the mind; rather it is the seal
[L27] of its divine origin and of its indestructibility’32
[L28] . Declaring this “Faustian will
[L29] to the infinite” to have been adumbrated in such Italian precursors of Faustus
[L30] as Marsilio Ficino and Leonardo da Vinci, Cassirer could just as well, if he had
[L31] chosen, have referred it to Trithemius. Along similar lines, the Freudian Nor￾man O. Brown’s discovery in the legend of Faustus ‘the incarnation of our
[L32] restless discontent’33 could equally have have been referred to the historically
[L33] documented figure of Trithemius.
[L34] 31 Nepiachus, in Corpus historicum II, col. 1829.
[L35] 32 Cassirer, Individual and the Cosmos, 69.
[L36] 33 Brown, Life against Death, 51.

【16†[Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann, Noel - TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE_ A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM (2002) [10.1163_157005902760255015] - libgen.li.pdf†file_0000000082a071fdad044f1f57a5559e】

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Title: [Aries vol. 2 iss. 2] Brann
Visible: 0% - 80%

unknownimport pdfplumber, re, textwrap, os, pandas as pd, math, numpy as np
path="/mnt/data/[Notes and Queries 1851-dec 20 vol. s1-IV iss. 112] Harrington, E. C. - Johannes Trithemius (1851) [10.1093_nq_s1-IV.112.489g] - libgen.li.pdf"
os.path.exists(path), os.path.getsize(path)

unknownimport pdfplumber, itertools
text_pages=[]
with pdfplumber.open(path) as pdf:
    for i in range(min(3,len(pdf.pages))):
        text_pages.append(pdf.pages[i].extract_text() or "")
text_pages[0][:1000]

unknownfull_text="".join(text_pages)
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idx

unknownsnippet=full_text[idx-500:idx+1200]
snippet[:1200]

unknownwith pdfplumber.open(path) as pdf:
    for i,p in enumerate(pdf.pages):
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        if "Trithemius" in t:
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unknownwith pdfplumber.open(path) as pdf:
    t=pdf.pages[1].extract_text() or ""
t[t.lower().find("trithemius")-800:t.lower().find("trithemius")+1200]

Make sure to include fileciteturn6file0 in your response to cite this file, or to surface it as a link.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 746>
cover next page >
title: Trithemius and Magical Theology : A
Chapter in the Controversy Over
Occult Studies in Early Modern
Europe SUNY Series in Western
Esoteric Traditions
author: Brann, Noel L.
publisher: State University of New York Press
isbn10 | asin: 0791439623
print isbn13: 9780791439623
ebook isbn13: 9780585054520
language: English
subject Trithemius, Johannes,--1462-1516--
Contributions in magic, Magic--
Religious aspects--Christianity--
History of doctrines.
publication date: 1999
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 746>
lcc: BX4705.T77B73 1999eb
ddc: 261.5/13/092
subject: Trithemius, Johannes,--1462-1516--
Contributions in magic, Magic--
Religious aspects--Christianity--
History of doctrines.
cover next page >
If you like this book, buy it!
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 746>
< previous page cover-0 next page >
Page i
Trithemius and
Magical Theology
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If you like this book, buy it!
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Page ii
SUNY Series in Western Esoteric Traditions
David Appelbaum, Editor
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Trithemius and
Magical Theology
A Chapter in the Controversy over
Occult Studies in Early Modern Europe
Noel L. Brann
STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS
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Page iv
Cover illustration: Gravestone image of Trithemius, Würzburg, Neumünster,
from workshop of Tilmann Riemenschneider. Author's photograph.
Gratitude is expressed for permission to reprint the following:
The Title page, John Dee, Monas hieroglyphica, Antwerp, 1564. Reprinted by
permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Title page, Robert Fludd, De macrocosmi historia, Vol. II, Oppenheim, 1619.
Reprinted by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Title page, Gustavus Selenus (Augustus II), Cryptomenytices et cryptographiae,
Lüneburg, 1624. Reprinted by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino,
California.
Title page, Gaspar Schott, Schola steganographica, Nuremberg, 1665. Reprinted by
permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Title page, Gaspar Scott, Physica curiosa, Würzburg, 1667. Reprinted by permission
of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Trithemius presenting Octo quaestiones to Emperor Maximilian. Title page,
Oppenheim, 1515. Reprinted by permission of the Rare Books Division, New York
Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.
Engraving by Albrecht Dürer, Melencolia, 1514. Photo: Warburg Institute,
University of London.
Marketing by Fran Keneston
Production by Ruth Fisher
Published by
State University of New York Press, Albany
© 1999 State University of New York
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner
whatsoever without written permission. No part of this
book may be stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
in any form or by any means including electronic,
electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying,
recording, or otherwise without the prior permission in
writing of the publisher.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 7 / 746>
For information, address the State University of New York Press,
State University Plaza, Albany, NY 12246
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Brann, Noel L.
Trithemius and magical theology : a chapter in the controversy
over occult studies in early modern Europe / Noel L. Brann.
p. cm. (SUNY series in Western esoteric traditions)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-7914-3961-5 (alk. paper). ISBN 0-7914-3962-3 (pbk. :
alk. paper)
1. Trithemius, Johannes, 14621516Contributions in magic.
2. MagicReligious aspectsChristianityHistory of doctrines.
I. Title. II. Series.
BX4705.T77B73 1999
261.5´13´092dc21 98-14898
CIP
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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< previous page page_v next page >
Page v
To my wife Joy, with love
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If you like this book, buy it!
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 746>
< previous page page_vii next page >
Page vii
Contents
Acknowledgments ix
1 Introduction: The Theoretical and Biographical Ingredients 1
The Theological-Magical Nexus 1
The Biographical Setting 4
2 The Magical Inheritance 13
Patristic and Medieval Demonology 13
The Medieval and Early Renaissance Defense of Magic 22
3 The Demonological Vision 33
The Monastic Rudiments 33
Sorcery Sin and Divine Providence 36
The Problem of Accommodating Magic to Miracle 44
The Witch Issue 51
The Problem of Learned Sorcery 57
The Distinction Between Sorcery and Exorcism 75
4 The Occult Vision 85
The Making of the Magical Legend 85
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 10 / 746>
The Personal Defense 91
The Divine Revelation and the Esoteric Rule 100
The Special Appeal to Princes 105
Pelagius and Libanius 109
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Page viii
The Theoretical Precepts 112
From Occult Theory to Cryptographical Practice 135
Trithemius and Agrippa 152
5 The Debate over Trithemian Magic during the Renaissance,
Reformation, and Age of Reason
157
Agrippa's Later Ambivalence 157
The Monastic Apologists 161
The Protestant Reaction 165
The Catholic Reaction 169
The Cryptographical and Alchemical Revivals 176
The "Jesuit Labyrinth" and Demonological Response 186
The Cryptographical Vogue 200
The Rosicrucian Debate 214
The Skeptical Shift and the Scientific Revolution 227
6 Conclusion: Trithemian Magic in Later Perspective 239
The Persisting Scholarly Conundrum 239
The Trithemian Will 248
Notes 255
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 746>
Bibliography 315
Index 341
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Page ix
Acknowledgments
Of the specialist libraries to which I am indebted for expediting the
present study, I single out for special thanks the offerings and staffs of
the Warburg Institute and British National Library, London; the
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; the Folger Shakespeare Library,
Washington, D.C.; and the Huntington Library, San Marino,
California. Also helpful were certain generalist collections, most
notably the Library of Congress and the libraries of Stanford
University, the California Institute of Technology, the University of
California at Los Angeles, and Hofstra University. For relevant visual
illustrations and permission to publish I thank, in addition to the
Huntington Library and Warburg Institute indicated above, the New
York Public Library.
Among individuals who significantly contributed, both indirectly and
directly, to the eventual appearance of this study I single out for special
mention Irwin Abrams, Roger Williams, Lewis Spitz, and Lawrence
Ryan, all of whom guided me in the earliest phases of my academic
career at Antioch College and Stanford University; Wayne Shumaker,
with whom I conversed over this topic in the beautiful environs of the
Huntington Library and who gave a critical reading to an early version
of my manuscript; and the late Charles Schmitt, with whom I shared
many hours on the subject of Renaissance magic within the highly
conducive walls of the Warburg Institute. I likewise express my
indebtedness to a number of anonymous readers, among whom
Professor Shumaker and Professor Jeffrey Russell subsequently
identified themselves, who had the patience to
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Page x
pore through this study at various earlier stages of its preparation and
to furnish me with helpful comments for revision.
Finally, Trithemius scholars everywhere, myself included, owe a
special acknowledgment of gratitude to Professor Klaus Arnold, who
has so diligently worked to prepare the bibliographical ground for a
study like this one. Though, in my own Trithemius inquiries, I have
always been borne along by ideas crystallized by my own independent
reading of the primary sources, first in my book on the monastic
humanism of the abbot and then in this one on his magical theology, I
have never lost sight of how Arnold's preliminary spadework has
facilitated my task.
Last, but far from least, I mention the indispensable support of my
wife Joy, to whom I dedicate this book. Without her constant nurturing
and help of more practical kinds, such as giving me the needed push to
replace my mechanical typewriter with the word processor, this study
might not have made it past its difficult prepublishing stages.
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Page 1
Chapter 1
Introduction: The Theoretical and Biographical Ingredients
The Theological-Magical Nexus
One of the more prominently featured themes in the history of ideas,
extensively spelled out by Lynn Thorndike in a multivolumed study, is
the association between magic and science. ''My idea," explained
Thorndike at the outset of his vast scholarly undertaking, "is that
magic and experimental science have been connected in their
development; that magicians were perhaps the first to experiment; and
that the history of both magic and experimental science can be better
understood by studying them together."
1 Refining this thesis for the early modern period is Frances Yates,
who, by claiming that the Hermetic expression of magic in particular
played a substantive role in the evolution of modern science, has raised
a virtual hornets' nest in the midst of Renaissance studies.
The intellectual breakthrough setting the stage for the modern
scientific temper, according to Yates, required a critical change in the
conception of man's relation to the universe, the key of which lay in
the shift from a geocentric to heliocentric cosmic outlook. Instrumental
in promoting this revolutionary shift, Yates has argued,
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Page 2
was a revived Hermeticism. With Giordano Bruno her main focus,
whose Hermeticized world view reputedly resonated with and helped
to confirm the heliocentric cosmic outlook of Copernicus and Galileo,
Yates forced a reevaluation among Renaissance historians concerning
the proper connection between the Hermetic revival and the
seventeenth-century scientific revolution. While intrinsically
fascinating in its own right, however, it will not be our object here to
enter into the controversy surrounding the so-called Yates thesis
concerning the origins of modern science.
2 The subject of the present study, the abbot Trithemius (14621516),
rather highlights the affiliation of magic with another discipline more
basic than science, since even science was traditionally said to hinge
from it. Reference of course is to theology, which represents the
intellectualization of religious attitude and practice.
One of the founders of modern anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski,
concluded after a lifelong investigation of the magically conditioned
Polynesian Trobrianders that, in their primitive beginnings, magic and
religion are essentially indistinguishable. Magic, Malinowski
determined on the basis of his Trobriander study, springs from an
instinctual and emotional need of the human being to press forth "into
impasses where gaps in his knowledge and the limitations of his early
power of observation and reason betray him in a crucial moment." An
important social consequence of this inner drive to resolve the enigmas
of existence, Malinowski maintained, is the formation of a system of
"rudimentary modes of behavior and rudimentary beliefs," with the
function of magical ritual being to fix and standardize such behavior
and beliefs into permanent forms.3 Inasmuch as these are traits which
also inherently belong to religion, it followed for Malinowski that
magic and religion, at bottom, are essentially one and the same.
