Reuchlin

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Johannes Reuchlin. Briefwechsel: Band 4, 1518 –1522.
Ed. Matthias Dall’Asta and Gerald D€orner. Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog,
2013. l + 522 pp. €128. ISBN: 978–3–7728–1986–5.
With this volume, Matthias Dall-Asta and Gerald D€orner have brought to
a magnificent conclusion their monumental edition of the correspondence of
Johannes Reuchlin. Although the correspondence comprises only 405 letters
(184 by Reuchlin), Dall’Asta and D€orner’s extensive commentaries swell the
four-volume collection to over 2600 pages. The quantity may be modest, but the
correspondence is of extreme significance, above all because it offers multifaceted
insiders’ views on these unusually formative decades of German history. The
powerful and influential make regular appearances in these pages because Reuchlin
was not only the leading German humanist of his generation, still celebrated as the
founder of Christian Hebrew studies, but also a political figure who over a long and
successful career networked extensively with many courts, including Wurttemberg, €
the Palatinate, Bavaria, Electoral Mainz, as well as the imperial courts of Friedrich
III and Maximilian I. Reuchlin also maintained close contact with the Vatican,
which he visited as an emissary during three separate pontificates (Sixtus IV,
Innocent VIII, and Alexander VI). Reuchlin first encountered Leo X, the pope who
would play such a major role in his life, as a boy with his tutors in the Medici palace
REVIEWS 1359
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in 1482 (letter 309). Moreover, the widespread controversy over his defense of
Jewish books, an issue that for nearly a decade was the unofficial rallying cry of
humanists throughout the empire and beyond, made Reuchlin a familiar name to
European leaders.
Volume 4 covers important and fascinating topics: the complex denouement of
the heresy trial, the spread of Christian Hebrew studies (and humanism more
generally), as well as the eruption of the Reformation. Since Reuchlin was at the
center of the German intellectual world, it is not surprising that his biography
thrusts us into the early years of the Reformation in so many ways. Philipp
Melanchthon was his relative (raised by his sister) and devoted protege. Indeed, it
was in his 1518 correspondence with Elector Friedrich of Saxony (letter 331) that he
arranged for Melanchthon to take a professorship in Wittenberg. Later, Reuchlin
would be unable to coax him away from Wittenberg and Luther to accept a position
at the orthodox stronghold of Ingolstadt (letter 383). We also see Franz von
Sickingen and Ulrich von Hutten, to their bitter disappointment, trying in vain to
rally Reuchlin to Luther’s cause (letter 395). Reuchlin’s Hebrew research, moreover,
was decisive for Luther’s early exegesis, and his defense of Judaism created the
context for some of Luther’s early reflections on Judaism. It is all but certain that
the final papal verdict against Reuchlin was motivated by the urgent need to
support inquisitional authorities in Germany and quash Luther: Leo issued the
condemnation on 23 June 1520, just eight days after signing the initial
condemnation of Luther (‘‘Exsurge Domine’’). In December 1518, Luther
himself sent a fawning tribute to Reuchlin in which he tried to portray the
controversies swirling around him as an extension of the Reuchlin affair (letter
352). It may well have been a strategic mistake for Reuchlin to publish this letter
in his 1519 Illustrium virorum epistolae. After the papal condemnation, some of
Reuchlin’s great adversaries — Hoogstraeten, Cajetan, Prierias, and Adrian of
Utrecht (soon to be Hadrian VI) — turned from his trial and devoted themselves
entirely to the harsh crackdown on Luther.
The correspondence also offers many glimpses into the early history of
printing. From the beginning of his studies at the University of Paris to his
final tenure as a professor of Greek and Hebrew at the University of Tubingen, €
Reuchlin associated with major figures in the burgeoning world of printing:
Heynlin von Stein, Guillaume Fichet, the Amerbachs, the Kobergers, Aldus
Manutius, Thomas Anshelm, Johannes Setzer, and, not least, Daniel Bomberg.
The last surviving letter addressed to Reuchlin was from Bomberg, the most
significant Renaissance publisher of Hebrew. Despite his preoccupation with
producing the first complete edition of the Talmud, Bomberg announces that his
presses have just completed a special edition in Hebrew of Proverbs, the Song of
Songs, and Ecclesiastes for use in Reuchlin’s Tubingen classroom (letter 402). We €
know from Reuchlin’s last letter (letter 403) that the University of Tubingen had €
also ordered 100 copies of Bomberg’s rabbinic Bible for their students preparing
to enter the new world of Christian Hebrew studies for the first time.
1360 RENAISSANCE QUARTERLY
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The truly great achievement of Dall’Asta and D€orner’s monument lies in the
impeccable textual scholarship and expansive commentary. They have traced every
reference and explained every unfamiliar allusion with consummate judgment and
erudition. The commentary is a model for editions of Renaissance correspondence,
and one could only wish that the authors of other
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Sixteenth Century Journal
Review
Author(s): James V. Mehl
Review by: James V. Mehl
Source: The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 27, No. 1 (Spring, 1996), p. 264
Published by: Sixteenth Century Journal
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264 Sixteenth CenturyJournal XXVII / 1 (1996)
Johannes Reuchlin (1455-1522). Ed. Hermann Kling and Stefan Rhein. Pforz￾heimer Reuchlinschriften, 4. Expanded reprint edition; Sigmaringen: Jan
ThorbeckeVerlag, 1994. 327 pp. DM 58,-.
This volume is more than a reprinting of the original essays on Reuchlin from the 1955
publication, which was a Festgabe edited by Manfred Krebs on the 500th anniversary of
Reuchlin's birth in Pforzheim. As the editor, Hermann Kling, mentions in a brief foreword,
the first edition quickly sold out. So the reprinting ofthe nine original essays, which include,
among others, the important articles by Hans Rupprich on Reuchlin'significance inEuro￾pean humanism and by Karl Preisendanz on Reuchlin's library, iswelcome. Kling further
states that an essay by Wilhelm Maurer, "Reuchlin und das Judentum," has been added to the
reprinted edition in order to fill a gap on this important theme that existed in the first edi￾tion. It should be noted, however, that Maurer's article was first published in the Theologisclile
Literaturzeitung (1952).Thus the information on this topic will need to be supplemented by
more recent works, such as the collected essays in Reuchlin und die Juden, which was printed
as the third volume in the Pforzheimer Reuchlinschriften following a conference in 1993.
Three articles by Stefan Rhein, who also served as an editor, have been added to the
enlarged edition. These bibliographical essays provide extensive citations and useful critical
commentary on Reuchlin and Reuchlin-related studiesince 1955.Two of Rhein's articles,
"Reuchliniana I: Neue Bausteine zur Biographie Johannes Reuchlins" and "Reuchliniana
II: Forschungen zumWerkJohannes Reuchlins," first appeared as reports in the WoifenbUtteler
Renaissance Mitteilungen (1988 and 1989 respectively). A third report on Reuchlin research
since 1989, "Reuchliniana III: Ergdnzungen," is new for this volume. In these reports, Rhein
arranges his information topically. In the firstwo "Reuchliniana," for example, he surveys
the literature concerning Reuchlin's birth date, his studies at Orleans, his recently discovered
correspondence, as well as his contributions as a jurist, auniversity teacher, a Hebraist/Caba￾list, a promoter of Greek studies, a poet and dramatist, a theologian, and other subjects. The
latest "Reuchliniana" focus on research since the last two reports and cover topics concern￾ing Reuchlin's correspondence, Greek studies, poetry and school drama, Hebrew and
Cabala, philosophy, the controversy over Jewish books, and his cultural legacy.
Rhein's bibliographical essays are very thorough.They are useful guides to the increasing
number of Reuchlin and Reuchlin-related studies being produced internationally. In addi￾tion to giving specific citations, Rhein often summarizes the authors' main arguments,
including at times direct quotations from the studies. He also establishes the significance of
the contributions by discussing them within the thematic context of other works. He often
extends these critical discussions in long footnotes. Rhein's treatments, in "Reuchliana" I
and II, of the growing body of literature on the Reuchlin affair are especially good examples
of the effectiveness of his methodologicalpproach.
The appearance of this expanded reprint edition both confirms and documents the
growing scholarly interest in Reuchlin. It also coincides with some other important Reuch￾lin projects currently under way.These include a German translation of his works, sponsored
by the Free University of Berlin, and a critical edition of his correspondence being carried
out at the Reuchlinforschungsstelle, which was established in Pforzheim in 1994 by the
Heidelberg Academy of Sciences.
James V. Mehl ......... Missouri Western State College
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National Council of Teachers of English
The Firesign Theatre: A Review
Author(s): M. C. Beard
Source: College English, Vol. 33, No. 3 (Dec., 1971), pp. 379-382
Published by: National Council of Teachers of English
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Books 379
to the proposed theory, the failure of
high-level features to provide sentence
meanings would simply mean the with￾drawal of truth-functional categorization.
This does not mean that sentences like
'My youngest child teaches mathematics'
would be described as lacking truth or
falsity, but simply that the question of
their truth or falsity would not be raised
within the framework of the semantic
theory. In its entirety such a theory could
provide meanings both for the logically
true sentence 'A child is a living human
being' and for the sentence 'Their unborn
child will be named Martha or Jacob.'
Potential contradictions in these two uses
of the word child would be reconciled
by making a logical evaluation of only
the first sentence, not of the second.
The nature and range of second-level
features that are written into such a lex￾icon will depend upon whether or not we
seek a definition of metaphor within the
framework of the theory. With the in￾clusion of appropriate semantic features,
phrases such as 'child at heart' and 'child
of his imagination' could be supplied with
acceptable interpretations without their
being classified as metaphorical. But it
would be possible to distinguish a meta￾phorical from a literal meaning by desig￾nating two degrees of low level features.
In either case the resulting theory re￾mains open to the charge that not all
meaningful sentences can be supplied
with valid interpretations. For the honest
effort to supply meanings for metaphor￾ical sentences can only emphasize the fact
that some recognizable metaphors, in
particular those that are freshly coined,
will always elude lexical description. I
know no final solution to such a problem,
but I do agree with Thomas that in for￾mulating a semantic theory a good lin￾guist cannot afford to ignore the evi￾dence of metaphor.
PETER SWIGGART
Brandeis University
The Firesign Theatre: A Review
Most of us are more or less aware
of contemporary efforts to create an
alternative culture. Most of us, I think,
would characterize that culture (from
its press, its music, its seminal poster
art, the lyrics of rock songs) as exuber￾ant, inventive, infectious, but limited by
shallowness and a kind of anti-intellec￾tualism. It was said by people otherwise
sympathetic to the late hippy movement
that hippies didn't read much: Magister
Ludi, The Lord of the Rings, maybe the
I Ching was about the extent of it. (If
what Gary Snyder says is true, that we
are experiencing the revival of a subcul￾ture extending to the late Paleolithic age,
there is a substantial amount of what has
been called culture that may have to be
by-passed.) In light of this, a recently re￾leased record by a group called the Fire￾sign Theatre ("Don't Crush That
Dwarf, Hand Me The Pliers"-Columbia
C30102) will come as a surprise to most
of us. We gather from the album notes
that the group is a four man improvisato￾ry theatre based in Los Angeles. They are
popular (though not wildly so) in urban
centers with underground cultures,
where their records sell largely without
advertising and by word of mouth. A sur￾prise, because the record is complex,
erudite, multi-leveled, and in its way as
polysemous as Finnegans Wake (cer￾tainly as complex as any of the printed
matter which is passing itself off as mod￾ern these days). The reviewer for Rolling
Stone has mentioned the similarity of
the album's hero, George Leroy Tire￾biter, to Joyce's HCE: I propose to
describe the resemblance of the album's
structure and style to that of Finnegans
Wake as a whole and raise some questions
about our alternative cultures.
As the story goes Tirebiter (the name
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380 COLLEGE ENGLISH
is interesting: a man tough enough to
eat tires; a man run over and otherwise
assaulted by the pounding forces of our
contemporary media), a kind of every￾man and a culture hero (he is a former
film director), is sitting up late at night
in his Los Angeles home (a Los Angeles
of the future which, as we learn from
announcements and references through￾out the record, is divided into sectors)
watching television. The soundtrack of
the record consists of the voices from the
television screen, Tirebiter's comments,
and clicks from the remote control chan￾nel selector. The rhythm, the rhetoric,
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Text and Performance Quarterly
Publication details, including instructions for authors and
subscription information:
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Reality is only an option: Firesign
theatre and surrealism
Gail T. Miller a
a
Taught at Long Beach City College, El Camino College, and
L.A. Harbor College ,
Published online: 05 Jun 2009.
