Hermetica II Overview

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What do we learn about hermeticism from these additional texts? Give me an overview of the contents, contexts, and contributions of each of the texts and fragments studied here with notes on what they add to the study of hermeticism that can't be found in the Copenhaver volume

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HERMETICA II
This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
Renaissance.
.   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
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HERMETICA II
The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
Introductions
M. DAVID LITWA
Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
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For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
שבת שלום
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Contents
Preface page xi
Abbreviations xii
General Introduction 
A Note on This Translation 
Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
  ( –) 
  ( –) 
  ( –) 
     ( –) 
 Tertullian 
 Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
– Lactantius 
– Iamblichus 
– Zosimus 
 Ephrem the Syrian 
– Cyril of Alexandria 
Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
vii
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 Marcellus of Ancyra 
 John Lydus 
 Gregory of Nazianzus 
 Didymus of Alexandria 
 Gaius Iulius Romanus 
 Augustine 
 Quodvultdeus 
 Michael Psellus 
 Albert the Great 
 Nicholas of Cusa 
   
 ( –) 
 Artapanus 
 Cicero 
 Manilius 
 Thrasyllus 
 Dorotheus of Sidon 
 Philo of Byblos 
 Athenagoras 
 Virtues of Plants 
 Refutation of All Heresies 
 Pseudo-Manetho 
 Arnobius 
 Iamblichus 
 Marius Victorinus 
 The Emperor Julian 
viii Contents
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 Ammianus Marcellinus 
 Greek Magical Papyri 
 Filastrius 
 First Prologue to the Cyranides 
 Augustine 
 Hermias 
 Cyril of Alexandria 
 John of Antioch 
 Isidore of Seville 
 John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
 Al-Kindī 
 Abū Ma‘shar 
 Ibn an-Nadīm 
 Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
 Michael Psellus 
 Emerald Tablet 
 Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
of Nature 
 Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
 Book of Alcidus 
 Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
 Book of the Beibenian Stars 
 Albert the Great 
 Picatrix 
 Nicholas of Cusa 
Bibliography 
Index 
Contents ix
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Preface
Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
texts originally written in Arabic.
The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
xi
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Abbreviations
ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
der römischen Welt
Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
Teubneriana
CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
–
CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
CH Corpus Hermeticum
CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
 vols., 
Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
Hermeticum, 
DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
Esotericism, .
DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
edition
Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
 vols., –
F Codex Farnesius
FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
Theophrastus of Eresus, 
HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
 vols., 
MSS Manuscripts
Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
xii
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NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
–
NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
et fragmenta, 
OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
–
P Codex Parisinus gr. 
PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
–
Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
nd edn., –
SC Sources Chrétiennes
Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
 vols., –
SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
TH Hermetic Testimonies
VC Vigiliae Christianae
VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
Abbreviations xiii
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General Introduction
There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
 The first is
the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
 anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
Vienna and Oxford.
The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
 Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
–; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
–; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
(Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
ibid., –.

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It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
Hermes-Thoth
Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
thread at significant points of reception.
Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
(“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
“ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
 Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
 General Introduction
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doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
 volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
“the gods in the heavens.”
 Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
ascribed to Hermes.
The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
“hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
“winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
 The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
“The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
(Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
nn.–.
General Introduction 
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helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
was similar?
There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
halls of Hades.
Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
 Thoth is also the god
who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
 The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
(Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
(London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
 General Introduction
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divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”

In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
(Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
“Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
(– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
 Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
 These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
–. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
–). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
(= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
. (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
General Introduction 
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to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
 In the
early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
 This tradition of
philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
greatest god, great Hermes!”
 In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
 Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
–.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
Hermes Trismegistus: Hermeticism from Ancient to Modern Times, trans. David Lorton [Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, ], ).  Erik Hornung, Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the Many, trans. John Baines
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, ), –. Greek usage is analogous. Plutarch
comments that, “We customarily express ‘many times’ also by ‘three times,’ just as we say ‘thrice
blessed’” (Isis and Osiris  [Moralia c]).  Mahé, HHE,  (μέγιστος καὶ μέγιστος θεὸς μέγας Ἑ ρμῆς). The text is printed in J. D. Ray, Archive
of Hor (London: Egypt Exploration Society, ), , –; Maria Totti, Ausgewählte Texte der
Isis- und Sarapis-Religion (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, ), –. Alternatively, we could
translate: “the greatest and greatest, the great god Hermes.” The exact epithet to which the
Greek translation corresponds remains unclear because of the great variation of Thoth’s epithets.
These variations are summarily listed by Jan Quaegebeur, “Thot-Hermès, le dieu le plus grand!” in
Hartwig Altenmüller, ed., Hommages à François Daumas,  vols. (Montpellier: University of
Montpellier, ), .– at –. See further Jacques Parlebas, “L’origine égyptienne de
l’appellation ‘Hermès Trismégiste,’”Göttinger Miszellen  (): – with the correctives of
Maria-Theresia and Philippe Derchain, “Noch einmal Hermes Trismegistos,”Göttinger Miszellen 
(): –; and Bull, “Tradition of Hermes,” –.
 General Introduction
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distributive sense as well: Thoth is great on every occasion, at all times, in
every respect.
The earliest that Hermes attains the actual epithet “Thrice Great,” it
seems, is with Thrasyllus of Alexandria, famous astrologer of the emperor
Tiberius (reigned – ). In Greek, threeness evokes the notion of
perfection and pluri-potentiality. Hermes is the greatest god, and his
manifold powers were available in multiple ways. In this respect, Martial’s
playful line about the gladiator called Hermes ironically sums up the
essence of the Greco-Egyptian god: “Hermes – all things in one and thrice
unique!”

As the god of human sciences, both esoteric and empirical, Hermes
Thrice Great remained a fundamentally Egyptian deity. The Greek
Hermes was never really a scholar or patron of scholars until Late
Antiquity. Though “an interpreter, a messenger, a thief and a deceiver
in words,” the Greek Hermes was never a scribe. Yet writing and the
scribal wisdom it represents were associated with Thoth centuries before
the Homeric Hermes.
The Egyptian character of the Thrice Great is highlighted in the Greek
Magical Papyri (PGM). These papyri are priceless testimonies of Egyptian
domestic religion from the first to the fourth centuries . In a hymn
recorded in PGM .–, Hermes is called, “Ruler of the world,” the
“circle of Moon,” the “founder of the words of speech, pleader of Justice’s
cause ... eye of the Sun ... founder of full-voiced speech,” sender of
oracles, universal healer, and the one “who brings full mental powers.” In a
slightly longer version of the hymn, Hermes is called lord of the elements,
helmsman of the world, and the world’s very order. The creative role of
Hermes is further underscored in PGM .–, where he is, “the one
who [made] the four quarters of the heaven and the four foundations of
the earth.” According to PGM .–, Thoth, much like the Hebrew
god, “brings existence out of the nonexistent, and nonexistence from
 Quaegebeur, “Thot-Hermès,” in Altenmüller, ed., Hommages à François Daumas, .. See also
H. S. Versnel, Ter Unus: Isis, Dionysus, and Hermes: Three Studies in Henotheism (Leiden: Brill,
), –.  Thrasyllus (ὁ λεγόμενος Τρισμέγιστος Ἑ ρμῆς). The fragment comes from Thrasyllus’s Pinax (or
Tablet) for Hieroclea (= TH ). Later attestations of the “Thrice Great” title occur in the early to mid
second century with Philo of Byblos from Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel .. (= TH ); and
Athenagoras, Embassy . (= TH ). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, , , –; Löw,
Hermes, –; Bull, “Tradition of Hermes,” –.  Martial, Epigrams .. (Hermes omnia solus et ter unus). Compare CH .: the Father of the
universe is “the all who is one and the one who is all.” See further Versnel, Ter Unus, –; Löw,
Hermes, –.  Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –.  PGM b.–; compare PGM .–.
General Introduction 
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existent things ... the true sight of whose face none of the gods can endure
to see.” As universal creator, Hermes is also the universal knower of “the
things hidden beneath heaven and earth.”

Greek philosophers tapped into the wisdom of Hermes by – according
to legend at least – visiting Egypt and sitting at the feet of Hermes’s heirs:
Egyptian priests. These priests were naturally reluctant to share their sacred
wisdom, but their visitors proved persistent. According to tradition, all
the greatest philosophers – among them Pythagoras, Solon, Eudoxus,
Plato, and Democritus, among many others – came to “study abroad” in
Egypt. Even if one grants the historicity of these sojourns, one reason￾ably doubts that all these Greeks learned the specific wisdom later associ￾ated with the Thrice Great. Yet if all Egyptian wisdom ultimately derives
from Thoth, then Greece’s finest sages could later be viewed as the god’s
disciples. Only on occasion, however, is the connection between the
philosophers and Hermes himself made explicit. According to Tertullian,
Plato was especially intimate with the Egyptian Hermes. Iamblichus
affirms that Pythagoras and Plato, during their visits to Egypt, carefully
studied the stelae (inscribed pillars) of Hermes with the help of native
priests.
By Late Antiquity, Hermes the Egyptian was viewed as the supreme
philosopher, or rather the one who stood at the head of the Greek
philosophical tradition. Hermes was not a historical author, but he did
possess an important “author function.”
 His name guaranteed the
antiquity and validity of a host of Greco-Egyptian writings that addressed
important scientific and philosophical topics of the time.
 PGM .–.  See especially the case of Thessalus, discussed by Festugière, Mystique, –; Jonathan Z. Smith,
“The Temple and the Magician,” in Map is Not Territory: Studies in the History of Religions
(Chicago: Chicago University Press, ),
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【0†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] "25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C
[L2]  %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 184 / 272>C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L3]
[L4]
[L5]
[L6] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C
[L7]  %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 185 / 272>Vienna Hermetica (VH –)
[L8] Introduction
[L9] The Vienna Hermetica consist of four fragments on the backside of two
[L10] papyri housed in Vienna (P. Graec. Vindob.  recto and  recto).
[L11] They belong to a single roll papyrologically dated to the end of the second
[L12] or the beginning of the third century . The fragments attest a Hermetic
[L13] collection of at least ten tractates, the ninth called “On Energies.” They
[L14] were initially published by H. Oellacher in .
[L15]  In , Jean-Pierre
[L16] Mahé published an improved text with commentary.
[L17] On the front side of the papyri are fragments of the Jewish romance
[L18] called Jannes and Jambres. These two characters are magicians said to have
[L19] opposed Moses in Egypt. The Jewish text on the front of the papyrus and
[L20] the Hermetic text on the back may represent two different stages in the use
[L21] of the papyrus. Usually, the back of the papyrus was inscribed first. If the
[L22] writing on the back became effaced or the owner of the roll wanted to copy
[L23] out another text, the front of the papyrus was sometimes used. If so, the
[L24] Hermetic text on the back was the first text inscribed on the papyrus. Not
[L25] long afterward, it seems, the other side was used to copy out the Jewish
[L26] romance.
[L27] Possibly the owner of the papyrus desired both these texts for his or her
[L28] library. The owner was not necessarily Jewish, but apparently someone
[L29] interested in both (para-)biblical texts and Egyptian wisdom.

【1†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] :(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 190 / 272>and Festugière ended their edition with FH  (John Lydus). This
[L2] translation includes fragments from additional authors such as Gregory
[L3] of Nazianzus, Didymus of Alexandria, Gaius Iulius Romanus, Augustine,
[L4] Quodvultdeus, Albert the Great, and Nicholas of Cusa.
[L5] There are no overarching themes that unite all the Hermetic fragments
[L6] here translated. Their contents are dictated by the interests of those who
[L7] quoted them. Frequently those interests also dictated the phrasing – or
[L8] paraphrasing – of a particular quote. In some cases, modification of
[L9] Hermetic ideas occurred either by contamination with other systems of
[L10] thought or by forced interpretations. These kinds of modifications are
[L11] prevalent among Christian authors who were, it seems, the most avid, if
[L12] not the most careful, readers of the Hermetica in Late Antiquity. Of the
[L13] forty-five fragments printed below, thirty-nine derive from Christian
[L14] authors. The most frequent citers of Hermetica are Lactantius and Cyril,
[L15] from whom twenty-six (thirteen each) of the fragments derive. The
[L16] fragments are ordered by the date of the author who cites them, beginning
[L17] with Tertullian in the early third century  and ending with Nicholas of
[L18] Cusa in the mid fifteenth.
[L19]  Hermetic Fragments from Various Authors (FH 1–45)
[L20] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L21]
[L22]
[L23]
[L24] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 191 / 272>Tertullian
[L25] Introduction
[L26] Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus – widely known as Tertullian –
[L27] lived from approximately  to  . He converted to Christianity
[L28] around  and became one of the first Christian theologians in the Latin
[L29] west. His home was Carthage in North Africa where he received rhetorical
[L30] and philosophical training. Later in life, Tertullian joined a rigorist renewal
[L31] movement in Christianity known today as “Montanism.” He is the first
[L32] Latin writer to mention Hermes Thrice Great, and he provides the earliest
[L33] reception of the Hermetic tradition in Latin.
[L34] Tertullian wrote thirty-one surviving treatises, but he mentions Hermes
[L35] in only two.

【2†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1]  SH .: “Nature, serving as midwife, brings to birth what is in the womb into the outside air
[L2] according to fixed measurements (of time)”; SH .: “nor can it [the body] attain bodily structure
[L3] apart from harmony.”  The creation of the human is related to the creation of the cosmos. They both instantiate the same
[L4] principle.  Compare CH .: “consciousness differs from the activity of consciousness as much as God differs
[L5] from divinity (νοήσεως ὁ νοῦς διαφέρει τοσοῦτον ὅσον ὁ θεὸς θειότητος).” The meaning of νόημα
[L6] here in OH . and in SH . seems equivalent to νόησις (“thinking,” “the activity of
[L7] consciousness”). On God as the basis of deification, compare Ref. ..: “after you become a
[L8] good imitator of the Good, you will be honored by him as one like him. God is not poor; for his
[L9] glory, he makes you also a god!”
[L10] OH  
[L11] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L12]
[L13]
[L14]
[L15] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C
[L16]  %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 184 / 272>C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L17]
[L18]
[L19]
[L20] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C
[L21]  %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 185 / 272>Vienna Hermetica (VH –)
[L22] Introduction
[L23] The Vienna Hermetica consist of four fragments on the backside of two
[L24] papyri housed in Vienna (P. Graec. Vindob.

【3†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] Kendall and Wallis). On planetary influences, see
[L2] further Tamsyn Barton, Ancient Astrology (London: Routledge, ), –; Roger Beck, A Brief
[L3] History of Ancient Astrology (Malden: Blackwell, ), –.
[L4] SH  
[L5] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L6]
[L7]
[L8] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L9] 1#) 3D,
[L10] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 174 / 272>D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L11]
[L12]
[L13] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L14] 1#) 3D,
[L15] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 175 / 272>Oxford Hermetica (OH –)
[L16] Introduction
[L17] In , J. Paramelle and Jean-Pierre Mahé published Hermetic fragments
[L18] from a manuscript housed in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. The
[L19] manuscript, called codex Clarkianus gr. , is dated to the thirteenth or
[L20] fourteenth century. The Hermetic excerpts are located on pages – of
[L21] the manuscript. They are preceded by a thirty-seven-page anonymous
[L22] anthology containing quotations from classical but mostly Christian
[L23] (patristic) authors. They are followed by two exegetical scholia on Exodus
[L24] : (“punishing children for the iniquity of parents, to the third and the
[L25] fourth generation”) and Genesis :– (the dimensions of Noah’s ark).

【4†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] , is dated to the thirteenth or
[L2] fourteenth century. The Hermetic excerpts are located on pages – of
[L3] the manuscript. They are preceded by a thirty-seven-page anonymous
[L4] anthology containing quotations from classical but mostly Christian
[L5] (patristic) authors. They are followed by two exegetical scholia on Exodus
[L6] : (“punishing children for the iniquity of parents, to the third and the
[L7] fourth generation”) and Genesis :– (the dimensions of Noah’s ark).
[L8] On pages – of the codex there are fragments of CH .–, , , ,
[L9] , , , , ;.;. and . On pages – there are excerpts of
[L10] the Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius that correspond to DH
[L11] .;.;.–;.–;., ;.–, .
[L12]  On page  there is a line from
[L13] CH . (“fire, water, and earth depend on a single root”). Finally, on
[L14] pages – there are Hermetic fragments previously unknown. These
[L15] fragments, called here the “Oxford Hermetica” (OH) are translated below.
[L16] The Oxford Hermetica deal with diverse topics: the soul, the senses,
[L17] law, psychology, and embryology. They do not seem to have originally
[L18] been part of the same Hermetic collection. Instead, the excerpts were
[L19] anthologized by an unknown author at an unknown time. In terms of
[L20] content, the OH fragments resemble SH , –, and especially –,
[L21] which are addressed to Ammon.
[L22] Festugière detected in SH ,  (for him the continuation of ), and
[L23]  the influence of the pneumatic medical school, and specifically the
[L24]  Joseph Paramelle and Jean-Pierre Mahé, “Extraits hermétiques inédits dans un manuscrit d’Oxford,”
[L25] Revue des Études Grecques  (): –. The translation of OH below is based on their text.  For these excerpts, see J. Paramelle and J.-P.
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What Hermetica II adds to the study of Hermeticism is not simply “more texts,” but a different map of the tradition: one that shows how Hermetic teaching circulated in anthologies, papyri, school notebooks, Christian polemic, late–antique philosophy, Arabic science, and medieval speculation. Read alongside Copenhaver’s Corpus Hermeticum and Asclepius, these materials change both the scale and the texture of what we mean by “Hermeticism.”

Where Copenhaver gives us a relatively coherent philosophical-theological corpus, Hermetica II exposes a much messier, more socially embedded, and historically mobile body of literature.


1. The Stobaean Hermetica (SH 1–29)

Context


These texts survive only because they were excerpted by John Stobaeus, a fifth-century CE anthologist compiling a massive florilegium for his son. Stobaeus was not interested in preserving Hermeticism as a tradition; he mined it for morally and philosophically useful material.

This means the Hermetic writings here appear as school texts, circulating alongside Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, and the tragedians.

Contents


The Stobaean excerpts include:
  • Cosmogonies and anthropogonies

  • The doctrine of divine Nous and human intellect

  • The role of Fate (Heimarmene) and Providence

  • The structure of the cosmos and planetary powers

  • The nature of soul, embodiment, and ascent

  • The famous Korē Kosmou (“The Daughter of the Cosmos”), a long mythic-philosophical narrative about the animation of the world and the fall of souls into bodies


The Korē Kosmou alone is longer than most individual treatises in the Corpus Hermeticum and represents a full mythic cosmology rather than a short dialogue or sermon.

Contributions beyond Copenhaver

Copenhaver’s volume presents Hermeticism mainly as a set of philosophical dialogues oriented around salvation through knowledge. The Stobaean texts show something broader:

Hermeticism as a cosmological science.

Here Hermes is not merely a revealer of divine knowledge but a teacher of:

  • cosmic mechanics

  • astral causation

  • biological generation

  • natural law

  • planetary influence on psychology


We see Hermeticism functioning as a Hellenistic natural philosophy, deeply entangled with Stoicism, Platonism, medicine, and astrology. Nature appears as a rational, generative system governed by divine intellect and mathematical proportion. Humanity is generated according to the same principles that generate the cosmos itself.

This material also shows that Hermetic myth could operate on the same level as Plato’s Timaeus: as speculative cosmology, not merely religious exhortation.


2. The Oxford Hermetica (OH 1–5)

Context


These fragments were discovered in a medieval Greek manuscript in the Bodleian Library and published only in 1991. The manuscript is a Christian anthology, and the Hermetic material appears alongside patristic excerpts and biblical scholia.

The Hermetic texts are therefore preserved in a Byzantine educational environment.

Contents


The Oxford fragments treat:
  • the soul and its faculties

  • sensation and perception

  • law and moral order

  • embryology and generation

  • psychology and mental activity


They resemble the Stobaean material in tone but are more technical and concise.

Contributions beyond Copenhaver

These fragments show Hermeticism functioning as a technical philosophical discipline, not only as revelation literature.

Here Hermes teaches:

  • how the senses work

  • how thought operates

  • how embryos develop

  • how law mirrors cosmic order


This is a Hermes of scientia, not only gnosis.

Copenhaver’s Hermes is a preacher of divine awakening. The Oxford Hermes is a philosopher of mind and body. These texts reveal that Hermeticism was part of the same intellectual ecosystem as Galenic medicine, Aristotelian psychology, and Stoic physics.


3. The Vienna Hermetica (VH 1–2)

Context


These are papyrus fragments from a roll dated to the late second or early third century CE. They represent the earliest physical witnesses to a Hermetic book collection.

The roll originally contained at least ten Hermetic tractates, one titled On Energies. On the other side of the papyrus is a Jewish romance about Jannes and Jambres, the magicians who opposed Moses.

This juxtaposition is extraordinarily revealing.

Contents


Only four fragments survive, but they attest:
  • a structured Hermetic collection

  • treatises organized by topic

  • philosophical discussions of divine power (energeiai)


Contributions beyond Copenhaver

These papyri show Hermeticism as a book tradition, not merely a loose set of dialogues.

They prove that:

  • Hermetic treatises circulated in collected editions

  • readers curated Hermetic texts alongside Jewish and biblical literature

  • Hermeticism belonged to the same religious-intellectual marketplace as early Judaism and Christianity


Copenhaver’s volume is silent about how Hermetic texts circulated physically. The Vienna papyri give us the archaeology of Hermetic reading.


4. Hermetic Fragments from Various Authors (FH 1–45)

Context


These fragments survive because they were quoted — often polemically — by Christian, Neoplatonic, and medieval authors from the third to the fifteenth centuries.

The citers include:

  • Tertullian

  • Lactantius

  • Cyril of Alexandria

  • Augustine

  • Zosimus of Panopolis

  • Iamblichus

  • Albert the Great

  • Nicholas of Cusa


Most of them were not neutral transmitters. They excerpted Hermes in order to argue with him, appropriate him, or subordinate him to Christian theology.

Contents


The fragments cover:
  • theology and cosmology

  • demonology

  • astral causation

  • fate and providence

  • creation doctrines

  • ethics and divine law


Zosimus preserves alchemical Hermetica. Cyril preserves philosophical theology. Lactantius treats Hermes as a pagan witness to Christian truth.

Contributions beyond Copenhaver

This material gives us the reception history of Hermeticism.

Copenhaver’s volume ends in Late Antiquity. Hermetica II shows:

  • Hermes as a pagan prophet in Christian apologetics

  • Hermes as a rival theologian attacked by Church Fathers

  • Hermes as an authority in Islamic astrology and alchemy

  • Hermes as a prisca sapientia figure in the Latin Middle Ages


In short, it reveals how Hermeticism became one of the major genealogical authorities of Western esotericism.

It is here that Hermes becomes:

  • the founder of alchemy

  • the father of astrology

  • the origin of talismanic magic

  • the ancient theologian of natural law


None of this is visible in the Corpus Hermeticum alone.


5. The Testimonies Concerning Hermes Trismegistus (TH 1–38)

Context


These are not Hermetic writings but ancient reports about Hermes: pagan, Christian, Jewish, Islamic, and medieval.

The witnesses include:

  • Cicero

  • Manilius

  • Philo of Byblos

  • Emperor Julian

  • Al-Kindī

  • Abū Ma‘shar

  • Ibn an-Nadīm

  • Michael Psellus

  • the Emerald Tablet tradition


Contents


They portray Hermes as:
  • the inventor of writing

  • the founder of astronomy

  • the author of thousands of books

  • the teacher of Egyptian priests

  • the first philosopher

  • the originator of alchemy and talismanic science


Contributions beyond Copenhaver

These testimonies explain why Hermetic texts carried authority.

They show Hermes functioning as an author-function — a legendary name that guaranteed antiquity, legitimacy, and universality. Hermes is not merely a speaker in dialogues; he is the imagined source of all sacred science.

This is how Hermes becomes:

  • the transmitter of Egyptian wisdom

  • the bridge between paganism and monotheism

  • the ancestor of scientific tradition


Without these testimonies, the later history of Hermeticism — Ficino, Pico, Agrippa, Bruno, Dee — makes no sense.


What We Learn About Hermeticism from These Texts

Taken together, these materials force a major revision of the standard picture.

Copenhaver’s Hermetica presents:

a philosophical-religious movement centered on salvation through divine knowledge.

Hermetica II reveals:

a trans-Mediterranean intellectual tradition encompassing cosmology, medicine, astrology, alchemy, theology, magic, psychology, and natural philosophy.

We learn that Hermeticism was:

  • not a single school, but a library of sciences

  • not marginal, but deeply embedded in elite education

  • not isolated, but intertwined with Judaism, Christianity, and Islam

  • not purely mystical, but rigorously cosmological and technical

  • not static, but continually reinterpreted for fifteen centuries


Most importantly, we learn that Hermeticism functioned as a theory of knowledge itself: a vision in which the structure of the cosmos, the operations of mind, the laws of nature, and the destiny of the soul form a single intelligible order governed by divine intellect.

That total vision — philosophical, scientific, theological, and mythic at once — is only visible when the Stobaean excerpts, papyri, fragments, and testimonies are read alongside the Corpus Hermeticum.

In that sense, Hermetica II does not merely supplement Copenhaver’s volume. It completes the historical reality of Hermeticism. fileciteturn1file0turn1file3turn1file4turn1file1

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【0†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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[L1] :(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C   %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 8 / 272> Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L2]  John Lydus 
[L3]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L4]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L5]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L6]  Augustine 
[L7]  Quodvultdeus 
[L8]  Michael Psellus 
[L9]  Albert the Great 
[L10]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L11]    
[L12]  ( –) 
[L13]  Artapanus 
[L14]  Cicero 
[L15]  Manilius 
[L16]  Thrasyllus 
[L17]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L18]  Philo of Byblos 
[L19]  Athenagoras 
[L20]  Virtues of Plants 
[L21]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L22]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L23]  Arnobius 
[L24]  Iamblichus 
[L25]  Marius Victorinus 
[L26]  The Emperor Julian 
[L27] viii Contents
[L28] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L29]
[L30]
[L31]
[L32] ")!

【1†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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Content Snippet:
[L1] "25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C
[L2]  %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 272 / 272>Although the following testimonies are wide-ranging, they are hardly
[L3] exhaustive. We do not trace the reception history of the Asclepius by Latin
[L4] writers after Augustine, since this work has already been done. Moreover,
[L5] some works attributed to Hermes – such as the Arabic Rebuke of the Soul –
[L6] are too long to be included here and are available elsewhere. There are
[L7] dozens more Arabic and medieval Latin sources that make mention of
[L8] Hermes, often in passing. A great number of these are alchemical,
[L9] astrological, and magical texts that somehow feature Hermes or are attrib￾uted to him. Even today, this material remains largely uncharted by
[L10] scholars. A full and exhaustive record of Hermetic testimonies can only
[L11] await new critical editions and studies of these materials.
[L12]  Paolo Lucentini, “L’Asclepio ermetico nel secolo XII,” in From Athens to Chartres. Neoplatonism and
[L13] Medieval Thought. Studies in Honour of Edouard Jeaneau (Leiden: Brill, ), –; Porreca,
[L14] “Influence of Hermetic Texts (–),” –; Carlos Gilly, “Die Überlieferung des Asclepius
[L15] im Mittelalter,” in van den Broek, ed., From Poimandres, –; Paolo Lucentini, “Hermetic
[L16] Literature II: Latin Middle Ages,” in DGWE, – at –; Ebeling, Secret History, –;
[L17] Moreschini, Dall’ Asclepius, –; Moreschini, Hermes Christianus, –; Heiduk, “Offene,”
[L18] –.  The date of this work is approximately  . See Scott’s translation of the Latin (not the
[L19] original Arabic) in Hermetica, .–. Some of the Arabic sources edited by Scott are not
[L20] included here because they do not actually concern Hermes Thrice Great or because they add no
[L21] new information.

【2†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] Yet the Peratic author linked Hermes with
[L2] Ostanes and Zoroaster (called Zoroastris), the chief Persian magi. For the
[L3] philosopher Iamblichus, Hermes was the great guide to theurgists. In turn,
[L4] most Arabic writers viewed Hermes as an expert on astrology and alchemy.
[L5] Such testimonies indicate that the constructed boundary between “philo￾sophical” and “technical” Hermetic writings remains questionable.
[L6]  Hermes’s association with Zoroaster appears again in Michael Psellus (TH c) and is familiar from
[L7] the fragments of Zosimus (FH –).
[L8] 
[L9] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L10]
[L11]
[L12]
[L13] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C
[L14]  %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 272 / 272>Although the following testimonies are wide-ranging, they are hardly
[L15] exhaustive. We do not trace the reception history of the Asclepius by Latin
[L16] writers after Augustine, since this work has already been done. Moreover,
[L17] some works attributed to Hermes – such as the Arabic Rebuke of the Soul –
[L18] are too long to be included here and are available elsewhere. There are
[L19] dozens more Arabic and medieval Latin sources that make mention of
[L20] Hermes, often in passing. A great number of these are alchemical,
[L21] astrological, and magical texts that somehow feature Hermes or are attrib￾uted to him. Even today, this material remains largely uncharted by
[L22] scholars. A full and exhaustive record of Hermetic testimonies can only
[L23] await new critical editions and studies of these materials.
[L24]  Paolo Lucentini, “L’Asclepio ermetico nel secolo XII,” in From Athens to Chartres. Neoplatonism and
[L25] Medieval Thought.