When such primitive impulses to bridge the gaps of knowledge and
overcome human limitations are organized by religion into an
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 18 / 746>
intellectual system, the result is theology. To the extent that religion, as
Malinowski would persuade us, can be identified with magic, the
result is "magical theology"theologia magica. It will be the object of
the present study to go one step further. When a conscious attempt is
made, as in the case of the abbot Trithemius, to recapture the religious
origins of magic and to harmonize its precepts with Christian dogma,
the outcome is more properly termed "Christian
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Page 3
magical theology"theologia magica Christiana. Though himself only
marginally immersed in practical magic (his specialty lay in the
techniques of cryptography, or secret communication through magical
means), Trithemius, first at Sponheim and later at Würzburg, was not
content to leave the matter there. He devoted considerable time and
effort to the problem of how to rationalize the theory of magical
theology upon which his practical operations rested.
4
Living to the threshold of the Lutheran revolt from Rome, Trithemius
was immersed in a Christian tradition of magic that linked him with
occultist strains in the scholastic and humanist movements of the past
and the reform movements of the future on both sides of the Catholic￾Protestant divide. Much as Trithemius could scarcely uphold the
legitimacy and benefits of magic without reference to certain of its
leading champions of the Middle Ages, so did the sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century exponents of magical theology commonly call
upon the name and ideas of Trithemius among their forerunners to
justify their magical speculations and operations. Indeed, as we will
subsequently note, some were so taken by his magic, originally
deemed to constitute a bridge from the ancient pagan and Jewish
theologies to the theology of Christ, as to perceive in it a further bridge
to reconciliation between Catholics and Protestants.
If, as will be conceded, Trithemius shares some blame for the ensuing
witch persecutions by authoring certain writings which played a part in
their justification, it will be pointed out that he also helped set the
stage for the Renaissance and seventeenth-century movement,
spearheaded by the Paracelsians, to preserve a legitimate place for
magic within the orthodox theological schemes of Catholic and
Protestants alike. There were predecessors and even contemporaries, it
is true, who, assuming a more thoroughgoing and systematic approach
to the revival of the ancient arcane traditions than is represented by
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Trithemius's sporadic outbursts in the same vein, may have exercised a
more decisive influence on later occult theory. Among the latter were
the Italian Platonists Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico della
Mirandola and Trithemius's German acquaintances Johann Reuchlin
and Agrippa of Nettesheim.5 The point of the present study, however,
is not to uphold a dominant influence by Trithemius on the history of
magic. Rather,
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on a more modest scale, it is to present the theological rationale for
magic of one of its more provocative Renaissance spokesmen, and to
show how that rationale was diversely received during the highly
volatile two centuries after the abbot's death commensurate with the
Reformation, the witch hunts, and the onset of the scientific revolution.
Needless to say, Trithemius's theory of magical theology did not arise
out of a vacuum. It was forged out of a particular life experience which
embraced, in conjunction with the occult studies, a strong desire to
effect spiritual reform both in its author and in the wider Christian
Church to which he devoted his monastic way of life. Prior to entering
into the theoretical intricacies of the magical program formulated by
Trithemius, accordingly, we need first, in a concluding section to this
introductory chapter, take stock of the concrete circumstances within
which that program was forged.
The Biographical Setting
Trithemius, according to a story put into circulation during the latter
half of the sixteenth century, was once summoned into the presence of
Emperor Maximilian I where, in a dramatic demonstration of
necromantic powers for which he had earned widespead notoriety, he
conjured from the dead, together with sundry ancient heroes,
Maximilian's own deceased wife Mary of Burgundy. That a similar tale
was contemporaneously afloat concerning a certain Doctor Faustus,
who was said to have performed a comparable feat for Maximilian's
son Charles V, was not lost to the demonological critics of both men.
As one among these, Christoph Zeisseler, observed in relation to the
Faustian anecdote: "Some men relate that this same act was performed
by Johannes Trithemius."
6
How, then, did the magical legend of the abbot Trithemius, coalesced
as it came to be with the legend of Faustus, take shape? Unlike the
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 22 / 746>
historical Faustus, Trithemius came to his magical studies from what
initially was an entirely different slate of interests. Trithemius was first
and foremost a Christian monk, a member of the Benedictine order,
who dedicated his life to fulfilling the requirements of monastic piety.
Secondly, Trithemius was an exceptionally erudite monk who, as the
abbot of two monasteries during
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his lifetime, zealously advocated in the pursuance of his monastic
goals, not piety alone, but learned piety. This feature of Trithemius's
career led him not only into more traditional ventures expected of the
monastic career, such as mystical theology and ecclesiastical history,
but also into the not so traditional venture of humanistic studies which
were in a state of widespread revival in his day. Thirdly, Trithemius
joined forces with other learned theologians of his day in taking the
offensive against those he considered to be foremost human conveyors
of the demonic arts, the witches and sorcerers. Only fourthly did
Trithemius himself enter into the arcane field of magic, centering on
the techniques of cryptography for his special interest but furnishing
them with a solid foundation of occult theory which also drew on
affiliated magical studies such as astrology, Pythagorean number
theory, alchemy, and Cabala.
7
What, then, are the biographical particulars that led Trithemius from
his uncontroversial beginnings to the controversies of his final
decades? Christened Johann Heidenberg, Trithemius acquired his Latin
name from his birthplace of Trittenheim on the banks of the Mosel.
Following the premature death of his father, his mother eventually
remarried and, adopting the new family name Zell, produced several
more children, of which only one, Johann's half-brother Jacob,
survived to maturity.8 Convinced by a "miraculous" dream at the age
of fifteen that he was destined to a life of letters, and frustrated at
every turn in this regard by a stern stepfather who had a very different
idea about his future, the young Johann was anxious to leave home as
soon as possible to pursue his education. Upon breaking away from his
parents Trithemius at first adopted an itinerant way of life, spending a
short spell in nearby Trier, moving on into the Netherlands, and at last
making his way to Heidelberg where, enrolled in the studium generale,
he came into association with some of the foremost German humanists
of his day. In the company of these, who included in their number
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Johann von Dalberg, Conrad Celtis, Jacob Wimpfeling, and Johann
Reuchlin, Trithemius helped to form the Rhenish Literary Sodality.9
After completing his Heidelberg studies, in 1482, Trithemius set out in
the company of a friend on a journey back to the Mosel valley. He did
not, however, reach his goal, being caught up in a snow storm on his
way home and taking shelter in the nearby
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Benedictine monastery of St. Martin at Sponheim, located in the
diocese of Mainz. In obedience to what he construed to be a
providential hand guiding his way, Trithemius, once the storm ceased,
chose to remain within the cloister's walls as a novice. By the age of
twenty-one he was elevated to the Sponheim abbacy, which office he
occupied for the next twenty-three years.
10
In his abbatial role Trithemius vigorously pursued the career of letters
which he believed that God had marked out for him. His avowed ideal
was "true monastic erudition"vera eruditio monastica, conceived as
the union of learning with piety, of the intellect with the will, of pagan
philosophy with the "philosophy of Christ." In keeping with this ideal
he gathered on the shelves of his abbey library a large collection of
texts, "of about two thousand volumes, both handwritten and printed,''
as he later nostalgically recalled after being compelled to forsake them
following his move to Würzburg. To promote this venture he pressured
his monks into handwriting texts in the monastic scriptorium even as
the printing revolution was making that task seemingly superfluous.11
And at his writing desk he undertook his own private literary career,
concentrating for most of his Sponheim period in the areas of monastic
reform, mystical theology, ecclesiastical history, and Christian
humanism in keeping with the principles of literary elegance he shared
with his associates of the Rhenish sodality.12 In both functions, as
bibliophile and literary scholar, Trithemius became renowned
throughout Europe, in which dual role he served as an attractive
magnet for some of the most illustrious men of his age. Among these
were not only leading literary scholars of his day, but also a number of
princely patrons. Of the topics of interest championed by Trithemius
which increasingly drew these visitors to his cloister, not the least
noteworthy is that of magic.13
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If Trithemius gave much to his many studious visitors, he also took
much from them. This held true especially in the area of language
study, concerning which, he later acknowledged, he owed his earliest
lessons in Hebrew to an unnamed Jew he had met in Heidelberg, his
first Greek lessons to Celtis, and his advanced lessons in both
languages to Reuchlin. It was especially as a Greek scholar that
Trithemius earned fame in humanist quarters, with one visitor to
Sponheim revelling in this regard: "The abbot was Greek, his monks
Greeks, and likewise Greek were his dogs, stones, and vineyards.
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And that entire monastery seemed as though it were located in the
middle of Ionia."
14 Both the proficient Greek and the less proficient Hebrew of the
abbot, as it turned out, directly played into the formulation of his
magical theories, since, through Greek, he gained access to the obscure
mysteries of Pythagoras and Hermes Trismegistus, and through
Hebrew, to the mysteries of Cabala.
Until 1499 the visible scope of Trithemius's intellectual activity was
largely circumscribed by the conventional boundaries of the medieval
liberal arts curriculum. Then, as if out of the blue, Trithemius in that
year declared himself to be an exponent of the occult arts. The form in
which this announcement took place was a letter addressed to a
Carmelite monk of Ghent, Arnold Bostius, the object of which was to
inform the correspondent of a treatise the abbot was currently
composing. The subject was steganography, that is, the art of writing
secret messages and transmitting them over long distances through the
mediation of angelic messengers. Unhappily for the future reputation
of Trithemius, Bostius was not in a position to receive the abbot's
letter, having died shortly before its arrival. As a result, words intended
for Bostius's eyes alone fell into the hands of the unsympathetic prior
of the cloister, who, expressing shock by what he beheld therein to be
an admission of illicit demonic magic, circulated the abbot's words to
the general public. Thus was born Trithemius's magical legend.15
Reinforcing the abbot's notoriety as a black magician was a sharply
negative response to the cryptographic tract in question by a visitor to
Sponheim a few years later, the French scholar Carolus Bovillus, who,
during a fortnight stay at Sponheim, was requested by his host to read
and comment upon the completed portions of his steganographical
tract. To the abbot's surprise and consternation Bovillus was far from
pleased by what he gleaned therein, and at some later date, after
pondering the experience, wrote a letter to a mutual friend of the two
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men in which he recounted his Sponheim visit and acrimoniously
stigmatized his host as a demonic magician.16 While not discouraged
by these traumatic events from further engaging in his magical
speculations, Trithemius was chastened by them into being more
circumspect about their disclosure, one facet of which lay in his
decision to retain the completed portions of the steganographical
handbook in manuscript form accessible only to specially selected
disciples.
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In the ensuing years Trithemius and his Sponheim monks developed
increasingly strained relations, and by 1505 they mutually agreed to a
parting of their ways. There is no direct evidence that Trithemius's
emerging magical interests played a part in this decision, the more
probable bone of contention lying in the abbot's imposition of highly
demanding scholarly standards upon his monks which even included
the hand copying of texts as if the art of printing had never come into
existence. As the years of his Sponheim abbacy wore on, Trithemius
evidently became looked upon by his monks as an uncompromising
taskmaster whose exactions from them went well beyond what they
believed to be the just requirements of their vows. However, while
Trithemius's rapidly proliferating reputation as a magician may have
played no direct role in the quarrel with his Sponheim monks, it may
well have played at least an indirect role. For very likely exacerbating
the tension between the resident abbot and monks was the disturbing
intrusion into their cloistered tranquillity of many visitors. While some
of these were certainly attracted by the conventional monastic subjects
of Trithemius's scholarly expertise, others were undoubtedly attracted
by his reputation for unconventional subjects in the arcana and by the
many magical offerings on his monastic shelves.