To cite this article: Gail T. Miller (1991) Reality is only an option: Firesign theatre and
surrealism, Text and Performance Quarterly, 11:4, 325-333, DOI: 10.1080/10462939109366024
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10462939109366024
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Text and Performance Quarterly
11 (1991): 325-333
Reality Is Only an Option: Firesign
Theatre and Surrealism
GAIL T. MILLER
I
N 1889 the Paris Exposition opened, celebrating both the centennial of the
French Revolution and France's participation in the Industrial Revolution.
The symbol of this exposition and of French technological prowess was the Eiffel
Tower.
By the mid 1920s a new generation had grown up under the shadow of the
Tower. This generation included surrealists who viewed the Tower as a symbol
of French absurdity rather than French achievement, glorifying a technology
which had built little and a France which had been conquered twice in fifty
years. These young surrealists reflected changing attitudes toward art, technol￾ogy, and society in their irreverent response to the Tower, adopting it as a kind
of technological mascot. They painted pictures and wrote poems and plays
featuring the Tower for the sheer fun of being heretical. Spoofing the symbol of
"technological progress" was a wonderful way to thumb their noses at their
conservative contemporaries. Nahma Sandrow explains that in the hands of the
surrealists, "The Tower was a monumental rude gesture."1
In 1966 in Los Angeles, four young American artists used another kind of
tower to create and transmit an art form which would satirize both that tower's
technology and the society which created it. They were called the Firesign
Theatre and theirs was a broadcast tower. They created a form of acoustical
theatre which used state of the art recording technology and comedy to
comment on the surrealistic aspects of American life. The young people coming
out of the '60s had grown up under the influence of the electronic media; they
were media-literate, multi-sensory, and highly critical of society. Thus Firesign
Theatre had a natural audience for its experiments in audio collage and satire of
American culture.
Sandrow's comments about the surrealists' influence on their time could have
been said about Firesign Theatre:
Dada and surrealism were born out of the artists' awareness of a society gone haywire
and clinging to a rational explanation of increasingly irrational twentieth-century
experiences, chief among which was World War I. They were closely linked attempts
to be fully conscious of their own participation in the rush toward chaos. And their
particular genius lay not only in their vision but also in their determination to enjoy
the experience.2
Gail T. Miller holds a Ph.D. in performance studies from the University of Texas and has most recently taught
at Long Beach City College, El Camino College, and L.A. Harbor College. She will study theatre at the
University of Idaho.
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326
TEXT AND PERFORMANCE QUARTERLY OCTOBER 1991
Over its twenty-year history Firesign Theatre worked in all performance
media, including record albums, live stage performances, radio, and film; and
now two members of the group (which no longer exists as a group) are working
with video and computer disc interactives. The longevity, creativity, and diver￾sity of Firesign Theatre and its pioneering work in performance form and
technology have made its contributions important for performance research.
This essay explores Firesign Theatre's innovative extensions of the aims and
practices of the surrealist movement of the 1920s.
Brockett and Findlay note that surrealism emphasized spontaneity, chance,
and the juxtaposition of disparate elements. They state that a few common
threads emerge from the various spokespersons of the movement.
First, all seem to have believed in the primacy of the subconscious. Second, they
attempted to distinguish between the subconscious and the conscious and to draw
battle lines on this basis. They believed that truth is most apt to surface when the
superego's censorship and the ego's logic have been neutralized. Third, they declared
that in moments of truth life's contradictions are transcended.3
Firesign Theatre, in true surrealist fashion, always asked, "What is reality?" In
fact, this question appeared as a slogan on several of their albums after a
drug-influenced audience member blurted it out during
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cover next page >
title: Trithemius and Magical Theology : A
Chapter in the Controversy Over
Occult Studies in Early Modern
Europe SUNY Series in Western
Esoteric Traditions
author: Brann, Noel L.
publisher: State University of New York Press
isbn10 | asin: 0791439623
print isbn13: 9780791439623
ebook isbn13: 9780585054520
language: English
subject Trithemius, Johannes,--1462-1516--
Contributions in magic, Magic--
Religious aspects--Christianity--
History of doctrines.
publication date: 1999
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 746>
lcc: BX4705.T77B73 1999eb
ddc: 261.5/13/092
subject: Trithemius, Johannes,--1462-1516--
Contributions in magic, Magic--
Religious aspects--Christianity--
History of doctrines.
cover next page >
If you like this book, buy it!
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Page i
Trithemius and
Magical Theology
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Page ii
SUNY Series in Western Esoteric Traditions
David Appelbaum, Editor
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Page iii
Trithemius and
Magical Theology
A Chapter in the Controversy over
Occult Studies in Early Modern Europe
Noel L. Brann
STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS
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Page iv
Cover illustration: Gravestone image of Trithemius, Würzburg, Neumünster,
from workshop of Tilmann Riemenschneider. Author's photograph.
Gratitude is expressed for permission to reprint the following:
The Title page, John Dee, Monas hieroglyphica, Antwerp, 1564. Reprinted by
permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Title page, Robert Fludd, De macrocosmi historia, Vol. II, Oppenheim, 1619.
Reprinted by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Title page, Gustavus Selenus (Augustus II), Cryptomenytices et cryptographiae,
Lüneburg, 1624. Reprinted by permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino,
California.
Title page, Gaspar Schott, Schola steganographica, Nuremberg, 1665. Reprinted by
permission of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Title page, Gaspar Scott, Physica curiosa, Würzburg, 1667. Reprinted by permission
of The Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
Trithemius presenting Octo quaestiones to Emperor Maximilian. Title page,
Oppenheim, 1515. Reprinted by permission of the Rare Books Division, New York
Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.
Engraving by Albrecht Dürer, Melencolia, 1514. Photo: Warburg Institute,
University of London.
Marketing by Fran Keneston
Production by Ruth Fisher
Published by
State University of New York Press, Albany
© 1999 State University of New York
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner
whatsoever without written permission. No part of this
book may be stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
in any form or by any means including electronic,
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For information, address the State University of New York Press,
State University Plaza, Albany, NY 12246
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Brann, Noel L.
Trithemius and magical theology : a chapter in the controversy
over occult studies in early modern Europe / Noel L. Brann.
p. cm. (SUNY series in Western esoteric traditions)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-7914-3961-5 (alk. paper). ISBN 0-7914-3962-3 (pbk. :
alk. paper)
1. Trithemius, Johannes, 14621516Contributions in magic.
2. MagicReligious aspectsChristianityHistory of doctrines.
I. Title. II. Series.
BX4705.T77B73 1999
261.5´13´092dc21 98-14898
CIP
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
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Page v
To my wife Joy, with love
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Page vii
Contents
Acknowledgments ix
1 Introduction: The Theoretical and Biographical Ingredients 1
The Theological-Magical Nexus 1
The Biographical Setting 4
2 The Magical Inheritance 13
Patristic and Medieval Demonology 13
The Medieval and Early Renaissance Defense of Magic 22
3 The Demonological Vision 33
The Monastic Rudiments 33
Sorcery Sin and Divine Providence 36
The Problem of Accommodating Magic to Miracle 44
The Witch Issue 51
The Problem of Learned Sorcery 57
The Distinction Between Sorcery and Exorcism 75
4 The Occult Vision 85
The Making of the Magical Legend 85
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The Personal Defense 91
The Divine Revelation and the Esoteric Rule 100
The Special Appeal to Princes 105
Pelagius and Libanius 109
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Page viii
The Theoretical Precepts 112
From Occult Theory to Cryptographical Practice 135
Trithemius and Agrippa 152
5 The Debate over Trithemian Magic during the Renaissance,
Reformation, and Age of Reason
157
Agrippa's Later Ambivalence 157
The Monastic Apologists 161
The Protestant Reaction 165
The Catholic Reaction 169
The Cryptographical and Alchemical Revivals 176
The "Jesuit Labyrinth" and Demonological Response 186
The Cryptographical Vogue 200
The Rosicrucian Debate 214
The Skeptical Shift and the Scientific Revolution 227
6 Conclusion: Trithemian Magic in Later Perspective 239
The Persisting Scholarly Conundrum 239
The Trithemian Will 248
Notes 255
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Bibliography 315
Index 341
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Page ix
Acknowledgments
Of the specialist libraries to which I am indebted for expediting the
present study, I single out for special thanks the offerings and staffs of
the Warburg Institute and British National Library, London; the
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; the Folger Shakespeare Library,
Washington, D.C.; and the Huntington Library, San Marino,
California. Also helpful were certain generalist collections, most
notably the Library of Congress and the libraries of Stanford
University, the California Institute of Technology, the University of
California at Los Angeles, and Hofstra University. For relevant visual
illustrations and permission to publish I thank, in addition to the
Huntington Library and Warburg Institute indicated above, the New
York Public Library.
Among individuals who significantly contributed, both indirectly and
directly, to the eventual appearance of this study I single out for special
mention Irwin Abrams, Roger Williams, Lewis Spitz, and Lawrence
Ryan, all of whom guided me in the earliest phases of my academic
career at Antioch College and Stanford University; Wayne Shumaker,
with whom I conversed over this topic in the beautiful environs of the
Huntington Library and who gave a critical reading to an early version
of my manuscript; and the late Charles Schmitt, with whom I shared
many hours on the subject of Renaissance magic within the highly
conducive walls of the Warburg Institute. I likewise express my
indebtedness to a number of anonymous readers, among whom
Professor Shumaker and Professor Jeffrey Russell subsequently
identified themselves, who had the patience to
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pore through this study at various earlier stages of its preparation and
to furnish me with helpful comments for revision.
Finally, Trithemius scholars everywhere, myself included, owe a
special acknowledgment of gratitude to Professor Klaus Arnold, who
has so diligently worked to prepare the bibliographical ground for a
study like this one. Though, in my own Trithemius inquiries, I have
always been borne along by ideas crystallized by my own independent
reading of the primary sources, first in my book on the monastic
humanism of the abbot and then in this one on his magical theology, I
have never lost sight of how Arnold's preliminary spadework has
facilitated my task.
Last, but far from least, I mention the indispensable support of my
wife Joy, to whom I dedicate this book. Without her constant nurturing
and help of more practical kinds, such as giving me the needed push to
replace my mechanical typewriter with the word processor, this study
might not have made it past its difficult prepublishing stages.
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Chapter 1
Introduction: The Theoretical and Biographical Ingredients
The Theological-Magical Nexus
One of the more prominently featured themes in the history of ideas,
extensively spelled out by Lynn Thorndike in a multivolumed study, is
the association between magic and science. ''My idea," explained
Thorndike at the outset of his vast scholarly undertaking, "is that
magic and experimental science have been connected in their
development; that magicians were perhaps the first to experiment; and
that the history of both magic and experimental science can be better
understood by studying them together."
1 Refining this thesis for the early modern period is Frances Yates,
who, by claiming that the Hermetic expression of magic in particular
played a substantive role in the evolution of modern science, has raised
a virtual hornets' nest in the midst of Renaissance studies.
The intellectual breakthrough setting the stage for the modern
scientific temper, according to Yates, required a critical change in the
conception of man's relation to the universe, the key of which lay in
the shift from a geocentric to heliocentric cosmic outlook. Instrumental
in promoting this revolutionary shift, Yates has argued,
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was a revived Hermeticism. With Giordano Bruno her main focus,
whose Hermeticized world view reputedly resonated with and helped
to confirm the heliocentric cosmic outlook of Copernicus and Galileo,
Yates forced a reevaluation among Renaissance historians concerning
the proper connection between the Hermetic revival and the
seventeenth-century scientific revolution. While intrinsically
fascinating in its own right, however, it will not be our object here to
enter into the controversy surrounding the so-called Yates thesis
concerning the origins of modern science.
2 The subject of the present study, the abbot Trithemius (14621516),
rather highlights the affiliation of magic with another discipline more
basic than science, since even science was traditionally said to hinge
from it. Reference of course is to theology, which represents the
intellectualization of religious attitude and practice.