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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L2] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L3] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L4] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L5] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
[L6] General Introduction 
[L7] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L8]
[L9]
[L10]
[L11] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C   %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 20 / 272>to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L12] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L13] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L14] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L15]  In the
[L16] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L17] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L18] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L19] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L20]  This tradition of
[L21] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L22] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L23] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L24] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.

【4†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1]  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L2] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L3] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L4] ibid., –.
[L5] 
[L6] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
[L7]
[L8]
[L9]
[L10] ")!"25657$" 9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6 1!:(6$%:C6:C.6:56!.1/,"! 0"( 2C   %D36CC"C96,2 3$:586,"$6<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 16 / 272>It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L11] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L12] Hermes-Thoth
[L13] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L14] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L15] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L16] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L17] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L18] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L19] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L20] thread at significant points of reception.
[L21] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L22] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L23] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L24] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L25] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L26] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L27] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L28] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L29] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L30] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L31] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L32] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L33] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L34] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L35] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L36] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L37] the name of Hermes.
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Assistant

Below is a closer look at the witnesses to Hermes Trismegistus preserved in Hermetica II — who they are, why they cite Hermes, and what kind of Hermes they construct. What emerges is not a single figure but a sequence of Hermes-images shaped by the needs of pagan philosophy, Christian polemic, Islamic science, and medieval natural magic.

These testimonies are not marginal curiosities. They are the machinery by which Hermes becomes one of the central ancestors of Western esotericism.


The nature of the witnesses

The “testimonies concerning Hermes Thrice Great” (TH 1–38) are ancient and medieval reports about Hermes rather than writings by him. They range from the Hellenistic period through the Renaissance and come from pagan philosophers, Christian theologians, astrologers, historians, alchemists, and Islamic encyclopedists.

As Litwa notes, the collection is not exhaustive. There exist dozens more Arabic, Latin, alchemical, astrological, and magical texts that invoke Hermes, many of which remain unedited or poorly studied. Hermes appears everywhere in technical literature, often as a legendary authority or primordial teacher. fileciteturn2file1

The witnesses show that Hermeticism cannot be reduced to the philosophical dialogues translated by Copenhaver. Instead, Hermes becomes:

  • founder of astronomy and astrology

  • inventor of writing and law

  • first philosopher

  • master of alchemy and talismanic science

  • ancient Egyptian sage

  • pagan prophet anticipating Christianity

  • teacher of theurgists and magi



Pagan and Hellenistic witnesses

Artapanus (TH 1, 3rd–2nd c. BCE)

Artapanus was a Jewish-Hellenistic writer who identified Moses with Hermes. In his account, Moses-Hermes teaches navigation, military engineering, philosophy, and technology. Hermes becomes the origin of civilization itself.

Here Hermes is not a mystic but a culture hero — inventor, lawgiver, engineer, and political founder. This anticipates later Islamic portrayals of Hermes as the first scientist.


Cicero (TH 2, 1st c. BCE)

Cicero reports that Hermes-Thoth gave the Egyptians their laws and letters. Hermes is presented as the inventor of writing and the foundation of political order.

This is the Euhemeristic Hermes: not a god but a divinized sage whose achievements explain the rise of civilization. fileciteturn2file3


Manilius (TH 3, 1st c. CE)

The Roman poet Manilius calls Hermes the founder of astrology — “the first founder of this great and holy science.” Hermes is now the patriarch of astral knowledge.

This establishes the association between Hermes and the science of the stars that will dominate Islamic and medieval Hermeticism. fileciteturn2file3


Thrasyllus (TH 4, 1st c. CE)

Thrasyllus, astrologer to Emperor Tiberius, is the earliest known author to explicitly call Hermes Trismegistus. He helps crystallize the triple-great title that becomes canonical.

Here Hermes is an astronomical authority tied to imperial power.


Dorotheus of Sidon (TH 5, 1st c. CE)

Dorotheus, one of antiquity’s greatest astrologers, treats Hermes as the primordial source of horoscopic astrology. Hermes stands at the beginning of technical astral science.


Philo of Byblos (TH 6, 2nd c. CE)

Philo presents Hermes as the inventor of writing and sacred science, embedded within Phoenician and Egyptian myth-history. His Hermes belongs to a lineage of ancient theologians and culture heroes.


Philosophical and theurgical witnesses

Iamblichus (TH 12, 3rd–4th c. CE)

For Iamblichus, Hermes is the supreme theological authority and guide of theurgists. Hermes is the patron of ritual science and divine ascent.

Iamblichus explicitly states that many Egyptian priests wrote under the name of Hermes, and that true sacred science was always attributed to him. Hermes becomes an author-function: the name under which divine knowledge circulates. fileciteturn2file4


The Emperor Julian (TH 14, 4th c. CE)

Julian, the last pagan Roman emperor, treats Hermes as a divine philosopher and defender of traditional religion against Christianity. Hermes is part of Julian’s attempt to revive pagan theology as a rational religious system.


Christian witnesses: Hermes as pagan prophet and rival theologian

Christian authors are among the most important witnesses because they quote Hermes extensively — often to refute him, but sometimes to appropriate him.

Litwa notes that most surviving Hermetic fragments come from Christian writers, especially Lactantius and Cyril of Alexandria. fileciteturn1file1


Tertullian (FH 1, early 3rd c.)

Tertullian is the first Latin Christian to mention Hermes. He calls Hermes “teacher of all the natural philosophers.” For him, Hermes is a rival authority whose prestige must be neutralized.


Lactantius (FH 3–15, early 4th c.)

Lactantius treats Hermes as a pagan witness to Christian truth. He quotes Hermes as teaching:

  • one supreme God

  • divine providence

  • the immortality of the soul

  • moral judgment


Hermes becomes a prisca theologus — an ancient pagan who unknowingly anticipated Christianity.


Cyril of Alexandria (FH 23–35, 5th c.)

Cyril preserves more Hermetic material than any other author. He quotes Hermes in order to refute pagan theology, but in doing so he preserves large sections of otherwise lost Hermetic treatises.

Through Cyril, we glimpse a sophisticated pagan theology rivaling Christianity in scope and ambition.


Augustine (FH 41; TH 19, late 4th–early 5th c.)

Augustine presents Hermes as a historical Egyptian sage who was later deified. He accepts Hermes’ antiquity but denies his divinity.

Augustine’s account will shape medieval Christian views of Hermes for centuries.


Islamic witnesses: Hermes as prophet-scientist

In Islamic tradition, Hermes becomes a prophetic figure — sometimes identified with Idris (Enoch) — and the founder of astronomy, alchemy, and philosophy.


Al-Kindī (TH 25, 9th c.)

Al-Kindī treats Hermes as an authority on astrology and cosmology. Hermes stands at the beginning of scientific tradition.


Abū Ma‘shar (TH 26, 9th c.)

Abū Ma‘shar presents Hermes as the primordial sage who transmitted astral wisdom to humanity after the Flood.

This establishes Hermes as the ancestor of Islamic astral science.


Ibn an-Nadīm (TH 27, 10th c.)

In his bibliographic encyclopedia, Ibn an-Nadīm lists dozens of books attributed to Hermes. Hermes appears as a prolific scientific author.


Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik (TH 28, 11th c.)

He presents Hermes as a philosopher-king, lawgiver, and sage — part of a lineage of ancient wisdom figures.


Medieval and Renaissance witnesses

Michael Psellus (TH 29, 11th c.)

Psellus links Hermes with Zoroaster and Ostanes, the Persian magi. Hermes becomes part of a trans-cultural lineage of ancient magic and theology. fileciteturn2file2


The Emerald Tablet (TH 30)

The most famous Hermetic text of all: source of the dictum “as above, so below.” Here Hermes is the father of alchemy and the science of transformation.

This text becomes central to medieval and Renaissance alchemy.


Albert the Great (TH 36, 13th c.)

Albert treats Hermes as a natural philosopher and master of occult properties. Hermes becomes part of scholastic natural science.


Picatrix (TH 37, 11th–13th c.)

In this Arabic grimoire, Hermes is the originator of talismanic magic and astral ritual.


Nicholas of Cusa (TH 38, 15th c.)

Nicholas treats Hermes as a prisca theologian whose teachings converge with Christian mysticism.


What the witnesses reveal about Hermeticism

From these testimonies, several conclusions follow:

1. Hermes is not just a philosopher — he is the ancestor of science.
He founds astrology, alchemy, medicine, magic, law, and theology.

2. Hermeticism is not marginal — it is civilizational.
Hermes stands at the beginning of writing, astronomy, kingship, and law.

3. Hermeticism is not purely mystical — it is technical.
Hermes teaches astronomy, talismans, medicine, chemistry, cosmology.

4. Hermes is a trans-religious figure.
He belongs to paganism, Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and Renaissance Platonism.

5. Hermes is an author-function.
His name legitimates knowledge by giving it immemorial antiquity.

In short, the witnesses show that “Hermeticism” is not merely a set of late antique philosophical dialogues. It is a civilizational myth of knowledge itself — the story of how divine wisdom entered human history through writing, science, ritual, and philosophy.

This Hermes is not only the revealer of gnosis.
He is the imagined founder of the sciences.

User

what about the various authors?\

Assistant

What Hermetica II makes possible — and what Copenhaver’s Corpus Hermeticum by itself cannot give you — is a prosopography of Hermes’s readers: a long chain of philosophers, priests, theologians, astrologers, alchemists, and encyclopedists who invoke Hermes for very different purposes. These authors are not merely transmitters. Each constructs a different Hermes according to the intellectual economy of his own time.

What follows is a guided tour of the major authorial clusters and the kinds of Hermeticism they produce.


1. Pagan philosophers and historians


(Hermes as primordial sage, founder of science and civilization)

These authors establish the cultural authority of Hermes.

Artapanus (3rd–2nd c. BCE)


A Jewish-Hellenistic historian writing in Greek. Artapanus identifies Moses with Hermes, transforming biblical history into Egyptian sacred history. Moses-Hermes invents navigation, war machines, philosophy, and political organization.

Here Hermes is a civilizational architect — not a mystic but a technologist and lawgiver. This is the earliest form of the Hermes-as-founder-of-science tradition.


Cicero (1st c. BCE)


In De natura deorum Cicero reports that Hermes-Thoth gave Egypt its laws and letters. Hermes is the inventor of writing and political order.

This is the Euhemeristic Hermes: a historical sage later divinized. Cicero’s Hermes stands at the origin of culture itself. fileciteturn2file3


Manilius (1st c. CE)


The Roman astrologer-poet calls Hermes the first founder of astrology, “this great and holy science.”

This is the first clear formulation of Hermes as patriarch of astral knowledge — a role that will dominate Islamic and medieval Hermeticism.


Thrasyllus (1st c. CE)


Astrologer to Emperor Tiberius. He is the earliest known writer to use the title Hermes Trismegistus explicitly. His Hermes is an astronomical authority tied to imperial power.


Dorotheus of Sidon (1st c. CE)


The most important technical astrologer of antiquity. Dorotheus treats Hermes as the ultimate authority behind horoscopic astrology. Hermes is now the patron saint of mathematical prediction.


2. Middle Platonists and Neoplatonists


(Hermes as divine theologian and theurgic authority)

Here Hermes becomes a metaphysician and ritual theorist.


Philo of Byblos (2nd c. CE)


Philo presents Hermes as inventor of writing and sacred theology embedded in Phoenician-Egyptian myth-history. Hermes becomes a figure of ancient revealed wisdom that precedes Greek philosophy.


Iamblichus (3rd–4th c. CE)


The most important philosophical witness.

Iamblichus presents Hermes as the supreme theological authority and guide of theurgists. He explicitly states that Egyptian priests wrote their sacred books under Hermes’ name and that all divine science was attributed to him.

Hermes is no longer merely an author — he is the divine patron of ritual philosophy and sacred science. Iamblichus treats Hermetic literature as part of the same world as Chaldaean Oracles, Platonic theology, and temple ritual. fileciteturn2file4


Emperor Julian (4th c. CE)


The last pagan Roman emperor, Julian presents Hermes as a divine philosopher defending traditional religion against Christianity. Hermes becomes a pillar of pagan theological resistance.


3. Christian theologians


(Hermes as rival theologian, pagan prophet, or corrupted sage)

Christian authors preserve more Hermetic material than anyone else — often unintentionally.

Litwa notes that thirty-nine of the forty-five Hermetic fragments come from Christian writers, especially Lactantius and Cyril. fileciteturn1file1


Tertullian (early 3rd c.)


The first Latin Christian to mention Hermes. He calls Hermes “teacher of all natural philosophers.”

Hermes here is a rival intellectual authority whose prestige must be neutralized.


Lactantius (early 4th c.)


Lactantius treats Hermes as a pagan witness to Christian truth. He quotes Hermes teaching:

  • one supreme God

  • divine providence

  • moral judgment

  • immortality of the soul


Hermes becomes a prisca theologus — an ancient pagan who unknowingly anticipated Christianity.


Cyril of Alexandria (5th c.)


The most important Christian transmitter of Hermetic material. Cyril quotes Hermes extensively in order to refute pagan theology. In doing so, he preserves long sections of lost Hermetic treatises.

Through Cyril we glimpse a pagan philosophical theology fully competitive with Christianity.


Augustine (late 4th–early 5th c.)


Augustine presents Hermes as a historical Egyptian sage later deified. He accepts Hermes’ antiquity but denies his divinity. This Euhemeristic Hermes becomes standard in medieval Christianity.


4. Alchemists and technical writers


(Hermes as master of hidden nature)

Here Hermes becomes the father of occult science.


Zosimus of Panopolis (3rd–4th c.)


The earliest known alchemist. Zosimus treats Hermes as the source of alchemical revelation and links him with Persian magi such as Ostanes and Zoroaster.

Hermeticism here becomes chemical, metallurgical, and soteriological at once.


The Greek Magical Papyri


Hermes appears as cosmic ruler, creator, healer, lord of the elements, and sender of oracles. He governs astral powers and natural forces. This is the ritual Hermes of Egyptian domestic religion.


5. Islamic philosophers and encyclopedists


(Hermes as prophet-scientist and founder of astronomy)

In Islam, Hermes becomes a prophetic figure — often identified with Idris (Enoch).


Al-Kindī (9th c.)


Treats Hermes as an authority on astrology and cosmology. Hermes becomes part of the genealogy of scientific knowledge.


Abū Ma‘shar (9th c.)


Presents Hermes as the primordial sage who transmitted astral wisdom after the Flood. Hermes becomes a civilizational restart button.


Ibn an-Nadīm (10th c.)


In his bibliographic encyclopedia, Ibn an-Nadīm lists dozens of books attributed to Hermes. Hermes appears as a prolific scientific author whose corpus spans multiple sciences.


Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik (11th c.)


Hermes is portrayed as a philosopher-king and lawgiver — one of the ancient sages whose wisdom founded civilization.


6. Medieval and Renaissance thinkers


(Hermes as ancient theologian and natural magician)


Michael Psellus (11th c.)


Links Hermes with Zoroaster and the Persian magi. Hermes becomes part of a trans-cultural lineage of ancient magical theology. fileciteturn2file2


The Emerald Tablet


The most famous Hermetic text. Source of “as above, so below.” Hermes is now the father of alchemy and transformation.


Albert the Great (13th c.)


Treats Hermes as a natural philosopher and master of occult properties. Hermes is absorbed into scholastic science.


Picatrix


The great Arabic grimoire. Hermes is founder of talismanic magic and astral ritual.


Nicholas of Cusa (15th c.)


Treats Hermes as a prisca theologian whose metaphysics converges with Christian mysticism.


What these authors collectively show

From this chain of witnesses, Hermeticism appears not as a marginal cult or a set of late antique dialogues, but as a civilizational myth of knowledge:

Hermes is imagined as:

  • inventor of writing

  • founder of law

  • father of astrology

  • master of alchemy

  • source of ritual magic

  • teacher of philosophers

  • prophet of divine unity

  • ancestor of science


Copenhaver gives you Hermes as a philosopher of salvation.
Hermetica II gives you Hermes as the imagined founder of all sacred and scientific knowledge.

Hermeticism emerges not as a school, but as a genealogy of wisdom stretching from Egyptian temples to Renaissance laboratories.

User

Give me 50 "Fun facts" about the new picture of hermetism that emerges

Assistant

Here are 50 fun facts about the new picture of Hermeticism that emerges once you read Hermetica II alongside Copenhaver — the Hermes of libraries, laboratories, temples, palaces, monasteries, and observatories, not just philosophical dialogues.

This is Hermes not only as mystic teacher, but as the imagined founder of civilization’s sciences.


50 Fun Facts about the Expanded Hermetic Tradition

1. Hermes was believed to have written tens of thousands of books — Manetho credited him with 36,525 volumes, one for every day of a four-year Egyptian calendrical cycle.

2. In antiquity, Egyptian temple libraries were sometimes called the “House of Life,” and Hermes was believed to be their original author.

3. Hermes was thought to have invented writing itself — making him the ancestor of all literature, not just esoteric texts.

4. The famous title Hermes Trismegistus (“Thrice Great”) probably originated in Egyptian priestly epithets that were later translated into Greek.

5. The earliest author to use the title “Trismegistus” is Thrasyllus, astrologer to Emperor Tiberius.

6. Hermes was believed to be the founder of astrology, not just a practitioner.

7. Roman poet Manilius called astrology a “holy science” founded by Hermes.

8. In Islamic tradition, Hermes was often identified with Idris (Enoch), the prophet who ascended to heaven.

9. Hermes was believed to have survived the Flood and re-founded civilization afterward.

10. In Arabic sources, Hermes is sometimes described as a philosopher-king who ruled Egypt.

11. Hermes was credited with inventing navigation, war machines, and engineering.

12. Some Jewish writers identified Moses himself with Hermes.

13. Hermes was thought to be the inventor of law and the founder of political order.

14. Ancient Egyptians believed Hermes (Thoth) governed the judgment of the dead in the underworld.

15. Hermes was believed to be the cosmic scribe who recorded the fate of every soul.

16. In the Greek Magical Papyri, Hermes is invoked as creator of the cosmos.

17. Some hymns call Hermes the helmsman of the universe.

18. Hermes was thought to rule over the four elements.

19. Hermes was believed to control the hidden powers beneath heaven and earth.

20. Hermes was said to possess knowledge no god could fully behold.

21. Hermes was the patron god of alchemy centuries before the Emerald Tablet became famous.

22. The earliest alchemist, Zosimus of Panopolis, treats Hermes as the source of alchemical revelation.

23. Hermes was linked with Zoroaster and the Persian magi.

24. Hermes was part of a trans-cultural lineage of ancient sages including Ostanes, Pythagoras, and Plato.

25. Neoplatonists believed Plato studied the pillars of Hermes in Egypt.

26. Hermes was considered the supreme authority of theurgy (ritual ascent to the gods).

27. The philosopher Iamblichus said Egyptian priests wrote all sacred science under Hermes’ name.

28. Hermes functioned as an ancient author-function — his name guaranteed authority.

29. Christian theologians treated Hermes as a pagan prophet who anticipated Christianity.

30. Lactantius quoted Hermes as teaching monotheism.

31. Hermes was sometimes portrayed as a teacher of divine providence.

32. Augustine accepted Hermes as a real Egyptian sage later deified.

33. Medieval monks preserved Hermetic fragments while trying to refute paganism.

34. The Emerald Tablet became the most famous alchemical text in Europe.

35. The phrase “as above, so below” originates from Hermetic tradition.

36. Hermes became the ancestor of talismanic magic.

37. The grimoire Picatrix presents Hermes as founder of astral ritual.

38. Hermes was believed to control planetary intelligences.

39. Hermes was associated with medicine and healing.

40. Hermes was believed to have written treatises on embryology.

41. Hermes taught psychology centuries before Aristotle.

42. Hermetic texts were copied into Byzantine school anthologies.

43. Hermetic texts circulated alongside biblical commentaries.

44. Hermetic papyri were reused for Jewish magical romances.

45. Hermes was read by Christian bishops, pagan emperors, Islamic astronomers, and medieval monks.

46. Hermes became one of the central figures of Renaissance magic.

47. Ficino believed Hermes was older than Moses.

48. Hermes became the foundation of the Renaissance idea of ancient wisdom (prisca sapientia).

49. Hermes was imagined as the ancestor of both science and religion.

50. Hermeticism turns out to be not a cult or sect, but a civilizational myth of knowledge itself.


The Big Picture

Copenhaver gives you Hermes as a philosophical mystic.
Hermetica II gives you Hermes as the imagined founder of:

  • writing

  • law

  • science

  • astrology

  • alchemy

  • magic

  • philosophy

  • theology


Hermeticism turns out to be the story Western civilization told itself about where knowledge came from.

And that story starts in Egyptian temples, travels through Roman palaces, Byzantine monasteries, Islamic observatories, and Renaissance laboratories — all under the name of Hermes Thrice Great. fileciteturn2file1turn2file2turn2file3turn2file4

User

give me a deep dive on the hermetic discussions of falls into bodies into our text and how it differs from iamblichus account