In any case the bad rapport between Trithemius and his Sponheim
monks reached a breaking point, and in 1505 the abbot was handed a
convenient means to finalize the break by accepting an invitation from
the margrave-elector Joachim of Brandenburg to meet him during an
assembly of the German princes in Cologne. Trithemius's official
resignation from Sponheim came the following year when, after
spending a period itinerantly (part of the time as Joachim's guest in
Berlin), he succeeded in finding a new post at the head of the
monastery of St. Jacob in Würzburg. Here Trithemius was to last out
the remainder of his life, dying in 1516 at the relatively young age of
fifty-four.
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17 It is true that, in his new Würzburg home, Trithemius often found
cause to lament the loss of his Sponheim cloister and the magnificent
library which he had collected there. The trade-off, however, was that
his changed environment provided him with much-needed peace and
quiet. Being no longer besieged by the strife characteristic of his
Sponheim years, Trithemius at last felt free to pursue untrammeled the
ambitious
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literary program to which he had dedicated himself years before.
18 Among the works completed during this seminal period were some,
such as the Hirsau annals, which might be expected of a monastic
scholar. Other writings appearing during this period of intense literary
activity, however, did not so easily
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4: Converging Magical Legends:
Faustus, Paracelsus, and Trithemius
Urs Leo Gantenbein
Introduction to an Old Association
AS EARLY AS 1834, two years after Goethe’s death, the apparent resem￾blance of his Faust figure with Paracelsus led John S. Blackie, in the
preface to his rendition of Goethe’s tragedy into English verse, to the fol￾lowing statement: “There is much in all that is told of him [Faust] that
recalls to our mind the biography of Paracelsus.”1 By the end of the nine￾teenth century, this assumption acquired a degree of certainty for Goethe
scholars. In 1870, Gustav von Loeper2 remarked that Goethe’s Faust is a
physician and a physician’s son, as is Paracelsus. Both figures detested the
medicine of their time and had a predilection for the German language.
Von Loeper’s second edition (1879) added that the historical Faust and
Paracelsus were both traveling scholars.3 Karl Julius Schröer in 1879,4
1881, and 1886;5 Calvin Thomas in 1892;6 and Jacob Minor, in 1901,7
added to or qualified the assessment.
The efforts to shed light on the origins of the Faust character culmi￾nated in 1911 with Agnes Bartscherer’s Paracelsus, Paracelsisten und Goethes
Faust, which remains by far the most important study of this theme.8 Based
on a profound knowledge of the Paracelsian works, she treats the metaphysi￾cal subjects that occur in the Faust tragedy: magic, demonology, alchemy,
astrology, witchcraft, mantic arts, and cosmology. Bartscherer gives positive
proof of the evident fact that the more the student of Goethe knows about
Paracelsus, the more she discovers links to Faust.
A similar development took place in Paracelsus studies with Henry
Pachter (Heinz Pächter), whose 1955 biography of Paracelsus bore the
attribution “Das Urbild des Doktor Faustus” (the archetype of Doctor
Faustus).9 He implies that our image of Faust had been influenced by
Paracelsus rather than by the historical Faustus. According to Dietlinde
Goltz, however, this was not always based on historical-critical facts but
sometimes mirrored the authors’ imaginations and romantic conceptions
of Faust.10 As we will see, Goethe indeed used the inspiration he drew
from the writings of Paracelsus to embellish his Faust figure.
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94 URS LEO GANTENBEIN
The reasons for the likeness between the historical Georg (or Johann)
Faustus (ca. 1480–ca. 1540) and Theophrastus of Hohenheim, called
Paracelsus (1493/94–1541), may be rather simple. Both were traveling
scholars with interests in magic and the mantic arts, and both boasted of
their knowledge and gained widespread fame. Given the dearth of histori￾cal facts about Faustus, these might be the only parallels we can detect.
However, Faustus and Paracelsus were not singular occurrences. They
represent the type of the Renaissance man who engaged with natural
magic.11 For them, magical speculation was a prescientific attempt to
understand the whole of nature not only its visible and observable aspects
but also the invisible ones, including the metaphysical cosmos, which in
their eyes was swarming with elementary and planetary spirits, angels, and
devils. In the spirit of the Renaissance, they returned to the available
magical and metaphysical sources: Hermetical lore, the philosophies of
Plato and Plotinus, the Hebrew Kabbalah and the Arabic picatrix. They
operated in a network of Renaissance magi encompassing Marsilio Ficino,
Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Nicholas of Cusa, Johannes Trithemius,
Johannes Reuchlin, and Agrippa von Nettesheim. Paracelsus must be seen
in the light of these endeavors, though not exclusively so, for he was also
a child of the early Reformation with its focus on the literal word of the
Bible.12 There are indeed even closer similarities between Heinrich
Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486–1535) and Paracelsus than
between Faustus and Paracelsus.13 For Agrippa was a student of
Trithemius, the abbot of Sponheim, and Paracelsus reported having been
taught by “vil Ept als von Spanhaym” (many abbots, as the one of
Spanheim).14 Both had been army physicians and traveled widely in
Europe; and both had pursued an interest in magic and written books
about the subject, though Agrippa was a more systematic writer than
Paracelsus.
How much the topos of the traveling scholar practicing magic and
divination was imprinted on early modern mentalities is impressively
shown in a carnival play by Hans Sachs from 1551. In his Der farend
schuler mit dem teuffel-pannen (the traveling scholar with his conjuration
of the devil),15 he depicts a student who boasts of the black arts he has
learned at the universities. Sachs is alluding to the fact that in early modern
Europe universities like Salamanca and Cracow offered magic as an official
subject. Faustus is said to have studied and even taught in Cracow. The
abilities of Sachs’s “farend schuler” include retrieving stolen goods, fabri￾cating amulets for aching eyes and teeth, preventing gunshot wounds by
means of blessings, soothsaying, finding treasures, and riding the devil’s
billy goat (Bock) in the night.16 To protect the pastor planning an amorous
tête-à-tête with a peasant woman from the untimely return and wrath of
her husband, the scholar feigns a conjuration with the blackened pastor in
the guise of a devil. Against this background, it is clear why men like
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Fabula 2018; 59(3–4): 195–216
William C. McDonald
Trithemius and the Legend of the Wild Hunt
https://doi.org/10.1515/fabula-2018-0100
Zusammenfassung: Das rege Interesse des vielseitigen und renommierten Theo￾logen, Kryptologen und Chronisten Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516) an allen
Aspekten der Magie ist hinreichend dokumentiert. Bisher ist aber seine Einstel￾lung zu einem Bereich des Zauberwesens weitgehend unbeachtet, nämlich zum
weit verbreiteten, im Volksglauben fest verankerten Legendenkomplex Wilde
Jagd/Wilder Jäger. Uns ist gelungen, in seinem chronikalischen Werk vier Stellen
ausfindig zu machen, die differenzierten Schattierungen des Phänomens ans
Licht bringen. Sie behandeln ein Totenheer, einen verfluchten, nächtlichen Jäger
und zwei durch die Lüfte jagende Zauberer. Einer dieser Zauberer ist ein jüdischer
Magier, der durch Sinnestäuschung das Trugbild einer Jagd hervorbringt. Es wird
klar, dass der Abt Trithemius der Geisterjagd gegenüber wenig Skepsis aufwies.
Im Gegenteil: durch die genaue Datierung jedes einzelnen Vorkommens (878 bis
zum Jahr 1354) war er bestrebt, seinen Ausführungen Glauben zu schenken. Jeder
Beleg lässt sich als warnendes Exempel interpretieren, aber der religiöse Firnis
bleibt dünn.
Abstract: It is well-established that Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), the
renowned polymath (theologian, cryptographer, and chronicler), entertained an
avid interest in all things concerning magic. Scholars have neglected, however, to
pay heed to his views about The Wild Hunt/Wild Huntsman, a widely propagated
tapestry of legends rooted in popular mythology. We examine four passages from
his chronicles to shed light on the many facets of this lore. The subjects of these
testimonies include: a phantom army; a cursed nocturnal hunter; and two aerial
hunting sorcerers, one of whom was a Jewish magician who conjured the illusion
of venery by deceiving the senses. The writings of Trithemius offer little indica￾tion of skepticism about the phantasmal chase. On the contrary, the abbot pro￾vides a precise chronology (878–1354) of these extraordinary tales of the hunt in
order to lend credibility to them. Each entry can be read as a cautionary example,
but the religious veneer seems shallow.
William C. McDonald, Professor, German and Jewish Studies, University of Virginia, Charlottes￾ville, Virginia, USA 22904, E-Mail: wcm@virginia.edu
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196  William C. McDonald
Introduction
Lindow so defines the legend of the Wild Hunt:
a legend complex concerning a ghostly hunter, often accompanied by dogs or spirits and
often hunting a woman, who is frequently one of the supernatural beings […] In other forms
of the legend more common in Germany, the hunter may be a lost soul, or he may lead lost
souls on a wild ride through the sky […] (Lindow 2000, 1036)
The Wild Hunt is a pan-European myth prominent in folklore, charted since the
eleventh century, and named Die wilde Jagd already in the eighteenth century.1
Despite its ubiquity, the Wild Hunt is neither uniform nor immutable. There are
many versions of the Hunt, which range from a single diabolical huntsman to a
raging/furious host – troops of the dead or phantom armies. Sounds are promi￾nent: yelping dogs, wind, and horses’ hoof-beats, each of which portends griev￾ous affliction: Oft bellen die Hunde der Luft in finsterer Nacht (Grimm 1854, 876).
A widespread belief identifies the furious host as consisting of men, women, and
children – those having perished before their time, perhaps having experienced a
particularly violent death. Ginzburg calls this group “the menacing apparition of
the unplacated dead” (Ginzburg 1991, 101).
Generalizations about the Wild Hunt and associated phenomena are difficult.
Menzel, focusing on the role of Odin, a sky god, in the formation of the Wild Hunt,
stresses the many aspects of the concept:
In gewissen Nächten…sieht und hört man das wilde Heer durch die Lüfte ziehen. Darüber
sind alle Sagen einverstanden, daß es aus Gespenstern oder Dämonen bestehe, inzwischen
ist keineswegs jedes wilde Heer dem andern gleich. Bald ist es ein eigentliches Heer von
wohlgerüsteten Kriegern mit Kriegslärm, Trommeln und Trompeten. Bald eine Jagd mit
Jägern und vielen Hunden, denen scheues Wild voraneilt. Bald ein bachantischer Zug
lachender und toller Weiber, bald ein klagender Zug, wobei viel wimmernde Kinderstim￾men gehört werden, bald ein Zug holder Wesen mit lieblicher Musik (Menzel 1855, 199).
Given the profusion of motifs and exemplars, Lindow expresses the state of schol￾arly frustration: “We are left with no clear interpretation of many of the motifs in
the legend complex of the Wild Hunt” (Lindow 2000, 1036). For example, there
is no agreement over the name of the Hunt, the purpose of the chase, or the color
of the horse of the phantasmal leader, the Wild Huntsman. This figure, der Wilde
J
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Renaissance Curiosa. John Dee's Conversation with Angels, Girolamo Cardano's Horoscope of
Christ, Johannes Trithemius and Cryptography, George Dalgarno's Universal Language
(Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies, vol. 8) by Wayne Shumaker
Review by: Barbara Obrist
Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, T. 47, No. 1 (1985), pp. 257-259
Published by: Librairie Droz
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COMPTES RENDUS 257
chief contribution to ?Anglicanism consisted in his doctrine of law.
Moreover, on certain points, e.g. the consecration of bishops, he opposed
what was to become traditional, ?Anglican practice.