One of the founders of modern anthropology, Bronislaw Malinowski,
concluded after a lifelong investigation of the magically conditioned
Polynesian Trobrianders that, in their primitive beginnings, magic and
religion are essentially indistinguishable. Magic, Malinowski
determined on the basis of his Trobriander study, springs from an
instinctual and emotional need of the human being to press forth "into
impasses where gaps in his knowledge and the limitations of his early
power of observation and reason betray him in a crucial moment." An
important social consequence of this inner drive to resolve the enigmas
of existence, Malinowski maintained, is the formation of a system of
"rudimentary modes of behavior and rudimentary beliefs," with the
function of magical ritual being to fix and standardize such behavior
and beliefs into permanent forms.3 Inasmuch as these are traits which
also inherently belong to religion, it followed for Malinowski that
magic and religion, at bottom, are essentially one and the same.
When such primitive impulses to bridge the gaps of knowledge and
overcome human limitations are organized by religion into an
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intellectual system, the result is theology. To the extent that religion, as
Malinowski would persuade us, can be identified with magic, the
result is "magical theology"theologia magica. It will be the object of
the present study to go one step further. When a conscious attempt is
made, as in the case of the abbot Trithemius, to recapture the religious
origins of magic and to harmonize its precepts with Christian dogma,
the outcome is more properly termed "Christian
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magical theology"theologia magica Christiana. Though himself only
marginally immersed in practical magic (his specialty lay in the
techniques of cryptography, or secret communication through magical
means), Trithemius, first at Sponheim and later at Würzburg, was not
content to leave the matter there. He devoted considerable time and
effort to the problem of how to rationalize the theory of magical
theology upon which his practical operations rested.
4
Living to the threshold of the Lutheran revolt from Rome, Trithemius
was immersed in a Christian tradition of magic that linked him with
occultist strains in the scholastic and humanist movements of the past
and the reform movements of the future on both sides of the Catholic￾Protestant divide. Much as Trithemius could scarcely uphold the
legitimacy and benefits of magic without reference to certain of its
leading champions of the Middle Ages, so did the sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century exponents of magical theology commonly call
upon the name and ideas of Trithemius among their forerunners to
justify their magical speculations and operations. Indeed, as we will
subsequently note, some were so taken by his magic, originally
deemed to constitute a bridge from the ancient pagan and Jewish
theologies to the theology of Christ, as to perceive in it a further bridge
to reconciliation between Catholics and Protestants.
If, as will be conceded, Trithemius shares some blame for the ensuing
witch persecutions by authoring certain writings which played a part in
their justification, it will be pointed out that he also helped set the
stage for the Renaissance and seventeenth-century movement,
spearheaded by the Paracelsians, to preserve a legitimate place for
magic within the orthodox theological schemes of Catholic and
Protestants alike. There were predecessors and even contemporaries, it
is true, who, assuming a more thoroughgoing and systematic approach
to the revival of the ancient arcane traditions than is represented by
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Trithemius's sporadic outbursts in the same vein, may have exercised a
more decisive influence on later occult theory. Among the latter were
the Italian Platonists Marsilio Ficino and Giovanni Pico della
Mirandola and Trithemius's German acquaintances Johann Reuchlin
and Agrippa of Nettesheim.5 The point of the present study, however,
is not to uphold a dominant influence by Trithemius on the history of
magic. Rather,
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on a more modest scale, it is to present the theological rationale for
magic of one of its more provocative Renaissance spokesmen, and to
show how that rationale was diversely received during the highly
volatile two centuries after the abbot's death commensurate with the
Reformation, the witch hunts, and the onset of the scientific revolution.
Needless to say, Trithemius's theory of magical theology did not arise
out of a vacuum. It was forged out of a particular life experience which
embraced, in conjunction with the occult studies, a strong desire to
effect spiritual reform both in its author and in the wider Christian
Church to which he devoted his monastic way of life. Prior to entering
into the theoretical intricacies of the magical program formulated by
Trithemius, accordingly, we need first, in a concluding section to this
introductory chapter, take stock of the concrete circumstances within
which that program was forged.
The Biographical Setting
Trithemius, according to a story put into circulation during the latter
half of the sixteenth century, was once summoned into the presence of
Emperor Maximilian I where, in a dramatic demonstration of
necromantic powers for which he had earned widespead notoriety, he
conjured from the dead, together with sundry ancient heroes,
Maximilian's own deceased wife Mary of Burgundy. That a similar tale
was contemporaneously afloat concerning a certain Doctor Faustus,
who was said to have performed a comparable feat for Maximilian's
son Charles V, was not lost to the demonological critics of both men.
As one among these, Christoph Zeisseler, observed in relation to the
Faustian anecdote: "Some men relate that this same act was performed
by Johannes Trithemius."
6
How, then, did the magical legend of the abbot Trithemius, coalesced
as it came to be with the legend of Faustus, take shape? Unlike the
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historical Faustus, Trithemius came to his magical studies from what
initially was an entirely different slate of interests. Trithemius was first
and foremost a Christian monk, a member of the Benedictine order,
who dedicated his life to fulfilling the requirements of monastic piety.
Secondly, Trithemius was an exceptionally erudite monk who, as the
abbot of two monasteries during
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his lifetime, zealously advocated in the pursuance of his monastic
goals, not piety alone, but learned piety. This feature of Trithemius's
career led him not only into more traditional ventures expected of the
monastic career, such as mystical theology and ecclesiastical history,
but also into the not so traditional venture of humanistic studies which
were in a state of widespread revival in his day. Thirdly, Trithemius
joined forces with other learned theologians of his day in taking the
offensive against those he considered to be foremost human conveyors
of the demonic arts, the witches and sorcerers. Only fourthly did
Trithemius himself enter into the arcane field of magic, centering on
the techniques of cryptography for his special interest but furnishing
them with a solid foundation of occult theory which also drew on
affiliated magical studies such as astrology, Pythagorean number
theory, alchemy, and Cabala.
7
What, then, are the biographical particulars that led Trithemius from
his uncontroversial beginnings to the controversies of his final
decades? Christened Johann Heidenberg, Trithemius acquired his Latin
name from his birthplace of Trittenheim on the banks of the Mosel.
Following the premature death of his father, his mother eventually
remarried and, adopting the new family name Zell, produced several
more children, of which only one, Johann's half-brother Jacob,
survived to maturity.8 Convinced by a "miraculous" dream at the age
of fifteen that he was destined to a life of letters, and frustrated at
every turn in this regard by a stern stepfather who had a very different
idea about his future, the young Johann was anxious to leave home as
soon as possible to pursue his education. Upon breaking away from his
parents Trithemius at first adopted an itinerant way of life, spending a
short spell in nearby Trier, moving on into the Netherlands, and at last
making his way to Heidelberg where, enrolled in the studium generale,
he came into association with some of the foremost German humanists
of his day. In the company of these, who included in their number
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Johann von Dalberg, Conrad Celtis, Jacob Wimpfeling, and Johann
Reuchlin, Trithemius helped to form the Rhenish Literary Sodality.9
After completing his Heidelberg studies, in 1482, Trithemius set out in
the company of a friend on a journey back to the Mosel valley. He did
not, however, reach his goal, being caught up in a snow storm on his
way home and taking shelter in the nearby
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Benedictine monastery of St. Martin at Sponheim, located in the
diocese of Mainz. In obedience to what he construed to be a
providential hand guiding his way, Trithemius, once the storm ceased,
chose to remain within the cloister's walls as a novice. By the age of
twenty-one he was elevated to the Sponheim abbacy, which office he
occupied for the next twenty-three years.
10
In his abbatial role Trithemius vigorously pursued the career of letters
which he believed that God had marked out for him. His avowed ideal
was "true monastic erudition"vera eruditio monastica, conceived as
the union of learning with piety, of the intellect with the will, of pagan
philosophy with the "philosophy of Christ." In keeping with this ideal
he gathered on the shelves of his abbey library a large collection of
texts, "of about two thousand volumes, both handwritten and printed,''
as he later nostalgically recalled after being compelled to forsake them
following his move to Würzburg. To promote this venture he pressured
his monks into handwriting texts in the monastic scriptorium even as
the printing revolution was making that task seemingly superfluous.11
And at his writing desk he undertook his own private literary career,
concentrating for most of his Sponheim period in the areas of monastic
reform, mystical theology, ecclesiastical history, and Christian
humanism in keeping with the principles of literary elegance he shared
with his associates of the Rhenish sodality.12 In both functions, as
bibliophile and literary scholar, Trithemius became renowned
throughout Europe, in which dual role he served as an attractive
magnet for some of the most illustrious men of his age. Among these
were not only leading literary scholars of his day, but also a number of
princely patrons. Of the topics of interest championed by Trithemius
which increasingly drew these visitors to his cloister, not the least
noteworthy is that of magic.13
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If Trithemius gave much to his many studious visitors, he also took
much from them. This held true especially in the area of language
study, concerning which, he later acknowledged, he owed his earliest
lessons in Hebrew to an unnamed Jew he had met in Heidelberg, his
first Greek lessons to Celtis, and his advanced lessons in both
languages to Reuchlin. It was especially as a Greek scholar that
Trithemius earned fame in humanist quarters, with one visitor to
Sponheim revelling in this regard: "The abbot was Greek, his monks
Greeks, and likewise Greek were his dogs, stones, and vineyards.
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And that entire monastery seemed as though it were located in the
middle of Ionia."
14 Both the proficient Greek and the less proficient Hebrew of the
abbot, as it turned out, directly played into the formulation of his
magical theories, since, through Greek, he gained access to the obscure
mysteries of Pythagoras and Hermes Trismegistus, and through
Hebrew, to the mysteries of Cabala.
Until 1499 the visible scope of Trithemius's intellectual activity was
largely circumscribed by the conventional boundaries of the medieval
liberal arts curriculum. Then, as if out of the blue, Trithemius in that
year declared himself to be an exponent of the occult arts. The form in
which this announcement took place was a letter addressed to a
Carmelite monk of Ghent, Arnold Bostius, the object of which was to
inform the correspondent of a treatise the abbot was currently
composing. The subject was steganography, that is, the art of writing
secret messages and transmitting them over long distances through the
mediation of angelic messengers. Unhappily for the future reputation
of Trithemius, Bostius was not in a position to receive the abbot's
letter, having died shortly before its arrival. As a result, words intended
for Bostius's eyes alone fell into the hands of the unsympathetic prior
of the cloister, who, expressing shock by what he beheld therein to be
an admission of illicit demonic magic, circulated the abbot's words to
the general public. Thus was born Trithemius's magical legend.15
Reinforcing the abbot's notoriety as a black magician was a sharply
negative response to the cryptographic tract in question by a visitor to
Sponheim a few years later, the French scholar Carolus Bovillus, who,
during a fortnight stay at Sponheim, was requested by his host to read
and comment upon the completed portions of his steganographical
tract. To the abbot's surprise and consternation Bovillus was far from
pleased by what he gleaned therein, and at some later date, after
pondering the experience, wrote a letter to a mutual friend of the two
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men in which he recounted his Sponheim visit and acrimoniously
stigmatized his host as a demonic magician.16 While not discouraged
by these traumatic events from further engaging in his magical
speculations, Trithemius was chastened by them into being more
circumspect about their disclosure, one facet of which lay in his
decision to retain the completed portions of the steganographical
handbook in manuscript form accessible only to specially selected
disciples.
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In the ensuing years Trithemius and his Sponheim monks developed
increasingly strained relations, and by 1505 they mutually agreed to a
parting of their ways. There is no direct evidence that Trithemius's
emerging magical interests played a part in this decision, the more
probable bone of contention lying in the abbot's imposition of highly
demanding scholarly standards upon his monks which even included
the hand copying of texts as if the art of printing had never come into
existence. As the years of his Sponheim abbacy wore on, Trithemius
evidently became looked upon by his monks as an uncompromising
taskmaster whose exactions from them went well beyond what they
believed to be the just requirements of their vows. However, while
Trithemius's rapidly proliferating reputation as a magician may have
played no direct role in the quarrel with his Sponheim monks, it may
well have played at least an indirect role. For very likely exacerbating
the tension between the resident abbot and monks was the disturbing
intrusion into their cloistered tranquillity of many visitors. While some
of these were certainly attracted by the conventional monastic subjects
of Trithemius's scholarly expertise, others were undoubtedly attracted
by his reputation for unconventional subjects in the arcana and by the
many magical offerings on his monastic shelves.