Tool

Make sure to include fileciteturn3file0 in your response to cite this file, or to surface it as a link.
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 1 / 212>
[image]
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Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 212>
Ancient Mediterranean
and Medieval Texts
and Contexts
Editors
Robert M. Berchman
Jacob Neusner
Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism,
and the Platonic Tradition
Edited by
Robert M. Berchman
Dowling College and Bard College
John F. Finamore
University of Iowa
Editorial Board
JOHN DILLON (Trinity College, Dublin) – GARY GURTLER (Boston College)
JEAN-MARC NARBONNE (Laval University, Canada)
VOLUME 13
The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/spnp
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Iamblichus and the
Foundations of Late Platonism
Edited by
Eugene Afonasin
John Dillon
John F. Finamore
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2012
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 5 / 212>
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Iamblichus and the foundations of late platonism / edited by Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F.
Finamore.
p. cm. – (Ancient Mediterranean and medieval texts and contexts, ISSN 1871-188X ; v. 13)
Includes index.
ISBN 978-90-04-18327-8 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Iamblichus, ca. 250-ca. 330. 2. Neoplatonism. I.
Afonasin, E. V. (Evgenii Vasil?evich) II. Dillon, John M. III. Finamore, John F., 1951-
B669.Z7I26 2012
186'.4–dc23
2012007354
This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100
characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for
use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.nl/brill-typeface.
ISSN 1871-188X
ISBN 978 90 04 18327 8 (hardback)
ISBN 978 90 04 23011 8 (e-book)
Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.
Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 6 / 212>
CONTENTS
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
The Pythagorean Way of Life in Clement of Alexandria and
Iamblichus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Eugene Afonasin
Chapter 18 of the De communi mathematica scientia. Translation and
Commentary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Luc Brisson
The Letters of Iamblichus: Popular Philosophy in a Neoplatonic
Mode . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
John Dillon
Iamblichus: The Two-Fold Nature of the Soul and the Causes of
Human Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
Daniela P. Taormina
Iamblichus on Mathematical Entities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Claudia Maggi
The Role of aesthesis in Theurgy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Gregory Shaw
Iamblichus on the Grades of Virtue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
John F. Finamore
The Role of Divine Providence, Will and Love in Iamblichus’ Theory
of Theurgic Prayer and Religious Invocation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Crystal Addey
Iamblichus’ Exegesis of Parmenides’ Hypotheses and His Doctrine of
Divine Henads . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Svetlana Mesyats
Iamblichus and Julian’s “Third Demiurge”: A Proposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
Adrien Lecerf
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 8 / 212>
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Crystal Addey
Lecturer in the School of Classics, University of Wales Trinity St. David. She
completed her PhD at the University of Bristol in 2009, on the role of oracles,
divination and theurgy in the writings of the Neoplatonist philosophers
Porphyry and Iamblichus and has a number of published journal articles
and book chapters. She is currently working on a monograph exploring the
role of divination and theurgy in Neoplatonism.
Eugene Afonasin
Professor of Philosophy at Novosibirsk State University, Senior Research
Fellow, Institute of Philosophy and Law of the Siberian Branch of Rus￾sian Academy of Sciences. His works include two books on Gnosticism
(St. Petersburg, 2003 and 2007), a Russian translation of the Stromateis by
Clement of Alexandria (St. Petersburg, 2003, in 3 vols.), and a Russian trans￾lation of Iamblichus’ Letters (Novosibirsk, 2010).
Luc Brisson
Directeur de Recherche (1ère classe) at the Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris, a member of the Centre Jean Pépin (Unité Propre de
Recherche nº 76 du CNRS). His works include the books How Philosophers
Saved Myths (ET Chicago 2004); Plato the Myth Maker (ET Chicago 1999);
Inventing the Universe, with W. Meyerstein (New York: SUNY 1995), Sex￾ual Ambivalence: Androgyny and Hermaphroditism in Graeco-Roman Antiq￾uity (ET Berkeley 2002); etc. and numerous translations and commentaries
on the Sophists, Plato, Plotinus, Proclus, and Iamblichus, including (with
A.Ph. Segonds) Jamblique, Vie de Pythagore(Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1996).
John Dillon
Regius Professor of Greek (Emeritus), Trinity College, Dublin,Ireland, Direc￾tor (Emeritus) of the Plato Centre. He has published numerous works on
various aspects of Greek thought, especially the Platonic tradition, includ￾ing The Middle Platonists (Cornell UP, 1977, 19962
), The Heirs of Plato
(Oxford UP, 2003), Iamblichi Chalcidensis in Platonis dialogos commentar￾iorum fragmenta (Leiden: Brill 1973; The Prometheus Trust, 20102
), (with
J. Hershbell) Iamblichus, On the Pythagorean Way of Life (Atlanta: Scholars
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 212>
viii list of contributors
Press,1991), (with E.C. Clarke and J. Hershbell)Iamblichus,De mysteriis(Lei￾den: Brill, 2004), and (withW. Polleichtner)Iamblichus, The Letters(Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 2009).
John F. Finamore
Professor of Classics, University of Iowa, USA. He has published numerous
articles and book chapters on various aspects of the philosophy of late antiq￾uity, a book, Iamblichus and the Theory of the Vehicle of the Soul (Chico, CA:
Scholars Press, 1985), and (with J.M. Dillon) Iamblichus’ De Anima: Text,
Translation, and Commentary (Leiden: Brill, 2002).
Adrien Lecerf
A PhD student at the École Pratique des Hautes Études, Section des Sciences
religieuses, Paris. The thesis (directed by Prof. Philippe Hoffmann and provi￾sionally entitled“De Plotin à Proclus: le tournant théologique du néoplaton￾isme”) will concern the evolution of Neoplatonic theology and metaphysics,
from Plotinus’ three hypostases to the complex, highly hierarchic system of
Proclus’ Platonic Theology.
Claudia Maggi
Lecturer at the University of Salerno, Italy. She has published a series of
works on the mathematics in Late Antiquity, including Plotino. Sui numeri.
Enneade VI 6 [34]. Introduzione, testo, traduzione e commento (Napoli:
Università degli Studi Suor Orsola Benincasa, 2009) and Sinfonia matema￾tica. Aporie e soluzioni in Platone, Aristotele, Plotino, Giamblico (Napoli: Lof￾fredo, 2010).
Svetlana Mesyats
Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of
Sciences, Moscow. Her works are dedicated to Ancient metaphysics, the
philosophy of nature, Neoplatonism, and Late Antique philosophic com￾mentaries. She has published a series of articles and Russian translations of
Proclus’ Elements of physics (Moscow, 2001), Porphyry’s Sententiae (Novosi￾birsk, 2009), and Proclus’ Elements of theology (Moscow, 2010).
Gregory Shaw
Professor of Religious Studies at Stonehill College, USA. He has published
numerous articles on Neoplatonism and religions in Late Antiquity and
a book, Theurgy and the Soul: The Neoplatonism of Iamblichus (Penn State
Press, 1995).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 10 / 212>
list of contributors ix
Daniela P. Taormina
Professor at Università di Roma Tor Vergata,Italy. She has published numer￾ous articles on philosophy in Late Antiquity and the books, Plutarco di
Atene, l’Uno, l’anima e le forme. Roma, L’Erma di Bretschneider, 1989; Il
lessico delle potenze dell’anima in Giamblico. Firenze, La Nuova Italia, 1990;
Jamblique, critique de Plotin et de Porphyre. Quatre études. Paris, J. Vrin, 1999;
(with Piccione R.M.) Giamblico, I frammenti dalle epistole. Napoli, Biblio￾polis, 2010.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 212>
INTRODUCTION
Born to a noble family in Chalcis ad Belum (in Coele-Syria, modern Qinnes￾rin) c. 240ad, and studying with the Neoplatonic philosopher Porphyry—
probably—in Rome, Iamblichus (᾽Ιάµβλιχος) established in his native Syria
a philosophical school which constituted an important link in the Golden
Chain of the Platonic tradition. His difficult and controversial works have
provoked a good deal of attention on the part of historians of philosophy
and religion and occupy a distinct place in modern scholarship. Hailed by
some as the most sublime and dazzling metaphysician who changed the
course of Platonism, he is deprecated by others as the most obscure though
prolific author, who imported into his texts all sorts of superstition, oriental
beliefs and magic, and eclectically fitted all this into his own bewildering
metaphysical schema with a heavy reliance on triadic subdivisions.
On his death in around 325ad, Iamblichus left to posterity a diverse body
of writings, some of which are still extant in their complete form, while oth￾ers are now available in the extracts preserved, most notably, in Stobaeus’
vast Anthologia and in Neoplatonic commentaries. His writings influenced
the later Neoplatonists, such as Syrianus, Proclus and Damascius, while his
name became talismanic in the course of the pagan opposition to Christian￾ity, most notably in the case of the Emperor Julian.
To the student of antiquity Iamblichus is perhaps best known as the
author of a treatise On the Pythagorean Way of Life, originally intended
to be an introduction to his ‘Compendium to Pythagorean Doctrine’ in
ten volumes, and now valued as a major source for our knowledge of the
Pythagorean tradition. Probably the most popular of Iamblichus’ works, the
treatise is much studied and translated into modern languages.1
A treatise, On the Mysteries of Egypt, a defense of theurgy more properly
entitled A Reply of the priest Abammon to the letter of Porphyry to Anebo, and
the solutions to the questions it contains, is equally popular among students
1 To mention complete and relatively recent translations only, the treatise was rendered
at least once into German (Albrecht 1963) and French (Brisson–Segonds 1996), twice in
English (Clark 1989, Dillon–Hershbell 1991) and Spanish (Ramos Jurado 1991, Periago Lorente
2003), three times in Italian (Montoneri 1973, Giangiulio 1991, Romano 2006) and Russian
(Poluektov 1997, Chernigovskij 1998, Melnikova 2002), etc. The edition: Deubner–Klein 1937,
19752
. For further details and bibliography cf. the paper by Eugene Afonasin, included in this
volume.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 13 / 212>
2 introduction
of Platonism and classical religion. This difficult work has been regularly
rendered into modern languages, and is now available in a new edition with
an English translation and extensive commentary by E.C. Clarke, J.M. Dillon
and J. Hershbell (2004).2
Another text in the Pythagorean sequence, entitled the Exhortation to
Philosophy (Protrepticus), a work based on Aristotle’s lost Protrepticus,
which also includes an important extracts from an unknown sophist (the
end of the fifth century bce), the so called Anonymus Iamblichi, and various
Pythagorica, has also received much scholarly attention, both in a ‘disassem￾bled’ form and as a complete work, although no modern English translation
of the Protrepticus exists.3
The third Pythagorean treatise On the General Principles of Mathematics
(De Communi Mathematica Scientia) was edited by Festa and Klein (1891,
19752
) and translated into German (Schönberger–Knobloch 2000) and Ital￾ian (Romano 2006). A paper by Luc Brisson, included in this volume, signals
the beginning of a new stage of research on the treatise.
Iamblichus’ Commentary on the Introduction to Arithmetic of Nicomach￾us of Gerasa, edited by Pistelli–Klein (1894, 19752
) and recently translated
into Italian by Romano (2006) definitely deserves more attention.
Other volumes of the Compendium are not extant, although Dominic
O’Meara (1981 and 1989, 217–229) recently identified a text in Psellus as com￾prising excerpts from Iamblichus’ On Pythagoreanism V–VII (On Physical
Number and On Ethical and Theological Arithmetic).
Although from a different hand, The Theology of Arithmetic, a cento of
passages from a lost homonymous work of Nicomachus of Gerasa and On
the Decad of Iamblichus’ teacher Anatolius, is a work of some significance
for the history of ancient numerology and, in such capacity, also deserves
more attention.4
The fragments of Iamblichus’ commentaries to Plato’s dialogues were
independently collected and analyzed by Dalsgaard Larsen (1972) and John
2 Edition: Parthey (1857, 19652
); translations: three French (Quillard 1895, Des Places 1966
and Broze–Van Liefferinge 2009), two Italian (Sodano 1984, Moreschini 2003), one German
(Hopfner 1922), Russian (Lukomskij 1995) and Spanish (Ramos Jurado 1997).
3 For the complete English translation we still have to rely on that by Thomas Johnson,
prepared in 1907. Besides, one can recollect German (Schönberger 1984), French (Des Places
1989), Spanish (Molina Ayala 1998) and two Italian (Periago Lorente 2003, Romano 2006)
translations. Also note special works on Anonymus Iamblichi (Mari–Musti 2003, Brisson
2009). Edition: Pistelli–Klein 1888, 19962
.
4 Edition: De Falco–Klein (1922, 19752
). Translations: English (Waterfield–Critchlow
1988), Italian (Romano 2006), Russian (Bibikhin–Schetnikov 2009).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 14 / 212>
introduction 3
Dillon (1973),5 while for the Aristotle commentaries we still have to rely
on Dalsgaard Larsen’s edition and various specialized studies. Clearly more
work could be done in this respect.
Other minor fragments and testimonia concerning Iamblichus, scattered
in various sources, still await their editor, while a fragment of an Arabic
version of a Commentary on the Golden Verses, attributed to Iamblichus,
has been recently edited and translated by O’Meara (1989, 230–232) and
Daiber (1995). On the other hand, the doxographical sections of Iamblichus’
original treatiseOnthe Soul, preserved in Stobaeus’ Anthology, collected and
for the first time studied by Festugière (1953), are now comprehensively
edited, translated and commented by J. Finamore and J.M. Dillon (2002).
Finally, Iamblichus as a public figure emerges from a collection of Let￾ters, addressed to his friends, pupils and local dignitaries, recently indepen￾dently collected and studied by J. Dillon and W. Polleichtner (2009), and
D. Taormina and R. Piccione (2010).6
Clearly, thanks to recent scholarship, many old prejudices have been
overcome and Iamblichus has become a more attractive figure for the stu￾dent of the history of Late Platonism. The bibliography below is designed to
illustrate the process of these advances and highlight the areas for possible
further development.7
The idea of this volume was conceived at a seminar on Iamblichus which
took place in the Irish Institute of Hellenic Studies at Athens on March 8–10,
2009, organized with the help of the Centre for Ancient Philosophy and the
Classical Tradition (Novosibirsk, Russia) and the Olympic Centre for Philos￾ophy and Culture (Athens). The director of the Irish Institute, John Dillon,
presented to the public his new edition of Iamblichus’ Letters, while the
participants discussed Iamblichus’ heritage against the background of the
greater Platonic and Pythagorean tradition in Late Antiquity. This anthol￾ogy contains developed versions of some papers given at the seminar as well
as a number of studies written especially for this volume.
5
J.M. Dillon’s book is now reissued with corrections by The Prometheus Trust in a
new series “Platonic texts and translations” (2010). Also note a Russian translation of the
fragments by R. Svetlov (2000).
6 Cf. articles by J. Dillon and D. Taormina included in this volume. Also note Johnson
(1907, 19882
), Molina 2005, O’Meara–Schamp 2006 (which also contains a fine selection of
the letters by Iamblichus’ best student Sopater), and Afonasin 2010.
7 Many thanks go to A. Lecerf and J. Molina for consultations concerning French and
Spanish bibliography.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 15 / 212>
4 introduction
Covering the totality of Iamblichean scholarship was certainly not our pur￾pose, but nonetheless the contributors managed to isolate and treat a num￾ber of important issues, ranging from Pythagorean paideia to the meta￾physics and hierarchy of virtues in Late Platonic philosophy.
The collection opens with two studies on the Pythagorean tradition.
Eugene Afonasin highlights the wealth of information on Pythagoras and
his tradition preserved in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis and presents
them against the background of Later Platonic philosophy. He first outlines
what Clement knew about the Pythagoreans, and then what he made of
the Pythagorean ideal and how he reinterpreted it for his own purposes.
Clement clearly occupies an intermediate position between the Neopy￾thagorean biographical tradition, firmly based on Nicomachus, and that
more or less vague and diffuse literary situation which preceded the later
developments, and in this respect is a very good source, worth studying for
its own sake and as supplementary material which can help to understand
the great Pythagorean synthesis attempted by Iamblichus. Developing their
variants of the “exhortation to philosophy” (protreptikoi logoi), these men
were much concerned with the educational value of the Pythagorean way
of life rather than biographical circumstances, designed to place the ancient
sage in the proper cultural context.
In his contribution to the volume, Luc Brisson first outlines the con￾tent of Iamblichus’ On the common mathematical science, the third book of
the ten-volume compendium of Pythagoreanism, envisaged and partially
accomplished by the Syrian Neoplatonist, and then offers a new transla￾tion of an extract from the treatise (chapter 18), interesting in at least two
respects. The chapter is devoted to changes in the pedagogical technique,
allegedly introduced by the Pythagoreans in the teaching of mathematics:
namely, having taken numerology as a deductive system, they, according
to Iamblichus, perceived it as leading towards the intelligible realm, after
purification achieved by means of preliminary knowledge revealed in σύµ￾βολα and αἰνίγµατα. Thus Iamblichus introduces his famous picture of the
Pythagorean School, distinguishing, on the one hand, between the so-called
hearers (ἀκουσµατικοί) and the scientists, or disciples (µαθηµατικοί), whom
he identifies with those on the inside (τοὺς εἴσω) and those on the outside
(τοὺς ἔξω), and, on the other hand, equating the σύµβολα with ἀκούσµατα.
However anachronistic, this view was quite widespread in Late Antiquity
(cf. the previous study for greater details). Besides, Iamblichus shows how
“the Pythagoreans” derived the entire metaphysical structure from the One￾Good and the first principles (Limit and Unlimited): they first produced
numbers, which, by means of participation, largely dependent on resem-
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 16 / 212>
introduction 5
blance, were then placed in relation to genuine realities (Plato’s Forms)
along with the rest of reality from the gods to matter.
Two subsequent contributions deal with the Letters of Iamblichus. John
Dillon starts with general observations on protreptic epistolography in An￾tiquity and notes that, of the Neoplatonists,Iamblichus appears to be among
those few who took interest in the possibilities offered by this genre. We
have no idea who collected the letters, but it well could be that Iamblichus
and his circle perceived them as a good introduction to philosophy for the
uninitiated. While the style of Iamblichus’ more technical works in general
leaves much to be desired, the letters show the author of a lost treatise ‘On
judging the best type of speech’ as a reasonably good stylist. Asking what
makes a piece of writing a philosophical letter, Dillon answers tentatively
that, unlike a treatise in the form of a letter, a real letter must be person￾alized, contextualized, and pitched firmly at the level of popular philoso￾phy. Indeed, among the correspondents of Iamblichus one finds his pupils,
the members of local aristocracy, and friends, although some of the corre￾spondents cannot be identified with any certainty. The letters address the
ideas of political justice and right education and revolve around the concept
of fate. All forms of divine agency, from blind fate to personalized tychai,
Iamblichus derives from one general source, a certain “most comprehensive
principle of causality” (Letter 8, fr. 1), ultimately responsible for all cosmic
order. Various means of instruction and, most notably, four forms of dialec￾tical argumentation (Letters 5 and 13), should constitute the educational
system which leads to knowledge of this causal principle (Letter 14). Dialec￾tical reasoning is the major milestone on the way of self-knowledge and
apprehension of true virtues, first addressed in general terms in Letter 16
and then specified in a series of letters, dedicated to such virtues, as arête,
phronêsis, homonoia, andreia, and, on the contrary, akharistia. Although no
traces of a very detailed hierarchy of virtues, introduced by Iamblichus and
discussed by J. Finamore below in this volume, can be discerned in the let￾ters, still “to the very culmination of all the virtues and the summation of
all of them … one can come being led by justice” (Letter 2, fr. 1), while “mul￾tiform” virtue of self-control brings about a suitable apportionment among
these of ruling and being ruled (Letter 3, fr. 1, and also 6, fr. 2). Good gov￾ernment depends on an advantageous combination of natural (φύσει) and
social (νόµῳ) factors, on the one hand, and the personality of the ruler and
his personal skills (τέχνη) and luck (τύχη καὶ καιρός), on the other. Appropri￾ate concord and ὁµογνωµοσύνη is a sign of good government (Letters 9 and
6). On the contrary, good social contract is undermined if the ruler is found
“in two minds toward himself” (διχογνωµονῶν) (Letter 9).
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6 introduction
The two-fold nature of the human personality (soul), one part of which is
affected by fate, while the other is free of its influence, is further discussed
by Daniela Taormina. She offers a very detailed analysis of two relevant pas￾sages: the fragment of a letter addressed to Macedonius, On Fate (Letter 8,
Dillon–Pollechtner) andDe mysteriis, VIII 6–7. Both texts link the individual
soul to two principles: one included within the order of fate, the other supe￾rior to nature and free from the order of fate. The latter principle does not
make individual soul belong to the intelligible realm; nor does it infuse the
soul with the intelligible. Rather, it reflects the metaphysical view of partic￾ipation that Iamblichus adopts to describe the one-sided relation between
inferior and superior.
In her study of Neoplatonic metaphysics, Claudia Maggi asserts that
Iamblichus’ doctrine of mathematical entities as metaxy follows from a
background mixing different traditions: not only the Neopythagorean one,
but also Platonic, Aristotelian and Plotinian ones. The hierarchy of num￾bers, presented by the philosopher, probably lies not only with Neopy￾thagorean models, but also with Aristotle’s attribution to Plato of the doc￾trine that there are two kinds of separated numbers, the eid¯etikoi and the
mathematical ones, and with Plotinus’ numerical structure of being. The
Neopythagorean idea of the duplicity of archai mixes Old Academic doc￾trines, which can be traced back to Speusippus, and the Aristotelian notion
of intelligible matter, also used by Plotinus. Plotinus’ influence on Iam￾blichus is particularly visible through the doctrine of vertical causation.
One of the most peculiar aspects of Iamblichus’ solutions is that they carry
out a synthesis capable of recovering, behind the name of Pythagoras, an
agreement underlying all ancient philosophical tradition, and of catching a
glimpse of such agreement in mathematical knowledge.
Gregory Shaw, who has done so much previously for conveying to the
scholarly world a true understanding of the nature and role of theurgy
in later Platonism, here contributes an insightful study of the status of
sense-perception (aesthesis) in theurgic practice. The gods of theurgy, after
all, penetrate the material realm with their influence, and theurgists are
concerned to engage and embody these gods by means of prayer and ritual.
This means that the aesthetic life of theurgists is necessarily the medium
through which they contact the gods. Far from escaping from the material
world and the senses, the theurgist employs aesthetic experience as the
necessary path to deification, and the vehicle through which this deification
occurs is the soul’s subtle body, the ochêma. In theurgic ritual, the ochêma,
purified by daily prayer, is filled with the light of the gods and becomes
shining, augoeides: theurgists, in effect, become gods. The role of the ochêma
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introduction 7
is not to lift the soul out of the sublunary realm; rather, the light-filled
ochêma becomes simultaneously a vehicle for the descent of the god and
the deification of the soul. As Shaw emphasizes, it is important for us to
overcome our natural resistance to this way of looking at the theurgist’s
experience, and recognize that there is much in their thought-world that
remains alien to us.
Next, John Finamore addresses the intriguing question of Iamblichus’
contribution to the theory of the grades of virtue initiated by Plotinus,
specifically in his treatise I 2 [19]. Plotinus was initially seeking to address
the problem of the different, but analogous, ways in which the canoni￾cal four virtues manifest themselves at various levels of human spiritual
progress. It is arguable that Plotinus was only proposing to distinguish
between two levels of virtue proper, the ‘political’ (of the soul as immersed
in civic affairs and the material life) and the ‘purificatory’ or kathartikai,
proper to the philosophical soul that has diverted itself from worldly con￾cerns. The ‘paradigmatic virtues’ above these are properly paradigms of
virtue manifested in higher beings from pure souls up to gods. However that
may be, Porphyry, in s. 32 of his Sententiae, which is an exegesis of Enn. I 2,
chooses to discern fully four levels of virtue; and Iamblichus, in a treatise
On the Virtues (now lost), caps this by adding three more levels, one below
the Plotinian / Porphyrian levels (the ‘natural’, proper even to irrational ani￾mals), and two above, to accommodate the accomplished theurgist. All this
John Finamore discusses with great lucidity.
The significance of the role of divine providence, love and will in the phi￾losophy of Iamblichus is the theme of the essay of Crystal Addey, as well
as his defense of the operation of theurgic prayer, religious invocation and
sacrifice. Recognizing that theurgy has all too often in the past been aligned
with magical practices, she argues that, on the contrary, the significance of
divine providence within Iamblichus’ defense of theurgic prayer and reli￾gious invocation serves to distinguish theurgy definitively from contempo￾rary magical practices.
Svetlana Mesyats deals with the doctrine of divine henads, which she
accepts as being initially developed by Iamblichus, and identifies as arising,
in all probability, as the result of an exegesis of the first two hypotheses of
the Parmenides, in particular in relation to taking the predicates denied and
then asserted of the One as characteristics of different classes of henads. She
proposes a new reconstruction of Iamblichus’ doctrine of henads, according
to which they are neither products of the One nor some lower substances
following after it, but rather different modes of its being a cause, insofar as
the One anticipates in itself this or that particular order of Being.
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8 introduction
Lastly, Adrien Lecerf focuses on an interesting connection between Iam￾blichus and the Emperor Julian. In the latter’s Oration To the Mother of the
Gods, which is a philosophical interpretation of the myth of Cybele and
Attis, reference is made to an enigmatic ‘third Demiurge’. Contrary to the
usual identification of this figure with the visible Helios, or to attempted
links with the theory of ‘three demiurges’ of Amelius and Theodorus of
Asine, he suggests that it may be better to make a comparison with the
system of Demiurges to be discerned in Proclus, where we find a hierarchy
of Zeus, Dionysus and Adonis. Such a hierarchy of entities, he argues, on
the basis of parallels with Damascius, may well go back to Iamblichus,
and illuminate the revolution for which he is responsible in the field of
Neoplatonic theology.
It is to be hoped that this collection of papers will contribute to a fur￾ther deepening and refining of our appreciation of the contribution of
Iamblichus to the development of later Platonism.
The editors wish to thank the authors for their papers, Jacqueline Jones
who worked on the index for us, and the editors at Brill, especially Thalien
Colenbrander. Their hard work and diligence is much appreciated.
Iamblichus of Chalcis: Texts and Translations8
De vita Pythagorica
Deubner, L., Klein, U., eds. 1937. Iamblichus, De vita Pythagorica. Leipzig: Teubner
(2nd corr. ed. Stuttgart: Teubner 1975).
Albrecht, M. von, trans. 1963. Jamblich, Peri tou pythagoreiou biou. Pythagoras,
Legende, Lehre, Lebensgestaltung. Zürich, Stuttgart: Artemis.
Montoneri, Luciano, trans. 1973. Giamblico, Vita pitagorica. Bari: Laterza.
Clark, G., trans. 1989. Iamblichus, On the Pythagorean Life. Liverpool: Liverpool
University Press.
Dillon, J., Hershbell, J., ed. and trans. 1991. Iamblichus, On the Pythagorean Way of
Life. Atlanta: Scholars Press.
Ramos Jurado, Enrique A., trans. 1991. Jámblico, Vida Pitagórica. Madrid: Etnos.
Giangiulio, M., trans. 1991. Giamblico, La vita Pitagorica. Mailand.
Brisson, L., Segonds, A.Ph., trans. 1996. Jamblique, Vie de Pythagore. Paris: Les Belles
Lettres.
Poluektov, Yu. A., trans. 1997. Iamvlikh, Zhizn’ Pifagora. St. Petersburg: Russian
Christian Institute of Humanities (a Russian translation of Iamblichus’ On the
Pythagorean Way of Life).
8 English, German, French, Italian, Spanish and Russian.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 20 / 212>
introduction 9
Chernigovskij, V.B., trans. 1998. Iamvlikh, Zhizn’ Pifagora. Moscow: Novyj Akropol’
(a Russian translation of Iamblichus’ On the Pythagorean Way of Life).
Albrecht, M. von et al., 2002. Jamblich, Peri tou pythagoreiou biou. Pythagoras:
Legende-Lehre-Lebensgestaltung, eingeleitet, übersetzt und mit interpretieren￾den Essays versehen von Michael von Albrecht, John Dillon, Martin George,
Michael Lurje, David S. du Toit, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
Melnikova, I.E., trans. 2002. Iamvlikh, O pifagorovoj zhizni. Moscow: Aletheia
(a Russian translation of Iamblichus’ On the Pythagorean Way of Life).
Periago Lorente, Miguel, trans. 2003. Jámblico, Vida pitagórica, Protréptico. Madrid:
Gredos.
Romano, F., ed. and trans. 2006. Giamblico, Summa pitagorica: Vita di Pitagora,
Esortazione alla filosofia, Scienza matematica comune, Introduzione all’aritme￾tica di Nicomaco, Teologia dell’aritmetica. Milano: Bompiani.
Protrepticus
Pistelli, H., Klein, U. eds. 1888. Iamblichus, Protrepticus. Leipzig: Teubner (2nd corr.
ed. Stuttgart: Teubner 1996).
Johnson, Th., trans.1907,19882
.Iamblichus, The Exhortationto Philosophy, including
the Letters of Iamblichus and Proclus’ Commentary on the Chaldean Oracles,
with a foreword by J. Godwin, edited by S. Neuville. Grand Rapids: Phanes Press.
Schönberger, O. 1984. Iamblichos, Aufruf zur Philosophie. Würzburg.
Des Places, É., ed. and trans. 1989. Jamblique, Protreptique. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Molina Ayala, José. 1998. “Tradición y novedad en el Protréptico a la filosofía de Jám￾blico”, México, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (tesis de maestría,
includes translation).
Periago Lorente, Miguel, trans. 2003. Jámblico, Vida pitagórica, Protréptico. Madrid:
Gredos.
Mari, M., Musti, D., eds. 2003. Anonimo di Giamblico. La pace e il benessere, Idee
sull’ economia, la società, la morale, intr. di Domenico Musti, presentazione dell’
opera, storia degli studi, traduzione e commento di Manuela Mari, testo greco a
fronte. Milano: Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli.
Romano, F., ed. and trans. 2006. Giamblico, Summa pitagorica: Vita di Pitagora,
Esortazione alla filosofia, Scienza matematica comune, Introduzione all’aritme￾tica di Nicomaco, Teologia dell’aritmetica. Milano: Bompiani.
Brisson L., trans. 2009. L’anonyme de Jamblique, Pradeau, J.-F., ed. Les Sophistes.
Paris: Flammarion (Protrepticus, 20, vol. 1, pp. 373–389).
De Communi mathematica scientia
Festa, N., Klein, U., ed. 1891. Iamblichus, De Communi mathematica scientia. Leipzig:
Teubner (2nd corr. ed. Stuttgart: Teubner 1975).
Schönberger, O., Knobloch, E., trasl. 2000. Iamblichos: Von der allgemeinen mathe￾matischen Wissenschaft. St. Katharinen, Scripta Mercaturae.
Romano, F., ed. and trans. 2006. Giamblico, Summa pitagorica: Vita di Pitagora,
Esortazione alla filosofia, Scienza matematica comune, Introduzione all’aritme￾tica di Nicomaco, Teologia dell’aritmetica. Milano: Bompiani.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 21 / 212>
10 introduction
In Nicomachi arithmeticam introductionem
Pistelli, H., Klein, U., eds. 1894. Iamblichus, In Nicomachi arithmeticam introduc￾tionem. Leipzig: Teubner (2nd corr. ed. Stuttgart: Teubner 1975).
Romano, F., ed. and trans. 2006. Giamblico, Summa pitagorica: Vita di Pitagora,
Esortazione alla filosofia, Scienza matematica comune, Introduzione all’aritme￾tica di Nicomaco, Teologia dell’aritmetica. Milano: Bompiani.
On Pythagoreanism V–VII
Tannery, P., ed.1892.“Psellus sur les nombres”, Revue des études grecques 5, 343–347.
O’Meara, D., ed. 1981. “New fragments from Iamblichus’ Collection of Pythagorean
Doctrines”, American Journal of Philology 102, 26–40.
O’Meara, D., ed. and trans. 1989. Pythagoras Revived. Mathematics and Philosophy in
Late Antiquity. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
De mysteriis
Parthey G., ed. 1857. Iamblichus, De mysteriis. Berlin (rpr. Amsterdam 1965).
Quillard, P., trans. 1895. Le Livre de Jamblique sur les mystères, Paris: Librairie de l’art
indépendant.
Hopfner, Th., trans. 1922. Jamblichus, Über die Geheimlehren, Leipzig: Theosophi￾sches Verlagshaus (rpr. 1987, Hildesheim: Olms).
Des Places, É., ed. and trans. 1966, 19892
. Jamblique, Les mystères d’Égypte. Paris: Les
Belles Lettres.
Sodano, A.R., trans. 1984. Giamblico, I misteri egiziani. Milano: Rusconi.
Lukomskij, L. Yu., trans. 1995. Iamvlikh, O egipetskikh misteriyakh. Moscow (a Rus￾sian translation of De mysteriis).
Ramos Jurado, Enrique A., trans. 1997. Jámblico, Sobre los misterios egipcios. Madrid:
Gredos.
Moreschini, Claudio, trans., 2003. Giamblico, I misteri degli egiziani. Milano: Bib￾lioteca Universale Rizzoli.
Clarke, E.C., Dillon, J., Hershbell, J., ed. and trans. 2004. Iamblichus, De mysteriis.
Leiden: Brill.
Broze, M., Van Liefferinge, C., trans. 2009. Jamblique, Les mystères d’Egypte, réponse
d’Abamon à la Lettre de Porphyre à Anébon, traduction nouvelle et commentaire.
Bruxelles: Ousia.
Commentaries on Plato and Aristotle
Dalsgaard Larsen, B., ed. 1972. Jamblique de Chalcis. Exégète et philosophe. Appen￾dice: Testimonia et fragmenta exegetica. Aarhus.
Dillon, J., ed. and trans. 1973. Iamblichi Chalcidensis in Platonis dialogos commenta￾riorum fragmenta. Leiden: Brill (2nd ed., The Prometheus Trust, 2010).
Svetlov R.V., trans. 2000. Iamvlikh, Kommentarii na dialogi Platona. St. Petersburg
(a Russian translation of the fragments of the Platonic commentaries by
Iamblichus).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 22 / 212>
introduction 11
De anima
Festugière, A.-J., trans., 1953. La révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste, III: Les doctrines
de l’âme (suivi de Jamblique, Traité de l’âme, pp. 177–264, traduction et com￾mentaire, Porphyre, De l’animation de l’ embryon). Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Finamore, J., Dillon, J., ed. and trans. 2002. Iamblichus, De anima. Leiden: Brill.
Afonasin, E.V., trans. 2012.Jamvlikh o dyshe, ΣΧΟΛΗ 6.2, 211–248 (includes a Russian
translation of the De anima).
Epistulae
Johnson, Th., trans.1907,19882
.Iamblichus, The Exhortationto Philosophy, including
the Letters of Iamblichus and Proclus’ Commentary on the Chaldean Oracles,
with a foreword by J. Godwin, edited by S. Neuville. Grand Rapids: Phanes
Press.
Molina, José. 2005. “Jámblico, Epístola a Macedonio acerca del destino”, Nouatellus,
23–22, pp. 163–218.
O’Meara, D., Schamp, J., ed. and trans. 2006. Miroirs de prince de l’Empire romain
au IVe siècle. Fribourg: Academic Press / Paris: Cerf (extracts from Iamblichus’
Letters, pp. 10–43).
Dillon, J., Polleichtner, W., ed. and trans. 2009. Iamblichus of Chalcis, The Letters.
Atlanta: Scholars Press.
Taormina, D.P., Piccione, R.M., ed. and trans. 2010. Giamblico, I frammenti dalle
epistole. Napoli: Bibliopolis.
Afonasin, E.V., trans. 2010. Iamvlikh, Pisma, ΣΧΟΛΗ 4.1, 166–193, 4.2, 239–245
(a Russian translation of the Letters).
Theologoumena arithmeticae
De Falco, V., Klein, U. ed. 1922. [Iamblichus], Theologoumena arithmeticae. Leipzig:
Teubner (2nd corr. ed. Stuttgart 1975).
Waterfield, R., Critchlow, K., trans.1988. The Theology of Arythmetic. Onthe Mystical,
Mathematical and Cosmological Symbolism ofthe First Ten Numbers, attributedto
Iamblichus. Grand Rapids: Phanes Press.
Bibikhin, V., trans. 1988. [Iamvlikh], Teologoumeny arifmetiki, an attachment to
Losev, A.F., Istoriya antichnoj estetiki, vol. 7.2. Moscow: Iskusstvo, pp. 394–417
(a partial Russian translation of the Theologoumena arithmeticae).
Romano, F., ed. and trans. 2006. Giamblico, Summa pitagorica: Vita di Pitagora,
Esortazione alla filosofia, Scienza matematica comune, Introduzione all’aritme￾tica di Nicomaco, Teologia dell’aritmetica. Milano: Bompiani.
Bibikhin, V., Schetnikov, A., trans. 2009. [Iamvlikh], Teologoumeny arifmetiki, Afo￾nasin, E.V., ed.Neopifagoreitsy. Novosibirsk: University Press (Special issue of the
journal ΣΧΟΛΗ 3.1–2, including a Russian translation of the Neopythagoreans:
the fragments of Moderatus and Numenius, Nicomachus’ Introduction to Arith￾metic and the Manual of Harmonics, Theon of Smyrna’s Mathematics useful for
understanding Plato, and the Theologoumena arithmeticae).
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12 introduction
Varia
O’Meara, D.1989. Pythagoras Revived.Mathematics and Philosophy in Late Antiquity.
Oxford: Oxford University Press (an ET of the Commentary on the Golden Verses
attributed to Iamblichus).
Daiber, H. 1995. Neuplatonische Pythagorica in arabischem Gewande. Der Kommen￾tar des Iamblichus zu den Carmina aurea. Ein verlorener griechischer Text in
arabischer Überlieferung. Amsterdam.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 24 / 212>
THE PYTHAGOREAN WAY OF LIFE IN
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA AND IAMBLICHUS
Eugene Afonasin
Introductory Remarks
In his De communi mathematica scientia Iamblichus famously distinguishes
two orders of initiation within the Pythagorean School.1 However anachro￾nistic, this distinction reflects a profound change of attitude to Pythagore￾anism which took place in the process of transition from the Late Hellenistic
to the Early Roman period.2
Clement of Alexandria as a ‘Neopythagorean Philosopher’ is relatively
badly served, however. It will be useful therefore to collect various obser￾vations on this issue in a single outline. Clement is not only a good source,
which enhances our knowledge of the Pythagorean tradition. He also was
one of the first Christian philosophers to adopt the ancient theory of sym￾bolism and to sow it in the new Christian soil. In his works the conceptual
system of the second-century Middle Platonists and Neopythagoreans and
the method of allegorical exegesis of Philo of Alexandria were incorporated
1 76, 16ff. Festa. Cf. also De vita Pythagorica, 81. For text, translation and discussion see
the article by Luc Brisson, included in this volume.
2 As a part of the classical heritage, transmitted to Late Antiquity, the Pythagorean
tradition is relatively well documented by the extant sources, fragments and testimonia, and
much work has recently been done in the field. One can also observe the real renaissance
of interest to philosophical biography in recent scholarship. This is especially true about
the mysterious figure of Apollonius and the Neoplatonic philosophical biographies. The
subject in general is covered in M. Hadas and M. Smith (1965). Also consider the numerous
publications on Apollonius of Tyana, such as the progressive editions and translations of his
Letters, Eusebius’ polemical work and Philostratus’ Bios (F. Conybeare 1950, R. Penella 1979,
and Ch. Jones 2005–2006), now classical monographs on Apollonius by M. Dzielska (1986)
and G. Anderson (1986), an account of scholarship on the subject by E. Bowie (1978), as well
as more recent studies by J.-J. Flinterman (1995) and Th. Schirren (2005).
Cf. also J. Bollansée (1999) on Hermippos, as well as M. Edwards (1993 and 2000b), G. Clark
(2000) É. Des Places (1982), A.-J. Festugière (1937), J. Dillon and J. Hershbell (1991), G. Staab
(2002), Al. Oikonomides (1977), P. Athanassiadi (1999 and 2006) and D. O’Meara (1989 and
2006) on the Neoplatonic biographies by Porphyry, Iamblichus, Marinus, and Damask￾ius. One can also recollect studies on Diogenes Laertius and Hippolytus (A. Delatte 1922,
A.-J. Festugière 1945, B. Centrone 1992, and J. Mansfeld 1992).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 25 / 212>
14 eugene afonasin
in the open texture of the Christian Weltanschauung. His distinction be￾tween fundamental belief (koine pistis) and the highest faith, on the one
hand, and the scientific knowledge (episteme) and gnosis, on the other,
became fundamental for the later Christian theory of knowledge. The high￾est faith and true gnosis were considered to be the final steps leading to
Gnostic perfection, and symbolism played the central role in the process
of its achievement. Clement believed that the student should be directed
and educated according to a certain model (partially cast, as I shall argue,
according to the Pythagorean paradigm). The education under the direction
of a learned instructor required time, ability to listen and understand, and a
special disposition towards knowledge, fortified by faith that the real knowl￾edge could be achieved. In the process of paideia the student was supposed
to acquire a certain state of moral perfection, in a symbolic way learning
things, that could not be perceived otherwise, and exercising his analytical
ability by means of natural and precise sciences.
Clement is not unique in his interest in Pythagoreanism. It is quite prob￾able that, in his case, it was inherited from Philo (the best example being
a community of the Pythagorean type, described by Philo in his De vita
contemplativa), but equally possible is that the process went in both direc￾tions: Philo, the Gnostics, Clement (and other Christian philosophers), on
the one hand, and Platonists like Nicomachus, Porphyry and Iamblichus, on
the other, more or less independently created an image that agreed with the
best ideals and expectations of the epoch. As a result, Clement’s Pythagoras
resembles the true Gnostic, while the lives of Pythagoras and such ‘Neopla￾tonic saints’, as Plotinus, Proclus or Isidorus are often reminiscent of the
Christian vitae and even the Gospels.3
Working with Clement I have found it useful to compare his approach to
the Pythagorean tradition with that of Iamblichus. The reasons, I believe,
will become clear below, but what should be mentioned at the outset is
that my interest is substantially based on the fact that, developing their
variants of the “exhortation to philosophy” (protreptikoi logoi), these men
were much concerned with the educational value of the Pythagorean way of
life rather than (however important) biographical circumstances, designed
to place the ancient sage in the proper cultural context. Besides, Clement
3 A well known example is Iamblichus, De Vita Pythagorica, 12, where Thales is said to
proclaim ‘good news’. J. Dillon and J. Hershbell (1991) rightly suspect a Christian influence
here. Especially on the subject, see a useful though doubtful book by I. Lévy (1927) as well as
the studies by M.L. Lagrange (1936–1937), P. Jordan (1961), D. Blanch (1972), J. Schattenmann
(1979), D. Dombrowski (1987), R. Grant (1980), and J. Thom (1994).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 26 / 212>
the pythagorean way of life 15
clearly occupies an intermediate position between the Neopythagorean
biographical tradition, firmly based on Nicomachus, and that more or less
vague and diffuse literary situation which preceded the great Neoplatonic
synthesis. Finally, as a relatively independent student of Pythagoreanism,
freely appropriating his sources for quite external purposes, Clement often
appears to be a good and disengaged testis.
What Did Clement Know about
Pythagoras and the Pythagorean Tradition?
Let us now turn to Clement’s writings, looking everywhere for the Pytha￾gorean elements in them.4 Clement speaks about Pythagoras in various
contexts and dedicates a special chapter (Stromateis V 27–30) to the Pytha￾gorean symbolism. No surprise that for the lover of mysticism Pythagoras
was an ancient sage and religious reformer; a God-inspired transmitter of
the spiritual tradition, which itself reaches back to the most ancient times.
From the very beginning the Pythagorean School functioned as a secret
society and was shrouded in mystery.
Pythagoras from Samos,—says Clement,—was a son of Mnesarchus, as Hip￾pobotus says. But Aristoxenus in his book the Life of Pythagoras, as well as
Aristarchus and Theopompus say that he came from Tyre, Neanthes from
Syria or Tyre, so the majority agrees that Pythagoras was of barbarian origin.
(Strom. I 62, 2–3; cf. Diog. Laert. VIII 1)
He was a student of Pherekydes5 and his floruit falls at the time of the dic￾tatorship of Polycrates of Samos, around the sixty-second Olympiad [ci.
532–529bce].6 But the real teacher of his was certain Sonchis, the highest
prophet of the Egyptians.7 Pythagoras traveled a lot and even “… underwent
circumcision in order to enter the Egyptian shrines to learn their philoso￾phy”. He communicated with the best among the Chaldaeans and the Magi.
4 The works of Clement are extracted according to Otto Stählin’s edition. The Stromateis
I–III are quoted according to J. Ferguson’s translation, occasionally altered; for the rest of
Clement’s text I use William Wilson’s translation with alterations. A partial earlier version
of this paper was presented at the conference “The Quest for Truth: Greek Philosophy and
Epistemology” (Samos, Greece, August, 2000).
5 Strom. I 62, 4. Cf. Diog. Laert. I 12 and VIII 2.
6 Strom. I 65, 2.
7 Strom. I 69, 1. Actually, Clement makes almost all the Greek philosophers Egyptians,
and even Homer ‘as the majority agreed’ was of Egyptian origin (Strom. I 66, 1). So, Homer
was a local man, while Plato, Pythagoras, Thales and many others, though from the other
place, studied there. Apparently, the idea that he lived in a historic and intellectual centre of
the world was dear to Clement’s heart.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 27 / 212>
16 eugene afonasin
And their “common table (τὸ ὁµακοεῖον) symbolizes (αἰνίττεται) that which
is called the Church (Strom. I 66, 2)”. Pythagoras was enthusiastic about
Zoroaster, the Persian Magus, and the followers of Prodicus’ heresy claim to
have obtained secret books of this prophet and religious reformer. “Alexan￾der in his book On Pythagorean Symbols says that Pythagoras was a student
of an Assyrian, named Zaratas”.8
In addition, he believes that Pythagoras has
learnt many things from Gauls and Brahmans (Strom. I 69, 6–70, 1).
Clement is inclined to think that Pythagoras composed some writings
himself, but gave them out as if they contained ancient wisdom, revealed
to him for the first time. So did some of his students:
Ion of Chios9
in his Treblings says that Pythagoras attributed some of his
works to Orpheus. Epigenes in his book On Poetry attributed to Orpheus
says that the Descent into Hades and the Sacred Doctrine10 are works of the
Pythagorean Cercops and the Robe and the Physics of Brontinus.
(Strom. I 131, 4–5)
Pythagoras was by no means a mere transmitter; he himself was a sage,
prophet and the founder of a philosophic school:
The great Pythagoras applied himself ceaselessly to acquiring knowledge of
the future (Strom. I 133, 2). The Italian Pythagorean school of Philosophy,
which settled in Metapontum, lasted here for a long time.11 (I 63, 1)
Students underwent serious tests and exams before entering the school.
And even after being accepted they for many years remained only ‘hear￾ers’, or (ἀκουσµατικοί), those who heard the voice of the master, but he
himself stayed hidden behind a curtain. Only after many years of prelim￾inary studies did they become initiated or “learned enough” (µαθηµατικοί)
8 Hippolytus (Ref. I 11, referring to Diodorus and Aristoxenus) even retells the teaching of
this Zaratas about two daimones, the celestial and the ‘khthonion’. Cf. Porphyry, VP 41 which
seems to be based on the same source (Alexander Polyhistor).
9 Cf. Diog. Laert. I 120. The testimony of this tragic poet (circa 490–422bce) and other
early references to Pythagoras are conveniently assembled in Kirk–Raven–Schofield 1983,
216ff., esp. on this text, 220–221.
10 ῾Ο ἱερὸς λόγος. Cf. ἱρὸς λόγος in Herodotus, II, 81. The historian says here that it was
Pythagoras, not Orpheus who borrowed the sacred rites from the Egyptians and introduced
them to the Greeks. Cf. Diog. Laert. VIII 7.
11 Having accepted the notion of continuity of the Pythagorean tradition, Clement was
quite comfortable with various Pseudo-Pythagorica; at any rate no mention of the Anti￾Pythagorean revolt is recorded (for complete accounts of the historical Pythagorean School
cf. W. Burkert 1972, Ch. Kahn 2001 and L. Zhmud 2011 (forthcoming); on the Pseudo-Pytha￾gorica cf. H. Thesleff 1961, 1965 and 1971, W. Burkert 1961, A. Städele 1980, B. Centrone 1990,
C. Macris 2002).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 28 / 212>
the pythagorean way of life 17
and accorded a privilege of seeing the Master himself.12 If a candidate was
rejected or accused of a bad deed a burial mound was erected in commem￾oration of his ‘death’.
Imagine now, that we are students at the Alexandrian school allegedly
founded by Clement’s teacher Pantenus,13 and listen to his lectures. What
shall we learn about Pythagoras?
Clement would tell us that Pythagoras was a perfect example of righ￾teousness among the Greeks who was worth following. But the road
that leads to perfection is full of labor and everybody has to overcome it
personally:
Pythagoras used to say, that it is reasonable to help a man to lift a burden up,
but there is no obligation to help him down.14
Pythagoras instructed one to clean one’s body and soul before entering the
road by means of strictly drawn dietary regulations.15 One of the reasons for
this is that the burden of food prevents soul from ‘rising to higher levels of
reality’, a condition which, after certain exercise, could be reached during
sleep or meditation. Maintaining self-control and a right balance is there￾fore absolutely necessary for everyone entering on the path of knowledge:
‘A false balance (ζυγὰ δόλια) is an abomination in the Lord’s eye, but a just
weight is acceptable to him.’ (Prov. 11.1). It is on the basis of this that Pythago￾ras warns people ‘Step not over a balance (ζυγὸν µὴ ὑπερβαίνειν)’.16
It is said that the Pythagoreans abstain from sex. My own view, on the con￾trary, is that they married to produce children, and kept sexual pleasure under
control thereafter. This is why they place a mystical ban on eating beans,
not because they lead to belching, indigestion, and bad dreams, or because
a bean has the shape of a human head, as in the line: To eat beans is like eat￾ing your parents’ heads,—but rather because eating beans produces sterility
in women.17 (Strom. III 24, 1–2)
12 Strom. V 59, 1 (cf. V 67, 3). Note that Clement happened to be the first writer to use these
terms.
13 On the question of historicity of the school see A. van den Hoek (1997).
14 Strom. I 10, 3; the very first reference to Pythagoras in the Stromateis.
15 Strom. II 92, 1. For a detailed account of the dietary regulations and philosophy beyond
them see R. Grant (1980) and D. Dombrovsky (1987).
16 Strom. II 79, 2 and V 30, 1; cf. Iamblichus, Prot., 21.
17 For this well attested Orphic fragment (648 Bernabé / 291 Kern) cf. also Diog. Laert.
VIII, 34–35 (where Alexander Polyhistor, quoting from Aristotle, relates that abstention from
beans is advised either because they resemble privy parts, or because they are like the gates of
Hades …, or because they are destructive, or because they are like the nature of the universe,
or, finally, because they are oligarchical, being used in the choice of rulers by lot),Iamblichus,
VP 61 (a curious story on how Pythagoras taught an ox to abstain from beans) and 109 (on
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 29 / 212>
18 eugene afonasin
Pythagoras advised us to take more pleasure in the Muses than in the Sirens,
teaching the practice of all form of wisdom without pleasure (Strom. I 48, 1).18
Heraclides of Pontus records that Pythagoras taught that happiness is the
scientific knowledge of the perfection of the numbers of the soul.19
(Strom. II 130, 1)
The goal of the Pythagoreans consists therefore not in abstaining fromdoing
certain important things, but rather in abstention from harmful and useless
things in order to attain to a better performance in those which are really
vital. As in the case with marriage (above), Clement generally disagrees with
those who put too much emphasis on self-restriction. He has a good reason
for doing this, as we shall see later whilst analyzing Clement’s critique of
some Gnostic ideas that are closely connected with the Pythagorean prob￾lematic. Pythagorean abstinentia should be based on reason and judgment
rather than tradition or ritual. Thus κοινωνία καὶ συένεια unites not only all
mankind, but also all living beings with the gods. This alone is the sufficient
reason for abstaining from flesh meat:
I think that it was a splendid statement of Hippodamus the Pythagorean:
‘Friendships are of three kinds, one group arising from knowledge of the gods,
one from the service of human beings, and one from animal pleasures.’ These
are respectively the friendships enjoyed by philosophers, ordinary men and
animals (Strom. II 102, 1) … I personally think that Pythagoras derived his
gentle attitude to irrational animals from the Law. For example, he declared
that people should refrain from taking new births out of their flocks of sheep
or goats or herds of cattle for immediate profit or by reason of sacrifice.
(Strom. II 92, 1)
Blaming those who justify unnecessary cruelty because of avarice or similar
external reasons, Clement completely ignores the traditional Pythagorean
explanation, based on the concept of the ‘unity of all living beings’, i. e.
the doctrine of reincarnation. Clement certainly knows this, but definitely
the fact that abstaining from beans has many unnamed sacred, natural and psychological
reasons) and the very end of his Protreptikos(where a theological reason is given). Hippolytus
(Ref. I 14, relaying on the above mentioned Zaratas) and Porphyry, VP 43 (also mentioning
the Chaldeans two sections above) say that beans were created simultaneously with men
and even suggest two experiments designed to prove this!
18 Cf. the beginning of the last chapter of Clement’s Protreptikos. In order to clean and
harmonize the soul the Pythagoreans had a habit of playing the lyre before going to sleep,
a fact also attested in Plutarch (De Iside et Osiride, 384a) and Iamblichus (De vita pyth.
110–115).
19 The whole passage II 131, 2–133, 7 is obviously taken from a doxography, which records
various ‘opinions of the philosophers about happiness’. Clement even indicates where he has
finished copying, saying ‘so much of that’ at the end of the extract.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 30 / 212>
the pythagorean way of life 19
prefers another, more practical explanation, leaving metempsychosis to the
Gnostics who, according to his opinion, are guilty of a distortion of the
Pythagorean doctrine. Pythagoras is taken here
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unknown{"queries":["Give me a deep dive on the hermetic discussions of falls into bodies into our text and how it differs from iamblichus account.","Korē Kosmou fall into bodies soul descent embodiment Stobaeus Hermetic","Stobaeus Hermetica soul descent into bodies providence fate Heimarmene","Iamblichus descent of soul into body ensoulment fate vehicle of the soul ochêma De mysteriis VIII 6 7","Iamblichus De anima descent into body two-fold soul embodied intellect fate"],"source_filter":["files_uploaded_in_conversation"]}