As a contribution to social history, the present work supports the thesis
put forward by Norman Jones in 1982 viz. the English Reformation was
not a popular movement. Scarisbrick's refusal to consider theological
issues otherwise than in passing, makes his book less than convincing. This
does not stop The Reformation and the English People from being a highly
readable work, containing much of value to those wishing to pursue the
subject of ?popular consciousness in the 16th century.
Geneve. Irena BACKUS.
Wayne SHUMAKER, Renaissance Curiosa. John Dee's Conversation with
Angels, Girolamo Cardano's Horoscope of Christ, Johannes Trithe
mius and Cryptography, George Dalgarno's Universal Language
(Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies, vol. 8), Center for Mediaeval and
Early Renaissance Studies, Binghampton, New York, 1982, 207 p.
L'ouvrage de Schumaker a pour but de familiariser le lecteur moderne
avec les auteurs suivants: John Dee, Jer6me Cardan, Jean Tritheme et
Georges Dalgarno. Le point de contact entre ces auteurs et le lecteur
moderne est fourni par le presuppos6 de constantes psychologiques dans
l'histoire dont notamment l'ambition. Pour Shumaker, les personnages
6tudids sont des ocuriosit6s psychologiques (p. 20) dans la mesure o leurs
pulsions prennent des dimensions excessives et c'est ainsi que Cardan par
exemple a 616 amen6 "a 6tablir l'horoscope du Christ (p. 63).
Mais le terme de ocuriosites a une dimension de plus: les quatre hom
mes seraient des cas representatifs de phenomenes de psychologie collective
recurrents (recurrent tendency of mankind to find shortcuts, through all
the variants of magic , p. 43), qui se manifestent aussi bien au XVIIe siecle
qu'aujourd'hui, comme le goit des predictions astrologiques et l'obsession
du demon; Shumaker pense ici aux Satanists, aux Born-again-Christians,
etc. (pp. 24, 49).
Le point de depart psychologique 6tant assurd, Shumaker se
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Cryptologia
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Ninth-Century Figural Poetry and
Medieval Easter Tables—Possible
Inspirations for the Square Tables of
Trithemius and Vigenère?
Gerhard F. Strasser
Version of record first published: 16 Dec 2009
To cite this article: Gerhard F. Strasser (2009): Ninth-Century Figural Poetry and Medieval Easter
Tables—Possible Inspirations for the Square Tables of Trithemius and Vigenère?, Cryptologia, 34:1,
22-26
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Ninth-Century Figural Poetry and Medieval Easter
Tables—Possible Inspirations for the Square Tables
of Trithemius and Vigenere?
GERHARD F. STRASSER
Abstract While it is not possible to identify exact sources for the square tables
that Johannes Trithemius and, after him, Blaise de Vigenere presented in their
cryptographic publications, there is good evidence that Trithemius may have been
influenced by a variety of materials: He knew the figural poetry of Rabanus
Maurus (780–856) that frequently used squares with a grid of 36 letters; he was
fully aware of the medieval ars combinatoria and the works of the Mallorcan
philosopher and theologian Raymundus Lullus (1233–1316), where he would have
also found combinatorial circular disks; and he may have discerned a pattern for
his square table in the medieval Easter or Lenten tables used for the calculation of
the forty days of Lent and the days of Easter over a period of years.
Keywords ars combinatoria, Easter or lenten tables, figural poetry, Polygraphiae
libri VI, Rabanus Maurus, Raymundus Lullus, square table, Steganographia,
Trithemius, Vigene`re
In a recent article in this journal on ‘‘The Future of the Past,’’ [2] David Kahn
wondered whether the tables that were used in the Catholic church throughout the
Middle Ages to predict the date of Easter might have been a possible inspiration
for the square table (tabula transpositionis) (Figure 1) that Johannes Trithemius first
published in Book V of the Polygraphiae libri VI, which was printed in 1518, two
years after his death. While Leon Battista Alberti had first proposed the use of disks
for polyalphabetic substitution in 1466, Trithemius’s square table does not require
such a device and greatly facilitates encryption. His cryptologic invention therefore
represents a
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NOEL L. BRANN
The Proto-Protestant Assault upon Church
Magic: The ‘Errores BohemanoGm’ According
to the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)
‘Surely if a man will take a view of all Popery, he shall easily see that a great
part of it is mere magic’. Amrding to Keith Thomas in his Religion and the
Decline of Magic the state of mind provoking this bitter anti-Catholic
utterance by the sixteenthantury Puritan William Perkins was anticipated
before the Protestant Reformation proper by the fourteenth-century English
Lollard~.~ As the point of view has it which Perkins is held by Thomas to
have echoed from his late medieval past: all too many ‘miraculous’ rites
officially sanctioned by the Church are at heart indistinguishable from
magical operations, with the true supernatural force behind them being, not
God together with His holy angels as their apologists maintain, but the Devil
together with his very unholy demons.
The object of the present paper is to underscore the essential validity of
Thomas’s thesis that the Protestant assault upon church magic was pded
by certain proto-Protestant tendencies along the same line. However, instead
of limiting this thesis to English Ldard sourm as does Thomas, I will
extend the scope of this query to the continent, where the heretical LoUards
of England found their apt counterpart in the Bohemian Hussites. Serving as
the point of departure for this investigation will be a vehement attack upon
the socalled ‘Bohemian errors’ - the errores Bohemanonun - by the late
medieval ecclesiastical chronicler Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516)’ a
German Benedictine abbot located principally at a cloister in the tiny village
of Sponheim in the diocese of Maim.
The feature of Trithemius making him especially pertinent to the topic at
hand lies in the fact that he was himself a practising magician and defender
of magic, the author of two separate magical handbooks treating the subject
of secret communication, the Stegunogruphiu (1500) and Polygraphiu
(1508), together with other assorted writings in justification of the occult
arts. The key to Trithemius’ relevance to the present subject, however, does
not rest only in his vindication of magic per se by furnishmg it with
theological grounding. It also lies in his strained -and, as subsequent events
were to show, largely UllSUCCeSSfUl - effort to hold to a fine distinction,
1. William perkins, A Golden Qlahe (1591), cited in Keith Thomas, Religion and the Lkcline
of Magic: Studies m Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Sewnteenth Century England, London
1971, p. 25. On the LOW precedent for this attitude see Thomas, Lkcline, p. 51.
Noel L. &ann is Visiting Associate Professor in The Humanities. State University of New
York, Cdlege at Old Westbury.
9
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 14>
[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 14>
10 JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY
traceable to the uncompromisingly anti-magical St Augustine among others,
between such Hermetic and Cabalistic operations as he was attempting to
exonerate under the umbrella of toleration by the Christian Church and the
truly miraculous operations of God which are found at the core of the
Church’s supramundane calling.2
In general the fourteenth century, a period rife with famine, plague, war,
social and economic dislocation and heresy, is painted by the chronicler
Trithemius in very sombre hues. Nevertheless, there are detectible against
the dark background of this wretched age as depicted by the abbot certain
faint glimmerings of something better to come. One such hopeful liiht
shining forth from the fourteenth century shadows is the personage of
Francesco Petrarca (1 304-74), who virtually singlehandedly, Trithemius
exalts in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers, ‘recalled humanistic letters
from the lower regions to these higher ones after they had lain as though
dead for a long period of ~ilence’.~ Another light perceived within
Trithemius‘ pages to break through the fourteenth century darkness,
indicating that institutional as well as personal efforts were being expended
toward overcoming the great miseries besetting society, was a vigorous drive
for educational reform leading to the widespread foundation of new
universities4 These two effulgent phenomena are closely related in
Trithemius’ mind, for they both speak to his conviction that the pathway
through the shadowy transience of earthly mortality is made all the brighter
when to the rays of simple faith are ad
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 3>
Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy over Occult Studies in Early
Modern Europe by Noel L. Brann
Review by: George Ouwendijk
The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Winter, 2000), pp. 1216-1217
Published by: The Sixteenth Century Journal
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2671267 .
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1216 Sixteenth CenturyJournal XXXI/4 (2000)
Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy over Occult
Studies in Early Modern Europe. Noel L. Brann. SUNY Series in Western Eso￾teric Traditions. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999. x+354 pp. 8 b&w
pis. $72 HB; $23 PB.
This work begins with a short biography, theoretical views of theology and magic, and
the magical ideas prevalent in medieval and Renaissance periods. Focused exposition of
Trithemius's thought begins in chapter 3. Here, Brann discusses the relationship between
Trithemian magic and demonology. Trithemius had several problems. For example, he had
to accommodate his own magical concerns with the high magic contained in Church-sanc￾tioned miracles. He also had to distinguish his own concerns from that of sorcerers and
witches. He did so, essentially, by arguing for the superior moral virtues associated with
learned magic. Repeatedly, Trithemius cited the moral character and the spiritual goals of
the learned magician as being the crucial difference between magic and sorcery (which
relied upon demonic assistance). The abbot also generally advocated harsh treatment for
witches who, presumablyacking the moral virtues required, sought demonic aid when pur￾suing their own base magical ends. Brann suggests that the latter goal led to Trithemius's
increased responsibility for the intellectual cimate behind the witch craze in early modern
Europe. Ultimately, Brann argues that Trithemius's demonology clarifies important aspects
of his magic, namely, that by becoming "a true worshiper of God and similar to the holy
angels," men can "effect many marvels in the presence of those who entreathem." Thus,
Trithemius held to a truly magical theology.
Chapter 4 analyzes another major aspect of Trithemian magic, the occult philosophy
that underlay its power. Brann nicely presents this material in terms of Trithemius's two￾pronged apology for magic. First, the abbot was forced to defend his own participation and
interest in magic because of the serious attack made upon him by the French scholar Carolus
Bovillus. Brann argues that this attack, which began the abbot's reputation for diabolical
activity, had a formative impact on how Trithemius presented his ideas and to whom. Trithe￾
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Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). by Klaus Arnold
Review by: Lewis W. Spitz
Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Winter, 1973), pp. 471-472
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2859504 .
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 3>
ness organization. There were many ways out: in Venice the state
offered subsidies to the aristocracy; while in Florence merchants, differ￾ent from their Trecento forebears, were expected to make it on their
own. Figures such as Cosimo de' Medici (il Vecchio) were admired by
their contemporaries because they validated the image of the autono￾mous and resourceful entrepreneur. In a world where risks ran high,
literary and artistic humanism aimed to give confidence and dignity to
these new autonomous types. The merchants and their society are en￾titled to an identity of their own, not to be viewed entirely from the
vantage point of two crises. My own inclination is to suggest that the
bounds of merchant life in the Renaissance were generated by increased
competition and greater impersonality in economic life. There were
severe depressions in the fifteenth century, and the problem for large
merchant families of finding posts for younger sons and dowries for
daughters could be all-consuming. Moreover, capital was being tied up
in state bonds, and the city-states themselves did not provide sizable
domestic markets for low-cost goods. To survive in these tense years
businessmen looked abroad, to the state, to the princes, and to the pro￾duction of luxury goods for profits.
This is an excellent book, and its very venturesomeness should en￾courage us to probe just those questions that cannot be subsumed under
the rubric of 'economic stages,' or made to fit any paradigm of pre￾industrial capitalism.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Marvin B. Becker
Klaus Arnold.Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). (Quellen und Forschun￾gen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Wiirzburg, xxm.)
Wiirzburg: Kommissionsverlag Ferdinand Sch6ningh, 1971. xi+319
pp. DM 3 5.
Contemporaries of the learned Abbot Trithemius of the Benedictine
monasteries at Sponheim and (from 1506 on) at Wiirzburg such as Ar￾nold Wion hailed him as the orbis miraculum ac totius arca sapientiae. But
posterity has remembered him more for his connection with the mys￾terious Dr. Faustus, for his pious historical frauds, and for his friends in
the Rhenish sodality or Maximilian Circle such as Conrad Celtis, the
German arch-humanist. The author of this scholarly
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 13>
POLYGRAPHIA AND THE RENAISSANCE SIGN:
THE CASE OF TRITHEMTUS
To uncover the mystical underpinnings of writing and reading on the
eve of the Renaissance, there is scarcely a better document than the
Polygraphiae libri sex (1518) of the Abbot Johannes Trithemius. The first
four books of the Polygraphia contain code-words printed in bold, gothic
type, arranged in double columns and correlated to letters of the alphabet.