In any case the bad rapport between Trithemius and his Sponheim
monks reached a breaking point, and in 1505 the abbot was handed a
convenient means to finalize the break by accepting an invitation from
the margrave-elector Joachim of Brandenburg to meet him during an
assembly of the German princes in Cologne. Trithemius's official
resignation from Sponheim came the following year when, after
spending a period itinerantly (part of the time as Joachim's guest in
Berlin), he succeeded in finding a new post at the head of the
monastery of St. Jacob in Würzburg. Here Trithemius was to last out
the remainder of his life, dying in 1516 at the relatively young age of
fifty-four.
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17 It is true that, in his new Würzburg home, Trithemius often found
cause to lament the loss of his Sponheim cloister and the magnificent
library which he had collected there. The trade-off, however, was that
his changed environment provided him with much-needed peace and
quiet. Being no longer besieged by the strife characteristic of his
Sponheim years, Trithemius at last felt free to pursue untrammeled the
ambitious
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literary program to which he had dedicated himself years before.
18 Among the works completed during this seminal period were some,
such as the Hirsau annals, which might be expected of a monastic
scholar. Other writings appearing during this period of intense literary
activity, however, did not so easily fit the contours of monastic custom,
pursuing as they did a theme of occult causation laid down earlier in
the aborted Steganographia.
The special significance of Trithemius for the present study lies in
more than his effort to justify the occult studies. It lies in the
specifically theological mode in which he chose to express that
justification. While still at Sponheim, primarily through a series of
letters to friends, Trithemius began a protracted campaign to
rationalize his invention of steganography, crucial to which was was
the reconciliation of magic with the theological dogmas defining
Catholic orthodoxy, and after arriving at Würzburg brought to fruition
a number of further writings in the same vein. Following the
guidelines of this theologically conditioned program Trithemius
concentrated on two separate genres of occult writings, the first
consisting of extended demonological warnings and the second of
positive defenses of magic.
Trithemius's removal from Sponheim to Würzburg afforded him the
time and psychological respite he needed to bring to fruition this
bipartite magical program. Belonging to the first category,
demonology, were his Antipalus maleficiorum and Liber octo
quaestionum, the latter of which, directed to certain theological queries
posed by Emperor Maximilian, was considerably taken up with the
issues of demonic influence. In addition he outlined a projected
encyclopedia of demons, De demonibus, for which he completed a
preface, and composed a query, no longer extant, into the association
between demons and epilepsy, De morbo caduco et maleficiis.
Belonging to the second category in turn, the theory and practice of
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magic, were an apologetic of magic inserted into the autobiographical
Nepiachus, the second major cryptographical tract titled Polygraphia,
and the De septem secundeis, an amalgamation of astrological with
Cabalistic theory about occult influences upon human behavior which
drew on the same system of planetary angels enlisted in the
controversial steganographical tract and identified by critics such as
Bovillus with the demonic servants of Satan. In addition Trithemius
used this opportunity to pen a more complete
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answer to Bovillus than was hitherto possible, a Defensorium mei
contra Caroli Bovilii mendacia, which, like the De morbo caduco, has
been lost to posterity.
19 Trithemius's intention in all of these arcane writings, to be spelled
out in the following pages, was to stem the tide of accusations against
his magic triggered by the waylaying of his 1499 letter to Bostius and
augmented by the unsympathetic response of Bovillus to his reading of
the Steganographia.
The format for the remainder of this study is organized according to
the following scheme. Being mindful of the need for an historical
context within which Trithemius could credibly plead for adherence to
his magical program, we will proceed in chapter 2 to a presentation of
the patristic, medieval, and early Renaissance magical heritage from
which Trithemius drew sustenance for his occult speculations.
Following this preparatory step we will move, in chapters 3 and 4, to a
systematic exposition of the occult theory forged by Trithemius in his
Sponheim and Würzburg cloisters, with one part consisting of his
demonology and another of his positive magical program. That
mission accomplished, we will proceed in chapter 5 to an examination
of how Trithemius came to serve as a kind of hub for the further debate
over occult studies in the context of such subsequent events as the
Protestant and Catholic reform movements, the culmination of the
witch persecutions, and the emergence of the scientific revolution and
accompanying "new philosophy." In the concluding chapter 6 we will
take note of sundry post-1700 scholarly responses to Trithemian magic
and elicit from the foregoing five chapters what this author has
perceived to be a basic theme of consistency underlying what
sometimes appears to be its divergent and even self-contradictory
goals.
Unlike Doctor Faustus, with whose magical legend his own became
popularly entangled, Trithemius furnished to apologists of magic in the
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next two centuries a thoroughgoing Christian rationale for engaging in
the occult arts. The posthum
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תירוטסיהה התועמשמו ןילכיור סנהוי לש הלבקה תרות
ןד ףסוי
[א]
םישגדהבו תונוש תורוצב תידוהיה היפרגוירוטסיהב םוקמ תספות ןילכיור סנהוי לש ותומד
־ימיב לארשי תודלות תא ץרג ךירנייה בתכ רשאכ ,הנש םישולשו האמכ ינפל .םינתשמ
רואיתב הלעמב הנושאר ןויצ ןבא וייח תשרפו ןילכיור סנהוי לש ותנשמ ול ושמיש ,םייניבה
בחרנ םוקמ הז אשונל שידקה אוהו ,תינמרגה תוברתה ןיבל תודהיה ןיב םיסחיה תומקרתה
םוסרפ תובקעב ללוחתהש בחרנה סומלופה .1לודגה ורוביח לש ישישה ךרכב דואמ דע
םיטסינמוה וב ופתתשהש סומלופ 2,1517 תנשב ,cabbalistica arte De ןילכיור לש ורפס
לע תועמשמ לעב םתוח עיבטה ,םירויפיפאו םירסיק ,םיטסיארבהו םירמומ ,םינקינימודו
תישאר לש לרוגה ירה םיעוריאב תמיוסמ הדימב בלתשהו ,הפוקת התואב םיינחור םיקבאמ
לש ןתוררועתהל םדקומ יוטיב ןילכיור לש ותריציב האר ץרג .הינמרגב היצמרופרה
המודו ,זאמ ופלח תורוד העברא .ינמרגה־ירצונה םלועב תודהיה יפלכ תוינלבוס תוסיפת
תוברת לש ןהיתודלות ירקוחו םינוירוטסיה לש םתעד לע הלבקתנ אל ץרג לש ותשיגש
םרז גציימ תניחב ןהו דיחי תניחב ןה - ןילכיור לש וסחי רקח .3הינמרג תוברתו לארשי
האר: 2 .H. Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, IX, Leipzig 1870, pp. 63ff., 477ff., n. הארו םג
הרעהה האבה, הוושהו: 1892 ,S.A. Hirsch, Johann Pfefferkorn and the Battle of the Books, ספדנ
שדחמ ץבוקב וירקחמ לש רבחמה, 1905 s.a. Hirsch, A Book of Essays, London, ימע 115-73,
הארו םג היפרגוילביבה ךותב: :S.W. Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, XIII
28-29 .Inquisition, Renaissance and Reformation, New York-Philadelphia 19692, p. 408, nn
arte'L ,Reuchlin Johannes :תיקלטיאב הנורחאל רואל האצי רפסה לש רתויב הבוטה הרודהמה
1995 cabbalistica, eds. G. Busi &C S. Campanini, Firenze, איהו תללוכ אובמ טרופמ, םוגרת
Reuchlin Johann:,תיתפרצ הרודהמ הל המדק .היפרגוילביבו תורוקמ תמישר ,שוריפ ,תיקלטיאל
1973 La Kabbale, introd. and trans. F. Secret, Paris. הרודהמה תילגנאה החיכשה םויכ איה:
Johann Reuchlin, On the Art of the Kabbalah, trans. M. fe S. Goodman, introd. G. Lloyd
1993 .Jones, introduction to the Bison Book edition M. Idel, Lincoln, Nebraska
.וז הרודהמ לע םיססובמ ןלהל םיטוטיצה
Schöps .H.J, ׳Der :האר הרשע־עשתה האמב תורחא תוסיפת םע התאוושהו ץרג לש ותסיפת לע
[ח״נשת (די ,לארשי תבשחמב םילשורי ירקחמ)הטינומרס ב״יל ןורכיז רפס :םילשוריל ימורמ]
This content downloaded from 128.122.230.148 on Sun, 13 Mar 2016 04:45:20 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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2] ןד ףסוי
תודהיל - הרשע־ששה האמה תישארו הרשע־שמחה האמה ףוס לש תוברתב תועמשמ לעב
הצקהש םוקמ ותוא ונרוד לש תינמרגהו תידוהיה היפרגוירוטסיהב ספות ונניא התוברתלו
אל יאדווב םלואו ,וירבחמו ןילכיורמ המלעתה הירוטסיהה יכ ןועטל םוקמ ןיא .ץרג ול
םולש .הילאמ תנבומ איהש רבס ץרגש תיזכרמ תירוטסיה תועמשמ התוא םהל התנקוה
תיתרבחהו תיתדה הירוטסיהה לע לודגה ורפסב תירצונה הלבקל שידקהש קרפב ,ןוראב
תוצקהל רחוב אוהש העשב ץרג ןיבל וניבש דוגינה תא ריתסמ ונניא ,לארשי םע לש
תבחרנה הביטחה םוקמב ,םיטעמ םידומע תודהיל ןילכיור לש וסחי ביבס סומלופה תשרפל
הוולמה היפרגוילביבבו ןוראב לש ותריקסב ןויעה .ץרג לש הירוטסיהב ךכל תשדקומה
תוירקיעה תודבועה תניחבמ רבד ףסונ אל טעמכ יכ הלעמ ,5םירחא םירקחמב ןכו ,4התוא
הרוצב השרפה לש היתודלות תא תעדל שקבמה לכו ,תונורחאה םינשה האמב ןתכרעהו
Reuchlin-Pfefferkom Streit in der jüdischen Historiographie des 19. und 20.
Jahrhundredts׳, in: A. Herzig St J.H. Schöps (eds.), Reuchlin und die Juden, Sigmaringen
1993, pp. 203-212
:(185-184 ימע ,[1 הרעה ,ליעל] ןוראב)וז השרפ לע ןוראב לש תצקמב תיתרוקיבה ותריקס הוושהו
השק הרשע־ששה האמה תישאר לש תיללכהו תידוהיה הירוטסיהב וז הדוזיפא לש התובישח םנמא'
הינמרגב ולש תוזכרתההו ץרג ךירנייה לש תישיאה תושגרתהה רקיעב וז התיה ידר ,הב זירפהל
תוצראב םידוהיה תודלות תא ףיקמה ךרכ לש המלש תישימח הז אשונל שידקהש ךכל ותוא ואיבהש
ןוידהו תקולחמהש קפס לכ ןיא 1618. דע 1492־מש האמה עברו האמ לש תערכמה הפוקתב תובר
,תימואל־ןיב תיתדו תיטילופ היעבל ושענ ףוסבלו ,רתויו רתוי םיבחר םילגעמ ופיקה יטפשמה
הייסנכהו תורויפיפאה ,תפרצ ,השודקה תימורה הירפמיאה יגיהנמ לש םבל תמושת תא השרדש
.׳תינמוקאה
לגרל רואל אציש ץבוקה ןכו ,(3 הרעה ,ליעל)ספשו גיצרה לש ץבוקה האר ותרותו וייח ,ןילכיור לע
תאלמ שמח תואמ הנש ותדלוהל: ,1455-1522 ,H. Kling fe S. Rhein (eds.), Johannes Reuchlin
׳Erforschung Die :ןילכיור לע םולש לש ירקיעה ורמאמ ;reprinted (1955 Pforzheim 1995 (
תנשב םייהצרופב האשינש האצרה לע דסוימ ,Gegenwart zur bis Reuchlin von Kabbala der׳
Judaica :תינמרגב םולש לש וירקחמ ץבוקב ללכנש ינפל תדחוימ תרבוחב רואל אצי רמאמהו 1969
תודהיל ןילכיור לש וסחיב רקיעב תוקסוע תויסלקה תויפרגויבה .pp 1973, Frankfurt .111,
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MARKUS RAFAEL ACKERMANN
Der Jurist Johannes Reuchlin (1455 -1522)
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Schriften zur Rechtsgeschichte
Heft 77
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Der Jurist Johannes Reuchlin
(1455 -1522)
Von
Markus Rafael Ackermann
Duncker & Humblot . Berlin
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Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme
Ackermann, Markus Rarael:
Der Jurist Johannes Reuchlin (1455 -1522) / von Markus Rafael
Ackermann. - Berlin : Duncker und Humblot, 1999
(Schriften zur Rechtsgeschichte; H. 77)
Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1998
ISBN 3-428-09793-9
D 16
Alle Rechte vorbehalten
© 1999 Duncker & Humblot GmbH, Berlin
Fotoprint: Wemer Hildebrand, Berlin
Printed in Germany
ISSN 0720-7379
ISBN 3-428-09793-9
Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem (säurefreiem) Papier
entsprechend ISO 9706 9
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Vorwort
Die vorliegende Arbeit zum Juristen Johannes Reuchlin wurde von der Ju￾ristischen Fakultät der Ruprecht-Karls-Universität in Heidelberg als Dissertati￾on angenommen. Für die Drucklegung ist die erschienene Literatur bis Ende
1998 berücksichtigt worden.