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【0†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


Content source: Source.file
Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn4file0
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[L1] Everything in the lower world is an
[L2] illusion, not a stepping-stone toward higher reality. Science and empiri￾cism are, it seems, not ways to God. The only right response to radical
[L3] falsehood is radical devotion to the super-cosmic God (SH B.). Life on
[L4] earth is a battle against the drives and desires of the body. Ultimately, the
[L5] body must be abandoned before one ascends to God (SH B.–) and
[L6] beholds him (SH .).
[L7] Body and soul are fundamentally different realities. Bodies are ever￾changing and corruptible, therefore “nothing in the realm of body is true”
[L8] (SH . §). The soul is an eternal, bodiless entity. Nevertheless, the
[L9] soul, while existing in the body, can be negatively affected by the body’s
[L10] motions and energies (SH .). Since energies must exist in bodies, many
[L11] energies are forces bringing corruption (SH .–) and – when they
[L12] stream from the stars – catastrophic destruction (SH ., ).
[L13] The precise relations between Providence, Necessity, and Fate are
[L14] difficult to reconstruct. As regards Fate, however, the position in the
[L15] Stobaean Hermetica is clear: Fate has powers over bodies that are born,
[L16] but not over immortal, incorporeal souls (SH .; .). Fate itself is
[L17]  Stobaean Hermetica (SH 1–29)
[L18] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L19]
[L20]
[L21] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L22] 1#) 3D,
[L23] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 39 / 272>subject to a higher order, the order of Providence – an order to which the
[L24] intelligent motion of the soul corresponds. Fate uses the stars as its
[L25] instrument, but the energies of the stars only affect bodies (SH .). In
[L26] itself, the soul has the power to choose freely (SH .; .). But when
[L27] the soul lets itself be dictated by bodily drives and desires, it is drawn into
[L28] the realm and grip of Fate.
[L29] Both cosmology and theology are somewhat different in SH –. In
[L30] these tractates, a major concern is to explain the divine origin of the soul
[L31] while maintaining the souls’ essential differences in rank.

【1†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


Content source: Source.file
Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn4file1
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[L1] Each of these elements serve as a covering for these bodies. Every
[L2] soul in the body is weighed down and oppressed by these four elements.
[L3] Accordingly, it is natural that the soul likes some elements and dislikes
[L4] others. For this reason, the soul does not enjoy the height of its happiness.
[L5] Rather, because the soul is divine by nature, it struggles amidst these
[L6] elements. The soul has understanding, to be sure, but does not understand
[L7] the things it would if untethered from bodies. Whenever bodies experience
[L8] restlessness and turmoil, whether from disease or fear, then the soul itself is
[L9] heaved by waves – like a person in the open sea – and produces nothing
[L10] stable.”
[L11] 
[L12]  For the wave image, compare Plato: “The [embodied] souls, then, being thus bound within a
[L13] mighty river neither mastered it nor were mastered, but with violence they rolled along” (Timaeus
[L14] b); Philo: “The other souls descending into the body as though into a stream have sometimes
[L15] been caught in the swirl of its rushing torrent and swallowed up in it” (Giants ).
[L16] SH  
[L17] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L18]
[L19]
[L20] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L21] 1#) 3D,
[L22] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 154 / 272>SH 
[L23] Stobaeus transmits the following excerpt toward the end of his long
[L24] chapter “On the Soul” (the same chapter as SH , , , , –,
[L25] and ). It is immediately preceded by selections from Iamblichus’s
[L26] treatise On the Soul. It is directly followed by what appears below as SH .
[L27] SH  seems to assume, and perhaps originally followed, SH  (the
[L28] Korē Kosmou). The heart of the Korē Kosmou tells the story of the souls’
[L29] creation and embodiment. Accordingly, Horus first thanks Isis for telling
[L30] him about the souls’ embodiment (SH .). He wants to know what
[L31] happens immediately after souls depart from their bodies.
[L32] Strongly rejected here is the Epicurean idea that souls are dispersed like
[L33] smoke. Dispersal is impossible, given that the soul is simple (made up of a
[L34] single substance), immortal, and divine. In addition, although the soul was
[L35] made from divine breath, it exists as something qualitatively different than
[L36] air.

【2†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
Citation Marker: fileciteturn4file2
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[L1] Stobaeus’s interests were
[L2] broad, and Hermetic learning seemed to have known no bounds. Thus we
[L3] also find disquisitions on time, matter, sleep, Justice, climate, and familial
[L4] resemblance – to name just a few. Collectively, Hermetic texts provided
[L5] something like “a theory of everything” at the risk of great internal
[L6] tensions.
[L7] Here we can only touch on some of the major themes in the Stobaean
[L8] Hermetica. We commence, as Stobaeus did long ago, with God. The
[L9] primal, or “preexistent,” God is not the cosmos or a deity in the cosmos.
[L10] He is a supreme, ineffable being who transcends language, bodies, and all
[L11] perceptible reality (SH .–; .). The creation of this God is eternal as
[L12] are the (probably astral) bodies that he makes (SH A.; .). The image
[L13] of God is not the whole cosmos, but the Sun (SH .). The Sun is the
[L14] creator of the cosmos and of all bodies that change (SH A.). Yet the
[L15] Sun is so far below the primal God that his ability to truly imitate him is
[L16] limited (SH .). The way to God is lived by cultivating devotion and the
[L17] spiritual senses. Reaching God ultimately involves an ascent beyond the
[L18] material world.
[L19] All changeable bodies on earth exist in a realm of untruth and false
[L20] appearance (SH A; . §). Everything in the lower world is an
[L21] illusion, not a stepping-stone toward higher reality. Science and empiri￾cism are, it seems, not ways to God. The only right response to radical
[L22] falsehood is radical devotion to the super-cosmic God (SH B.). Life on
[L23] earth is a battle against the drives and desires of the body. Ultimately, the
[L24] body must be abandoned before one ascends to God (SH B.–) and
[L25] beholds him (SH .).
[L26] Body and soul are fundamentally different realities. Bodies are ever￾changing and corruptible, therefore “nothing in the realm of body is true”
[L27] (SH . §). The soul is an eternal, bodiless entity. Nevertheless, the
[L28] soul, while existing in the body, can be negatively affected by the body’s
[L29] motions and energies (SH .). Since energies must exist in bodies, many
[L30] energies are forces bringing corruption (SH .–) and – when they
[L31] stream from the stars – catastrophic destruction (SH ., ).
[L32] The precise relations between Providence, Necessity, and Fate are
[L33] difficult to reconstruct. As regards Fate, however, the position in the
[L34] Stobaean Hermetica is clear: Fate has powers over bodies that are born,
[L35] but not over immortal, incorporeal souls (SH .; .).

【3†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


Content source: Source.file
Title: [Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 23
[L2] In his Timaeus commentary Iamblichus says the Demiurge creates the soul
[L3] with a vehicle “produced from the entire Aether (pantos tou aitheros) …
[L4] [and] possessing a creative power.”24 But, unlike the heavenly gods, in the
[L5] exercise of this power, we become self-alienated (allotriôthen).25 When we
[L6] 20 DM 124.1–2.
[L7] 21 DM 238.11–12: ἔργον τε οὐδὲν ἱερατικὸν ἄνευ τῶν ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἱκετειῶν γίγνεται.
[L8] 22 DM 238.13–239.10. (modified).
[L9] 23 DM 202.10–203.1 (modified).
[L10] 24 Frag. 84.4–5; J. Dillon tr. and ed. (1978) 196.
[L11] 25 Simplicius ed. M. Hayduck (1882) 223.26; he also says that according to Iamblichus the
[L12] embodied soul is also “made other to itself” (heteroiousthai pros heautên), 223.31.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 109 / 212>98 gregory shaw
[L13] animate bodies we lose our spherical form and become trapped in the
[L14] oppositions of material life: the divisions, collisions, impacts, reactions, and
[L15] changes that Iamblichus says are the unavoidable experiences of embod￾ied life.26 In theurgic prayer we balance these oppositions in the pneumatic
[L16] body; we receive the noêsis of the gods. As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L17] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L18] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L19] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L20] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L21] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L22] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L23] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L24] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L25] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L26] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L27] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L28] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L29] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L30] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L31] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L32] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.

【4†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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Title: [Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] In his view, awareness is
[L2] removed from our physical bodies only by entering another body, invisibly
[L3] present in the physical and activated in moments of ecstatic release. This
[L4] subtle body was described by Iamblichus as the vehicle of the soul (ochêma
[L5] tês psuchês), and it is through this vehicle that the soul animates the physical
[L6] body and through which it receives the presence of the gods. It is through
[L7] the ochêma that the soul enters embodied life, and it is through this same
[L8] ochêma that the soul receives the gods and becomes divine. If the Platonic
[L9] philosopher was to become an embodied god, as Plotinus encouraged, it
[L10] was by means of the ochêma.
[L11] 8 Αἵ τε ἐνέργειαι αὐτῶν οὐδαµῶς εἰσιν ἀνθρώπιναι· τά τε γὰρ ἄβατα βατὰ γίγνεται θεοφορού￾µενα …
[L12] 9 F. Smith (2006) provides a wealth of examples as well as a perceptive analysis of these
[L13] phenomena and our attempt to study them.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 105 / 212>94 gregory shaw
[L14] The doctrine of the subtle body in Iamblichus has been carefully exam￾ined by John Finamore and, while I will focus specifically on its physical
[L15] sensations in theurgy, his summary will help us proceed. Finamore says:
[L16] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L17] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L18] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L19] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L20] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L21] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L22] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L23] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L24] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L25] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L26] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L27] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L28] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L29] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L30] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L31] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L32] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L33] plays a critical role in theurgic divination.