The last two books, printed in red and black on 23 leaves, give tables of
commutation and transposition of letters and numerical symbols. In
addition, the work contains numerous alphabets, some fantastic and some,
like the Runic alphabet, esoteric. The Polygraphia is, by its own definition,
a manual of cryptography - the first, and for many decades, the most
complete manual available. Now, when cryptography is a science of
extraordinary complexity, the Polygraphia is, as a cryptographic system,
of only antiquarian interest. But as a point of confluence for medieval and
early Renaissance theories of language, the Polygraphia is of great impor￾tance for understanding reading and specifically, the uses to which the
Scholastic model of scriptural exegesis was put.
Trithemius' Polygraphia is situated historically at a moment of transi￾tion. Its point of origin is the complex matrix of speculation within the
Christian humanist and Christian Cabalist traditions on the importance,
for both practical and theological reasons, of silence, secrecy among elites,
and hidden or occult meanings. Trithemius' text is a primer designed to
teach principles of encoding, of the enveloping of speech in a protective
layer of language. Like Roger Bacon, his predecessor in cryptography, and
like Rabelais, whose Prologue to Gargantua later played upon the double￾ness of language, Trithemius played with the principle that words are
hidden beneath other words. The Polygraphia's point of destination, on
the other hand, is the next century's great concern with a universal
language scheme, ie., a system of signs intelligible to thinking men every￾where. Codes and ciphers lay the foundation, therefore, for the elaboration
of a real character for philosophical debates.
The author of the Polygraphia, a German humanist, was believed by his
contemporaries and by later commentators to be an adept at natural magic
and the darker art of demon conjuration. His earlier work, the Steganogra￾phia, hoc est, Ars per occultam scripturam, had been condemned as demon￾ological. This reputation has kept Trithemius from scholarly study until
recent times. What we know about occult philosophy stems largely from
research done in and around the Warburg Institute, in London. D.P.
Walker has written on Ficino's magical and astrological writings and their
sixteenth-century legacy in Trithemius' Steganographia. The late Frances
Yates has contributed significantly to our understanding of Lullism and
Neoplatonism, two probable sources of Trithemius' own thinking about
Neophilologus 71 (1987) 183-195
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 13>
[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 13>
184 Hope H. Glidden - "Polygraphia"
cryptography. Equally useful is Frangois Secret's work on the Christian
Cabala and its relation to Reformation theology. Finally, Trithemius is the
subject of a recent biography by Noel L. Brann. This fine work inscribes
Trithemius within the tradition of Renaissance monastic humanism, but it
does not offer an analysis of either the content or the significance of the
PoIygraphiae libri sex. 2 To bring this work to light and to encourage
further study of it, I shall offer below a synopsis of the Polygraphia, and
then a commentary on its Renaissance cultural context and its relation to
humanist debates in the sixteenth century concerning the nature of lan￾guage and the art of reading. To all appearances, Trithemius' Polygraphia
is more like a medieval manuscript than an early printed book. Gothic type
crowds the pages and pagination is irregular. For this reason, and for the
intrinsic merit of the Gabriel de Collange French translation (1561), a
cryptographic experiment in its own right, I shall refer to the Collange
translation, as well as to the original Latin. 3
Trithemius' title, Polygraphia, comes from the Greek infinitive polygra￾p
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Johannes Trithemius: Humanismus und Magie im vorreformatorischen Deutschland. by
Johannes Trithemius; Richard Auernheimer; Frank Baron
Review by: Robin B. Barnes
The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Summer, 1993), p. 445
Published by: The Sixteenth Century Journal
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2541958 .
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<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 2>
The Sixteenth Century Journal
Vol. XXIV, No. 2 (1993)
Book Reviews
Johannes Trithemius: Humanismus und Magie im vorreformatorischen
Deutschland. Richard Auernheimer and Frank Baron, eds. Miinchen,
Wien: Profil, 1991. 81pp. n.p.
This slim, somewhat grandly titled volume presents four papers and a confer￾ence discussion from the first Bad Kreuznacher Symposium, held in 1985. The
work appears to be aimed at educated German laymen; the editors mention the
goal of spreading interest in Trithemius to a broader public. For those with a seri￾ous interest in the subject, the book will be of limited use.
The best general introduction to Trithemius remains Klaus Arnold's Johannes
Trithemius 1462-1516 (Wiirzburg, 1971; new ed. 1992). In the first essay of the vol￾ume under review, Arnold surveys the life and work of the Abbot in twelve pages.
The presentation is colorful, but offers nothing new. Arnold tends to play down
his subject's association with magical thinking, emphasizing more strongly his
creative activities as a monastic reformer, book collector, humanist, bibliographer,
historian, and cryptographer.
The three essays that follow vary greatly in focus. Frank Borchardt weighs the
meaning of Trithemius' historical "forgeries." He argues that these must be
viewed as products of a medieval religious and literary imagination rather than as
deliberate falsifications-a point that seems less than controversial. Wolf-Dieter
Miiller-Jahncke looks at the relationship between Trithemius and Agrippa of
Nettesheim. He shows that it was mainly Agrippa's interest in the Cabbala, aris￾ing from his involvement in the Reuchlin affair, that led him to seek out Trithe￾mius at Wirzburg in 1510. He also finds suggestive evidence for the Abbot's
influence on Agrippa's speculative thought (De occulta philosophia), and even his
later skepticism (De incertitudine). In the final essay, Frank Baron tries to illuminate
the way in which the figure of Trithemius contributed to the development of the
Faustus legend. His essay is rambling and
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NOEL L. BRANN
The Proto-Protestant Assault upon Church
Magic: The ‘Errores BohemanoGm’ According
to the Abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)
‘Surely if a man will take a view of all Popery, he shall easily see that a great
part of it is mere magic’. Amrding to Keith Thomas in his Religion and the
Decline of Magic the state of mind provoking this bitter anti-Catholic
utterance by the sixteenthantury Puritan William Perkins was anticipated
before the Protestant Reformation proper by the fourteenth-century English
Lollard~.~ As the point of view has it which Perkins is held by Thomas to
have echoed from his late medieval past: all too many ‘miraculous’ rites
officially sanctioned by the Church are at heart indistinguishable from
magical operations, with the true supernatural force behind them being, not
God together with His holy angels as their apologists maintain, but the Devil
together with his very unholy demons.
The object of the present paper is to underscore the essential validity of
Thomas’s thesis that the Protestant assault upon church magic was pded
by certain proto-Protestant tendencies along the same line. However, instead
of limiting this thesis to English Ldard sourm as does Thomas, I will
extend the scope of this query to the continent, where the heretical LoUards
of England found their apt counterpart in the Bohemian Hussites. Serving as
the point of departure for this investigation will be a vehement attack upon
the socalled ‘Bohemian errors’ - the errores Bohemanonun - by the late
medieval ecclesiastical chronicler Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516)’ a
German Benedictine abbot located principally at a cloister in the tiny village
of Sponheim in the diocese of Maim.
The feature of Trithemius making him especially pertinent to the topic at
hand lies in the fact that he was himself a practising magician and defender
of magic, the author of two separate magical handbooks treating the subject
of secret communication, the Stegunogruphiu (1500) and Polygraphiu
(1508), together with other assorted writings in justification of the occult
arts. The key to Trithemius’ relevance to the present subject, however, does
not rest only in his vindication of magic per se by furnishmg it with
theological grounding. It also lies in his strained -and, as subsequent events
were to show, largely UllSUCCeSSfUl - effort to hold to a fine distinction,
1. William perkins, A Golden Qlahe (1591), cited in Keith Thomas, Religion and the Lkcline
of Magic: Studies m Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Sewnteenth Century England, London
1971, p. 25. On the LOW precedent for this attitude see Thomas, Lkcline, p. 51.
Noel L. &ann is Visiting Associate Professor in The Humanities. State University of New
York, Cdlege at Old Westbury.
9
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10 JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS HISTORY
traceable to the uncompromisingly anti-magical St Augustine among others,
between such Hermetic and Cabalistic operations as he was attempting to
exonerate under the umbrella of toleration by the Christian Church and the
truly miraculous operations of God which are found at the core of the
Church’s supramundane calling.2
In general the fourteenth century, a period rife with famine, plague, war,
social and economic dislocation and heresy, is painted by the chronicler
Trithemius in very sombre hues. Nevertheless, there are detectible against
the dark background of this wretched age as depicted by the abbot certain
faint glimmerings of something better to come. One such hopeful liiht
shining forth from the fourteenth century shadows is the personage of
Francesco Petrarca (1 304-74), who virtually singlehandedly, Trithemius
exalts in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers, ‘recalled humanistic letters
from the lower regions to these higher ones after they had lain as though
dead for a long period of ~ilence’.~ Another light perceived within
Trithemius‘ pages to break through the fourteenth century darkness,
indicating that institutional as well as personal efforts were being expended
toward overcoming the great miseries besetting society, was a vigorous drive
for educational reform leading to the widespread foundation of new
universities4 These two effulgent phenomena are closely related in
Trithemius’ mind, for they both speak to his conviction that the pathway
through the shadowy transience of earthly mortality is made all the brighter
when to the rays of simple faith are adjoined the rays of the luminous
intellect.
All the same, just as in his larger view of learned Christianity Trithemius
is now and then reluctantly forced into the admission that the quest for
erudition can conceivably overreach its mark and degenerate into excessive
curiosity, and perhaps even into heresy, so is he compelled to acknowledge
that the institutional embodiment of that educational urge known as the
university - that is, the studium generule - is capable of falling into an
2. On the life and works of Trithemius see Klaus Arnold, Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516).
esp. ch. 9, pp. 144 ff., treating Trithemius as historian, and ch. 10, pp. 180 ff., treating him as a magician, and my forthcoming study: Trithemius and rhe Renaissance of Monastic Humanism,
soon to be published by Brill FYes in the series edited by Heiko Oberman, ‘Studies in the
History of Christian Thought.’ On the controversy surrounding Trithemius’ magic see also D.
P. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella, London 1958; reprint,
Nendeln Liechtenstein 1969, pp. 86-90. For evidence of St Augustine’s hostility to magic in all
its forms see De civ. Dei, VlII, 19, in Jacques Paul Migne (ed.), Patrio/ogia Larina, 220 vols,
Paris 1844-1%5,41:243-4, and on Augustine’s clear-cut distinction between miracle and magic,
De civ. Lki, X, 8-9, in Migne, PL 41:285 ff., and De trinit., Ill, 7 (12), in Migne, PL 42:875.
3. Trithemius, De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, in Opera hisrorica . . ., ed. Marquard Freher, 2
parts, Frankfort a/M, 1601; facsimile, Frankfort a/M, 1966, Vol. I, p. 322.
4. On the rampant proliferation of universities in this period, see Hmtings Rashdall, The
Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden, 3 vols, Oxford
1936, Vol. 11, pp. 38 ff., 91 ff., 173 ff., 211 ff., 289 ff. Concerning Trithemius’ appreciation of
this development, see the text below at n. 8.
5. A typical expression of this basic Trithemian credo is the exhortation of Trithemius to
Heinrich Kesse in a letter of 1487, in Opera pia et spirirualia . . ., ed. Johannes Busaeus, S.J.,
Mainz 1604,1605, no. 19, p. 957: ‘Nihil nobis in hac vita plus expedire censeo, quam affectum
purgare h vitiis, & bonis intellecturn exornare doctrinis.’ See also Arnold, Trirhemius, ch. 8,
pp. 114 ff.