Ich danke allen, die mich beim Verfassen dieser Studie unterstützten. Mein
ganz besonders herzlicher Dank gilt meinem Lehrer Prof. Dr. Dr. h. c. Adolf
Laufs, der das Entstehen der Arbeit stets engagiert betreut hat. Ohne die Un￾terstützung durch das Frankfurter Graduiertenkolleg "Europäische mittelalterli￾che Rechtsgeschichte, neuzeitliche Rechtsgeschichte und juristische Zeitge￾schichte", dem ich 1994-1996 als Kollegiat und Stipendiat angehörte, wären
die zahlreichen Archivstudien, auf welchen die Arbeit aufbaut, nicht möglich
gewesen. Dafiir und fiir die kritische Begleitung beim Verfassen der Arbeit
danke ich insbesondere den Kollegiaten sowie dem Leitungsgremium des Gra￾duiertenkollegs, namentlich Frau Professorin Regina Ogorek sowie den Herren
Professoren Hans-Peter Benöhr, Gerhard Dilcher, Bemhard Distelkamp, Joa￾chim Rückert und Michael Stolleis.
Den Herren Dr. Gerald Dömer und Matthias Dall' Asta von der Pforzheimer
Reuchlin-Forschungsstelle danke ich für zahlreiche Anregungen und Hinweise.
Dr. Gerald Dömer, Malte Hohn und Stephanie Wilhelm, M. A. haben einzelne
Kapitel der Arbeit gelesen und korrigiert; dafiir schulde ich ebenfalls großen
Dank. Reuchlins Heimatstadt Pforzheim danke ich dafiir, daß sie die Druckle￾gung meiner Arbeit durch einen großzügigen Druckkostenzuschuß unterstützte.
Heidelberg, den 16. Januar 1999 Markus R. Ackermann
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Inhaltsübersicht
Kapitell: Einleitung.......................................................................................... I 7
Kapitel 2: Reuchlins Studienjahre... ........ ....... .... ......... ...... ... ......... ...... ............... 22
Kapitel 3: Reuchlin als gelehrter Rat............... ............ .................. ............. ..... ... 40
Kapitel 4: Reuchlin als Fürstenrichter des Schwäbischen Bundes ..... ...... .......... 107
Kapitel 5: Reuchlin als Gutachter....................................................................... 149
Kapitel 6: Der Augenspiegel............................................. ................................. 178
Kapitel 7: Der Vocabularius Breviloquus .......................................................... 200
Kapitel 8: Schluß................................................................................................ 223
Verzeichnis der ungedruckten Quellen ............ ......................................................... 23 I
Verzeichnis der gedruckten Quellen ......................................................................... 234
Namen- und Ortsregister.......................................................................................... 255
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Inhaltsverzeichnis
Kapitell
Einleitung
Kapitel 2
Reuchlins Studienjahre
Kapitel 3
17
22
Reuchlin als gelehrter Rat 40
A. Vorbemerkung................. .......................................................................... ........ 40
B. Reuchlin als Rat Eberhard d. Ä. ...................................... .................................. 41
1. Der württembergische Rat im Spätmittelalter ......................................... 41
11. Anfange: Die Romreise 1482.................................................................. 45
III. Reuchlin als württembergischer Anwalt und Beisitzer............. .............. 49
I. Reuchlin als Beisitzer .......... ...... .................... ........................ ............. 49
a) Reuchlin als Beisitzer am württembergischen Hofgericht............. 49
b) Reuchlin als Beisitzer bei Schiedsgerichten .................................. 52
2. Reuchlin als württembergischer Anwalt............................................. 55
a) Der Geleitrechtsstreit Württembergs mit der Kurpfalz 1487......... 56
b) Für Graf Heinrich 1489................................................................. 60
c) Der Streit um die Kastvogtei über das Kloster Zwiefalten 1490... 61
d) Der Heuchelberger Jagdrechtsstreit 1490...................................... 66
IV. Reuchlin als Gesandter und als Diplomat............................................... 68
1. Reuchlin als Rat auf Reisen für Eberhard i. B.................................... 68
2. Reuchlin in München für Eberhard i. B. .......... ....... ...................... ..... 69
3. Reuchlin als Reichstagsteilnehmer ..................................................... 70
a) 1486............................................................................................... 70
b) 1495............ ................ ........ ........... ................................................ 74
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10 Inhaltsverzeichnis
4. Reuchlin als Gesandter in Reichenweiher .......................................... 76
5. Die Gefangennahme Conrad Holzingers ............................................ 77
6. Der Erbverzicht Katharinas von Württemberg ................................... 78
7. Reuchlin als Gesandter in Linz 1492.................................................. 78
8. Die Einnahme der Huldigung von Horburg 1494.............................. 84
V. Reuchlin als Zeuge bei Urkunden und bei Vereidigungen ..................... 85
VI. Reuchlin und das Reichskammergericht.......... .................... ................... 86
VII. Reuchlins Ratsende bei Eberhard i. B.............................. .................. ..... 88
C. Reuchlin als Rat in Heidelberg .......................................................................... 88
D. Reuchlin als Rat unter Herzog Ulrich von Württemberg................................... 95
1. Die Rückkehr nach Württemberg ........................................................... 95
II. Reuchlin und die Hochzeit Herzog Ulrichs von Württemberg 1511 ...... 96
III. Reuchlin und der Tübinger Vertrag ........................ ................................ 97
IV. Reuchlin und der württembergische Landtag ......................................... 98
V. Reuchlin und die Klosteraufhebung 1517 ...... .................... ............ ........ 99
E. Reuchlin als von Württemberg ausgeliehener Rat............................................. 101
F. Schluß................................................................................................................ 103
Kapitel 4
Reuchlin als Fürstenrichter des Schwäbischen Bundes 107
A. Das Gericht des Schwäbischen Bundes ................ ................ ................ ............. 107
B. Reuchlin als Beisitzer am Schwäbischen Bundesgericht............................ ....... 116
C. Reuchlin als verhandlungsfuhrender Richter..................................................... 126
I. Rietheim vs. Türkheim wegen der Holzhauung im Angelberger Wald.. 127
II. Rietheim vs. Türkheim wegen der Herrschaft Schwabeck ..................... 128
III. Oettingen vs. Bayern wegen Wemding................................................... 129
IV. Oettingen vs. Brandenburg wegen der elf Klagpunkte ........................... 13 9
V. Oettingen vs. Brandenburg wegen des Klosters Sulz ............................. 142
D. Die Aufgabe des Richter
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The Case against Johann Reuchlin:
Religious and Social Controversy
in Sixteenth-Century Germany
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The Case against
Johann Reuchlin
Religious and Social Controversy
in Sixteenth-Century Germany
Erika Rummel
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO PRESS
Toronto Buffalo London
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(c) University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2002
Toronto Buffalo London
Printed in Canada
ISBN 0-8020-3651-1 (cloth)
ISBN 0-8020-8484-2 (paper)
Printed on acid-free paper
National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data
Rummel, Erika, 1942-
The case against Johann Reuchlin : religious and social controversy
in sixteenth-century Germany / Erika Rummel.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8020-3651-1 (bound). - ISBN 0-8020-8484-2 (pbk.)
1. Reuchlin, Johann, 1455-1522. 2. Christianity and other religions - Judaism.
3. Judaism - Relations - Christianity. 4. Jewish literature - Germany - Cen￾sorship - History - 16th century. 5. Humanism - Germany - History - 16th
century. 6. Scholasticism - Germany - History - 16th century. I. Title.
B785.R64R84 2002 261.2'6'092 C2002-901295-3
The publication of this book was greatly facilitated by the generous support
of the Renaissance Society of America.
University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its
publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts
Council.
University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its
publishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book
Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).
www.utppublishing.com
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CONTENTS
Preface vii
Acknowledgments xiii
Chronology xv
Part A - The Reuchlin Affair in Context 1
1 Pfefferkorn and the Battle against Judaism 3
2 Reuchlin and the Scholastic Theologians 14
3 Reuchlin and the Luther Affair 26
4 Sixteenth-Century Interpretations of the Reuchlin Affair: Beliefs or
Constructs? 29
5 The Reuchlin Affair in Modern Historiography 36
Notes 41
Part B - Texts 51
DOCUMENT 1 Johann Pfefferkorn, The Enemy of the Jews 53
DOCUMENT 2 Johann Pfefferkorn, The Confession of the Jews 69
DOCUMENT 3 Johann Reuchlin, Report about the Books of the Jews 86
DOCUMENT 4 Johann Reuchlin, Defence against the Cologne Slanderers
98
DOCUMENT 5 Letters of Obscure Men 109
DOCUMENT 6 Reports on the Confiscation of Jewish Books in Frankfurt,
1509 128
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vi Contents
DOCUMENT 7 Two Reports by the Faculty of Theology at Cologne 132
DOCUMENT 8 Willibald Pirckheimer's Defence of Reuchlin, 1517 136
DOCUMENT 9 Two Letters from Erasmus concerning the Reuchlin
Affair 141
DOCUMENT 10 The Dedicatory Letter of Reuchlin's De arte cabalistica,
1517 146
DOCUMENT 11 Jacob Hoogstraten, Information to the Reader, 1519 152
DOCUMENT 12 Hutten's Letters to Erasmus and Reuchlin, 1520/1 158
DOCUMENT 13 Two Comments by Luther on the Historical Context of
the Reuchlin Affair 162
Bibliography 165
Index 171
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PREFACE
Cultural Bias and Historiography
The Reuchlin affair, a cause celebre in the sixteenth century, presents
an object lesson in cultural diversity. Reading about the radically dif￾ferent interpretations the protagonists put on the same set of events,
we break through the 'crust of unity/ the cultural consensus that
was once thought to define an era.1
Until the middle of the twentieth
century historians were searching for a coherent, synoptic view and
therefore tended to impose on the past a grid of their own making.
In neatly packaged presentations, "The Renaissance' followed upon
'The Middle Ages/ and 'The Reformation' was contrasted with "The
Counter-Reformation.' Such broad categories, still prevalent in text￾books, are useful for organizational purposes, but imply an internal
consistency and a cultural uniformity that did not exist. A study of
the Reuchlin affair easily dispels such notions and opens a window on
the degree of dissent present in sixteenth-century society. The tensions
surface in the polemics surrounding the affair. The protagonists agreed
on the facts but not on their meaning,2
and variously portrayed the
controversy as a battle between orthodox Christians and Judaizers, be￾tween Catholics and reformers, or between representatives of scholas￾ticism and champions of humanism. The diversity of interpretations
reflects the diversity of their cultural assumptions.