【5†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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Title: [Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] Fribourg: Academic Press / Paris: Cerf (extracts from Iamblichus’
[L2] Letters, pp. 10–43).
[L3] Sykutris, J. 1931. ‘Epistolographie’, in RE Suppl. 5, 185–220.
[L4] Taormina, D.P., Piccione, R.M., ed. and trans. 2010. Giamblico, I frammenti dalle
[L5] epistole. Napoli: Bibliopolis.
[L6] Thesleff, H., 1965. The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period. Åbo.
[L7] Vanderspoel, J. 1999. ‘Correspondence and Correspondents of Julius Julianus’, By￾zantion 69, 396–478.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 74 / 212>IAMBLICHUS: THE TWO-FOLD NATURE OF
[L8] THE SOUL AND THE CAUSES OF HUMAN AGENCY
[L9] Daniela P. Taormina
[L10] Introduction
[L11] Iamblichus’ doctrine of the soul poses a problem of internal consistency.
[L12] Based on the fragments of De anima preserved in Joannes Stobaeus’ writ￾ings, the evidence provided by Priscian of Lydia and the commentary on De
[L13] anima attributed to Simplicius in the manuscript tradition, the very core of
[L14] Iamblichus’ doctrine would appear to coincide with the notion that once
[L15] the human soul has descended into the world of becoming and joined the
[L16] body, it changes in substance while preserving its identity.1 As it has been
[L17] emphasized in a number of important studies, this thesis was developed
[L18] and formulated by the philosopher in opposition to Plotinus’ doctrine that
[L19] the soul possesses an immutable and unchanging nature. Usually referred
[L20] to as the doctrine of the “undescended soul”, the latter view rests on a strict
[L21] ontological distinction between the level of the soul and those of realities
[L22] superior to it.2 A closer examination of other fragments of De anima, as
[L23] well as evidence from Damascius and Hermias of Alexandria, would how￾ever appear to challenge the above reconstruction of Iamblichus’ doctrine.
[L24] Based on these sources, Iamblichus would seem to be drawing a hierarchi￾cal distinction among individual souls according to their relation to change.
[L25] What he would be arguing is that the superior class of souls undergoes no
[L26] change in substance (see in particular Damascius, Commentary on Plato’s
[L27] Parmenides IV p. 24.1–23 W.-C.). Iamblichus would thus appear to be grant￾ing certain categories of souls the same status as the one Plotinus confers on
[L28] all souls—something Iamblichus criticises in other passages of his writing.
[L29] 1 See Prisc. Lyd. Metaphr. in Theophr. p. 32.13–19. See too J.F. Finamore—J.M. Dillon
[L30] (2002) 238–241, 258–259. Other crucial sources for Iamblichus’ doctrine of the soul are Procl.
[L31] In Tim. iii p. 333. 23ff. and Simpl. (?) In de an. p. 5. 33ff., p. 89. 22ff., p. 240. 33ff., p. 313. 1ff.
[L32] (cf. ibid. p. 237. 37ff.). These passages have been collected and translated by A.J. Festugière
[L33] (1953) 252–257 and J. Finamore (2002) 229–278.

【6†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] Compare SH . (when the soul takes a body it comes
[L2] under Fate).
[L3] SH  
[L4] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L5]
[L6]
[L7] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L8] 1#) 3D,
[L9] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 76 / 272>SH 
[L10] SH  (Stobaeus, Anthology ..) comes from a chapter called “On
[L11] <Divine> Necessity, by which things Planned by God Inevitably
[L12] Occur.” It is preceded by what appears below as SH  (Anthology
[L13] ..
[L14] b
[L15] ) which gives the opinion of Hermes on Necessity. Hermes’s
[L16] view is then complemented by the views of other famous philosophers
[L17] on the same topic (Anthology ..c
[L18] ). Jean-André Festugière under￾stood SH  to be part of the same treatise as SH  on the topic of
[L19] Providence, Necessity, and Fate. Based strictly on its content, how￾ever, SH  might better be read (and indeed placed) among SH
[L20] –.
[L21] After an introductory formula, Tat asks Hermes to distinguish the forces
[L22] of Providence, Necessity, and Fate. Hermes answers the question in a
[L23] roundabout way by distinguishing three kinds of bodiless entities separ￾ately governed by these three forces. Providence governs intellectual reality
[L24] (elsewhere called nous); Necessity governs non-rational forces (like drive
[L25] and desire), and Fate governs the incidental properties of bodies (qualities
[L26] like shape, color, place, and time).
[L27] Nous is free from the forces of Necessity and Fate when in direct
[L28] relation to God. When separated from God, nous falls into a body
[L29] according to the will of Providence. Nous is then joined to the non￾rational parts of the soul (namely, drive and desire) which are subject
[L30] to Necessity. Insofar as nous is joined with these lower parts of the
[L31] soul, it falls under the power of Necessity. When the human nous
[L32] turns toward God, however, it can both save the lower soul and
[L33] transcend the power of Necessity.
[L34]  NF .lxi–lxii.

【7†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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[L1] Finamore says:
[L2] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L3] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L4] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L5] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L6] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L7] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L8] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L9] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L10] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L11] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L12] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L13] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L14] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L15] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L16] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L17] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L18] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L19] plays a critical role in theurgic divination. Fortunately, Iamblichus provides
[L20] quite a few clues about how this transformation happens, but it is easy
[L21] to misunderstand what he says. As scholars we are far more the heirs of
[L22] Porphyry than of Iamblichus, and to grasp the theurgic function of the
[L23] ochêma we naturally look for discursively coherent descriptions. Porphyry
[L24] did just that. He asked Iamblichus for a diarthrôsis, a precise articulation
[L25] of the divination of the future—a request which seems reasonable to us—
[L26] but Iamblichus objects to the question and chastises Porphyry for assuming
[L27] that divination could be understood as if it were a natural phenomenon or
[L28] human technique capable of discursive analysis.12 He says:
[L29] 10 J. Finamore (1985) 1.
[L30] 11 Ibid., 2.
[L31] 12 DM 99.10–100.6; diarthrôthênai at 99.9.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 106 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 95
[L32] For, according to the gist of your question, you believe something like this
[L33] about foreknowledge: “that it can come into being,” and is among “the things
[L34] existing in nature.” But it is not one of the things coming into existence, and
[L35] it does not behave at all like a natural change, nor is it an artifact invented for
[L36] use in daily life, nor is it, generally, a human achievement at all.

【8†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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[L1] Human bodies can travel only so far as their
[L2] nature and the astral powers allow (§–).
[L3] In preparation for human embodiment, a second creation story is told
[L4] (§§–). According to this account, God calls a (second) council of star
[L5] gods. As they once provided their gifts to humankind, so now they offer
[L6] their products to the world. The mist and dark chaos that is lower earth is
[L7] immediately ordered and made visible to the heavens above. God himself
[L8] directly provides all the products of nature to the world system. The earth
[L9] is ready to receive the host of souls.
[L10] Locked up in mortal bodies, the souls prove utterly rebellious and
[L11] barbarous. Remembering their noble birth, humans impiously assault the
[L12] star gods. On earth, the strong ruthlessly oppress the weak. Temples are
[L13] polluted with the bodies of the butchered. There are no laws and no fear of
[L14] punishment (§§–).
[L15] Four figures rise to call a halt to human savagery. They are the elements:
[L16] Fire, Air, Water, and Earth. Lamenting their defilement, the elements
[L17] petition the supreme God to send a subordinate god to civilize the world
[L18] (§§–). The high God responds by sending his own emanation in the
[L19] form of Isis and Osiris. When they arrive on earth, they fill it with
[L20] the blessings of law, art, and religious rites. They discover and ensure the
[L21] preservation of Hermes’s ancient wisdom. After prayer, Isis and Osiris
[L22] re-ascend – like Hermes of old – to their heavenly home.
[L23] With their return journey complete, the tractate comes to a close. Isis
[L24] herself guarantees that true knowledge of creation will persist on earth by
[L25] passing it on to her son Horus – and hence to all future readers of
[L26] Hermetic lore.
[L27] What the Hermetic reader must remember is that despite their savagery
[L28] and capacity to degrade, humans are essentially divine. They come from
[L29] the realm of the stars. Their souls are of varying quality, but none of them
[L30] lacks divinity. All they need is a guide to bring them the culture and
[L31] education that will allow them to remember who they are.
[L32] Earlier interpreters who championed the influence of Jewish myth (in
[L33] particular, the fallen angel myth of  Enoch) emphasized the theme of
[L34] forbidden knowledge. Yet knowledge is never actually forbidden in the
[L35] Korē Kosmou. It is God who invites the lower world to search for and find
[L36] him. God wills to bring order out of disorder, and the creation of souls is
[L37]  See the summary of Ferguson, Hermetica, .xxxiv–xlii, who discusses Wilhelm Bousset and other
[L38] earlier interpreters.

【9†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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[L1] The fact that from no other of his fellow Neoplatonists do we have
[L2] such a collection may perhaps be accidental, but, so far as we can see, he
[L3] stands alone not only among his contemporaries, but within the earlier Pla￾tonic tradition as well.
[L4] 23 Attested by Syrianus,InHermogenemI, p. 9,11 Rabe.In the context, this was presumably
[L5] a treatise on rhetoric rather than anything philosophical.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 73 / 212>62 john dillon
[L6] References
[L7] Deissmann, A. 1923. Licht vom Osten: Das neue Testament und die neu-entdeckten
[L8] Texte der hellenistisch-römischen Welt. Tübingen.
[L9] Dillon, J. 2004. ‘Philosophy as a Profession in Late Antiquity’, in Approaching Late
[L10] Antiquity, edd. Simon Swain & Mark Edwards, Oxford, pp. 401–418.
[L11] Dillon, J., Polleichtner, W., ed. and trans. 2009. Iamblichus of Chalcis, The Letters.
[L12] Atlanta: Scholars Press.
[L13] Finamore, J., Dillon, J., ed. and trans. 2002. Iamblichus, De anima. Leiden: Brill.
[L14] Koskinnieni, H. 1956. Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis
[L15] 400 n. Chr. Helsinki.
[L16] O’Meara, D., Schamp, J., ed. and trans. 2006. Miroirs de prince de l’Empire romain
[L17] au IVe siecle. Fribourg: Academic Press / Paris: Cerf (extracts from Iamblichus’
[L18] Letters, pp. 10–43).
[L19] Sykutris, J. 1931. ‘Epistolographie’, in RE Suppl. 5, 185–220.
[L20] Taormina, D.P., Piccione, R.M., ed. and trans. 2010. Giamblico, I frammenti dalle
[L21] epistole. Napoli: Bibliopolis.
[L22] Thesleff, H., 1965. The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period. Åbo.
[L23] Vanderspoel, J. 1999. ‘Correspondence and Correspondents of Julius Julianus’, By￾zantion 69, 396–478.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 74 / 212>IAMBLICHUS: THE TWO-FOLD NATURE OF
[L24] THE SOUL AND THE CAUSES OF HUMAN AGENCY
[L25] Daniela P. Taormina
[L26] Introduction
[L27] Iamblichus’ doctrine of the soul poses a problem of internal consistency.
[L28] Based on the fragments of De anima preserved in Joannes Stobaeus’ writ￾ings, the evidence provided by Priscian of Lydia and the commentary on De
[L29] anima attributed to Simplicius in the manuscript tradition, the very core of
[L30] Iamblichus’ doctrine would appear to coincide with the notion that once
[L31] the human soul has descended into the world of becoming and joined the
[L32] body, it changes in substance while preserving its identity.1 As it has been
[L33] emphasized in a number of important studies, this thesis was developed
[L34] and formulated by the philosopher in opposition to Plotinus’ doctrine that
[L35] the soul possesses an immutable and unchanging nature.
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 272>
[L2] HERMETICA II
[L3] This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
[L4] Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
[L5] It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
[L6] famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
[L7] before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
[L8] from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
[L9] and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
[L10] Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
[L11] of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
[L12] which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
[L13] appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
[L14] including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
[L15] world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
[L16] Renaissance.
[L17] .   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
[L18] Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
[L19] Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
[L20] Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
[L21] and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
[L22] Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
[L23] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
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[L25]
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[L34] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 272>
[L35] HERMETICA II
[L36] The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
[L37] Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
[L38] Introductions
[L39] M. DAVID LITWA
[L40] Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
[L41] C6$ %"7D%62(2:2362C9CC#%))) 2 3$:586 "$8"$6C6$ % 9CC#%5": "$8   
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[L46] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 272>
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[L67]  ---- Hardback
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[L78] For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
[L79] שבת שלום
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[L92] Contents
[L93] Preface page xi
[L94] Abbreviations xii
[L95] General Introduction 
[L96] A Note on This Translation 
[L97] Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
[L98]   ( –) 
[L99]   ( –) 
[L100]   ( –) 
[L101]      ( –) 
[L102]  Tertullian 
[L103]  Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
[L104] – Lactantius 
[L105] – Iamblichus 
[L106] – Zosimus 
[L107]  Ephrem the Syrian 
[L108] – Cyril of Alexandria 
[L109] Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
[L110] vii
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[L117]  Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L118]  John Lydus 
[L119]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L120]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L121]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L122]  Augustine 
[L123]  Quodvultdeus 
[L124]  Michael Psellus 
[L125]  Albert the Great 
[L126]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L127]    
[L128]  ( –) 
[L129]  Artapanus 
[L130]  Cicero 
[L131]  Manilius 
[L132]  Thrasyllus 
[L133]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L134]  Philo of Byblos 
[L135]  Athenagoras 
[L136]  Virtues of Plants 
[L137]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L138]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L139]  Arnobius 
[L140]  Iamblichus 
[L141]  Marius Victorinus 
[L142]  The Emperor Julian 
[L143] viii Contents
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[L150]  Ammianus Marcellinus 
[L151]  Greek Magical Papyri 
[L152]  Filastrius 
[L153]  First Prologue to the Cyranides 
[L154]  Augustine 
[L155]  Hermias 
[L156]  Cyril of Alexandria 
[L157]  John of Antioch 
[L158]  Isidore of Seville 
[L159]  John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
[L160]  Al-Kindī 
[L161]  Abū Ma‘shar 
[L162]  Ibn an-Nadīm 
[L163]  Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
[L164]  Michael Psellus 
[L165]  Emerald Tablet 
[L166]  Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
[L167] of Nature 
[L168]  Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
[L169]  Book of Alcidus 
[L170]  Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
[L171]  Book of the Beibenian Stars 
[L172]  Albert the Great 
[L173]  Picatrix 
[L174]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L175] Bibliography 
[L176] Index 
[L177] Contents ix
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[L190] Preface
[L191] Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
[L192] there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
[L193] various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
[L194] At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
[L195] of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
[L196] The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
[L197] own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
[L198] When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
[L199] Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
[L200] texts originally written in Arabic.
[L201] The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
[L202] readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
[L203] with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
[L204] background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
[L205] many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
[L206] spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
[L207] include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
[L208] Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
[L209] and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
[L210] Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
[L211] answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
[L212] thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
[L213] xi
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[L218] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 272>
[L219] Abbreviations
[L220] ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
[L221] der römischen Welt
[L222] Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
[L223] BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
[L224] Teubneriana
[L225] CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
[L226] –
[L227] CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[L228] CH Corpus Hermeticum
[L229] CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
[L230]  vols., 
[L231] Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
[L232] Hermeticum, 
[L233] DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
[L234] Esotericism, .
[L235] DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
[L236] DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
[L237] edition
[L238] Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
[L239] DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
[L240]  vols., –
[L241] F Codex Farnesius
[L242] FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
[L243] FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
[L244] Theophrastus of Eresus, 
[L245] HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
[L246] LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
[L247]  vols., 
[L248] MSS Manuscripts
[L249] Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
[L250] xii
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[L258] NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
[L259] –
[L260] NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
[L261] NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
[L262] NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
[L263] OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
[L264] et fragmenta, 
[L265] OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
[L266] OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
[L267] OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
[L268] –
[L269] P Codex Parisinus gr. 
[L270] PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
[L271] PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
[L272] –
[L273] Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
[L274] RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
[L275] nd edn., –
[L276] SC Sources Chrétiennes
[L277] Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
[L278]  vols., –
[L279] SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
[L280] SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
[L281] TH Hermetic Testimonies
[L282] VC Vigiliae Christianae
[L283] VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
[L284] Abbreviations xiii
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[L299] General Introduction
[L300] There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
[L301] appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
[L302]  The first is
[L303] the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
[L304]  anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
[L305] featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
[L306] formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
[L307] Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
[L308] of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
[L309] by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
[L310] Vienna and Oxford.
[L311] The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
[L312] Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
[L313] English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
[L314] translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
[L315] from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
[L316]  Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
[L317] Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
[L318] van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
[L319] the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
[L320] ), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
[L321] –; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
[L322] and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
[L323] –; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L324] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L325] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L326] ibid., –.
[L327] 
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[L334] It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L335] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L336] Hermes-Thoth
[L337] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L338] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L339] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L340] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L341] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L342] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L343] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L344] thread at significant points of reception.
[L345] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L346] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L347] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L348] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L349] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L350] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L351] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L352] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L353] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L354] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L355] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L356] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L357] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L358] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L359] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L360] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L361] the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
[L362] certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
[L363] A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
[L364]  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
[L365] Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
[L366] D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
[L367] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
[L368]  General Introduction
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[L375] doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
[L376]  volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
[L377] would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
[L378] of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
[L379] priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
[L380] According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
[L381] “the gods in the heavens.”
[L382]  Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
[L383] scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
[L384] astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
[L385] nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
[L386] intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
[L387] ascribed to Hermes.
[L388] The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
[L389] in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
[L390] procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
[L391] Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
[L392] highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
[L393] “hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
[L394] held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
[L395] Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
[L396] matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
[L397] Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
[L398] for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
[L399] medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
[L400] vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
[L401] Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
[L402] from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
[L403] “winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
[L404]  The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
[L405] “The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
[L406] (Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
[L407] Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
[L408] Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
[L409] University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
[L410] Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
[L411] and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
[L412] nn.–.
[L413] General Introduction 
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[L420] helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
[L421] the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
[L422] Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
[L423] lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
[L424] When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
[L425] Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
[L426] was similar?
[L427] There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
[L428] Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
[L429] the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
[L430] Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
[L431] confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
[L432] against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
[L433] inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
[L434] leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
[L435] dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
[L436] of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
[L437] this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
[L438] netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
[L439] halls of Hades.
[L440] Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
[L441] Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
[L442] Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
[L443] interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
[L444]  Thoth is also the god
[L445] who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
[L446] the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
[L447]  The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
[L448] Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
[L449] Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
[L450] Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
[L451] (Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
[L452] (London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
[L453] of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
[L454] Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
[L455] First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
[L456] περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
[L457]  General Introduction
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[L464] divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
[L465] heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”
[L466] 
[L467] In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
[L468] and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
[L469] was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
[L470] (Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
[L471] “Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
[L472] Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
[L473] fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
[L474] man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
[L475] Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
[L476] invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
[L477] been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
[L478] Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
[L479] kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
[L480] Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
[L481] Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
[L482] (– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
[L483]  Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
[L484] invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
[L485] dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
[L486]  These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
[L487] Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
[L488] the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
[L489] –. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
[L490] inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
[L491] forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
[L492] him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
[L493] Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
[L494] –). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
[L495] According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
[L496] depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
[L497] Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
[L498] l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
[L499] (= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
[L500] divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
[L501] Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L502] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L503] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L504] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L505] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
[L506] General Introduction 
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[L513] to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L514] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L515] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L516] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L517]  In the
[L518] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L519] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L520] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L521] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L522]  This tradition of
[L523] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L524] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L525] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L526] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
[L527] To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
[L528] Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
[L529] Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
[L530] indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
[L531] devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
[L532] a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
[L533] greatest god, great Hermes!”
[L534]  In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
[L535]  Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
[L536] Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
[L537] Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
[L538] –.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
[L539] great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
[L540] Hermes Trisme
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 272>
[L2] HERMETICA II
[L3] This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
[L4] Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
[L5] It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
[L6] famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
[L7] before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
[L8] from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
[L9] and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
[L10] Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
[L11] of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
[L12] which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
[L13] appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
[L14] including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
[L15] world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
[L16] Renaissance.
[L17] .   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
[L18] Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
[L19] Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
[L20] Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
[L21] and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
[L22] Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
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[L35] HERMETICA II
[L36] The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
[L37] Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
[L38] Introductions
[L39] M. DAVID LITWA
[L40] Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
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[L57] : ./
[L58] © M. David Litwa 
[L59] This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
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[L61] no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
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[L63] First published 
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[L67]  ---- Hardback
[L68] Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
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[L71] accurate or appropriate.
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[L78] For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
[L79] שבת שלום
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[L92] Contents
[L93] Preface page xi
[L94] Abbreviations xii
[L95] General Introduction 
[L96] A Note on This Translation 
[L97] Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
[L98]   ( –) 
[L99]   ( –) 
[L100]   ( –) 
[L101]      ( –) 
[L102]  Tertullian 
[L103]  Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
[L104] – Lactantius 
[L105] – Iamblichus 
[L106] – Zosimus 
[L107]  Ephrem the Syrian 
[L108] – Cyril of Alexandria 
[L109] Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
[L110] vii
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[L117]  Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L118]  John Lydus 
[L119]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L120]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L121]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L122]  Augustine 
[L123]  Quodvultdeus 
[L124]  Michael Psellus 
[L125]  Albert the Great 
[L126]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L127]    
[L128]  ( –) 
[L129]  Artapanus 
[L130]  Cicero 
[L131]  Manilius 
[L132]  Thrasyllus 
[L133]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L134]  Philo of Byblos 
[L135]  Athenagoras 
[L136]  Virtues of Plants 
[L137]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L138]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L139]  Arnobius 
[L140]  Iamblichus 
[L141]  Marius Victorinus 
[L142]  The Emperor Julian 
[L143] viii Contents
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[L150]  Ammianus Marcellinus 
[L151]  Greek Magical Papyri 
[L152]  Filastrius 
[L153]  First Prologue to the Cyranides 
[L154]  Augustine 
[L155]  Hermias 
[L156]  Cyril of Alexandria 
[L157]  John of Antioch 
[L158]  Isidore of Seville 
[L159]  John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
[L160]  Al-Kindī 
[L161]  Abū Ma‘shar 
[L162]  Ibn an-Nadīm 
[L163]  Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
[L164]  Michael Psellus 
[L165]  Emerald Tablet 
[L166]  Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
[L167] of Nature 
[L168]  Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
[L169]  Book of Alcidus 
[L170]  Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
[L171]  Book of the Beibenian Stars 
[L172]  Albert the Great 
[L173]  Picatrix 
[L174]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L175] Bibliography 
[L176] Index 
[L177] Contents ix
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[L190] Preface
[L191] Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
[L192] there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
[L193] various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
[L194] At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
[L195] of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
[L196] The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
[L197] own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
[L198] When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
[L199] Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
[L200] texts originally written in Arabic.
[L201] The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
[L202] readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
[L203] with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
[L204] background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
[L205] many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
[L206] spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
[L207] include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
[L208] Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
[L209] and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
[L210] Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
[L211] answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
[L212] thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
[L213] xi
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[L218] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 272>
[L219] Abbreviations
[L220] ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
[L221] der römischen Welt
[L222] Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
[L223] BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
[L224] Teubneriana
[L225] CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
[L226] –
[L227] CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[L228] CH Corpus Hermeticum
[L229] CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
[L230]  vols., 
[L231] Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
[L232] Hermeticum, 
[L233] DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
[L234] Esotericism, .
[L235] DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
[L236] DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
[L237] edition
[L238] Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
[L239] DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
[L240]  vols., –
[L241] F Codex Farnesius
[L242] FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
[L243] FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
[L244] Theophrastus of Eresus, 
[L245] HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
[L246] LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
[L247]  vols., 
[L248] MSS Manuscripts
[L249] Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
[L250] xii
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[L255] ,
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[L258] NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
[L259] –
[L260] NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
[L261] NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
[L262] NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
[L263] OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
[L264] et fragmenta, 
[L265] OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
[L266] OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
[L267] OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
[L268] –
[L269] P Codex Parisinus gr. 
[L270] PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
[L271] PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
[L272] –
[L273] Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
[L274] RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
[L275] nd edn., –
[L276] SC Sources Chrétiennes
[L277] Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
[L278]  vols., –
[L279] SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
[L280] SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
[L281] TH Hermetic Testimonies
[L282] VC Vigiliae Christianae
[L283] VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
[L284] Abbreviations xiii
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[L299] General Introduction
[L300] There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
[L301] appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
[L302]  The first is
[L303] the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
[L304]  anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
[L305] featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
[L306] formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
[L307] Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
[L308] of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
[L309] by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
[L310] Vienna and Oxford.
[L311] The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
[L312] Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
[L313] English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
[L314] translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
[L315] from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
[L316]  Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
[L317] Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
[L318] van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
[L319] the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
[L320] ), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
[L321] –; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
[L322] and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
[L323] –; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L324] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L325] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L326] ibid., –.
[L327] 
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[L334] It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L335] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L336] Hermes-Thoth
[L337] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L338] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L339] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L340] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L341] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L342] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L343] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L344] thread at significant points of reception.
[L345] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L346] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L347] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L348] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L349] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L350] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L351] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L352] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L353] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L354] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L355] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L356] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L357] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L358] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L359] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L360] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L361] the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
[L362] certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
[L363] A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
[L364]  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
[L365] Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
[L366] D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
[L367] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
[L368]  General Introduction
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[L375] doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
[L376]  volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
[L377] would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
[L378] of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
[L379] priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
[L380] According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
[L381] “the gods in the heavens.”
[L382]  Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
[L383] scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
[L384] astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
[L385] nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
[L386] intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
[L387] ascribed to Hermes.
[L388] The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
[L389] in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
[L390] procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
[L391] Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
[L392] highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
[L393] “hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
[L394] held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
[L395] Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
[L396] matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
[L397] Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
[L398] for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
[L399] medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
[L400] vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
[L401] Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
[L402] from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
[L403] “winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
[L404]  The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
[L405] “The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
[L406] (Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
[L407] Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
[L408] Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
[L409] University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
[L410] Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
[L411] and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
[L412] nn.–.
[L413] General Introduction 
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[L420] helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
[L421] the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
[L422] Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
[L423] lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
[L424] When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
[L425] Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
[L426] was similar?
[L427] There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
[L428] Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
[L429] the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
[L430] Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
[L431] confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
[L432] against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
[L433] inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
[L434] leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
[L435] dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
[L436] of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
[L437] this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
[L438] netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
[L439] halls of Hades.
[L440] Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
[L441] Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
[L442] Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
[L443] interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
[L444]  Thoth is also the god
[L445] who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
[L446] the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
[L447]  The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
[L448] Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
[L449] Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
[L450] Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
[L451] (Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
[L452] (London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
[L453] of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
[L454] Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
[L455] First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
[L456] περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
[L457]  General Introduction
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[L464] divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
[L465] heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”
[L466] 
[L467] In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
[L468] and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
[L469] was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
[L470] (Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
[L471] “Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
[L472] Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
[L473] fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
[L474] man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
[L475] Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
[L476] invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
[L477] been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
[L478] Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
[L479] kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
[L480] Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
[L481] Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
[L482] (– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
[L483]  Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
[L484] invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
[L485] dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
[L486]  These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
[L487] Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
[L488] the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
[L489] –. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
[L490] inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
[L491] forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
[L492] him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
[L493] Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
[L494] –). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
[L495] According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
[L496] depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
[L497] Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
[L498] l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
[L499] (= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
[L500] divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
[L501] Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L502] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L503] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L504] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L505] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
[L506] General Introduction 
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[L513] to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L514] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L515] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L516] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L517]  In the
[L518] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L519] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L520] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L521] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L522]  This tradition of
[L523] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L524] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L525] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L526] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
[L527] To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
[L528] Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
[L529] Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
[L530] indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
[L531] devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
[L532] a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
[L533] greatest god, great Hermes!”
[L534]  In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
[L535]  Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
[L536] Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
[L537] Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
[L538] –.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
[L539] great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
[L540] Hermes Trisme
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 272>
[L2] HERMETICA II
[L3] This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
[L4] Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
[L5] It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
[L6] famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
[L7] before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
[L8] from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
[L9] and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
[L10] Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
[L11] of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
[L12] which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
[L13] appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
[L14] including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
[L15] world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
[L16] Renaissance.
[L17] .   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
[L18] Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
[L19] Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
[L20] Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
[L21] and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
[L22] Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
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[L35] HERMETICA II
[L36] The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
[L37] Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
[L38] Introductions
[L39] M. DAVID LITWA
[L40] Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
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[L56] Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/
[L57] : ./
[L58] © M. David Litwa 
[L59] This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
[L60] and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
[L61] no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
[L62] permission of Cambridge University Press.
[L63] First published 
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[L67]  ---- Hardback
[L68] Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
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[L71] accurate or appropriate.
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[L78] For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
[L79] שבת שלום
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[L92] Contents
[L93] Preface page xi
[L94] Abbreviations xii
[L95] General Introduction 
[L96] A Note on This Translation 
[L97] Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
[L98]   ( –) 
[L99]   ( –) 
[L100]   ( –) 
[L101]      ( –) 
[L102]  Tertullian 
[L103]  Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
[L104] – Lactantius 
[L105] – Iamblichus 
[L106] – Zosimus 
[L107]  Ephrem the Syrian 
[L108] – Cyril of Alexandria 
[L109] Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
[L110] vii
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[L117]  Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L118]  John Lydus 
[L119]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L120]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L121]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L122]  Augustine 
[L123]  Quodvultdeus 
[L124]  Michael Psellus 
[L125]  Albert the Great 
[L126]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L127]    
[L128]  ( –) 
[L129]  Artapanus 
[L130]  Cicero 
[L131]  Manilius 
[L132]  Thrasyllus 
[L133]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L134]  Philo of Byblos 
[L135]  Athenagoras 
[L136]  Virtues of Plants 
[L137]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L138]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L139]  Arnobius 
[L140]  Iamblichus 
[L141]  Marius Victorinus 
[L142]  The Emperor Julian 
[L143] viii Contents
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[L150]  Ammianus Marcellinus 
[L151]  Greek Magical Papyri 
[L152]  Filastrius 
[L153]  First Prologue to the Cyranides 
[L154]  Augustine 
[L155]  Hermias 
[L156]  Cyril of Alexandria 
[L157]  John of Antioch 
[L158]  Isidore of Seville 
[L159]  John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
[L160]  Al-Kindī 
[L161]  Abū Ma‘shar 
[L162]  Ibn an-Nadīm 
[L163]  Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
[L164]  Michael Psellus 
[L165]  Emerald Tablet 
[L166]  Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
[L167] of Nature 
[L168]  Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
[L169]  Book of Alcidus 
[L170]  Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
[L171]  Book of the Beibenian Stars 
[L172]  Albert the Great 
[L173]  Picatrix 
[L174]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L175] Bibliography 
[L176] Index 
[L177] Contents ix
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[L190] Preface
[L191] Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
[L192] there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
[L193] various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
[L194] At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
[L195] of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
[L196] The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
[L197] own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
[L198] When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
[L199] Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
[L200] texts originally written in Arabic.
[L201] The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
[L202] readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
[L203] with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
[L204] background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
[L205] many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
[L206] spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
[L207] include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
[L208] Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
[L209] and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
[L210] Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
[L211] answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
[L212] thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
[L213] xi
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[L219] Abbreviations
[L220] ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
[L221] der römischen Welt
[L222] Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
[L223] BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
[L224] Teubneriana
[L225] CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
[L226] –
[L227] CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[L228] CH Corpus Hermeticum
[L229] CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
[L230]  vols., 
[L231] Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
[L232] Hermeticum, 
[L233] DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
[L234] Esotericism, .
[L235] DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
[L236] DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
[L237] edition
[L238] Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
[L239] DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
[L240]  vols., –
[L241] F Codex Farnesius
[L242] FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
[L243] FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
[L244] Theophrastus of Eresus, 
[L245] HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
[L246] LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
[L247]  vols., 
[L248] MSS Manuscripts
[L249] Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
[L250] xii
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[L258] NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
[L259] –
[L260] NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
[L261] NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
[L262] NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
[L263] OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
[L264] et fragmenta, 
[L265] OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
[L266] OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
[L267] OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
[L268] –
[L269] P Codex Parisinus gr. 
[L270] PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
[L271] PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
[L272] –
[L273] Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
[L274] RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
[L275] nd edn., –
[L276] SC Sources Chrétiennes
[L277] Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
[L278]  vols., –
[L279] SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
[L280] SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
[L281] TH Hermetic Testimonies
[L282] VC Vigiliae Christianae
[L283] VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
[L284] Abbreviations xiii
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[L299] General Introduction
[L300] There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
[L301] appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
[L302]  The first is
[L303] the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
[L304]  anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
[L305] featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
[L306] formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
[L307] Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
[L308] of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
[L309] by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
[L310] Vienna and Oxford.
[L311] The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
[L312] Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
[L313] English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
[L314] translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
[L315] from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
[L316]  Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
[L317] Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
[L318] van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
[L319] the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
[L320] ), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
[L321] –; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
[L322] and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
[L323] –; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L324] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L325] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L326] ibid., –.
[L327] 
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[L334] It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L335] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L336] Hermes-Thoth
[L337] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L338] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L339] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L340] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L341] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L342] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L343] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L344] thread at significant points of reception.
[L345] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L346] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L347] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L348] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L349] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L350] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L351] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L352] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L353] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L354] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L355] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L356] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L357] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L358] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L359] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L360] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L361] the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
[L362] certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
[L363] A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
[L364]  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
[L365] Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
[L366] D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
[L367] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
[L368]  General Introduction
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[L375] doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
[L376]  volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
[L377] would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
[L378] of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
[L379] priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
[L380] According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
[L381] “the gods in the heavens.”
[L382]  Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
[L383] scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
[L384] astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
[L385] nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
[L386] intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
[L387] ascribed to Hermes.
[L388] The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
[L389] in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
[L390] procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
[L391] Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
[L392] highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
[L393] “hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
[L394] held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
[L395] Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
[L396] matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
[L397] Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
[L398] for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
[L399] medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
[L400] vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
[L401] Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
[L402] from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
[L403] “winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
[L404]  The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
[L405] “The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
[L406] (Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
[L407] Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
[L408] Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
[L409] University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
[L410] Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
[L411] and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
[L412] nn.–.
[L413] General Introduction 
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[L420] helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
[L421] the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
[L422] Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
[L423] lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
[L424] When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
[L425] Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
[L426] was similar?
[L427] There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
[L428] Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
[L429] the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
[L430] Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
[L431] confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
[L432] against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
[L433] inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
[L434] leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
[L435] dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
[L436] of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
[L437] this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
[L438] netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
[L439] halls of Hades.
[L440] Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
[L441] Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
[L442] Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
[L443] interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
[L444]  Thoth is also the god
[L445] who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
[L446] the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
[L447]  The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
[L448] Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
[L449] Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
[L450] Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
[L451] (Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
[L452] (London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
[L453] of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
[L454] Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
[L455] First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
[L456] περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
[L457]  General Introduction
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[L463] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 272>
[L464] divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
[L465] heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”
[L466] 
[L467] In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
[L468] and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
[L469] was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
[L470] (Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
[L471] “Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
[L472] Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
[L473] fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
[L474] man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
[L475] Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
[L476] invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
[L477] been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
[L478] Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
[L479] kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
[L480] Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
[L481] Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
[L482] (– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
[L483]  Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
[L484] invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
[L485] dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
[L486]  These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
[L487] Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
[L488] the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
[L489] –. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
[L490] inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
[L491] forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
[L492] him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
[L493] Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
[L494] –). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
[L495] According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
[L496] depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
[L497] Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
[L498] l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
[L499] (= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
[L500] divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
[L501] Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L502] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L503] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L504] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L505] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
[L506] General Introduction 
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[L512] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 20 / 272>
[L513] to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L514] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L515] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L516] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L517]  In the
[L518] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L519] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L520] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L521] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L522]  This tradition of
[L523] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L524] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L525] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L526] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
[L527] To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
[L528] Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
[L529] Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
[L530] indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
[L531] devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
[L532] a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
[L533] greatest god, great Hermes!”
[L534]  In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
[L535]  Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
[L536] Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
[L537] Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
[L538] –.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
[L539] great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
[L540] Hermes Trisme
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[L542]