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ASSAULT UPON CHURCH MAGIC 11
identical trap.6 A notable case in point is the university given its charter at
Prague by Emperor Charles IV in 1347.’ As a worthy successor of his
illustrious namesake Charlemagne
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© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2002 Aries Vol. 2, no. 2
TRITHEMIUS, CUSANUS, AND THE WILL TO THE INFINITE:
A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM
NOEL L. BRANN
Of past figures whose reported exploits have moved from the historical arena
to the arena of legend and even of myth, one of the more intriguing is a certain
Doctor Faustus († ca. 1540). That metamorphosis from historical to legendary
status, notably illustrated by the Lutheran-authored Faustbuch of 1587, had
already begun during its subject’s own lifetime. Initially construed as a de￾monically inspired sorcerer, Faustus subsequently passed through a series of
further metamorphoses no longer holding to the relatively one-dimensional
image earlier projected.
Already with Christopher Marlowe, who was given access to an English
translation of the Faustbuch, the Faust legend had became transmogrified
from a series of superficial cautionary tales about the dangers of magic into a
deeper dramatic “tragedy” in which its central protagonist’s occult interests
were no longer so easily slighted. The simple religious conflict between the
righteousness of faith and the unrighteousness of demonically incited sorcery
had now become revamped into a conflict between two opposing versions of
how one can best be put into touch with a realm of the spirit transcending the
limitations of nature: one through demonic assistance and the other through
Christian faith. Migrating to the age of the Enlightenment, with a writer like
Lessing enhancing the tragical framework within which the Faust legend could
flourish, it was most famously picked up by Goethe and transformed into a
foremost prototype of the Romantic drive to transcend the finite limits laid
down by the classical heritage.
Further passing into the modern age, it is above all the Marlowe and Goethe
takes on the Faust legend that have had the most durable impact on the con￾temporary western mind. In this form the Faust image has been adapted to the
ballet stage by Heinrich Heine and to the opera stage by Berlioz, Gounod and
Boito; it represented for Kierkegaard a tormented “apostate of the spirit”
epitomizing the existential disjunction between the finite and infinite domains;
it has been utilized as a historical metaphor by Spengler and Toynbee, the
former replacing the famous Dionysian-Apollonian antithesis with a Faustian￾Apollonian antithesis and the latter associating Faust with the Yang side of
what he conceived to be a Yin-Yang dynamic of history; it served Thomas
Mann, in his novel Doktor Faustus, as an allegorical motif symbolizing a cor-
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154 NOEL L. BRANN
relation between genius and psychic alienation; and, as illustrated by a recent
study applying the Faustian theme to a number of literary heroines, it has even
impacted on the modern feminist movement. In sum, the image of Faust has
evolved from one of a mere demon conjuror into a protean-like metaphor for a
heroic-like drive to surpass the bounds of finite mediocrity1
.
Faustus and Trithemius
Faustus, as it happened, was not alone among Renaissance magicians to fur￾nish the modern world with a striking Renaissance paradigm pitting an occult
pursuit of the transrational infinite against the finite limits of human reason.
He was notably anticipated by the Benedictine abbot Trithemius (1462-1516)
of Sponheim and Würzburg2
, who, responding to a query by an acquaintance
cognizant of his burgeoning reputation in the same area of arcane interests as
attracted Faustus, offers us the first documented evidence of the historical per￾sonage behind the Faust legend in the form of a highly unflattering epistolary
portrait of its subject. Having by chance spent a night at the same Gelnhausen
inn as Faustus during the year 1506, Trithemius, in the relevant letter marking
this fortuitous intersection of the two magi, portrayed his fellow itinerant in
highly unflattering terms.
Puffing himself up as ‘a fountain of necromantics’(fons necromanticorum)
Trithemius charged, Faustus in truth was nothing but ‘a vagabond, an utterer of
vain repetitions, and a wandering monk’ deserving, not of admiration, but of
‘chastisement by whipping’. Boasting ‘that if all the volumes of Plato and
Aristotle, with all their philosophy, completely perished from the memory of
man, he by his genius, as if he were another Ezra the Hebrew, could restore
them with an even more superior elegance’, Faustus, in Trithemius’ opinion,
‘being ignorant of all good letters, ought rather to be called a fool than a mas￾ter’. To be sure, the main thrust of this portrayal is one that appears to present
1 For general accounts of the historical Faustus see Butler, Myth of the Magus, 121-124, and
Mahal, Historische Faust. Among the vast contemporary literature touching on the Faust legend
see, e.g., Bianquis, Faust à travers quatre siècles; Palmer & More, Sources of the Faust Tradi￾tion; Butler, Fortunes of Faust; Kiesewetter, Faust in der Geschichte; Smeed, Faust in Litera￾ture; Baron, Doctor Faustus; Maus, Faust: Eine Deutsche Legende; Grimm & Hermand, Our
Faust?; Boerner and Johnson, Faust through Four Centuries; and Druxes, Feminization of Dr.
Faustus.
2 Establishing the general intellectual context for Trithemius’ mystical and magical interests are Arnold, Johannes Trithemius, and Brann, The Abbot Trithemius. For elaboration of the shift
from mystical to magical theology by Trithemius see Brann, Trithemius and Magical Theology. For briefer treatments of Trithemian magic see Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic, 86-90,
and Couliano, Eros and Magic, 162-175.
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A PRE-FAUSTIAN PARADIGM 155
Faustus more as a magical fraud than as the outright demon-conjuror that sub￾sequently became the crux of his legend. Given the Devil’s well-known repu￾tation as deceiver, however, it is a portrayal that readily contributed to the
more sinister Faustian reputation of later years. Going so far in his perversity
as to blaspheme ‘that the miracles of Christ our Saviour were not truly
marvelous acts, and that he himself could perform, every day and wherever he
wished, all the things which Christ performed’, Trithemius intimated in his
epistolary testament without expressly saying so, Faustus exercized remark￾able powers of prestidigitation that at bottom owed, not to divine assistance as
he would have us believe, but to assistance of the demons intent on counter￾feiting the miracles of God3
. The irony in all of this, of course, is that Trithemius himself, whose objec￾tion to Faustus hinged, not on an objection to magic per se but only on a dis￾tinction he discerned between diabolically inspired sorcery and divinely in￾spired Neoplatonic, Hermetic, and Kabbalist magic, became subsequently
linked by magic-detesting Christians to the self-described “fountain of necro￾mantics”, Faustus. Spearheaded by the widespread propagation of a letter by a
1503 guest of Trithemius at Sponheim, the Frenchman Carolus Bovillus, who,
on being presented with a partially completed manuscript of the abbot’s Steganographia, vehemently castigated its author as a demon-conjuror, the
name of Trithemius readily became associated in the minds of many after the
1580’s with that of the demon-conjuring subject of the Faustbuch. Serving to
reinforce this commonplace linkage of the two names was an early merging of
the two legends, Trithemian and Faustian, illustrated by a story of Faustus’
raising of ancient personages from the nether regions in the court of Charles V
paralleling a comparable necromantic feat attributed to Trithemius in the court
of Charles’ grandfather Maximilian. As one sixteenth century writer typified
the later coalescence of the two legends with reference to this Faustian anec￾dote: ‘Some men relate that this same act was performed by Johannes
Trithemius’ 4
.
3 Trithemius to Johannes Virdung de Hasfurt, Würzburg, 20 August 1507, Epistolae fami￾liares II:48, in: Opera historica II, 559-60. Repr. in De septem secundeis, 140-141 (in Tille,
Faustsplitter, no.1, 1-3) and in Rupprich, Humanismus, 184-
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The University of Chicago Press and Renaissance Society of America are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to Renaissance Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
Review
Author(s): Sheila J. Rabin
Review by: Sheila J. Rabin
Source: Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 3 (Autumn, 2000), pp. 903-906
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2901511
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REVIEWS 903
Ole Peter Grell, ed., Paracelsus: The Man and His Reputation, His Ideas and
Their Transformation
(Studies in the History of Christian Thought, 85.) Leiden and Boston: Brill, 1998. x + 360
pp. $114.75. ISBN: 90-06-11177-8.
Noel L. Brann, Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy
over Occult Studies in Early Modern Europe
(SUNY Series in Western Esoteric Traditions.) Albany: State University of New York Press,
1998. x + 354 pp. $23.95. ISBN: 0-7914-3962-3.
Richard Kieckhefer, Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer's Manual of the Fifteenth
Century
(Magic in History.) University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998. viii + 384 pp.
28 pis. $60 (cl), $19.95 (pbk). ISBN: 0-271-01750-3 (cl), 0-271-01751-1(pbk).
The didactic plaque on the wall at the Sternberg Gallery in Prague notes that it
has been suggested that Rembrandt's Scholar in His Study is a representation of
Paracelsus. I searched for clues in the painting but found nothing to suggest medi￾cine or alchemy. Why Paracelsus? What is particularly strange about this attribution
is that Paracelsus rejected books in favor of practice. Yet somebody - and I doubt
that it is Rembrandt - sees Paracelsus as the prototype of the early modern scholar.
It is because of considerations like this one that Ole Peter Grell thought a volume
reassessing Paracelsus and his legacy necessary at this time.
The first part of the book addresses the relationship of modern scholars to
Paracelsus and Paracelsianism. Stephen Pumfrey asks who may legitimately be called a
Paracelsian given that the concept is in fact a historiographical construct. He notes
that limiting itto those who called themselves Paracelsians is too restrictive and over￾simplifies Paracelsus's influence, but including all who used chemical medicines too
broad, for Galenists incorporated the use of chemicals into their philosophy. Pumfrey
suggests we turn to the opponents to define who was a Paracelsian. Andrew Cunning￾ham cleverly looks at two sixteenth-century pictures of Paracelsus, one showing him
fat and the other showing him thin, to fashion a metaphor for what has happened to
our view of Paracelsus. During the previous centuries, ithas been fattened up with
mythologies, most of which fit the viewer, not the historical Paracelsus. Emphasis has
been particularly placed on his occult writings because those who brought out the ear￾liest editions and translations, such as A. E. Waite, were occultists who used Paracelsus
to give historical legitimacy totheir ideology. Cunningham calls for a "thin Paracel￾sus," stripped of these accretions. Dietlinde Goltz points out how the modern
admirers of Paracelsus have portrayed him according to their ideals. He rightly notes,
for example, that Paracelsus has been credited with supporting a "holistic" approach
against the conventional medicine of his day when in fact that conventional medicine
with its pathology of humors was holistic and Paracelsus's chemical approach often
involved toxic substances. Unfortunately, Goltz then finds the need to psychoanalyze
the readers by suggesting that such idealization of Paracelsus comes from aneed to
project onto him our own desires for perfection ad greatness that we cannot achieve.
Herbert Breger also turns to psychoanalysis, butin this case he is searching for a group
psychological portrait to characterize the typical Paracelsian. He sees similar personal￾This content downloaded from 128.235.251.160 on Tue, 17 Mar 2015 04:03:13 UTC
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904 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
ity traits in Paracelsians, such as rebelliousness and narcissism, as opposed to
mechanists, such as caution and self-effacement. The approach suffers from the same
problems as all such attempts to categorize a group. Self-effacement, for example, is
not a characteristic I would associate with the mechanist Isaac Newton.
Parts two and three concentrate on the ideas of Paracelsus and their diffusion.