Part A of this book tells the story as it unfolded in 1509 when Jo￾hann Pfefferkorn, a Jewish convert, approached Emperor Maximilian
I with a proposal to confiscate and destroy Jewish books. He argued
that they were insulting to the Christian religion and an obstacle to
the conversion of the Jews. With the approval of the emperor he set
about confiscating books in Frankfurt, but the archbishop of Mainz saw
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72
IN HIS NAME
REUCHLIN, LUTHER, THENAUD, WOLFF,
AND THE NAMES OF SEVENTY-TWO ANGELS
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BOSTON
2019
72
IN HIS NAME
REUCHLIN, LUTHER, THENAUD, WOLFF,
AND THE NAMES OF SEVENTY-TWO ANGELS
IAN CHRISTIE - MILLER
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Christie-Miller, Ian, author.
Title: 72 in His name: Reuchlin, Luther, Thenaud, Wolff and the names of
seventy-two angels/Ian Christie-Miller.
Other titles: Seventy two is His name
Description: Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2019. | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019033765 (print) | LCCN 2019033766 (ebook) | ISBN
9781644692448 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781644692455 (adobe pdf)
Subjects: LCSH: Christianity and other religions--Judaism--History 16th century.
| God ( Judaism)--Name. | Cabala--History 16th century. | Antisemitism--
History 16th century. | Apologetics--History--16th century. | Judaism--
Controversial literature--History 16th century. | Reuchlin, Johann,
1455-1522--Influence. | Luther, Martin, 1483-1546--Influence. | Thenaud,
Jean, active 1511--Influence. | Wolff, Philippe, active 15th century--Influence.
Classification: LCC BM535 .C5785 2019 (print) | LCC BM535 (ebook) |
DDC 261.2/609031--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019033765
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019033766
©Academic Studies Press, 2019
ISBN 9781644692448 (hardback)
ISBN 9781644692455 (electronic)
Book design by PHi Business Solutions
Cover design by Ivan Grave
Published by Academic Studies Press
1577 Beacon Street
Brookline, MA 02446, USA
press@academicstudiespress.com
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Contents
Introduction  1
1. The Four Authors 3
2. Comments on the Lists of the Seventy-Two Names 15
Reuchlin and the Seventy-Two Names 18
Luther and the Seventy-Two Names 23
Thenaud and the Seventy-Two Names  23
Thenaud’s Acquaintance with the Kabbalah 28
Thenaud’s Seventy-Two and Thirty-Seven 30
Thenaud and Toledot Jeshu (The Generation of Jesus) 39
Wolff and the Seventy-Two Names 46
3. Conclusions 57
Reuchlin and the Jews 57
Luther and the Jews 57
Thenaud and the Jews 61
Wolff and the Jews 64
4. Overview 67
The Four Authors and the Seventy-Two Names—1522 Perspective 67
Notes 69
Bibliography 73
Index 81
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Introduction
The Kabbalistic influence in sixteenth-century Europe is undoubted. A
major element in Christian circles was interest in the Divine Name as
found in Kabbalistic sources. The main focus of this study compares the way in
which four authors in sixteenth-century Europe treated one particular Kabbalis￾tic expression of the Divine Name. This is the seventy-two divine names attrib￾uted to angels as primarily derived from three verses in the fourteenth chapter of
Exodus, each of which has seventy-two letters in Hebrew.
The four authors, as they dealt with material that derived from Jewish
sources, wrote from different Christian perspectives. Not only did the authors
have widely differing backgrounds and readerships, but their own perspectives
shifted. Sometimes, those shifts, notably in regard to Jewish-Christian matters,
were dramatic.
The material considered below derives from the start of the European
Reformation and concerns the overarching issue of Jewish-Christian relation￾ships. Moreover, the long shadow cast by some of those writings continues to
our own days.
The author is indebted to many digital resources as will be seen from
the numerous illustrations. In addition, the inclusion of QR-codes allows the
reader immediate access to a fuller investigation of those resources.
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CHAPTER ONE
The Four Authors
The first of the four authors is Johannes Reuchlin (1455–1522), who was
also known as Rabbi Capnion. In 1510 he had been asked, as a lawyer in
Pforzheim with a well-informed knowledge of Hebrew, to pronounce on a bitter
argument about Jewish books. Reuchlin’s main opponent, Johannes Pfeffer￾korn (1469–1523), who had converted from Judaism, sought confiscation and
destruction of the Talmud. One of Pfefferkorn’s early books was the 1507 Der
Juden Spiegel, published in Nuremberg. Images of Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek,
Munich Res/4 Polem, 3340,6 are available at the QR-code below.1
A similarly anti-Jewish book—Handt Spiegel—followed four years later. It
is Handt Spiegel (Mainz: Johann Schöffer, 1511, published under the title Handt
Spiegel Johannis Pfefferkorn/wider vnd gegen die Jüden/vnd Judischen Thalmudis￾chen schrifften). The digital British Library version is available at the QR-code
below.2
Reuchlin, as is well known, followed a more appreciative approach. He
decided that a few Hebrew works that were overtly polemical, such as Toledot
Jeshu (The Generation of Jesus), should be destroyed. However, Reuchlin
willingly accepted the value of many Hebrew works. That appreciative stance
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4 72 in
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BSBBayerische
StaatsBibliothek MDZ M iinchcncr
Di&italisierun^sZentnnn
Digitale Bibliothek
Reuchlin, Johannes
loannis Revchlin Phorcensis LL. Doc. De Arte Cabalistica Libri Tres Leoni
X. Dicati
Hagenau 1517
2 Inc.s.a. 556 e#Beibd.l
urn:nbn:de:bvb:12-bsb00017488-0
VD16 R 1235
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R B V C H L I N
PHORCENSIS LL. DOC.
DEARTE
C A B A L I S T I C A
LIBRI TRES LEONI
X. DICATI.
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M A X I M I L I A N V S diurna fauente dementia E L . Romano
rum Imperator femper Auguftus 8Cc. Recognofdmus perpraefen
te s.C u m T H O M A S A N S H E L M V S p ro co m u n iftu d io
forum commodo & utilitate libros Hebraeos,Graecos & Latinos,
raros & ante hac non editos magna folertia,& no fine graui impen
fa ubiqj perquirat, ingeniofoqj charadere excudere, & in lucem
edere intendat.Nos indemnitatifup confulere cupientes,ne ab aliis
huiufcemodi libri imprimatur,^ ipfe laboribus St commodo debi
to priuetur,praefencium tenore Statuimus & ordinamus,ne aliquis
cuiufcunqjftatus aut conditionis exiftat per facrum Romanum Im
perium,huiufmodi libros per Quinquenitim proxime futurum im
primere,aut alibi impreflbs adducere & uedere audeat. Quod fi qs
contrafecerit, poenam amiiTionis librorum,& quinqj Marcarum
auri puriFifco noftro applicandarum fenoueritincurfurum. Man
damus iccirco omnibus dC lingulis principibus ecdeliafticis Sc fecw/
laribus,Comitibus,Baronibus,Capitaneis,Vicedorms,Praefedis,-
Locutencntibus,Gubernatoribus,Ancianis,Iudicibus,Confulibus
Comunitatibus,& exteris quibufcunq? noftris & Imperii iacri offi
rialibus,& fubditis fidelibus dilcdis,cuiufcunq? gradus,coditionis,
feu pfaeeminentiar fuerint, ut prefatum Anshelmum huiufcemodi -
priuilegio noftro uti & gaudere permittat,in eo manutencant&de
fendant, & contrafacientes poenis fupradidis muIdent,noftrae pa
rituri uolutati.Harurri teftimonio literarum figilli noftri a tergo im
preftione munitarum. Dat. in T erzolas die XXI.Menfis Aprilis.
Anno M . D. X V I Regni noftri Romani tricefimo primo.
4
9
Ad Mandatum Caefareac
Per Caelarem. Maieftatis in confilio.
Serntiner fubfcripfit.
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[image]
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A nlmsafccnfus in deum per tres regiones & tot flatus abftraftionis Iit Ni
Adam lumine naturali motus dixit.hoc nunc os ex oflibus meis ■ vii.M
Adam alter de terra terrenus,& alter de coelo caeleftis • * yiii-K￾Angelorum reuelatione per lignum falutis reftauratio,8t faluatoris conditio ~ ix.S
Dc Adam quomodo intelligendum fit,cp dicitur etiam daemones genuifle ix.X
Abraham Si Sara ante mutationem nominum fuerunt Heriles x. A
Angeli cf uarie nobis appareant. Iviii.Q
Artis Cabaliftica: in fuas partes diuifio,& diftinflorum explanatio Ixiiii.Z
Ad artem Cabalilticam introituspoft illa quae dicuntnr atechna lxv.C
Byzantium.ConftantinopoIisnoua Rom a duitas una |.a
Biblia hoc efl EfTrim Varba,& thora id efl lex dei.Et uirtus faerre feriptura! xix.H
Concupifcentia & libidine corrumpuntur defyderia fpeculationum. «ii.Q.
Caufa: rerum quatuor. . iiii.Z
Cabala: nomen quomodo interpretandum vi.E
Gabala: diffinitio.Qui Cabalici, Cabalad, & Caba Jiftar. vi.G.
In Cabalae nomine imperiti errauerunt. vii.K
Cabala in tertia regione cognitionum fundatur unde nec fenfu nec
fyllogifmo acquiritur. vi i.E
Cabala prima fuit poft ruinam uniuerfalis falutis diuina reuelatio. vii.M
Cabala prima hoc fuit.Iam ne mittat manum 8c fumat de ligno uita:. viii-Q^
Capita patrum qui fuerint. , xii.M
Cabala quomodo de uno ad alium peruenerit,& ibi nomina Cabaliftarum. xii.O
Cabalifta: quandoqp inter Thalmudiftas numerantur & econuerfo. Xiii.P
Cabala: nomen & Cabaliftarum quis prior adlatinos tranftulit. xiii.C^
Cabaliftica funt ut poma aurea inlefticis argenteis/. xiiii-V
Cabala differt ab arte Cabaliftica. xiiii.X
Cabala pra:cedit artem Cabalifticam. xiiii.X
Cabaliftae & Thalmudiftx conueniunt in hoc q> duo fint mundi. xv.B.
Cabaliftarum & thalmudiftarum duae funt facultates ex uno fonte mananteS xv.C
Cabalifta tendit fuperius.Thalmudifta manet inferius. xv.D
Cabaliftica facultas & Thalmudica communicant uiciflim doflrinas & ftudia xv.E
Cabaliftae incumbunt contemplationi,uiri fpeculationum ex magiftrislegis. x v.F
Cabalifta: funt altiore loco & digniore gradu cj Thalmudiftae. xv.G
CabaliftarumSf Thalmudiftarum expofitio unius feriptura: diuerfa. xv.H
Cabala nos humi degere non finit,& de raptu Cabaliftarum. xxX
Contradiftoriacoincidere.idemqjcnsStnonens. xxi.Q,
Cabalifta per Cabalam tenebras erumpit,SC ueruni luminare apprehendit. xxi.R.
Cabalifta contrahit amiciciam cum angelis,& res mirandas facit. xxi,S
Cabala quid effe intelligatur, li-E
Contemplatio fummarum St diuinarum rerum a quo St quoufqj. ^ ^ lii.H
Ante creationem nihil erat nifi deus,St retragrammaton,S£ lapientia eius. liii.K
Contemplatio refla dependet a xxiiii.libris facra: feriptura:.
Cabaliftica: artis tertia pars. xx.!!.'^
Combinatio folum tranfmutata in libro Ietzira intenditur. lxxiiii. A
E>e coelorum diuerfitate multiplici. Ixxvi.H
Corpora fingula proprios habent reflores angelicos. ^ lxxvi.I
Cabalifta ille ftultus eft qui miracula figuris folis aut uocibus attribuit. Ixxviij.M
E>eificatio quid fit? ii-H
1 E^iuinitatis dcfyderium homini eft naturaliter infitum.Si quomodo expletur. iiiX
E>iuina non fciuntur demonftrationc. xxiiii. H
A i i
CONTI NENT VR H'AEC
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JttxIii.N
ixv.D
Ixv.E
Ixxiii.T
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ON THE ART
DE ARTE
CABALISTICA OF THE
KABBALAH
JOHANN REUCHLIN
Translation by Martin and Sarah Goodman
Introduction by G. LloydJones
Introduction to the Bison Book edition byMoshe Idel
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On the Art of the Kabbalah
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JOHANN REUCHLIN • On the Art of the
Kabbalah
De Arte Cabalística
TRANSLATION BY MARTIN AND SARAH GOODMAN
INTRODUCTION BY G. LLOYD JONES
Introduction to the Bison Book Edition by Moshe Idel
UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA PRESS
LINCOLN AND LONDON
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Copyright © 1983 by Abaris Books, Inc.