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【0†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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Title: [Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 23
[L2] In his Timaeus commentary Iamblichus says the Demiurge creates the soul
[L3] with a vehicle “produced from the entire Aether (pantos tou aitheros) …
[L4] [and] possessing a creative power.”24 But, unlike the heavenly gods, in the
[L5] exercise of this power, we become self-alienated (allotriôthen).25 When we
[L6] 20 DM 124.1–2.
[L7] 21 DM 238.11–12: ἔργον τε οὐδὲν ἱερατικὸν ἄνευ τῶν ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἱκετειῶν γίγνεται.
[L8] 22 DM 238.13–239.10. (modified).
[L9] 23 DM 202.10–203.1 (modified).
[L10] 24 Frag. 84.4–5; J. Dillon tr. and ed. (1978) 196.
[L11] 25 Simplicius ed. M. Hayduck (1882) 223.26; he also says that according to Iamblichus the
[L12] embodied soul is also “made other to itself” (heteroiousthai pros heautên), 223.31.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 109 / 212>98 gregory shaw
[L13] animate bodies we lose our spherical form and become trapped in the
[L14] oppositions of material life: the divisions, collisions, impacts, reactions, and
[L15] changes that Iamblichus says are the unavoidable experiences of embod￾ied life.26 In theurgic prayer we balance these oppositions in the pneumatic
[L16] body; we receive the noêsis of the gods. As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L17] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L18] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L19] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L20] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L21] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L22] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L23] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L24] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L25] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L26] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L27] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L28] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L29] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L30] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L31] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L32] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.

【1†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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Title: [Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] In his view, awareness is
[L2] removed from our physical bodies only by entering another body, invisibly
[L3] present in the physical and activated in moments of ecstatic release. This
[L4] subtle body was described by Iamblichus as the vehicle of the soul (ochêma
[L5] tês psuchês), and it is through this vehicle that the soul animates the physical
[L6] body and through which it receives the presence of the gods. It is through
[L7] the ochêma that the soul enters embodied life, and it is through this same
[L8] ochêma that the soul receives the gods and becomes divine. If the Platonic
[L9] philosopher was to become an embodied god, as Plotinus encouraged, it
[L10] was by means of the ochêma.
[L11] 8 Αἵ τε ἐνέργειαι αὐτῶν οὐδαµῶς εἰσιν ἀνθρώπιναι· τά τε γὰρ ἄβατα βατὰ γίγνεται θεοφορού￾µενα …
[L12] 9 F. Smith (2006) provides a wealth of examples as well as a perceptive analysis of these
[L13] phenomena and our attempt to study them.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 105 / 212>94 gregory shaw
[L14] The doctrine of the subtle body in Iamblichus has been carefully exam￾ined by John Finamore and, while I will focus specifically on its physical
[L15] sensations in theurgy, his summary will help us proceed. Finamore says:
[L16] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L17] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L18] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L19] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L20] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L21] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L22] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L23] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L24] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L25] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L26] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L27] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L28] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L29] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L30] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L31] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L32] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L33] plays a critical role in theurgic divination.

【2†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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[L1] For
[L2] Iamblichus aesthesis is an essential function of the soul.
[L3] Priscian says that according to Iamblichus imagination translates noetic
[L4] impressions into sensate and divided images. He explains:
[L5] Although imagination receives impressions from all the superior activities
[L6] [noetic wholes], it represents them in images divisibly and in sensible forms
[L7] (αἰσθητικὰ) that refer back to sensible objects (αἰσθητὰ); therefore, while
[L8] imagination receives impressions from superior activities, at the same time,
[L9] it is moved by sensible forms.48
[L10] For Iamblichus, to animate a body is to clothe noetic forms in matter, to
[L11] bring them forth in sensate imagery. The human soul identifies with its
[L12] animal life; it lives entirely in sensation: embodiment is literally “breathed
[L13] in.” In this process, the ochêma becomes dense and the imagination filled
[L14] with habits of animal life. Because our impulses trap us in the oppositions
[L15] of the sublunary world, theurgists must cleanse the pneumatic body of those
[L16] habits that Damascius calls the “stain of generative acts.” But how? The
[L17] discursively obvious answer is to reject the life of sensation, and this is
[L18] how we have interpreted theurgic anagôgê, making it a literal ascent and
[L19] escape from material life. But for Iamblichus, the answer is that the soul’s
[L20] apotheosis is realized as the descent of a god into flesh and was achieved
[L21] by careful attention to the physical body. Reflecting this theurgic practice
[L22] in 5th century Alexandria, Hierocles says:
[L23] 46 DM 81.10–82.1 (modified).
[L24] 47 R.B. Onians (1989) 74–75.
[L25] 48 Priscian tr. P. Huby (1997) 24.4–9; see also, Iamblichus, De anima J. Finamore and
[L26] J. Dillon (2002) 240–241. My translation draws from both with modifications.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 113 / 212>102 gregory shaw
[L27] We must take care of the purity relating to our luminous body (augoeides),
[L28] which the Oracles call “the light vehicle of the soul” (psuchês lepton ochêma).
[L29] Such purity extends to our food, our drink, and to the entire regimen of our mor￾tal body in which the luminous body resides, breathing life into the inanimate
[L30] body and maintaining its harmony. For the immaterial body is a kind of life,
[L31] which also engenders life within matter; it is thanks to this last life that that
[L32] part of myself that is the living mortal being is made complete …49
[L33] The life of the theurgist aimed at nothing short of the transformation of his
[L34] or her body into the body of a god, in eating, drinking, and in prayer. Prayer
[L35] perfects the pneumatic body, making it porous and rarified, which gives us
[L36] the capacity to receive the gods. Our bodies become their organs: the gods
[L37] reveal themselves (ekphainesthai) through us.50
[L38] It is important to remember that Platonists and Pythagoreans are not
[L39] dualists; there is no opposition between noetic and sensible worlds. Their
[L40] universe is asymmetrical, not symmetrical. Noetic wholes remain present in
[L41] sensible particulars just as primary numbers are present in their multiples:
[L42] for Pythagoreans the immaterial is always present in matter.51 Iamblichus’
[L43] contribution to his tradition was in making this metaphysical law explicit.

【3†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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[L1] Compare FH a,  (from Cyril).  “Embodied” (ἐνεσωματίσθησαν) is Canter’s emendation; P reads ἐνεσηματίσθησαν (“entombed”).
[L2] Perhaps P’s reading should be retained, since the putatively Orphic saying “the body is a tomb”
[L3] (σῶμα σῆμα) was well known (Philolaus DK  B; Plato, Cratylus c; Gorgias a; Phaedrus
[L4] c). See further Pierre Courcelle, “Le corps-tombeau,” Revue des études anciennes  ():
[L5] –.  Plato, likely dependent upon Empedocles, asserted that the elements can change into each other
[L6] (Timaeus e, b).  With the creation of Nature and Invention in §§–, one would think that chaos had
[L7] already gone. Yet here the chaos seems to refer to chaos on earth, a region not explicitly said
[L8] to be ordered.  Bousset compared the evident separation of heaven and earth with the separation of Geb (Earth)
[L9] and Nut (Heaven) by Shu (Air) in Egyptian mythology (PW ., col. , under the word
[L10] “Korē Kosmou”). This episode prepares for the souls’ exile on earth (even though previous episodes
[L11] assume the existence of earth). Earth is apparently separated from the lower heaven (or
[L12] atmosphere), since the cosmic heavens (the circles of planets and stars) have already been
[L13] established. Compare FH ; Diodorus, Library of History ..– (who also mentions the sun’s
[L14] rays compacting the earth).

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[L1] Each of these elements serve as a covering for these bodies. Every
[L2] soul in the body is weighed down and oppressed by these four elements.
[L3] Accordingly, it is natural that the soul likes some elements and dislikes
[L4] others. For this reason, the soul does not enjoy the height of its happiness.
[L5] Rather, because the soul is divine by nature, it struggles amidst these
[L6] elements. The soul has understanding, to be sure, but does not understand
[L7] the things it would if untethered from bodies. Whenever bodies experience
[L8] restlessness and turmoil, whether from disease or fear, then the soul itself is
[L9] heaved by waves – like a person in the open sea – and produces nothing
[L10] stable.”
[L11] 
[L12]  For the wave image, compare Plato: “The [embodied] souls, then, being thus bound within a
[L13] mighty river neither mastered it nor were mastered, but with violence they rolled along” (Timaeus
[L14] b); Philo: “The other souls descending into the body as though into a stream have sometimes
[L15] been caught in the swirl of its rushing torrent and swallowed up in it” (Giants ).
[L16] SH  
[L17] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L18]
[L19]
[L20] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L21] 1#) 3D,
[L22] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 154 / 272>SH 
[L23] Stobaeus transmits the following excerpt toward the end of his long
[L24] chapter “On the Soul” (the same chapter as SH , , , , –,
[L25] and ). It is immediately preceded by selections from Iamblichus’s
[L26] treatise On the Soul. It is directly followed by what appears below as SH .
[L27] SH  seems to assume, and perhaps originally followed, SH  (the
[L28] Korē Kosmou). The heart of the Korē Kosmou tells the story of the souls’
[L29] creation and embodiment. Accordingly, Horus first thanks Isis for telling
[L30] him about the souls’ embodiment (SH .). He wants to know what
[L31] happens immediately after souls depart from their bodies.
[L32] Strongly rejected here is the Epicurean idea that souls are dispersed like
[L33] smoke. Dispersal is impossible, given that the soul is simple (made up of a
[L34] single substance), immortal, and divine. In addition, although the soul was
[L35] made from divine breath, it exists as something qualitatively different than
[L36] air.

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[L1] Finamore says:
[L2] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L3] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L4] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L5] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L6] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L7] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L8] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L9] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L10] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L11] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L12] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L13] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L14] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L15] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L16] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L17] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L18] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L19] plays a critical role in theurgic divination. Fortunately, Iamblichus provides
[L20] quite a few clues about how this transformation happens, but it is easy
[L21] to misunderstand what he says. As scholars we are far more the heirs of
[L22] Porphyry than of Iamblichus, and to grasp the theurgic function of the
[L23] ochêma we naturally look for discursively coherent descriptions. Porphyry
[L24] did just that. He asked Iamblichus for a diarthrôsis, a precise articulation
[L25] of the divination of the future—a request which seems reasonable to us—
[L26] but Iamblichus objects to the question and chastises Porphyry for assuming
[L27] that divination could be understood as if it were a natural phenomenon or
[L28] human technique capable of discursive analysis.12 He says:
[L29] 10 J. Finamore (1985) 1.
[L30] 11 Ibid., 2.
[L31] 12 DM 99.10–100.6; diarthrôthênai at 99.9.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 106 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 95
[L32] For, according to the gist of your question, you believe something like this
[L33] about foreknowledge: “that it can come into being,” and is among “the things
[L34] existing in nature.” But it is not one of the things coming into existence, and
[L35] it does not behave at all like a natural change, nor is it an artifact invented for
[L36] use in daily life, nor is it, generally, a human achievement at all.

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[L1] Everything in the lower world is an
[L2] illusion, not a stepping-stone toward higher reality. Science and empiri￾cism are, it seems, not ways to God. The only right response to radical
[L3] falsehood is radical devotion to the super-cosmic God (SH B.). Life on
[L4] earth is a battle against the drives and desires of the body. Ultimately, the
[L5] body must be abandoned before one ascends to God (SH B.–) and
[L6] beholds him (SH .).
[L7] Body and soul are fundamentally different realities. Bodies are ever￾changing and corruptible, therefore “nothing in the realm of body is true”
[L8] (SH . §). The soul is an eternal, bodiless entity. Nevertheless, the
[L9] soul, while existing in the body, can be negatively affected by the body’s
[L10] motions and energies (SH .). Since energies must exist in bodies, many
[L11] energies are forces bringing corruption (SH .–) and – when they
[L12] stream from the stars – catastrophic destruction (SH ., ).
[L13] The precise relations between Providence, Necessity, and Fate are
[L14] difficult to reconstruct. As regards Fate, however, the position in the
[L15] Stobaean Hermetica is clear: Fate has powers over bodies that are born,
[L16] but not over immortal, incorporeal souls (SH .; .). Fate itself is
[L17]  Stobaean Hermetica (SH 1–29)
[L18] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L19]
[L20]
[L21] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L22] 1#) 3D,
[L23] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 39 / 272>subject to a higher order, the order of Providence – an order to which the
[L24] intelligent motion of the soul corresponds. Fate uses the stars as its
[L25] instrument, but the energies of the stars only affect bodies (SH .). In
[L26] itself, the soul has the power to choose freely (SH .; .). But when
[L27] the soul lets itself be dictated by bodily drives and desires, it is drawn into
[L28] the realm and grip of Fate.
[L29] Both cosmology and theology are somewhat different in SH –. In
[L30] these tractates, a major concern is to explain the divine origin of the soul
[L31] while maintaining the souls’ essential differences in rank.

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[L1] They depart from here, arrive there, then
[L2] come back here and are born, so that we have people returning alive from
[L3] the dead. Some attribute the doctrine to Pythagoras. Albinus considers it
[L4] to be a divine pronouncement, perhaps, of the Egyptian Hermes.
[L5] Hermes, –; Claudio Moreschini, Hermes Christianus: The Intermingling of Hermetic Piety and
[L6] Christian Thought, trans. Patrick Baker (Turnhout: Brepols, ), –.  The text used for the following translation was edited by Jean-Claude Fredouille, Tertullien. Contre
[L7] les Valentiniens Tome , SC  (Paris: Cerf, ), .  For the Hermetic understanding of matter, see SH A.; SH ; SH . §; FH  (from
[L8] Iamblichus); FH c (from Nicholaus of Cusa).  The text used for the following translation was edited by J. H. Waszink, Quinti Septimi Florentis
[L9] Tertulliani De Anima (rpt. Leiden: Boston, ), .  The text used for the following translation was edited by Waszink, De Anima, .
[L10]  Hermetic Fragments from Various Authors
[L11] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L12]
[L13]
[L14] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#" 1#) 3D, ,
[L15] C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 193 / 272>FH d
[L16] Tertullian, On the Soul .
[L17] This the Egyptian Hermes also knew (namely, that souls must retain their
[L18] consciousness of past deeds). He said that the soul, when it departs from
[L19] the body, is not poured back into the soul of the All but remains distinct so
[L20] as to give an account to the father concerning the things it did in the
[L21] body.
[L22]  The text used for the following translation was edited by Waszink, De Anima, .

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[L1] 48 Priscian tr. P. Huby (1997) 24.4–9; see also, Iamblichus, De anima J. Finamore and
[L2] J. Dillon (2002) 240–241. My translation draws from both with modifications.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 113 / 212>102 gregory shaw
[L3] We must take care of the purity relating to our luminous body (augoeides),
[L4] which the Oracles call “the light vehicle of the soul” (psuchês lepton ochêma).
[L5] Such purity extends to our food, our drink, and to the entire regimen of our mor￾tal body in which the luminous body resides, breathing life into the inanimate
[L6] body and maintaining its harmony. For the immaterial body is a kind of life,
[L7] which also engenders life within matter; it is thanks to this last life that that
[L8] part of myself that is the living mortal being is made complete …49
[L9] The life of the theurgist aimed at nothing short of the transformation of his
[L10] or her body into the body of a god, in eating, drinking, and in prayer. Prayer
[L11] perfects the pneumatic body, making it porous and rarified, which gives us
[L12] the capacity to receive the gods. Our bodies become their organs: the gods
[L13] reveal themselves (ekphainesthai) through us.50
[L14] It is important to remember that Platonists and Pythagoreans are not
[L15] dualists; there is no opposition between noetic and sensible worlds. Their
[L16] universe is asymmetrical, not symmetrical. Noetic wholes remain present in
[L17] sensible particulars just as primary numbers are present in their multiples:
[L18] for Pythagoreans the immaterial is always present in matter.51 Iamblichus’
[L19] contribution to his tradition was in making this metaphysical law explicit.
[L20] Theurgy is its ritual praxis: the ritual reception and expression of the super￾natural in nature. The noetic whole is recovered, not by abandoning par￾ticulars—including our own bodies—but by realizing, in theurgy, that we
[L21] are creating them continually. According to Iamblichus this noetic/theurgic
[L22] demiurgy is the essential function of the soul: “to mediate divisible and indi￾visible, corporeal and incorporeal beings, to receive universal ratios (logoi)
[L23] and serve the work of creation.”52 To abandon sublunary life in order to
[L24] “ascend” to the gods is a failure to make this demiurgic—and theurgic—
[L25] turn in which sensate particulars are recognized as creations of one’s own
[L26] demiurgic will. The soul’s encounter with the gods, then, does not abandon
[L27] aesthetic experience, for there is no other way to recover our divinity. If we
[L28] miss this, we miss the heart of Iamblichean theurgy.
[L29] 49 In Carmen aureum 26; I. Hadot, tr. M. Chase (2004) 37.
[L30] 50 In his discussion of divine possession Iamblichus says there are many different kinds of
[L31] possession, reflecting distinctions among the gods who possess the soul as well as the degree
[L32] to which the soul is able to unite with the deity: “And sometimes we share in the god’s lowest
[L33] power, sometimes in his intermediate, and sometimes in his primary power. And sometimes
[L34] there is a mere participation, sometimes a communion, and sometimes even a union ….” (DM
[L35] 111.9–11).

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[L1] . Well then, here my teaching shall begin.
[L2] The Destiny of Souls after Death
[L3] What subsists and does not pass away occupies a realm. For souls released
[L4] from bodies do not pour forth in a jumbled heap into the air, my
[L5] wondrously great child of a great father Osiris, dispersed amidst all the
[L6] remaining boundless breath. In this case, these souls would no longer be
[L7] able to go back into bodies with their identities preserved. Nor would they
[L8] return any more to that realm from where they came at first. In the same
[L9] way, water received from uplifted jars cannot flow back to the same place
[L10] from which it was taken. Nor does water occupy its own place after being
[L11] taken and poured out. Rather, it is mixed with the confused mass of liquid.
[L12] . The release of souls is not like this, high-minded Horus. Now as an
[L13] initiate of immortal Nature, and as one who has traversed the Plain of
[L14] Truth, I will relate to you the actual realities in each single detail.
[L15] This I will say first, that water is a body lacking reason, compressed from
[L16] many compounds into a confused mass of liquid. The soul, by contrast, is
[L17]  For the metaphor of initiation, compare § below. For the language of mysteries, compare §
[L18] below with SH .–, , . See further Christian H. Bull, “The Notion of Mysteries in the
[L19] Formation of the Hermetic Tradition,” in Mystery and Secrecy in the Nag Hammadi Collection: Ideas
[L20] and Practices. Studies for Einar Thomassen at Sixty, ed. Einar Thomassen and others (Leiden: Brill,
[L21] ), –.  Isis alludes to Epicurean views wherein souls are “dispersed like smoke when released from bodies”
[L22] (Sextus Empiricus, Against the Mathematicians .). Compare Lucretius, Nature of Things
[L23] .–: “Now therefore, when you observe ... how cloud and smoke disperse in the air,
[L24] believe that the soul too is dispersed much more swiftly and is rapidly dissolved into the elements
[L25] immediately upon leaving and receding from human limbs.” The language goes back to Plato, and
[L26] indeed to Homer. Plato says that people fear that when the soul leaves the body “straightaway it flies
[L27] away and is no longer anywhere, scattering like a breath or smoke” (Phaedo a). The soul of
[L28] Patroclus is depicted as going under the earth like smoke (Homer, Iliad .–). For boundless
[L29] breath, compare the “aetherial breath” in SH ..  Here reading ἄνω (“uplifted”) not κάτω as in FP.
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[L1] Compare SH . (when the soul takes a body it comes
[L2] under Fate).
[L3] SH  
[L4] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L5]
[L6]
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[L8] 1#) 3D,
[L9] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 76 / 272>SH 
[L10] SH  (Stobaeus, Anthology ..) comes from a chapter called “On
[L11] <Divine> Necessity, by which things Planned by God Inevitably
[L12] Occur.” It is preceded by what appears below as SH  (Anthology
[L13] ..
[L14] b
[L15] ) which gives the opinion of Hermes on Necessity. Hermes’s
[L16] view is then complemented by the views of other famous philosophers
[L17] on the same topic (Anthology ..c
[L18] ). Jean-André Festugière under￾stood SH  to be part of the same treatise as SH  on the topic of
[L19] Providence, Necessity, and Fate. Based strictly on its content, how￾ever, SH  might better be read (and indeed placed) among SH
[L20] –.
[L21] After an introductory formula, Tat asks Hermes to distinguish the forces
[L22] of Providence, Necessity, and Fate. Hermes answers the question in a
[L23] roundabout way by distinguishing three kinds of bodiless entities separ￾ately governed by these three forces. Providence governs intellectual reality
[L24] (elsewhere called nous); Necessity governs non-rational forces (like drive
[L25] and desire), and Fate governs the incidental properties of bodies (qualities
[L26] like shape, color, place, and time).
[L27] Nous is free from the forces of Necessity and Fate when in direct
[L28] relation to God. When separated from God, nous falls into a body
[L29] according to the will of Providence. Nous is then joined to the non￾rational parts of the soul (namely, drive and desire) which are subject
[L30] to Necessity. Insofar as nous is joined with these lower parts of the
[L31] soul, it falls under the power of Necessity. When the human nous
[L32] turns toward God, however, it can both save the lower soul and
[L33] transcend the power of Necessity.
[L34]  NF .lxi–lxii.

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[L1] 23
[L2] In his Timaeus commentary Iamblichus says the Demiurge creates the soul
[L3] with a vehicle “produced from the entire Aether (pantos tou aitheros) …
[L4] [and] possessing a creative power.”24 But, unlike the heavenly gods, in the
[L5] exercise of this power, we become self-alienated (allotriôthen).25 When we
[L6] 20 DM 124.1–2.
[L7] 21 DM 238.11–12: ἔργον τε οὐδὲν ἱερατικὸν ἄνευ τῶν ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἱκετειῶν γίγνεται.
[L8] 22 DM 238.13–239.10. (modified).
[L9] 23 DM 202.10–203.1 (modified).
[L10] 24 Frag. 84.4–5; J. Dillon tr. and ed. (1978) 196.
[L11] 25 Simplicius ed. M. Hayduck (1882) 223.26; he also says that according to Iamblichus the
[L12] embodied soul is also “made other to itself” (heteroiousthai pros heautên), 223.31.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 109 / 212>98 gregory shaw
[L13] animate bodies we lose our spherical form and become trapped in the
[L14] oppositions of material life: the divisions, collisions, impacts, reactions, and
[L15] changes that Iamblichus says are the unavoidable experiences of embod￾ied life.26 In theurgic prayer we balance these oppositions in the pneumatic
[L16] body; we receive the noêsis of the gods. As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L17] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L18] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L19] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L20] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L21] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L22] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L23] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L24] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L25] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L26] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L27] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L28] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L29] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L30] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L31] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L32] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.