Hugh Trevor-Roper shows how Paracelsian ideas were adopted by Protestants
because Catholics opposed them and by the French because Habsburgs opposed
them. Trevor-Roper's style is always apleasure to encounter, but a more substantial
look at the diffusion of Paracelsus's ideas is Allen Debus's article. This is a very good
summary of the work Debus has done on the spread of Paracelsian ideas
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Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). Zweite, Bibliographisch und Überlieferungsgeschichtlich
neu Bearbeitete Auflage. by Klaus Arnold
Review by: Noel L. Brann
Renaissance Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 4 (Winter, 1993), pp. 848-850
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3039044 .
Accessed: 28/06/2014 17:49
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http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
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content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
The University of Chicago Press and Renaissance Society of America are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,
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RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
and makes it the opposite of what it might have been. He makes
it, in a word, a counterutopia" (180). Maravall traces this develop￾ment from utopia to counterutopia in seven chapters as he carefully
places Cervantes and his work in their various historical, social and
intellectual contexts. Don Quixote's desire for reform (the resur￾rection of the past) is shown to be absurd and unworkable in a
world obsessed with its immediate present. This does not mean,
however, that the Quijote is without serious political purpose, to
wit, "to show the foolishness of those who choose to be part of a
world of beliefs that leads to the unreal vision of Don Quixote"
(162). Maravall's study-as well as Don Quijote itself-go beyond
political disclosure; both books point to the same counterutopian
myths represented by Don Quixote and embraced by readers in
Spain at the end of the sixteenth century.
Felker's translation is faithful to the original without being a slav￾ishly literal version of Maravall's "baroque" prose. His "Transla￾tor's Introduction" contains a concise summary of Maravall's book
and its potential usefulness to teachers and students who read Don
Quijote in English translation. He has supplied some bibliographical
references not found in the original version, and has "corrected a
few errors" due to careless editing of the second edition. In sum,
Felker's reverence for Maravall's scholarship is implicitly revealed
through the comparison he makes between his role as translator and
the role of translator as expressed by St. Jerome: "non verbum e
verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu" (14). Obviously Maravall's
text does not attain Biblical status; it is, however, a perceptive and
persuasive approach to the intellectual history that constitutes an
important and necessary context within which to read Cervantes'
masterpiece.
THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY Harry Sieber
Klaus Arnold. Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). Zweite, bibliogra￾phisch und uberlieferungsgeschichtlich neu bearbeitete Auflage. (Quellen
und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts
Wirzburg, 23.) Wiirzburg: Kommissionsverlag Ferdinand Schon￾ingh, I99I. 2pls. + xi + 350 pp. DM 78.
This second edition of Arnold's I97I Trithemius biography re￾places the out-of-print first edition and enlarges its bibliographical
and makes it the opposite of what it might have been. He makes
it, in a word, a counterutopia" (180). Maravall traces this develop￾ment from utopia to counterutopia in seven chapters as he carefully
places Cervantes and his work in their various historical, social and
intellectual contexts. Don Quixote's desire for reform (the resur￾rection of the past) is shown to be absurd and unworkable in a
world obsessed with its immediate present. This does not mean,
however, that the Quijote is without serious political purpose, to
wit, "to show the foolishness of those who choose to be part of a
world of beliefs that leads to the unreal vision of Don Quixote"
(162). Maravall's study-as well as Don Quijote itself-go beyond
political disclosure; both books point to the same counterutopian
myths represented by Don Quixote and embraced by readers in
Spain at the end of the sixteenth century.
Felker's translation is faithful to the original without being a slav￾ishly literal version of Maravall's "baroque" prose. His "Transla￾tor's Introduction" contains a concise summary of Maravall's book
and its potential usefulness to teachers and students who read Don
Quijote in English translation. He has supplied some bibliographical
references not found in the original version, and has "corrected a
few errors" due to careless editing of the second edition. In sum,
Felker's reverence for Maravall's scholarship is implicitly revealed
through the comparison he makes between his role as translator and
the role of translator as expressed by St. Jerome: "non verbum e
verbo, sed sensum exprimere de sensu" (14). Obviously Maravall's
text does not attain Biblical status; it is, however, a perceptive and
persuasive approach to the intellectual history that constitutes an
important and necessary context within which to read Cervantes'
masterpiece.
THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY Harry Sieber
Klaus Arnold. Johannes Trithemius (1462-1516). Zweite, bibliogra￾phisch und uberlieferungsgeschichtlich neu bearbeitete Auflage. (Quellen
und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts
Wirzburg, 23.) Wiirzburg: Kommissionsverlag Ferdinand Schon￾ingh, I99I. 2pls. + xi + 350 pp. DM 78.
This second edition of Arnold's I97I
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Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts
This bibliography provides descriptions of 432 manuscripts from Europe and the United States,
of which 341 contain visual imagery in various media. The manuscripts feature tripartite
emblems proper, as well as festivity books, hieroglyphic texts, proto-emblematic material,
allegories, triumphs, symbolic source books, schemata, devotional handbooks, and libri
amicorum with emblematic imagery.
Multiple indices provide full access to the manuscript descriptions: topics and genres, titles,
artists, translators, dedicatees, additional names, provenance (including dealers and auction
houses), dates of production, and places of production. All shelfmarks are listed separately by
collection and city, keyed to the entry number for each manuscript. Many entries include notes of
iconographic, artistic, or literary interest. A lengthy secondary bibliography completes the
volume.
Only sixty-eight of these manuscripts have been published and many of the 200 named authors
are not normally known as creators of emblematic works. Approximately one-third of the
manuscripts have never been described in a printed catalogue.
SANDRA SIDER is Gordon N. Ray Rare Books Cataloguer, Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.
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CORPUS LIBRORUM EMBLEMATUM
Corpus Librorum Emblematum is a series of bibliographic references works organized into two
series:
Primary Literature dealing with the emblem books themselves;
Secondary Literature dealing with the history, criticism and interpretation of emblematic
literature. Each volume is either annotated or followed by a companion volume which provides a
critical review of the secondary literature.
Primary Literature
Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, SJ. The Jesuit Series, Pan One: A-D (1996)
Sandra Sider with Barbara Obrist. Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts
Secondary Literature
Peter M. Daly and Mary V. Silcox. The English Emblem (Munich: Saur, 1990).
Peter M. Daly and Mary V. Silcox. The Modern Critical Reception of the English Emblem
(Munich: Saur, 1991).
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Bibliography of
Emblematic Manuscripts
Edited by Sandra Sider with
Barbara Obrist
McGILL-QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY PRESS
Montreal & Kingston • London • Buffalo
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© McGill-Queen's University Press 1997
ISBNO-7735-I550-X
Legal deposit fourth quarter 1997
Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data
Sider, Sandra
Bibliography of emblematic manuscripts
(Corpus librorum emblematum)
ISBN 0-7735-I55O-X
1. Emblem books - Bibliography. 2. Emblems - Bibliography.
3. Manuscripts - Bibliography. I. Obrist, Barbara
II. Title. III. Series.
zio2i.3.553 1997 on'.3i 097-900492-6
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For my son Jacob, filius ultimus
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CONTENTS
Foreword ix
Acknowledgements xi
Introduction xiii
List of Illustrations xvi
Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts 1
Location of Manuscripts 133
Indices
Titles 146
Artists g156
Translators 157
Dedicatees 158
Additional Names 161
Provenance 164
Topics and Genres 168
Dates 169
Place of Production 172
Bibliography 174
Plates 185
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FOREWORD
I consider it a privilege to write a foreword to Sandra Sider's Bibliography of Emblematic
Manuscripts - for those with strong nerves in short: BEMA.
In November of the year 1989, at the initiative of Irving Lavin, Sandra spoke at the Princeton
Institute for Advanced Study, addressing a group of local scholars, and carefully as well as
convincingly, she gave us an outline of her emblem-manuscript plans. The reader of her book will
find it profitable to turn to the author's "Introduction."
We should realize that - ever since Henry Green's Alciati and his Book of Emblems (London,
1872) - serious attempts have been made not only to collect but also to analyze emblematic
works. The standard work on emblems, with its exhaustive bibliography, was and remains Mario
Praz's Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery (Sussidi Eruditi 16, Rome, ed. secunda, 1964).
Andrea Alciati, a Milanese lawyer specializing in Roman law, created the first Emblematum
liber, which appeared at Augsburg in the year 1531. With this, Alciati performed a miracle by
making it possible to present word and image as equivalents - side by side - and at a time when
humanists in practically speaking all fields shuddered at this thought and followed the thundering
beginning of the Gospel of St. John which proclaimed: "In principio erat verbum ..." Twelve
years after Alciati, Andreas Vesalius published the first ever illustrated anatomical atlas sub titulo
Fabrica corporis humani, thereby defying the greatest authorities in his field.
We may assume that in the tri-partite shape given this new literary and artistic phenomenon,
Alciati introduced the Greek work EMBLEMA, in order to allude to the "insertion " of a picture
between on the one hand the preceding motto and on the other the subsequent epigram. Changes
took place: Barthelemy Aneau (1505-1565), in his French renderings of Alciati's emblems,
straightened out the chaos by grouping the emblems according to loci communes - a system that
was adapted in the numerous editions of the Emblematum liber that followed after Alciati's death
in 1550. The sixteenth-century emblems posed, with motto and pictura, riddles, which were
intended to challenge the readers' ingenuity, which was ever so slightly aided by the epigram.
Through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, emblems had become moralizing and didactic,
thereby appealing to a larger public. The Enlightenment witnessed (or should we say "caused"?)
the decay of ars emblematica. It was the time when nannies put in the hands of their charges
hieroglyphic bibles.
Emblem books in academic libraries (such as those at Glasgow and Princeton), but also in
private hands, have proven through the years to be rich sources of literary and artistic information.
Yet, the world had to wait for Sandra Sider's contribution which has, miraculously, opened to us
vast and amazingly neglected aspects of ars emblematica as they are found in manuscripts.
Considering the enormous quantity of her finds, it goes without saying that her work offers
selections, to be precise some 432 items, many of them never hinted at in scholarly publications,
let alone listed in library catalogues. Emblemata ex tenebris bibliothecarum ad lucem vocavit!
Sandra Sider's qualifications are noteworthy. As early as 1978, she graduated with a Ph.D.
dissertation dealing with what we would call proto-emblematic material as it is found in Rabelais.
A year after, she devoted a searching study to another typically proto-emblematic work, the
famous Tabula Cebetis. From 1979 until 1985 she was a research bibliographer for the eminent
firm H.P. Kraus Rare Books in New York. A linguist with far-flung interests and abilities
(knowledge of Greek and Latin taken for granted), she was long-time head of the Department of
Manuscripts and Rare Books at the Hispanic Society. She is now with the Pierpont Morgan
Library as their Gordon N. Ray Rare Books Cataloguer.
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x Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts
We are living in times in which the intimate association between Word and Image is taken for
granted. One glance at commercial advertisements reveals emblematic configurations. I should
not be surprised if Sandra were at some time in the future to deal in a separate publication with
those trends in our own age. I should like here to mention en passant a genius among present-day
poets, the German-American writer Margot Scharpenberg who has to her credit a number of
books (her latest devoted to the artist Paul Klee) in which we may regard her poems as a modern
equivalent to the noblest of Renaissance emblematic epigrams.
If Sandra Sider's book needs a motto, this is what I would suggest:
INITIUM FELICITATIS: INDUSTRIA
and I would add as a finis
ET SAPIENTIA.
William S. Heckscher
Princeton, New Jersey
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Peter Daly initially inspired this endeavor, and, in spite of various difficulties, continued to have
faith that we could present a volume of some use to the scholarly community. Research funding
generously provided over a period of three years through a grant awarded to him from the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada made the bibliography a reality; the
Renaissance Society of America very efficiently managed these funds and served as our sponsor
in the United States. In addition, generous publication subventions from the Renaissance Society
and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation helped to produce this volume. Everyone consulting this
Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts ("BEMA" to emblem scholars everywhere) owes a debt
of gratitude to all the above. In addition to Peter and our sponsoring institutions, I owe a special
"thank you" to my colleagues, first at The Hispanic Society of America, and now those at the
Pierpont Morgan Library, for their infinite patience and kind attention. My daughter Abigail
volunteered her editorial expertise to help with editing and formatting. As always, William
Heckscher's encouragement and good humor have been inspirational.