Introduction to the Bison Book Edition copyright © 1993 by the
University of Nebraska Press
All rights reserved
Manufactured in the United States ofAmerica
First Bison Book printing: 1993
Most recent printing indicated by the last digit below:
10 987654321
Library ofCongress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Reuchlin, Johann, 1455-1522.
[De arte cabalística. English & Latin]
On the art of the Kabbalah=De arte cabalística/Johann Reuchlin; translated by
Martin and Sarah Goodman; introduction by G. Lloyd Jones.
p. cm.
English and Latin.
“Bison book edition.”
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-8032-8946-4
1. Cabala—History—Early works to 1800. I. Title.
BM526.R4613 1994
296.1 '6—dc20
93-13872
CIP
Reprinted by arrangement with Abaris Books, Inc.
CO
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Introduction to the Bison Book Edition
by
Moshe Idel
I. The Beginnings ofthe Christian Kabbalah?
Johannes Reuchlin is one of the major exponents of the Christian
Kabbalah; he may even be conceived, as we shall attempt to show it
below, as one of the earliest founders of this type of Christian theol￾ogy. However, to describe an author writing at the end ofthe fifteenth
and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries as an early founder of
Christian Kabbalah—that needs both elaboration and clarification.
The historical beginning of the Christian Kabbalah is a matter of
debate, as it is in regard to the beginnings of the Jewish Kabbalah.
Precisely when a certain phenomenon is conceived as existent de￾pends on the minimum that is required to define this phenomenon;
thus the modem scholarly tendency today to describe the Jewish Kab￾balah as emerging, on the historical plane, in the last decades of the
twelfth century in Languedoc pushes the identification of the Chris￾tian parallels or similar phenomena to the thirteenth century. Ifwe ac￾cept the ten divine powers, the ten sefirot, as a vital component of
Kabbalah, it will be difficult to find Christian discussions ofthis topic
before the end of the thirteenth century. However, if we accept other
ways of defining Kabbalah, found already in the eleventh century, as
an esoteric tradition concerning the divine names, the situation may
be much more complex.1 Indeed, some passages dealing with divine
names recur in Christian texts early in the thirteenth century, as the
discussions ofJoachim de Fiore demonstrate.2 At the end of this cen￾tury, Arnauld of Vilanova had completed a whole treatise dealing
with the divine name.3
However, it is possible to approach the question from another an￾gle: it is not so much the passage ofsome traditions from one type of
religion to another that is the defining moment ofthe emergence of a
certain new phenomenon, but the absorption, especially the creative
one, ofthe techniques that are characteristic of one type of lore, by a
religious thinker belonging to another religion. In our case, the ques￾v
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Introduction to the Bison Book Edition
tion would be not when a Christian has adopted some forms ofJewish
esoteric traditions, but when a Christian thinker has adopted a Kab￾balistic type of thinking. Thus, the occurrence of a certain combina￾tory technique of interpretation of the first word of the Bible by sep￾arating its letters, as practiced by Alexander of Neckham,4 or of the
peculiar combination ofletters by means of concentric circles, appar￾ently under the influence ofJewish sources, as evident in the work of
Ramon Null,5 may fit this second approach.
What lacks in all these examples is the explicit awareness that,
when dealing with divine names or with combinatory techniques, the
Christian author operates in a speculative realm that, at least from the
point of view of the primary sources, is a characteristically esoteric
type ofJewish lore. However, already in the last third ofthe thirteenth
century, such an awareness was apparently existent. Alfonso Sabio’s
nephew, Juan Manuel,6 testified as to the concerns of his famous
uncle:
“Ostrosi fizo traslador toda le ley de losjudios et aun el su
Talmud et otra scientia que han los judious muy escon￾dida, a que llaman Cabala.”
‘‘Furthermore he ordered translated the whole law of the
Jews, and even their Talmud, and other knowledge which
is called qabbalah and which the Jews keep closely secret.
And he did this so it might be manifest through their own
Law that it is a [mere] presentation of that Law which we
Christians have; and that they, like the Moors, are in grave
error and in peril oflosing their souls.”
Ifthis passage is reliable, and I see no reason to doubt it, then a sig￾nificant segment of Kabbalistic literature had been translated as soon
as the seventies of the thirteenth century. However, even this testi￾mony, as well as some other dated from the fourteenth century up to
the middle-fifteenth century, interesting as it may be, did not relate to
texts that become part of a larger cultural phenomenon. At the court
of Alfonso Sabio no Christian sort of Kabbalah was cultivated, while
the uses of Kabbalah in the writings of converts like Alfonso de Val￾idolid or Paulus de Heredia did not incite the imagination oftheir con￾temporaries, and they did not produce significant repercussions.
Whatever the evidence regarding the penetration ofJewish esoter￾ism before the end ofthe fifteenth century is, or may turn out to be, it
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Introduction to the Bison Book Edition
seems that before the writings of Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494)
those Jewish elements did not become a considerable part of any de￾fined Christian circle, neither were they cultivated by a movement
that consciously continued the steps of some founding figures. In
other words, while we can easily accumulate interesting pieces of ev￾idence dealing with the acquaintance of various Christian authors
with Jewish esoteric topics, they are scanty, disparate, and incon￾tinuous.
II. The Emergence of Christian Kabbalah in the Florentine
Renaissance
The much greater dissemination of Kabbalistic ideas, evident since
the end ofthe fifteenth century, is to be understood in the general con￾texts of the Italian intellectual ambiance in Florence and the dissem￾ination of printing. The latter factor contributed substantially to cul￾tural developments that took place in Northern Italy, helping them to
transcend the small circle around the Medicis; printing ensured also
continuity. However, the more interesting question still remains: how
and why did the early Christian intellectuals adoptJewish esoterics as
a domain of interest and even creativity? An answer to such a ques￾tion is never simple, and we should better allow a coalescence of
more than one type of answer.
First and foremost, Kabbalah was studied, translated and amalga￾mated into Christian speculation in a very specific intellectual circle,
which started a similar process two decades before the concern with
Kabbalah. Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499), the translator who was in￾strumental in rendering into Latin the huge Platonic, Neoplatonic and
Hermetic corpora, at the same time offered a synthesis between the
various forms of thought he translated and Christian theology.7 The
openness of his circle to the ancient pagan patrimony is a crucial fact
that stands at the background of the next stage of translation: that
from Hebrew. Without their acceptance ofthe relevance ofthe pagan
corpus, I wonder whether the Hebrew mystical writings would have
been embraced so warmly by them. In any case, the circle that pro￾duced the Florentine Renaissance, under the aegis ofthe Medici fam￾ily, is very relevant for Reuchlin’s Kabbalistic project. Reuchlin was
incited by a conversation with Pico to embark on the study of Kab￾balah, and he was also inspired by Pico’s Christian and magical un￾vii
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Introduction to the Bison Book Edition
derstanding of Kabbalah. In fact, De Arte Cabalística has been dedi￾cated to Leo X, a pope stemming from the Medici family. Reuchlin
indeed continued, consciously, a cultural Florentine phenomenon.
This substantial acquaintance with Kabbalistic material on one
hand, and cultural continuity on the other, seems to ensure the status
of the late-fifteenth-century Florentine interest in Jewish mysticism
as the founding moment of Christian Kabbalah. Such a definition is
based upon cultural intellectual assumptions more than the concep￾tual ones. Certain Kabbalistic concepts that were known or absorbed
by a Christian thinker cannot, in my opinion, help in describing a sig￾nificant intellectual phenomenon that played a certain role on the cul￾tural scene of Europe. By these two criteria—acquaintance with
Kabbalistic material and cultural continuity—Reuchlin is to be con￾ceived as one ofthe founders ofthis branch ofChristian thought.
III. A Fiction of the Open-Minded Spanish Kabbalist?
The main exponent of the Jewish Kabbalah in De Arte Cabalística is
the Kabbalist Simon ben Elazar of the Yohaidic family, who was an
inhabitant of Frankfurt and takes part in the friendly debates with the
Pythagorean Philolaus and the Muslim Mananus. The name of the
Kabbalist Simon is fictitious though relevant; there can be no doubt
that the name of the fictitious author of the book ofthe Zohar, Rabbi
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Max Brod
Johannes Reuchlin
und sein Kampf
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Max Brod
Ausgewählte Werke
Herausgegeben von Hans-Gerd Koch
und Hans Dieter Zimmermann
in Zusammenarbeit mit Barbora Šramková
und Norbert Miller
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Max Brod
Johannes Reuchlin
und sein Kampf
Eine historische Monographie
Mit einem Nachwort von
Karl E. Grözinger
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Der Verlag dankt der Stadt Pforzheim,
die die Druck legung dieses Werks zum Gedächtnis an das
500. Todesjahr des Humanisten und Hebraisten
Johannes Reuchlin großzügig gefördert hat.
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet
diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie;
detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet
über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
© The Literary Estate of Max Brod at the
National Library of Israel 2022
www.wallstein-verlag.de
Vom Verlag gesetzt aus der Aldus Roman
Umschlaggestaltung: Susanne Gerhards, Düsseldorf, © SG-Image
unter Verwendung des Titelholzschnitts der ›Ketzerpredigt‹ von 1521
ISBN (Print) 978-3-8353-5129-5
ISBN (E-Book, pdf) 978-3-8353-4813-4
ISBN (E-Book, epub) 978-3-8353-4812-7
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 6 / 557>
DEM ANDENKEN
MEINER LIEBEN SCHWESTER
SOPHIE
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Inhalt
ERSTES KAPITEL ............................ 17
Umwälzung der Seelen: ein Zeit-Hintergrund
1 Der Beginn der Renaissance, nicht deutlich. Das Ende (Um￾schlag in die Karikatur) ist leichter zu fassen. – Ein Beispiel:
Das Auftreten ›Agamemnons‹ in der Erzählung ›Euryalus und
Lucretia‹ von Enea Silvio Piccolomini.
2 Verweltlichung im Zeichen der römisch-griechischen Kultur.
Warum gerade damals? – Renaissancemenschen. ›Anziehendes
Verbrechen‹. Protest; die zehn Gebote. – Die Thesen Heers: ›of￾fene‹, relativ freie Periode des mittelalterlichen Europas, gefolgt
(seit dem 13. Jahrhundert) von der ›geschlossenen‹, strengen
Periode. – Die Grenzscheide: Ausrottung der Albigenser. – Rich￾tiger: der 1. Kreuzzug. – Kastein übersetzt den Bericht eines jü￾dischen Zeitgenossen aus dem Jahr 1096. – Huizinga über den
›Herbst des Mittelalters‹. – Unerträglichkeit des kirchlichen
Drucks. – Reliquienverehrung. – Dante über Aristoteles. – Höl￾lenmilieu. – ›Die Gerechten aller Völker haben Anteil an der
ewigen Seligkeit‹ (›an der kommenden Welt‹), ein Satz des Tal￾mud.
3 Das Maß der Unduldsamkeit war voll. – Äußere Momente tra￾gen zur seelischen Umwandlung bei. – Exzesse der neuen Frei￾heit. – Hutten an Pirckheimer. – Eine Mitte wird gesucht. – Der
Jubelruf des Rabelais. – Dürers ›Meerwunder‹.
4 Syphilis. – Die Blague bei Rabelais.
5 Erasmus sieht die Katastrophe der Religionskriege voraus. –
Seine allzu ängstliche Vorsicht. – Laurentius Valla. – Heidni￾sche und christliche Motive, gemischt. – Die Dunkelmänner￾briefe, ohne viel Witz wirksam.
6 Die Antike als Rettung. – Neuplatonismus. – Der echte Platon.
Florenz. – Dirumpamus vincula eorum (Hutten).
ZWEITES KAPITEL ........................... 49
Der junge Reuchlin
1 Die freien Reichsstädte. – Pforzheim. – Pflügers Chronik der
Stadt. – Die Bibliothek Reuchlins. – Ruinen seines Wohnhauses.