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[L1] It is immediately preceded by selections from Iamblichus’s
[L2] treatise On the Soul. It is directly followed by what appears below as SH .
[L3] SH  seems to assume, and perhaps originally followed, SH  (the
[L4] Korē Kosmou). The heart of the Korē Kosmou tells the story of the souls’
[L5] creation and embodiment. Accordingly, Horus first thanks Isis for telling
[L6] him about the souls’ embodiment (SH .). He wants to know what
[L7] happens immediately after souls depart from their bodies.
[L8] Strongly rejected here is the Epicurean idea that souls are dispersed like
[L9] smoke. Dispersal is impossible, given that the soul is simple (made up of a
[L10] single substance), immortal, and divine. In addition, although the soul was
[L11] made from divine breath, it exists as something qualitatively different than
[L12] air. Thus it retains its integrity as it soars through the air, just like water
[L13] runs over oil.
[L14] The more precise question, then, is what realm or realms souls occupy
[L15] after death. As it turns out, the soul occupies one of the levels of air that
[L16] exist between the moon and earth. It naturally ascends to its own level, just
[L17] as creatures of sky, water, and land seek their own natural element. There
[L18] are sixty distinct levels of air, just as there are sixty grades of souls in the
[L19] Korē Kosmou (.). The air strata have four main divisions in which
[L20] there are four, eight, sixteen, and thirty-two subdivisions as one ascends
[L21] higher (§§–). The height to which the soul ascends depends on the
[L22] soul’s nobility. This nobility hinges, at least in part, on the soul’s choices
[L23] during bodily life.
[L24] An Excerpt of Hermes: A Discourse of Isis with Horus
[L25] . Horus: “Wonderfully have you told me in detail, Isis my supremely
[L26] powerful mother, about God’s wondrous creation of souls – and I persist
[L27] 
[L28] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
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[L30]
[L31] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
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[L33] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 155 / 272>in wonder. Still, you have not yet declared to me where the souls go when
[L34] freed from their bodies. Thus I desire, after having become an initiate in
[L35] this vision as well, to bestow thanks on you alone, immortal mother.”
[L36] 
[L37] . Isis replied: “Pay close attention, my son, for this inquiry is utterly
[L38] indispensable. .

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[L1] Compare FH a,  (from Cyril).  “Embodied” (ἐνεσωματίσθησαν) is Canter’s emendation; P reads ἐνεσηματίσθησαν (“entombed”).
[L2] Perhaps P’s reading should be retained, since the putatively Orphic saying “the body is a tomb”
[L3] (σῶμα σῆμα) was well known (Philolaus DK  B; Plato, Cratylus c; Gorgias a; Phaedrus
[L4] c). See further Pierre Courcelle, “Le corps-tombeau,” Revue des études anciennes  ():
[L5] –.  Plato, likely dependent upon Empedocles, asserted that the elements can change into each other
[L6] (Timaeus e, b).  With the creation of Nature and Invention in §§–, one would think that chaos had
[L7] already gone. Yet here the chaos seems to refer to chaos on earth, a region not explicitly said
[L8] to be ordered.  Bousset compared the evident separation of heaven and earth with the separation of Geb (Earth)
[L9] and Nut (Heaven) by Shu (Air) in Egyptian mythology (PW ., col. , under the word
[L10] “Korē Kosmou”). This episode prepares for the souls’ exile on earth (even though previous episodes
[L11] assume the existence of earth). Earth is apparently separated from the lower heaven (or
[L12] atmosphere), since the cosmic heavens (the circles of planets and stars) have already been
[L13] established. Compare FH ; Diodorus, Library of History ..– (who also mentions the sun’s
[L14] rays compacting the earth).

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[L1] As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L2] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L3] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L4] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L5] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L6] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L7] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L8] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L9] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L10] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L11] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L12] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L13] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L14] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L15] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L16] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L17] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.
[L18] Iamblichus says: “There is no opposition between the descents of souls and
[L19] their ascents … Freedom from generation is in harmony with our concern
[L20] for generated life.”32 Iamblichus approves the view of 2nd century Platonists
[L21] who taught that the “purpose of the soul’s descent is to manifest the divine
[L22] life, that the will of the gods is to reveal themselves (ekphainesthai) in
[L23] human souls.”33 This theophanic view of human existence was not novel
[L24] 26 These are experiences in the material realm according to Iamblichus; DM 217.
[L25] 27 Frag. 49.13–15 Dillon (1978) 152.
[L26] 28 DM 115.4–5.
[L27] 29 Damascius ed. C.A. Ruelle (1889), II.255.7–10. µανούµενη = made porous / rarefied;
[L28] πυκνουµένη = closed / compacted.
[L29] 30 DM 238.8.
[L30] 31 As Jean Trouillard put it, to purify the ochêma of its “corporealité” is not to reject the
[L31] body; J. Trouillard (1957) 103.
[L32] 32 DM 272.7–11.
[L33] 33 See Iamblichus, De anima tr. and commentaryJ. Finamore and J. Dillon (2002) 54.20–26.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 110 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 99
[L34] with Iamblichus. It was the recognized tradition of pre-Socratic, Platonic,
[L35] Aristotelian, and Stoic philosophers: while remaining mortal they became
[L36] gods.34 But in Iamblichus’ era the hieratic purpose of this tradition—rooted
[L37] in non–discursive experience—was being lost due to the intellectualism
[L38] and metaphysical dualism that disparaged embodied life.
[L39] In theurgy the opposition between divine and human was transformed
[L40] in the unity of theurgic ritual. Iamblichus explains:
[L41] All of theurgy has a two-fold character.

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[L1] Providence has two powers generated from its own
[L2]  Here nature does not seem to be personified (though compare SH .). On the mutual relations of
[L3] Providence, Necessity, and Fate, see SH , ., §. Ascl. – (Fate, Necessity, and Order).
[L4] 
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[L9] 1#) 3D,
[L10] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 90 / 272>nature: Necessity and Fate. Fate serves Providence and Necessity. . The
[L11] stars serve Fate. One can neither escape Fate nor protect oneself from the
[L12] powerful influence of the stars. The stars are the instrument of Fate. By
[L13] Fate’s decree, all things reach their intended end in nature and among
[L14] human beings.
[L15]  Here one is tempted to insert the one-line SH  (“Necessity is a firm judgment and an unbending
[L16] power of Providence”), so that Providence, Necessity, and Fate are all spoken of in due order (Scott,
[L17] Hermetica, .).  Compare Posidonius: Fate is “third from Zeus; for first there is Zeus, second Nature, and third Fate”
[L18] (frag. , Kidd); Epictetus, Discourses ..  Fate seems all-powerful, but only because it is servant to Providence. For the distinct levels of cosmic
[L19] causality, see Denzey Lewis, Cosmology and Fate, –.

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[L1] As Iamblichus says to Porphyry: “[W]hat you are trying to learn is
[L2] impossible” because Porphyry—like us—wants to understand divination in
[L3] rational terms.17 The continual challenge of the later Platonists is that they
[L4] use discursive language as a glyph, leading not to rational conclusions, but
[L5] to a non-semantic awareness that, in Iamblichus’ terms, was activated in
[L6] theurgy.18 So, rather than stay with the discursive clarity of seeing the soul
[L7] ascend through the cosmos, I think we would have a more accurate sense
[L8] of the theurgic function of the ochêma if we see it, not as a vehicle of ascent
[L9] but as a vehicle of descent, where the gods reveal themselves in and through
[L10] the embodied soul. In this way the ochêma would fulfill the goal of Platonic
[L11] life, transforming us into gods: not as elevated and inert statues lifted above
[L12] the pollution of the world but as deities living and breathing in sublunary
[L13] flesh.19
[L14] The embodied and lived aspect of theurgic divination can be seen in
[L15] Iamblichus’ remark to Porphyry after explaining the revelations at the sanc￾tuaries of Asclepius. He says:
[L16] But why go through such occurrences one by one when events that happen
[L17] every day (καθ’ ἡµέραν ἀεὶ συµπιπτόντων) offer a clarity greater than any expla￾nation (κρείττονα τοῦ λόγου)? (DM 109.1–3)
[L18] 17 ὃ ἐπιχειρεῖς µαθεῖν ἐστιν ἀδύνατον (DM 99.10–100.1). And, of course, for scholars it is
[L19] assumed without question that neoplatonic divination is a product of human culture. One of
[L20] the most brilliant scholars of late antique magic and religion puts it this way: “Whatever our
[L21] ancient sources may claim about the greater powers that enabled it to work—gods, demons,
[L22] the cosmos itself—divination is an utterly human art …” S. Johnston (2005) 10 (my italics).
[L23] 18 Iamblichus says that while henôsis does not take place “without knowledge,” such
[L24] knowledge is only useful if it takes us beyond knowing, for “divine union and purification
[L25] go beyond knowledge” (DM 98.7–10). S. Rappe (2000) explores this non-semantic aspect of
[L26] Neoplatonism, so difficult and so often over-looked. She writes: “… it had already become a
[L27] standard topos for Plotinus that his designation for the absolute principle, ‘the One,’ was not
[L28] semantically significant … for Damascius, the ineffability of the One engulfs the metaphysical
[L29] enterprise, infecting it with non-sense, with in-significance” (209).
[L30] 19 This, of course, is the crux of the issue. I believe that exoterically we think of the ochêma
[L31] as going up, but this metaphorical ascent releases the divine presence in us that becomes
[L32] more real, more present, and more embodied. In becoming “like the divine” mortals contact
[L33] the immortal and by participation are made divine, filled with piety and wonder.

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[L1] To divulge it was no easy choice for me except
[L2] that I do it for you, at the end of everything.’”
[L3] SH  
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[L9] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 144 / 272>SH 
[L10] Stobaeus transmits the following excerpt as the forty-fifth selection in his
[L11] long chapter “On the Soul” (Anthology ., the same chapter as SH , ,
[L12] –, , –). It is immediately preceded by what appears above as
[L13] SH  (the Korē Kosmou). It is followed by an oracle concerning the
[L14] activity of souls after their exodus from the body. Stobaeus indicated that
[L15] SH  comes from the same book or collection of treatises as the Korē
[L16] Kosmou. The title Korē Kosmou may have applied to a single book in the
[L17] collection or to the collection as a whole.
[L18] SH  and  are both conceptually and stylistically akin. In the latter
[L19] excerpt, however, Horus more actively sets the agenda by posing additional
[L20] questions. There are, moreover, some points of tension. The Korē Kosmou,
[L21] for instance, narrates how all souls transgressed and were bound to bodies
[L22] as a punishment. In SH , some souls, namely royal ones, transgressed
[L23] only slightly and, though they fall into bodies, do not suffer embodiment
[L24] as a punishment (§).
[L25] As background to the incarnation of royal souls, Isis unveils the order of
[L26] the cosmos (§§–). It has four regions, each ruled by an appropriate king.
[L27] The divine Craftsman rules the gods in heaven; the Sun rules the stars in
[L28] the aether, the Moon rules the souls in the air, while the human king rules
[L29] people on earth. All kings are emanations of the highest king (the Crafts￾man). The theory represents the principle of correspondence: “as above,
[L30] so below.”
[L31] The human king on earth is a virtual god – an idea with a long pedigree
[L32] in Egyptian royal theology. There are two types of kings, distinguished
[L33] according to the dignity of their soul. One kind of royal soul leads a
[L34] blameless life and is destined to be deified. The other kind is already fully
[L35] divine and is incarnated specifically to rule on earth (§).

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[L1] He says:
[L2] God produced matter (hulê) out of the division of materiality from substan￾tiality, which the Demiurge, receiving as a living substance, fashioned into
[L3] simple unshakeable spheres and organized the last of this into generated and
[L4] mortal bodies.69
[L5] The immortal spheres of the heavenly gods as well as our mortal bod￾ies are expressions of the Pythagorean law of inversion, but in the case
[L6] of higher beings their inversion causes no disturbance. Their manifesting
[L7] activity (prohodos) is never cut off from the return (epistrophê) to their
[L8] essence. In geometric terms, their procession and return trace an unbroken
[L9] circle, but for human souls the circle breaks: our creative activity shatters
[L10] our essence. As Carlos Steel puts it: “[the human soul] experiences pro￾cession as an actual alienation from itself, its prohodos [divine unfolding]
[L11] becomes probolê[alienating projection].”70 Iamblichus describes this alien￾ation starkly. He says:
[L12] What is immortal (athanaton) in the soul is filled completely with mortality
[L13] (anapimplatai tou thnêtou) and no longer remains only immortal.71
[L14] The Pythagorean law of inversion functioned at all levels of existence. Our
[L15] mortality and “self-alienation”72 was seen by Iamblichus as an expression of
[L16] divine will. Yet theurgy turned this alienation around; it allowed theurgists
[L17] to discover the unities hidden in the world—and in our own alienation—
[L18] and thus to recover our continuity with the gods. To avoid the aesthetic,
[L19] 67 Parmenides 142–143.
[L20] 68 The theme of negation in Neoplatonic metaphysics, with a comparison to the pro￾ductive negation in the work of Martin Heidegger, has been explored with great insight by
[L21] P. Durigon (1998) in his unpublished dissertation, Heidegger and the Greeks; Hermeneutical–
[L22] Philosophical Sketches of Ignorance, Blindness and Not Being in Heidegger’s Beiträge, Plato,
[L23] Plotinus and Proclus.
[L24] 69 DM 265.5–8.
[L25] 70 Carlos Steel (1978) 69.
[L26] 71 Priscianus = Simplicius ed. C. Kalbfleisch (1907) 90.22–24.
[L27] 72 Priscianus = Simplicius ed. C. Kalbfleisch (1907) 223.31: ἑτεροιοῦσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτήν.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 118 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 107
[L28] sensate, and material realm, was to step out of this divine activity: from
[L29] the procession of the One hiding/revealing itself in the Many to the self￾alienation of souls animating bodies.73 In theurgy the soul recovered its
[L30] spherical ochêma not by escaping from nature but by acting with the super￾natural powers hidden within it. As Iamblichus put it: “ineffable realities
[L31] are expressed through secret symbols and things greater than every image
[L32] are captured in images ….”74 Only by finding the supernatural (huperphuês)
[L33] in nature (phusis) could theurgists recover the divinity hidden in their own
[L34] mortal lives.
[L35] In response to a question by Porphyry concerning the appearance of the
[L36] gods Iamblichus makes it plain that to be called back to the gods is not to
[L37] be lifted out of the body.