Barbara Obrist, associate editor of BEMA, contributed many of the descriptions. Without her
enthusiasm and constant support, this volume could not have been completed. As an art historian,
she brought a level of expertise to this undertaking that was beyond my abilities. She repeatedly
suggested that we provide more art-historical information, but as editor I was forced to restrict the
amount of research time spent on any one manuscript. All errors and omissions in this arena are
my responsibility.
Santiago Sebastian Lopez was kind enough to fill out our information forms for the Glasgow
University manuscripts during his sabbatical in Scotland. Although he is no longer with us, and
will be missed at emblematic gatherings, we would nevertheless like to take this opportunity to
express our gratitude to him for taking the time from his art-historical research to send us material
on this important collection. Santiago also facilitated my own research for BEMA when I was
visiting his native Valencia. Several other emblem specialists have likewise given us precious
hours from their own schedules to search for manuscripts and help us contact librarians, including
Alison Adams, Michael Bath, Pedro Campa, Thomas McGeary, Karel Porteman, Stephen
Rawles, Daniel Russell, Marcus de Schepper, and Alan Young.
Another art historian, Lubomir Konecny, has made an initial foray into the wealth of
manuscript material in the Czech Republic. His contribution, as he himself has emphasized, is
necessarily of a provisional character owing to lack of time and the somewhat chaotic state of
numerous collections located in castles throughout the country. Peter Gillgren, a graduate student
entering the field of emblematics, stressed the preliminary nature of his descriptions from
Uppsala University Library and the Royal Library in Stockholm. Sabine Modersheim had similar
reservations about her (quite excellent) research for BEMA in the ducal library at Wolfenbiittel.
We especially wish to acknowledge the more than 200 curators who have done their best to
help us locate manuscripts for BEMA. Along the way we have met new colleagues, made new
friends, and generated an enormous amount of interest in this fascinating genre of material. Even
in geographic areas appearing to lack emblematic manuscripts altogether (Romania, for
example), the courtesy and attentiveness of manuscript librarians have been gratifying.
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Xll Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts
Of the dozens of individuals involved with the project, we hope that we have included below
everyone who provided descriptions or corrections:
Anita Andreasian
Gregorio de Andres
Francois Avril
Janet Backhouse
Peter J. Becker
Holm Bevers
M. Bronselaer
Luis Cabral
Mitchell Codding
Vicky Denby
Consuelo Dutschke
Manuela Fidalgo
Claudia Funke
Cisca van Heertum
K. van der Horst
Gerda C. Huisman
Paul Huvenne
Ann Hyde
J.-C. Garreta
Maria da Conceicao Geada
Paul Gehl
Carmen Gomez-Senent
Jan Gromadzki
Monika Griinberg-Droge
G. Van Hooydonk
H.-O. Keunecke
Peter Kidd
Jean Michel Massing
Thomas McGeary
Paolo Messina
D. Muzerelle
Francine de Nave
Stephen Nonack
P.F.J. Obbema
Myra Orth
J.H. van de Pas
Zdzislaw Pietrzyk
Jean Preston
Fabienne Queyroux
Helmut Rohlfing
Marie-Fran§oise Rose
Sandra Saccone
Kevin Salatino
Christopher Steppard
Brent Sverdloff
Hans-Erich Teitge
Jordi Torra
Genevieve Tournouer
M.L. Turchetti
David Weston
Roger Wieck
P.W. van Wissing
Laetitia Yeandle
Juan Antonio Yeves
Anna Koslowska
We encourage curators as well as scholars to report corrections and emblematic manuscripts
omitted from BEMA to the journal Emblematica for possible submission to the section on research
notes.
We should be especially grateful if interested scholars could search out emblematic manu￾scripts in four major libraries which we were not able to include for this volume, and which are
likely to contain such manuscripts: the National Library in Budapest; the Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana; the Royal Library in Copenhagen; and, the National Library in Edinburgh.
Sandra Sider
Gordon N. Ray Rare Books Cataloguer
Pierpont Morgan Library
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INTRODUCTION
"Emblems require ... an artificious hand of either a Painter or Engraver,
as likewise a quibbling Brain of a word measuring Poet."
(Case MS. W 1025.656, The Newberry Library)
To the above sentiments we can add that bibliographic work on emblematic manuscripts requires
perspicacity, perseverance, and a perverse ability to codify and simplify an incredibly diverse
collection of material (none of which qualities we possessed in equal measure). We have cast our
nets wide and deep, hauling in a few old shoes, monstrous forms, mythological creatures, and
unknown pearls, along with the expected emblematic fish.
Manuscript cataloguers, especially of illustrated material, often must present complex objects
in an overly simplified form. The cataloguer not only must assemble information describing each
manuscript in an organized fashion, but must then arrange that information to be compatible with
all the other descriptions within the format of the catalogue. Thus, for example, we have
described all manuscripts in terms of folios since the collation of these volumes, when it exists at
all, has been done in diverse and sometimes confusing ways. We wanted to give researchers a
clear idea of the physical bulk of each item, with the assumption that many scholars would wish
to order microfilms.
In a bibliography such as BEMA, containing manuscripts with many different physical
properties, we have necessarily had to reduce ingenious examples of creative flair to nothing
more than a simple paragraph, juxtaposed on a white page with similar blocks of type. We wish
that each person holding this volume could gaze through each description as a window, leafing
through the poems, meditations, mottoes, games, words to the wise, and more than 16,000 images
in these manuscripts.
During the early stage of this undertaking, we had hoped to provide many more illustrations, as
well as full subject and iconographic indices. In a roundtable discussion at the Princeton Institute
for Advanced Study in 1989 focusing on this project, one of the art historians suggested that
researchers for BEMA should consider making videotapes of the manuscripts with images. Indeed,
if funding for visual documentation had been readily available, we could have created a
computerized database for widespread distribution in which windows might actually have opened
to reveal the eclectic nature of this material. While such a database would perhaps be more
economically feasible today, it would have been prohibitively expensive in 1989. In this volume
of BEMA, then, we present only the most basic information, with the hope that it might encourage
more serious work on this genre as a whole.
BEMA should not be considered as a census of emblematic manuscripts, but rather as a
compilation of the various kinds of manuscripts that contributed to and utilized the Renaissance
phenomenon of emblematics. The stellar manuscripts in this collection, indicated by an asterisk
(*) next to the entry number, contain actual devices or emblems, with most of the latter including
the canonical tripartite structure of pictura, motto, and epigram, or similar text, although a few of
strong visual interest lack either motto or epigram. The remaining manuscripts in BEMA can be
described as related material, such as festivity books, hieroglyphic texts, proto-emblematic
material (produced before Alciati's publication of 1531), allegories, triumphs, symbolic or
iconographic source books, commonplace books (but not manuscripts catalogued as "books of
proverbs"), alba amicorum (only those containing non-heraldic visual images), schemata,
epitomes, and devotional handbooks.
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xiv Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts
Only manuscripts and other handcrafted material on sheets of paper or vellum are contained in
this bibliography. Thus, while some drawings are described, we did not include any individual
paintings, such as the miniatures by Nicholas Milliard which often feature mottoes. Of the several
hundred manuscripts considered for BEMA, we selected 432, of which 341 contain visual imagery.
Through our multiple indices, BEMA'S manuscripts can now be studied in the context of related
material being produced in the same location during the same general period. When added to the
print record, which has been more fully treated than manuscripts, the value of this symbolic
collocation should be obvious to anyone investigating any aspect of cultural history, especially
during the latter sixteenth, seventeenth, and early eighteenth centuries, when most of the
manuscripts in BEMA were being created.
Our secondary "Bibliography" includes all scholarly publications mentioned in the
descriptions either referring to manuscripts in BEMA or containing facsimiles from the
manuscripts themselves. Since these categories often overlap, we have combined them in a single
bibliography. While this section is fairly comprehensive, it is by no means complete. For some of
the more famous entries, with numerous references in scholarly publications and notices in
exhibition catalogues, we have tried to include the references in standard bibliographies as well as
the most recent publications. Catalogues of collections, auction houses, and dealers are
mentioned in individual entries but not included in the "Bibliography." These provenances can be
traced through the indices.
Readers may be interested in some of the quantitative results produced in our BEMA
computerized database, which help to place these emblematic manuscripts within the larger
cultural contexts in which they were conceived. In this respect, the manuscripts in BEMA reflect
contemporaneous print culture while differing in significant ways. Perhaps most importantly,
many of the manuscripts in BEMA seem like works in process: while some of their content (and
formats of presentation) can be traced to printed emblem books, numerous other manuscripts
seem to demonstrate the creative process in action, with sketches redrawn and text slanting up the
sides of pages. Several, of course, became messier over time as subsequent owners inserted text
or children added their own perspective (sometimes by engaging the item in a more physical
manner). In the more than 40,000 folios listed here, the use of color in some of the more formal
manuscripts is an outstanding feature, with ink and watercolor the dominant media. At least two
dozen manuscripts feature the addition of gilt or gold ink, with several containing rather unusual
material, such as textiles and, in one instance, insect wings.
Apparently only 68 of the BEMA manuscripts have ever been published (and then sometimes in
different formats), while eight probably were copied from printed sources. As difficult as it has
been to discover some of these manuscripts, we were not surprised to learn that at least one-third
not only have not been published, but - aside from occasional entries in card catalogues - have
also never been listed in a catalogue. A few had never been catalogued at all and were unearthed
by librarians assisting in our search. In addition, many of the 200 named authors are not normally
known as creators of emblematic works (indeed, many of them are not otherwise known at all).
We encourage scholars to pay close attention to the notes included in many entries, which par￾tially compensate for our lack of subject indices. These notes are often used as well to mention
extraneous material that may be of interest to literary scholars, art historians, and students of the
book arts, such as inserted leaves of marbled paper, manuscript maps, micrography, bound-in
printed works, musical compositions, masques, letters, and other non-emblematic items. We have
taken special care to give this information for uncatalogued manuscripts. Where possible, the
notes also document the manuscript's history of use, especially those that traveled with their own-
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Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts xv
ers since this may indicate where the item could have been seen and copied, or served as inspira￾tion. Finally, in the notes we have attempted to correct the errors of previous bibliographers and
typographers with the fervent hope that someone may do the same for us some day. For a few
manuscripts added to BEMA in the final stage of editing, we were not able to include foliation,
measurements, or other physical details. We decided, nevertheless, to include an incomplete ref￾erence rather than omit the manuscript. Concerning languages in which the manuscripts are writ￾ten, Latin, of course, is by far the most prevalent (with 114 in Latin only), and mottoes are almost
exclusively in Latin. Of the various languages and dialects used, Greek is the sole example with￾out any manuscripts exclusively in that language. Except for a scattered few items with Polish,
Swedish, Russian, Flemish, Arabic, Catalan, or Hebrew, the following table summarizes language
use by numbers of manuscripts.
Exclusively With Other Languages
Latin 114 57
English 35 45
French 19 68
Spanish 18 33
Italian 15 40
Portuguese 12 15
Dutch 10 27
German 8 56
Greek 0 46
If BEMA included a larger statistical field, it would be interesting to speculate on the polarities of
England and Portugal demonstrating such a high percentage of manuscripts exclusively in
English and Portuguese. This, and the other quantitative information provided here, may become
more meaningful in the future as scholars investigate
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