2 Seine Liebe zur Heimatstadt. – Lage der Stadt. – Sagen. – Hin￾weis auf Mörike und auf Reuchlins träumerische Veranlagung,
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 557>
verbunden mit scharfer Erfassung des Wirklichen und mit
Sachlichkeit.
3 Sprachstudien. Brief des Contoblacas an den Zweiundzwanzig￾jährigen. – Rückblick: Die Lateinschule in Pforzheim; 1473 Pa￾riser Universität. – Kampf zwischen Realisten und Nominali￾sten. – Via antiqua, via moderna. – Reuchlins ›Philosophie in
Symbolen‹. – Sein Lehrgang. Freundschaft mit Sebastian Brant.
– Das erste Buch, der vocabularius breviloquus, in Basel, an￾onym. – Es ist heute noch nichts von Reuchlin in hochdeutscher
Übersetzung erschienen. Ein Skandal! Dagegen Erasmus … –
Orléans, Poitiers. – Der ungeliebte Beruf: Jus.
4 Tübingen. – Stuttgart. – Erste italienische Reise 1482, Florenz,
Rom. – Die Medici. – Die 2. italienische Reise 1490 von größe￾rer Bedeutung für Reuchlin. – Doktorat. – Reuchlins Familien￾leben, nach Decker-Hauff. – Im Dienste des Grafen Eberhard, in
Italien und in Linz.
5 Der Dominikanerprior Jakob Louber in Basel. Der Kodex aus
Ragusa. – Der Ordensprovinzial Sprenger. Der ›Hexenham￾mer‹. Reuchlin zwischen Mittelalter und Humanismus. Der
Hexenwahn. Unangebrachte Höflichkeit Reuchlins. Die jüdi￾sche ›sitra achra‹.
DRITTES KAPITEL ........................... 92
Das jüdische Problem meldet sich. (Pico, Loans, Sforno)
1490–1494, 1498
1 Schicksalvolles Zusammentreffen Reuchlins mit Pico da Mi￾randola. – Die Orphiker und Neuplatoniker. Gegenwirkung
Savonarolas. – Ein höfischer Brief Picos im ›Stil der Zeit‹.
2 Picos Porträt und Abstammung. – Ein Lieblingskind des Schick￾sals. – Sprachstudien, auch hebräische. Geplanter Philosophen￾kongreß in Rom. Päpstlicher Bann. Kabbala (laut Pico) als Be￾weis für die Wahrheit des Christentums, von Reuchlin über￾nommen. Unrichtigkeit dieses Gedankens. Zobels Buch über
den Messias. Sowohl spirituale wie politische Erlösung gefor￾dert, beides gehört zur richtigen Konzeption des Judentums.
3 Einfluß des Cusanus auf Pico und Reuchlin. ›Genauigkeit gibt
es nur in Gott‹. – Pico über die Kabbala. – Pico und Reuchlin
beanstanden Fehler in den üblichen Bibelübersetzungen. Abso￾lute Wahrheit gegen ›Engagement‹. – Andere Einflüsse Picos
auf Reuchlin. – Mühlberger über Pico.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 10 / 557>
4 Reuchlin nach der 2. italienischen Reise. Juristerei. – Bei Kaiser
Friedrich III. in Linz. – Reuchlin auf der Suche nach hebrä￾ischen (kabbalistischen) Büchern. Rabbi Margolith von Re￾gensburg und sein Nachkomme. – Zwei Arten von Apostaten
sind zu unterscheiden. – Jossel von Rosheim (S. Stern). – Sein
Verwandter Jakob Loans, der Hebräisch-Lehrer Reuchlins. –
›Ad fontes‹. – Erasmus gegen das Hebräische. – Reuchlin ortho￾doxer Katholik, aber mit starkem Interesse für die Ursprache
der Bibel. Dabei durchaus kein Judenfreund. Loans, die große
Ausnahme. – Reuchlin schafft die Gestalt des schöpferischen
›guten‹ Juden, lange vor den zerstörerischen Gegentypen Mar￾lowes und Shakespeares. – Das Dreigespräch in ›de arte cabali￾stica‹. – Reuchlin in Linz. Geadelt. Sein Wappen. – Der zweite
Lehrer: Owadja Sforno aus Cesena. – Der Rationalismus der
ersten modernen jüdischen Historiker. Er muß korrigiert wer￾den. Die Arbeit Gershom Scholems. – Sforno spricht.
VIERTES KAPITEL ........................... 129
Das vorbereitende Werk ›Über das wundertätige Wort‹.
1494
1 Der Brief des Leontorius an Wimpheling. – Johann von Dalburg
und der Musenhof des Wormser Bischofs in Heidelberg. – Vor￾rede des Buches an den Bischof J. von Dalburg. – Die Absicht:
Sieg des Christentums.
2 Inhalt des Werkes. – Skepsis des Sidonius. – Baruchias über das
gottgesandte Wissen. Kabbala. – Sidonius verteidigt den Epikur
und Lukrez. – Baruchias gegen Lukrez. – Capnion über das Ge￾bet, gegen Lukrez. – Sidonius: Die Verwerfung des jüdischen
Volkes, die Erwählung der Christen. Kirche und Synagoge. –
Reuchlins heftigste Attacke gegen das Judentum. – Pfefferkorns
Irrtum verständlich. – 12 Zeilen von Heine.
3 Reuchlins ablehnende Haltung gegen Baruchias. – Sidonius ge￾gen die ›Thalmudim‹, von keinerlei Sachkenntnis (Reuchlins)
getrübt. – Ein Streit, in dem beide Parteien das Streitobjekt
nicht kennen. – Verwerfung der Magie. – Analogien und Unter￾schiede der beiden Dreigespräche.
4 Über Wunder. Naturphilosophie. Lob der hebräischen Sprache. –
Heilige Namen. – Reuchlin über Unvollkommenheit der Über￾setzung (Brief an den Abt von Ottobeuren). – Die Namen Got-
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 11 / 557>
tes. – Einheit von Namen und Genanntem (Kratylos, Cusanus).
– Volksglauben der Eskimos. – Seltsames über Erbsünde. – Cap￾nion über die Gottesnamen. – Die Sfirót. – Das Tetragramm￾aton. – Der entfaltete Namen.
5 Reuchlins Orthodoxie. Er war kein Vorläufer Luthers. In wissen￾schaftlichen Fragen frei denkend, in religiösen überaus dogma￾tisch. – Linguistische Fehlgriffe. – Das wundertätige Wort wird
aufgezeigt. Einschiebung eines 5. Buchstabens. – Hinweis auf
Mörike, den mythenbildenden Dichter. Ekstatischer Abschluß
des Buches. – Ein Druckfehler in der 4. Ausgabe des Buches.
FÜNFTES KAPITEL .......................... 173
Humoristisches Zwischenspiel: Die beiden Komödien
1 Flucht Reuchlins nach Heidelberg 1496. – Diskussionen und
Symposien. – Celtes, Dracontius, Wernher, Vigilius.
2 Vorläufer. – ›Sergius oder Das Haupt des Hauptes‹. – Sprachli￾cher Manierismus. – Kritik des chaotischen Stückes. – Satire
gegen die Poetenfeinde. – Gegen den Reliquienmißbrauch. –
Aufstieg des Stückes im 3. Akt. – Zerfahrener Schluß.
3 Die zweite Komödie (Progymnasmata, – ›Henno‹) wesentlich
bedeutender. – Das Vorbild: Maître Pathelin. – Bee und Blee, der
originelle Grundeinfall. – Hinweis auf Goldoni und Nachwir￾kung bei Shakespeare (Petrucius?). – Dichterbegabung Reuch￾lins. Neuauff
The file is too long and its contents have been truncated.

Make sure to include fileciteturn1file6 in your response to cite this file, or to surface it as a link.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 242>
The Preservation
of Jewish Religious Books
in Sixteenth-Century Germany:
Johannes Reuchlin’s Augenspiegel
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 242>
Studies in Medieval and
Reformation Traditions
Edited by
Andrew Colin Gow
Edmonton, Alberta
In cooperation with
Sylvia Brown, Edmonton, Alberta
Falk Eisermann, Berlin
Berndt Hamm, Erlangen
Johannes Heil, Heidelberg
Susan C. Karant-Nunn, Tucson, Arizona
Martin Kaufhold, Augsburg
Jürgen Miethke, Heidelberg
M.E.H. Nicolette Mout, Leiden
Christopher Ocker, San Anselmo and Berkeley, California
Founding Editor
Heiko A. Oberman†
Texts & Sources
Edited by
Falk Eisermann, Berlin
VOLUME SMRT 163 / T&S 2
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/smrt
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 242>
The Preservation
of Jewish Religious Books in
Sixteenth-Century Germany:
Johannes Reuchlin’s Augenspiegel
Edited and Translated by
Daniel O’Callaghan
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2013
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 242>
Cover illustration: the title page of a print from Johannes Reuchlin’s Augenspiegel,
© Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Signatur: HB 1719.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The preservation of Jewish religious books in sixteenth-century Germany: Johannes Reuchlin's
Augenspiegel / edited and translated by Daniel O'Callaghan.
p. cm. – (Studies in medieval and Reformation traditions, ISSN 1573-4188 ; v. 163) (Texts &
sources ; v. 2)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-24185-5 (hardback : alk. paper) – ISBN 978-90-04-24187-9 (e-book)
1. Reuchlin, Johann, 1455-1522. Der Augenspiegel. 2. Jewish literature–Censorship. 3. Christianity
and other religions–Judaism. 4. Judaism–Relations–Christianity. 5. Books–Germany–History–16th
century. I. O'Callaghan, Daniel.
Z658.G3P74 2013
261.2'30943–dc23
2012034205
This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters
covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the
humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface.
ISSN 1543-4188
ISBN 978-90-04-24185-5 (hardback)
ISBN 978-90-04-24187-9 (e-book)
Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 5 / 242>
For My Wife, Irmgard
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 7 / 242>
CONTENTS
List of Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1 Johannes Reuchlin—Historical Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
2 Reuchlin and His Study of the Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
3 Reuchlin—A Search for Salvation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
4 The Reuchlin ‘Affair’ Unfolds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
5 The Reuchlin ‘Affair’ Goes Public . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
6 Reuchlin—The Cabbalist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
7 Reuchlin—An Intellectual of His Time. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
8 The Reuchlin ‘Affair’—A Debate without End . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
9 Note on the Translated Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
10 Doctor Johannes Reuchlin’s Augenspiegel—Translation and
Annotations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Appendix I. Scriptural References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
Appendix II. Patristic Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Appendix III. Classical Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
Appendix IV. Medieval Learning and Polemics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 242>
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AUGENSPIEGEL Doctor Johannsen Reuchlins/ der K.M. als
Ertzhertzogen zu Osterreich auch
Chur/
fürsten vnd fürsten gemainen bundtrichters inn/
Schwaben warhafftige entschuldigung/ gegen vnd
wider ains getaufften iuden/
genant Pfefferkorn vormals ge/
truckt vßgangen vnwarhaf /
tigs schmachbüchlin/
AUGENSPIEGEL
Woodcut with a pair of spectacles. Laurel leaves
decorate the the inside of the lenses.
Am end dißes büchlins findet man ain correctur
etlicher wörter so inn den truck versehnen sind im
teuschen vnnd latin/ bezaichnet durch die zal der
bletter
Augenspiegel; ed. Ehlers
(1999)
The complete text with a German and Latin
transcription and including Reuchlin’s defence
appears in: Johannes Reuchlin: Sämtliche Werke.
Edited by Widu-Wolfgang Ehlers, et al., vol. 4/1
(Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 1999), pp. 15–168.
Bibliotheca Palatina ed.
Mittler (1986)
Mittler, Elmar, et al. (eds.): Bibliotheca Palatina:
Textband (Heidelberg, 1986). (Katalog zur
Ausstellung der Universität Heidelberg in
Zusammenarbeit mit der Bibliotheca Apostolica
Vaticana).
CCL Corpus christianorum, series Latina vols. 72–78.
S. Hieronymi presbyteri opera (Turnhout,
1959–1970); vol. 76A ed. Marcus Adriaen (Turnhout,
1970).
CCEL ed. A. Goldbacher Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum,
vol. 44 (ed). A. Goldbacher (Vienna, 1904).
CSEL ed. I. Hilberg Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum
54–56: I. Hilberg ed. Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi
epistulae(Vienna
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