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[L1] 19 This, of course, is the crux of the issue. I believe that exoterically we think of the ochêma
[L2] as going up, but this metaphorical ascent releases the divine presence in us that becomes
[L3] more real, more present, and more embodied. In becoming “like the divine” mortals contact
[L4] the immortal and by participation are made divine, filled with piety and wonder. And in
[L5] this transformative experience of the mortal “going up” to immortality, at a distinctively
[L6] theurgic and pivotal moment, the perspective shifts: it is no longer the mortal reaching up to
[L7] immortality but the other way around. The divine takes on a mortal body and this descent
[L8] is entirely dependent on providing a receptacle, a porous ochêma to receive the divine
[L9] light. The ascent and the descent of the soul, while discursively distinct, are esoterically
[L10] simultaneous and co-present. I wish to thank Peter Durigon for this insight.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 108 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 97
[L11] The Asclepian sanctuaries, the oracles at Delphi, Claros, and Didymos,
[L12] and the example of ecstatics immune to painfrom knives andfire all demon￾strate the effects of theurgic possession. But Iamblichus seems almost dis￾missive of these extraordinary examples and“far-famed oracles.”20He seems
[L13] more interested in the divination that was the everyday experience of those
[L14] who live in communion with the gods.
[L15] The daily practice of Iamblichus was prayer. He says plainly that no
[L16] theurgic ritual can take place without it21 and that in prayer the ochêma is
[L17] purified. He explains:
[L18] The extended practice of prayer nurtures our intellect, greatly enlarges our
[L19] soul’s receptacle of the gods, reveals to us the life of gods, accustoms our
[L20] eyes to the brightness of divine light, and gradually perfects our capacity for
[L21] intimate union with the gods … It gently elevates our habits of thought and
[L22] gives us those of the gods … It increases divine love and inflames the divine
[L23] presence of the soul; it cleanses (ἀποκαθαίρει) all contrary tendencies of the
[L24] soul and removes from its aethereal and luminous vehicle (αἰθερώδους καὶ
[L25] αὐγοειδοῦς πνεύµατος) everything inclined to generation … It makes those
[L26] who pray, if we may express it, the companions of the gods (ὁµιλητὰς τῶν
[L27] θεῶν).22
[L28] To bear the light of the gods we must become godlike. In theurgic prayer the
[L29] soul is released from the oppositions of embodied life: our divided dianoia
[L30] is replaced by unified noêsis and the contrary tendencies of the pneumatic
[L31] body are also unified, which is to say our pneumatic body is made spherical,
[L32] like the bodies of the heavenly gods. As Iamblichus puts it:
[L33] The aethereal body [of heavenly gods] is exempt from all contrariety and
[L34] is free from every change … it is utterly liberated from any centripetal or
[L35] centrifugal tendency because it has neither tendency or because it is moved
[L36] in a circle.
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 272>
[L2] HERMETICA II
[L3] This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
[L4] Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
[L5] It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
[L6] famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
[L7] before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
[L8] from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
[L9] and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
[L10] Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
[L11] of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
[L12] which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
[L13] appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
[L14] including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
[L15] world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
[L16] Renaissance.
[L17] .   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
[L18] Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
[L19] Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
[L20] Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
[L21] and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
[L22] Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
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[L35] HERMETICA II
[L36] The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
[L37] Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
[L38] Introductions
[L39] M. DAVID LITWA
[L40] Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
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[L47] University Printing House, Cambridge  , United Kingdom
[L48] One Liberty Plaza, th Floor, New York,  , USA
[L49]  Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne,  , Australia
[L50] –, rd Floor, Plot , Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – , India
[L51]  Anson Road, #–/, Singapore 
[L52] Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.
[L53] It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit
[L54] of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.
[L55] www.cambridge.org
[L56] Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/
[L57] : ./
[L58] © M. David Litwa 
[L59] This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
[L60] and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
[L61] no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
[L62] permission of Cambridge University Press.
[L63] First published 
[L64] Printed in the United Kingdom by Clays, St Ives plc
[L65] A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
[L66] Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Control Number: 
[L67]  ---- Hardback
[L68] Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
[L69] of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
[L70] and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
[L71] accurate or appropriate.
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[L78] For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
[L79] שבת שלום
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[L92] Contents
[L93] Preface page xi
[L94] Abbreviations xii
[L95] General Introduction 
[L96] A Note on This Translation 
[L97] Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
[L98]   ( –) 
[L99]   ( –) 
[L100]   ( –) 
[L101]      ( –) 
[L102]  Tertullian 
[L103]  Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
[L104] – Lactantius 
[L105] – Iamblichus 
[L106] – Zosimus 
[L107]  Ephrem the Syrian 
[L108] – Cyril of Alexandria 
[L109] Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
[L110] vii
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[L117]  Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L118]  John Lydus 
[L119]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L120]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L121]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L122]  Augustine 
[L123]  Quodvultdeus 
[L124]  Michael Psellus 
[L125]  Albert the Great 
[L126]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L127]    
[L128]  ( –) 
[L129]  Artapanus 
[L130]  Cicero 
[L131]  Manilius 
[L132]  Thrasyllus 
[L133]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L134]  Philo of Byblos 
[L135]  Athenagoras 
[L136]  Virtues of Plants 
[L137]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L138]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L139]  Arnobius 
[L140]  Iamblichus 
[L141]  Marius Victorinus 
[L142]  The Emperor Julian 
[L143] viii Contents
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[L149] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 9 / 272>
[L150]  Ammianus Marcellinus 
[L151]  Greek Magical Papyri 
[L152]  Filastrius 
[L153]  First Prologue to the Cyranides 
[L154]  Augustine 
[L155]  Hermias 
[L156]  Cyril of Alexandria 
[L157]  John of Antioch 
[L158]  Isidore of Seville 
[L159]  John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
[L160]  Al-Kindī 
[L161]  Abū Ma‘shar 
[L162]  Ibn an-Nadīm 
[L163]  Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
[L164]  Michael Psellus 
[L165]  Emerald Tablet 
[L166]  Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
[L167] of Nature 
[L168]  Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
[L169]  Book of Alcidus 
[L170]  Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
[L171]  Book of the Beibenian Stars 
[L172]  Albert the Great 
[L173]  Picatrix 
[L174]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L175] Bibliography 
[L176] Index 
[L177] Contents ix
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[L190] Preface
[L191] Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
[L192] there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
[L193] various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
[L194] At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
[L195] of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
[L196] The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
[L197] own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
[L198] When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
[L199] Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
[L200] texts originally written in Arabic.
[L201] The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
[L202] readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
[L203] with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
[L204] background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
[L205] many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
[L206] spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
[L207] include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
[L208] Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
[L209] and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
[L210] Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
[L211] answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
[L212] thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
[L213] xi
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[L218] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 272>
[L219] Abbreviations
[L220] ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
[L221] der römischen Welt
[L222] Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
[L223] BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
[L224] Teubneriana
[L225] CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
[L226] –
[L227] CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[L228] CH Corpus Hermeticum
[L229] CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
[L230]  vols., 
[L231] Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
[L232] Hermeticum, 
[L233] DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
[L234] Esotericism, .
[L235] DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
[L236] DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
[L237] edition
[L238] Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
[L239] DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
[L240]  vols., –
[L241] F Codex Farnesius
[L242] FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
[L243] FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
[L244] Theophrastus of Eresus, 
[L245] HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
[L246] LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
[L247]  vols., 
[L248] MSS Manuscripts
[L249] Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
[L250] xii
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[L253]
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[L255] ,
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[L258] NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
[L259] –
[L260] NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
[L261] NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
[L262] NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
[L263] OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
[L264] et fragmenta, 
[L265] OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
[L266] OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
[L267] OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
[L268] –
[L269] P Codex Parisinus gr. 
[L270] PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
[L271] PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
[L272] –
[L273] Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
[L274] RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
[L275] nd edn., –
[L276] SC Sources Chrétiennes
[L277] Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
[L278]  vols., –
[L279] SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
[L280] SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
[L281] TH Hermetic Testimonies
[L282] VC Vigiliae Christianae
[L283] VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
[L284] Abbreviations xiii
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[L286]
[L287]
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[L299] General Introduction
[L300] There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
[L301] appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
[L302]  The first is
[L303] the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
[L304]  anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
[L305] featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
[L306] formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
[L307] Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
[L308] of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
[L309] by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
[L310] Vienna and Oxford.
[L311] The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
[L312] Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
[L313] English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
[L314] translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
[L315] from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
[L316]  Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
[L317] Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
[L318] van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
[L319] the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
[L320] ), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
[L321] –; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
[L322] and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
[L323] –; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L324] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L325] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L326] ibid., –.
[L327] 
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[L334] It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L335] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L336] Hermes-Thoth
[L337] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L338] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L339] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L340] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L341] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L342] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L343] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L344] thread at significant points of reception.
[L345] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L346] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L347] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L348] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L349] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L350] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L351] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L352] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L353] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L354] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L355] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L356] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L357] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L358] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L359] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L360] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L361] the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
[L362] certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
[L363] A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
[L364]  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
[L365] Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
[L366] D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
[L367] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
[L368]  General Introduction
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[L375] doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
[L376]  volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
[L377] would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
[L378] of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
[L379] priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
[L380] According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
[L381] “the gods in the heavens.”
[L382]  Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
[L383] scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
[L384] astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
[L385] nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
[L386] intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
[L387] ascribed to Hermes.
[L388] The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
[L389] in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
[L390] procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
[L391] Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
[L392] highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
[L393] “hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
[L394] held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
[L395] Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
[L396] matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
[L397] Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
[L398] for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
[L399] medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
[L400] vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
[L401] Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
[L402] from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
[L403] “winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
[L404]  The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
[L405] “The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
[L406] (Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
[L407] Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
[L408] Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
[L409] University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
[L410] Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
[L411] and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
[L412] nn.–.
[L413] General Introduction 
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[L420] helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
[L421] the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
[L422] Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
[L423] lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
[L424] When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
[L425] Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
[L426] was similar?
[L427] There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
[L428] Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
[L429] the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
[L430] Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
[L431] confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
[L432] against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
[L433] inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
[L434] leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
[L435] dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
[L436] of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
[L437] this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
[L438] netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
[L439] halls of Hades.
[L440] Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
[L441] Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
[L442] Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
[L443] interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
[L444]  Thoth is also the god
[L445] who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
[L446] the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
[L447]  The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
[L448] Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
[L449] Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
[L450] Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
[L451] (Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
[L452] (London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
[L453] of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
[L454] Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
[L455] First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
[L456] περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
[L457]  General Introduction
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[L464] divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
[L465] heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”
[L466] 
[L467] In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
[L468] and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
[L469] was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
[L470] (Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
[L471] “Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
[L472] Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
[L473] fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
[L474] man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
[L475] Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
[L476] invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
[L477] been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
[L478] Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
[L479] kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
[L480] Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
[L481] Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
[L482] (– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
[L483]  Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
[L484] invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
[L485] dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
[L486]  These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
[L487] Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
[L488] the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
[L489] –. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
[L490] inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
[L491] forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
[L492] him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
[L493] Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
[L494] –). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
[L495] According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
[L496] depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
[L497] Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
[L498] l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
[L499] (= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
[L500] divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
[L501] Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L502] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L503] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L504] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L505] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
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[L513] to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L514] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L515] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L516] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L517]  In the
[L518] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L519] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L520] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L521] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L522]  This tradition of
[L523] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L524] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L525] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L526] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
[L527] To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
[L528] Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
[L529] Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
[L530] indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
[L531] devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
[L532] a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
[L533] greatest god, great Hermes!”
[L534]  In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
[L535]  Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
[L536] Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
[L537] Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
[L538] –.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
[L539] great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
[L540] Hermes Trisme
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 272>
[L2] HERMETICA II
[L3] This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
[L4] Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
[L5] It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
[L6] famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
[L7] before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
[L8] from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
[L9] and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
[L10] Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
[L11] of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
[L12] which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
[L13] appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
[L14] including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
[L15] world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
[L16] Renaissance.
[L17] .   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
[L18] Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
[L19] Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
[L20] Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
[L21] and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
[L22] Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
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[L35] HERMETICA II
[L36] The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
[L37] Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
[L38] Introductions
[L39] M. DAVID LITWA
[L40] Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
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[L78] For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
[L79] שבת שלום
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[L92] Contents
[L93] Preface page xi
[L94] Abbreviations xii
[L95] General Introduction 
[L96] A Note on This Translation 
[L97] Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
[L98]   ( –) 
[L99]   ( –) 
[L100]   ( –) 
[L101]      ( –) 
[L102]  Tertullian 
[L103]  Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
[L104] – Lactantius 
[L105] – Iamblichus 
[L106] – Zosimus 
[L107]  Ephrem the Syrian 
[L108] – Cyril of Alexandria 
[L109] Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
[L110] vii
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[L117]  Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L118]  John Lydus 
[L119]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L120]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L121]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L122]  Augustine 
[L123]  Quodvultdeus 
[L124]  Michael Psellus 
[L125]  Albert the Great 
[L126]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L127]    
[L128]  ( –) 
[L129]  Artapanus 
[L130]  Cicero 
[L131]  Manilius 
[L132]  Thrasyllus 
[L133]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L134]  Philo of Byblos 
[L135]  Athenagoras 
[L136]  Virtues of Plants 
[L137]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L138]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L139]  Arnobius 
[L140]  Iamblichus 
[L141]  Marius Victorinus 
[L142]  The Emperor Julian 
[L143] viii Contents
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[L150]  Ammianus Marcellinus 
[L151]  Greek Magical Papyri 
[L152]  Filastrius 
[L153]  First Prologue to the Cyranides 
[L154]  Augustine 
[L155]  Hermias 
[L156]  Cyril of Alexandria 
[L157]  John of Antioch 
[L158]  Isidore of Seville 
[L159]  John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
[L160]  Al-Kindī 
[L161]  Abū Ma‘shar 
[L162]  Ibn an-Nadīm 
[L163]  Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
[L164]  Michael Psellus 
[L165]  Emerald Tablet 
[L166]  Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
[L167] of Nature 
[L168]  Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
[L169]  Book of Alcidus 
[L170]  Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
[L171]  Book of the Beibenian Stars 
[L172]  Albert the Great 
[L173]  Picatrix 
[L174]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L175] Bibliography 
[L176] Index 
[L177] Contents ix
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[L190] Preface
[L191] Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
[L192] there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
[L193] various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
[L194] At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
[L195] of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
[L196] The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
[L197] own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
[L198] When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
[L199] Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
[L200] texts originally written in Arabic.
[L201] The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
[L202] readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
[L203] with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
[L204] background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
[L205] many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
[L206] spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
[L207] include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
[L208] Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
[L209] and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
[L210] Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
[L211] answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
[L212] thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
[L213] xi
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[L218] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 12 / 272>
[L219] Abbreviations
[L220] ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
[L221] der römischen Welt
[L222] Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
[L223] BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
[L224] Teubneriana
[L225] CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
[L226] –
[L227] CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[L228] CH Corpus Hermeticum
[L229] CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
[L230]  vols., 
[L231] Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
[L232] Hermeticum, 
[L233] DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
[L234] Esotericism, .
[L235] DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
[L236] DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
[L237] edition
[L238] Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
[L239] DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
[L240]  vols., –
[L241] F Codex Farnesius
[L242] FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
[L243] FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
[L244] Theophrastus of Eresus, 
[L245] HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
[L246] LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
[L247]  vols., 
[L248] MSS Manuscripts
[L249] Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
[L250] xii
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[L258] NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
[L259] –
[L260] NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
[L261] NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
[L262] NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
[L263] OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
[L264] et fragmenta, 
[L265] OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
[L266] OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
[L267] OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
[L268] –
[L269] P Codex Parisinus gr. 
[L270] PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
[L271] PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
[L272] –
[L273] Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
[L274] RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
[L275] nd edn., –
[L276] SC Sources Chrétiennes
[L277] Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
[L278]  vols., –
[L279] SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
[L280] SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
[L281] TH Hermetic Testimonies
[L282] VC Vigiliae Christianae
[L283] VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
[L284] Abbreviations xiii
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[L299] General Introduction
[L300] There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
[L301] appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
[L302]  The first is
[L303] the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
[L304]  anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
[L305] featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
[L306] formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
[L307] Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
[L308] of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
[L309] by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
[L310] Vienna and Oxford.
[L311] The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
[L312] Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
[L313] English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
[L314] translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
[L315] from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
[L316]  Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
[L317] Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
[L318] van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
[L319] the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
[L320] ), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
[L321] –; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
[L322] and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
[L323] –; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L324] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L325] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L326] ibid., –.
[L327] 
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[L334] It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L335] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L336] Hermes-Thoth
[L337] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L338] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L339] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L340] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L341] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L342] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L343] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L344] thread at significant points of reception.
[L345] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L346] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L347] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L348] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L349] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L350] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L351] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L352] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L353] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L354] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L355] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L356] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L357] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L358] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L359] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L360] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L361] the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
[L362] certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
[L363] A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
[L364]  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
[L365] Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
[L366] D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
[L367] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
[L368]  General Introduction
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[L375] doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
[L376]  volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
[L377] would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
[L378] of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
[L379] priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
[L380] According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
[L381] “the gods in the heavens.”
[L382]  Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
[L383] scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
[L384] astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
[L385] nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
[L386] intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
[L387] ascribed to Hermes.
[L388] The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
[L389] in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
[L390] procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
[L391] Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
[L392] highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
[L393] “hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
[L394] held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
[L395] Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
[L396] matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
[L397] Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
[L398] for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
[L399] medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
[L400] vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
[L401] Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
[L402] from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
[L403] “winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
[L404]  The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
[L405] “The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
[L406] (Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
[L407] Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
[L408] Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
[L409] University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
[L410] Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
[L411] and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
[L412] nn.–.
[L413] General Introduction 
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[L420] helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
[L421] the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
[L422] Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
[L423] lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
[L424] When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
[L425] Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
[L426] was similar?
[L427] There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
[L428] Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
[L429] the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
[L430] Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
[L431] confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
[L432] against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
[L433] inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
[L434] leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
[L435] dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
[L436] of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
[L437] this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
[L438] netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
[L439] halls of Hades.
[L440] Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
[L441] Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
[L442] Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
[L443] interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
[L444]  Thoth is also the god
[L445] who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
[L446] the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
[L447]  The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
[L448] Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
[L449] Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
[L450] Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
[L451] (Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
[L452] (London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
[L453] of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
[L454] Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
[L455] First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
[L456] περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
[L457]  General Introduction
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[L464] divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
[L465] heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”
[L466] 
[L467] In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
[L468] and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
[L469] was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
[L470] (Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
[L471] “Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
[L472] Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
[L473] fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
[L474] man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
[L475] Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
[L476] invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
[L477] been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
[L478] Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
[L479] kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
[L480] Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
[L481] Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
[L482] (– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
[L483]  Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
[L484] invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
[L485] dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
[L486]  These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
[L487] Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
[L488] the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
[L489] –. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
[L490] inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
[L491] forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
[L492] him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
[L493] Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
[L494] –). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
[L495] According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
[L496] depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
[L497] Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
[L498] l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
[L499] (= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
[L500] divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
[L501] Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L502] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L503] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L504] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L505] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
[L506] General Introduction 
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[L513] to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L514] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L515] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L516] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L517]  In the
[L518] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L519] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L520] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L521] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L522]  This tradition of
[L523] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L524] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L525] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L526] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
[L527] To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
[L528] Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
[L529] Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
[L530] indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
[L531] devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
[L532] a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
[L533] greatest god, great Hermes!”
[L534]  In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
[L535]  Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
[L536] Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
[L537] Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
[L538] –.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
[L539] great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
[L540] Hermes Trisme
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[L1] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 272>
[L2] HERMETICA II
[L3] This volume presents in new English translations the scattered frag￾ments and testimonies regarding Hermes Thrice Great that complete
[L4] Brian Copenhaver’s translation of the Hermetica (Cambridge ).
[L5] It contains the twenty-nine fragments from Stobaeus (including the
[L6] famous Korē Kosmou), the Oxford and Vienna fragments (never
[L7] before translated into English), an expanded selection of fragments
[L8] from various authors (including Zosimus of Panopolis, Augustine,
[L9] and Albert the Great), and testimonies about Hermes from thirty￾eight authors (including Cicero, Pseudo-Manetho, the Emperor
[L10] Julian, Al-Kindī, Michael Psellus, the Emerald Tablet, and Nicholas
[L11] of Cusa). All translations are accompanied by introductions and notes
[L12] which cite sources for further reading. These Hermetic texts will
[L13] appeal to a broad array of readers interested in western esotericism
[L14] including scholars of Egyptology, the New Testament, the classical
[L15] world, Byzantium, medieval Islam, the Latin Middle Ages, and the
[L16] Renaissance.
[L17] .   is a research fellow at the Institute for Religion and
[L18] Critical Inquiry in Melbourne, Australia. His recent books include:
[L19] Desiring Divinity: Self-deification in Ancient Jewish and Christian
[L20] Mythmaking (); Refutation of All Heresies: Text, Translation,
[L21] and Notes (); and Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of
[L22] Jesus as a Mediterranean God ().
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[L35] HERMETICA II
[L36] The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient
[L37] Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and
[L38] Introductions
[L39] M. DAVID LITWA
[L40] Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry, Melbourne
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[L57] : ./
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[L78] For Sam, Annie, Alex, and Eve
[L79] שבת שלום
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[L92] Contents
[L93] Preface page xi
[L94] Abbreviations xii
[L95] General Introduction 
[L96] A Note on This Translation 
[L97] Sigla Adopted for This Translation 
[L98]   ( –) 
[L99]   ( –) 
[L100]   ( –) 
[L101]      ( –) 
[L102]  Tertullian 
[L103]  Pseudo(?)-Cyprian 
[L104] – Lactantius 
[L105] – Iamblichus 
[L106] – Zosimus 
[L107]  Ephrem the Syrian 
[L108] – Cyril of Alexandria 
[L109] Addendum: The Reception of Hermetic Fragments from Cyril 
[L110] vii
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[L117]  Marcellus of Ancyra 
[L118]  John Lydus 
[L119]  Gregory of Nazianzus 
[L120]  Didymus of Alexandria 
[L121]  Gaius Iulius Romanus 
[L122]  Augustine 
[L123]  Quodvultdeus 
[L124]  Michael Psellus 
[L125]  Albert the Great 
[L126]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L127]    
[L128]  ( –) 
[L129]  Artapanus 
[L130]  Cicero 
[L131]  Manilius 
[L132]  Thrasyllus 
[L133]  Dorotheus of Sidon 
[L134]  Philo of Byblos 
[L135]  Athenagoras 
[L136]  Virtues of Plants 
[L137]  Refutation of All Heresies 
[L138]  Pseudo-Manetho 
[L139]  Arnobius 
[L140]  Iamblichus 
[L141]  Marius Victorinus 
[L142]  The Emperor Julian 
[L143] viii Contents
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[L150]  Ammianus Marcellinus 
[L151]  Greek Magical Papyri 
[L152]  Filastrius 
[L153]  First Prologue to the Cyranides 
[L154]  Augustine 
[L155]  Hermias 
[L156]  Cyril of Alexandria 
[L157]  John of Antioch 
[L158]  Isidore of Seville 
[L159]  John of Damascus(?), Passion of Artemius 
[L160]  Al-Kindī 
[L161]  Abū Ma‘shar 
[L162]  Ibn an-Nadīm 
[L163]  Al-Mubaššir ibn Fātik 
[L164]  Michael Psellus 
[L165]  Emerald Tablet 
[L166]  Prefaces to the Composition of Alchemy and the Six Principles
[L167] of Nature 
[L168]  Book of the Twenty-four Philosophers 
[L169]  Book of Alcidus 
[L170]  Fifteen Stars, Stones, Plants, and Talismans 
[L171]  Book of the Beibenian Stars 
[L172]  Albert the Great 
[L173]  Picatrix 
[L174]  Nicholas of Cusa 
[L175] Bibliography 
[L176] Index 
[L177] Contents ix
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[L190] Preface
[L191] Despite widespread interest in the Hermetica across the globe, currently
[L192] there does not exist a reliable and up-to-date English translation of the
[L193] various Hermetic fragments and testimonies. Indeed, some of these frag￾ments and testimonies remain generally unknown.
[L194] At the turn of the twentieth century, G. R. S. Mead made a translation
[L195] of select fragments into Victorian English from now-outdated editions.
[L196] The translation of the fragments by Walter Scott () was based on his
[L197] own re-written Greek text – a jungle of emendations and transpositions.
[L198] When it came to testimonies, moreover, Scott did not actually translate the
[L199] Greek or Latin texts. He only rendered into English (via Latin translations)
[L200] texts originally written in Arabic.
[L201] The present translation serves a new generation of scholarly and lay
[L202] readers of the Hermetica. It remains faithful to – though critically engaged
[L203] with – the various manuscript traditions. Copious notes provide historical
[L204] background, parallels, and references for further reading. Included also are
[L205] many testimonies that Scott did not print. It is hoped that this volume will
[L206] spark interest in the full reception history of the Hermetica, which must
[L207] include Late Antiquity and the medieval period.
[L208] Here I gratefully acknowledge persons who read parts of the manuscript
[L209] and offered helpful suggestions: Brian P. Copenhaver, David Runia, and
[L210] Christian H. Bull. Christian Wildberg and Kevin Van Bladel also kindly
[L211] answered my inquiries and provided guidance based on their expertise. My
[L212] thanks also to Oxford University Press for the use of Van Bladel’s transla￾tions of Arabic source materials.
[L213] xi
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[L219] Abbreviations
[L220] ANRW Haase and others, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang
[L221] der römischen Welt
[L222] Ascl. The Latin Asclepius
[L223] BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
[L224] Teubneriana
[L225] CCAG Catalogus Codicum Astrologorum Graecorum,  vols.,
[L226] –
[L227] CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
[L228] CH Corpus Hermeticum
[L229] CH Deutsch Holzhausen, ed., Das Corpus Hermeticum Deutsch,
[L230]  vols., 
[L231] Copenhaver Copenhaver, trans., Hermetica: The Greek Corpus
[L232] Hermeticum, 
[L233] DGWE Hanegraaff, ed., Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
[L234] Esotericism, .
[L235] DH Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius
[L236] DK Diels and Kranz, eds., Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, th
[L237] edition
[L238] Disc. – Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth (NHC VI,)
[L239] DPA Richard Goulet, ed., Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques,
[L240]  vols., –
[L241] F Codex Farnesius
[L242] FH Hermetic Fragments from various sources
[L243] FHSG Fortenbaugh, Huby, Sharples, and Gutas, eds.,
[L244] Theophrastus of Eresus, 
[L245] HHE Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte,  vols., –.
[L246] LS Long and Sedley, eds., The Hellenistic Philosophers,
[L247]  vols., 
[L248] MSS Manuscripts
[L249] Mystique Festugière, Hermétisme et mystique païenne, 
[L250] xii
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[L258] NF Nock and Festugière, eds., Corpus Hermeticum,  vols.,
[L259] –
[L260] NHC Nag Hammadi Codices
[L261] NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
[L262] NRSV The New Revised Standard Version of the Bible
[L263] OF Bernabé, ed., Orphicorum et Orphicis similium testimonia
[L264] et fragmenta, 
[L265] OH Oxford Hermetic Fragments
[L266] OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary. –
[L267] OTP Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,  vols.,
[L268] –
[L269] P Codex Parisinus gr. 
[L270] PG Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca,  vols., –
[L271] PW Pauly and Wissowa, eds., Realencyclopädie,  vols.,
[L272] –
[L273] Ref. Refutation of All Heresies
[L274] RHT Festugière, La Révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste,  vols.,
[L275] nd edn., –
[L276] SC Sources Chrétiennes
[L277] Scarpi Scarpi, ed., La Rivelazione segreta di Ermete Trismegisto,
[L278]  vols., –
[L279] SH Stobaean Hermetic Excerpts
[L280] SVF Von Arnim, ed., Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta
[L281] TH Hermetic Testimonies
[L282] VC Vigiliae Christianae
[L283] VH Vienna Hermetic Fragments
[L284] Abbreviations xiii
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[L299] General Introduction
[L300] There are five groups of philosophical Hermetic writings that do not
[L301] appear in Brian P. Copenhaver’s  English translation entitled Herme￾tica: The Greek “Corpus Hermeticum” and the Latin “Asclepius”.
[L302]  The first is
[L303] the large group of Hermetic excerpts from Stobaeus, an early fifth-century
[L304]  anthologist. The second is the Coptic Hermetica (discovered in )
[L305] featuring two excerpts of previously known writings in addition to a
[L306] formerly unknown Hermetic tractate (the Discourse on the Eighth and
[L307] Ninth). The third group is the collection of Hermetic Definitions, a set
[L308] of maxims extant in Greek fragments but preserved only fully in Arme￾nian. The fourth is the previously known set of diverse fragments quoted
[L309] by various (largely Christian) authors in Late Antiquity. The fifth com￾prises recently discovered Hermetic fragments currently preserved in
[L310] Vienna and Oxford.
[L311] The Coptic Hermetica are widely available in English translations of the
[L312] Nag Hammadi library. The Definitions are now conveniently accessible in
[L313] English thanks to the work of Jean-Pierre Mahé. What remains to be
[L314] translated are the fragments from Stobaeus, the fragments and testimonies
[L315] from various authors, and the fragments from the newly discovered papyri.
[L316]  Copenhaver’s introduction to CH and Ascl. remain relevant (Copenhaver, xxxii–xlv). See also Peter
[L317] Kingsley, “An Introduction to the Hermetica: Approaching Ancient Esoteric Tradition,” in Roelof
[L318] van den Broek and Cis van Heertum, eds., From Poimandres to Jacob Böhme: Gnosis: Hermetism and
[L319] the Christian Tradition (Amsterdam: In de Pelikaan, ), –.  See Marvin Meyer, ed., Nag Hammadi Scriptures: The International Edition (New York: HarperOne,
[L320] ), –. Introductions to the Coptic Hermetica can be found in ibid., –; –;
[L321] –; Mahé, HHE, .–, –; .–; Hans-Martin Schenke, Hans-Gebhard Bethge,
[L322] and Ursula Ulrike Kaiser, eds., Nag Hammadi Deutsch: Studienausgabe (Berlin: de Gruyter, ),
[L323] –; –; –.  Mahé’s translation can be found in Clement Salaman and others, trans., The Way of Hermes: New
[L324] Translations of “The Corpus Hermeticum” and “The Definitions of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius”
[L325] (Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, ), –. Mahé introduces the Armenian Definitions in
[L326] ibid., –.
[L327] 
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[L334] It is high time to present a new translation and annotation of these (chiefly
[L335] philosophical) Hermetica to the English-speaking world.
[L336] Hermes-Thoth
[L337] Nothing binds together the multifarious Hermetic fragments beyond their
[L338] ascription to Hermes Thrice Great. Hermes Thrice Great is a fictional
[L339] character. Yet for many in the ancient world that fiction was history. If we
[L340] call Hermes Thrice Great a “myth,” we thereby recognize that he is greater
[L341] and more significant than any one historical figure. How do we introduce a
[L342] figure that appears in so many different ages in so many different guises? If
[L343] there was an “original” Hermes Thrice Great, we are obliged to pick up the
[L344] thread at significant points of reception.
[L345] Iamblichus (about – ) commences his book (later called On
[L346] the Mysteries) with the following flourish:
[L347] Hermes, the deity who presides over rational discourses, has long and
[L348] rightly been considered common to all who practice the sacred arts. He
[L349] who presides over true science concerning gods is one and the same
[L350] throughout the universe. It is to him that our ancestors dedicated the
[L351] discoveries of their wisdom, attributing all their own writings to Hermes.
[L352] Important here is the frank acknowledgement that many authors wrote
[L353] under the name of Hermes. The practice of pseudepigraphy was logical for
[L354] devotees of Hermes. True wisdom and learning merited ascription to the
[L355] lord of all learning. This is why many Egyptian scholars attributed their
[L356] writings to Hermes. Iamblichus, himself writing under a false name
[L357] (“Abammon,” an Egyptian priest), calls these writers his “ancestors.” These
[L358] “ancestors” were probably Hellenized Egyptian scribes and priests who
[L359] lived not very long before Iamblichus himself.
[L360] Later, Iamblichus gives a taste of how many persons were writing under
[L361] the name of Hermes. In On the Mysteries ., he passes on the report of a
[L362] certain Seleucus, who attributed to Hermes a total of , books.
[L363] A better-known source, the Egyptian priest and historian Manetho, nearly
[L364]  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, ..  On Hermetic pseudepigraphy, see Anthony Grafton, Forgers and Critics: Creativity and Duplicity in
[L365] Western Scholarship (Princeton: Princeton University Press, ), –; and more generally, Bart
[L366] D. Ehrman, Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics
[L367] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, ), –; –.
[L368]  General Introduction
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[L375] doubled this number, crediting Hermes with , volumes (or
[L376]  volumes for each single day in a -year period). So many books
[L377] would easily fill the shelves of a large temple library (the Egyptian “House
[L378] of Life”). Perhaps this is the point – all the wisdom of the Egyptian sacred
[L379] priesthood ultimately reverts to Hermes.
[L380] According to Iamblichus, Hermes wrote hundreds of tomes on special￾ized topics like “the gods in the fiery zone,” “the gods in the aether,” and
[L381] “the gods in the heavens.”
[L382]  Hermes was the ultimate theologian, yet the
[L383] scope of his expertise was in fact more vast. There are existing treatises on
[L384] astrology, the virtues of stones, the principles of creation, the origin and
[L385] nature of the soul, alchemical practices, Fate, the effects of climate on
[L386] intelligence, healing, and even why children resemble their parents – all
[L387] ascribed to Hermes.
[L388] The many genres of Hermetic learning are well illustrated by a passage
[L389] in Clement of Alexandria. This Christian writer around   describes a
[L390] procession of Egyptian officials in which forty-two fundamental writings of
[L391] Hermes were displayed (the number of Egypt’s districts or “nomes”). The
[L392] highest-ranking priest, whom the Greeks called “Prophet,” carried the ten
[L393] “hieratic” books on laws, the gods, and the training of priests. The Stole￾keeper presented ten books on education and sacrifice. The Sacred Scribe
[L394] held up a decade of books on hieroglyphs, geography, and the temples.
[L395] Then came the Astrologer, who showed four books on astronomical
[L396] matters (fixed stars, planets, conjunctions, and the risings of astral bodies).
[L397] Finally, the Singer held in his hands a songbook and an instruction manual
[L398] for kings. As a supplement, six books on medical matters (anatomy,
[L399] medicines, medical instruments, and gynecology) were displayed. All this
[L400] vast store of knowledge was ascribed to Hermes.
[L401] Who was this Hermes? We must first of all distinguish a Greek deity
[L402] from a significantly different Egyptian one. The Greek Hermes was the
[L403] “winged son of kindly Maia,” racing on the winds as Zeus’s crafty herald,
[L404]  The number has yet deeper significance in Egyptian astrology, as pointed out by Christian H. Bull,
[L405] “The Tradition of Hermes: The Egyptian Priestly Figure as a Teacher of Hellenized Wisdom”
[L406] (Ph.D. diss., University of Bergen, ), –.  Iamblichus, On the Mysteries, .–.  See, for instance, the small treatises On Earthquakes and the Brontologion attributed to Hermes
[L407] Thrice Great in CCAG .–; –.  Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, ...–.... On books in temple libraries, see further Serge
[L408] Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, new edition, trans. David Lorton (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
[L409] University Press, ), –; Garth Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
[L410] Late Pagan Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ), –; Jan Assmann, Religion
[L411] and Cultural Memory: Ten Studies (Stanford: Stanford University Press, ), , –, 
[L412] nn.–.
[L413] General Introduction 
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[L420] helmeted with the cap of invisibility, wielding the twisted caduceus with
[L421] the power to put even Argus with his hundred eyes to sleep. The
[L422] Egyptian Hermes, on the other hand, was Thoth, depicted as the ibis￾headed scribe of the gods, secretary of Re, giver of oracles, master of magic,
[L423] lord of the moon often appearing in the form of a dog-faced baboon.
[L424] When the Greeks dominated Egypt, they identified the Egyptian god
[L425] Thoth with Hermes. But why? What did they see in these two gods that
[L426] was similar?
[L427] There are several overlaps, yet we will focus on two. First of all,
[L428] Hermes as psychopomp, or escort of the dead, resembled Thoth as seen in
[L429] the various versions of the Egyptian Book of the Dead (or the Book of Going
[L430] Forth by Day), chapter . In the Hall of Two Truths, Thoth hears the
[L431] confession of the deceased person. After the person’s heart is weighed
[L432] against the feather of Maat (“Justice,” or “Truth”), Thoth carefully
[L433] inscribes the result with his tablet and stylus. If the heart is pure, Thoth
[L434] leads the candidate into the presence of Osiris, the ultimate judge of the
[L435] dead, and finally into the Field of Reeds. Perhaps the most famous scene
[L436] of Hermes leading souls is the opening of Homer’s Odyssey, book . In
[L437] this scene, Hermes guides the freshly slaughtered suitors of Penelope to the
[L438] netherworld. Mindless, the suitors squeak like bats on their way to the
[L439] halls of Hades.
[L440] Yet there was a more basic similarity between Hermes and Thoth.
[L441] Hermes is more than a herald or messenger. He is the Logos – the Reason,
[L442] Speech, or Word of God. The Word devises speech and brings his own
[L443] interpretation, which the Greeks called hermeneia.
[L444]  Thoth is also the god
[L445] who presides over speech and interpretation. He is called “the heart of Re,
[L446] the tongue of Atum, the throat of the God whose name is hidden.” As
[L447]  The “winged son of kindly Maia” derives from Horace, Odes, ..  Other similarities between Thoth and Hermes are catalogued by Maria-Theresia Derchain-Urtel,
[L448] Thot à travers ses épithètes dans les scènes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine (Brussels:
[L449] Egyptology Foundation Queen Elizabeth, ), –; Andreas Löw, Hermes Trismegistos als
[L450] Zeuge der Wahrheit: Die christliche Hermetikrezeption von Athenagoras bis Laktanz, Theophaneia 
[L451] (Berlin: Philo, ), –.  See Raymond O. Faulkner, trans., The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, ed. Carol Andrews
[L452] (London: British Museum, ),  (spell b); C. J. Bleeker, Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures
[L453] of the Ancient Egyptian Religion (Leiden: Brill, ), –.  For Hermes as Logos (or Word), see Ref. ..; Seneca, On Benefits .; Cornutus, Nature of the
[L454] Gods ; Heraclitus, Homeric Problems ; Acts :; Varro in Augustine, City of God .; Justin,
[L455] First Apology .; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris  (Moralia b).  For devising speech, see Plato, Cratylus e–b; compare Diodorus, Library of History . (τὰ
[L456] περὶ τὴν ἑρμενείαν).
[L457]  General Introduction
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[L463] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 19 / 272>
[L464] divine speech personified, Thoth is also a creator. “What bursts from his
[L465] heart has immediate existence; what he pronounces exists for eternity.”
[L466] 
[L467] In the Hellenistic period (roughly – ), Greeks living in Egypt
[L468] and Hellenized Egyptians crafted an amalgam of Thoth and Hermes who
[L469] was called “the Egyptian Hermes” or later “Hermes Thrice Greatest”
[L470] (Trismegistos, Termaximus). This Hermes is superlatively great in a superla￾tive (threefold) way. Following English convention, however, here we call
[L471] “Thrice Greatest Hermes” simply “Hermes Thrice Great.”
[L472] Greeks typically conceived of Hermes Thrice Great in a Euhemeristic
[L473] fashion. That is to say, they often considered him to have been an ancient
[L474] man – a real scribe of a real Pharaoh, often the first divine Pharaoh called
[L475] Ammon (the Egyptian god Amun). This scribe, named Thoth or Theuth,
[L476] invented the alphabet and the art of writing. Ever since, humans have
[L477] been using writing to preserve the vast array of accumulated knowledge.
[L478] Thoth was later deified to become a recognized Egyptian god or daimon (a
[L479] kind of mediating deity). Writing was the best-known benefit that
[L480] Thoth offered to human beings, but it was not the only one.
[L481] Greeks attributed to Thoth the invention of a host of other arts. Plato
[L482] (– ) made Thoth the discoverer of mathematics and astron￾omy.
[L483]  Hecataeus of Abdera (fourth century ) ascribed to him the
[L484] invention of a common language, religious ritual, music, wrestling,
[L485] dancing, and the culture of the olive. The Jewish writer Artapanus (third
[L486]  These titles derive from hieroglyphic inscriptions from the temple of Denderah printed in
[L487] Festugière, RHT, . and Wilhelm Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from
[L488] the Beginnings of Christianity to Irenaeus, trans. John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, ),
[L489] –. The temple is dated to the time of Nero (mid first century ). Compare the
[L490] inscription on the door of the library of the great temple of Philae: “the glorious Ibis who came
[L491] forth from the heart of the god [Re]; tongue of Tenen [Ptah] when he gives command, throat of
[L492] him of the hidden name [Amun]” (quoted in Patrick Boylan, Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt: A Study of
[L493] Some Aspects of Theological Thought in Ancient Egypt [London: Oxford University Press, ],
[L494] –). In the Shabaka text, Thoth functions as creator in the form of Ptah (ibid., ).
[L495] According to a fourth-century  papyrus fragment called the Strasbourg Cosmogony, Hermes is
[L496] depicted as creator of the world. For an introduction see Jean-Marie Flamand, “Cosmogonie de
[L497] Strasbourg,” DPA .–. See further Youri Volokhine, “Le dieu Thot et la parole,” Revue de
[L498] l’histoire des religions  (): –.  For Thoth the inventor of writing, see Philo of Byblos in Eusebius, Preparation of the Gospel ..
[L499] (= TH a), as well as the writers cited in the next paragraph.  Plato (Philebus b) expressed uncertainty as to whether Hermes (Thoth) was a god, a daimon, or
[L500] divine man. Perhaps he was a man guided by a daimon, as in Ammianus Marcellinus, Historical
[L501] Events .. (TH ). In some Hermetic texts, Hermes Thrice Great is distinguished from his
[L502] grandfather Thoth (Ascl. , with Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, –). A purely Euhemeristic
[L503] conception of Hermes Thrice Great is taken up by Christians such as Lactantius, Wrath of God
[L504] . (with the comments of Löw, Hermes –, –), Institutes .. (= FH a); Augustine,
[L505] City of God . (TH b).  Plato, Phaedrus c–d; a.  Diodorus, Library of History ..
[L506] General Introduction 
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[L512] <PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 20 / 272>
[L513] to second centuries ), after identifying Moses with Hermes, makes him
[L514] the teacher of navigation, devisor of weapons, machines of war, and
[L515] philosophy. According to the Roman orator Cicero (mid first century
[L516] ), Hermes-Thoth “gave the Egyptians their laws and letters.”
[L517]  In the
[L518] early first century , the Roman poet Manilius called Hermes “first
[L519] founder of this great and holy science” – meaning astrology. The
[L520] Christian writer Tertullian in the early third century  dubbed Hermes
[L521] Thrice Great “teacher of all the natural philosophers.”
[L522]  This tradition of
[L523] philosophy stretched back to Thales in the sixth century . When one
[L524] reads these testimonies (printed more fully at the end of this volume), one
[L525] gains a sense of the vast knowledge ascribed to Hermes. There was nary a
[L526] branch of learning over which the Thrice Great did not preside.
[L527] To the question: “Why was the Egyptian Hermes called ‘Thrice
[L528] Great’?” one can answer: triple greatness was the special prerogative of
[L529] Thoth. A god twice or thrice great was a god supremely great – greater
[L530] indeed than all his divine competitors (at least in the minds of his
[L531] devotees). Clay shards in the archive of Hor (around  ) yield
[L532] a Greek translation of Thoth’s Egyptian epithet: “the greatest, yes,
[L533] greatest god, great Hermes!”
[L534]  In Egyptian, the repetition likely had a
[L535]  Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel ..– = frag.  in OTP .–. See further Gerard
[L536] Mussies, “The Interpretatio Judaica of Thot-Hermes,” in M. Heerma van Voss, among others, eds.,
[L537] Studies in Egyptian Religion Dedicated to Professor Jan Zandee (Leiden: Brill, ), – at
[L538] –.  Cicero, Nature of the Gods . (= TH ).  Manilius, Astronomica . (= TH ).  Tertullian, Against the Valentinians . (= FH a). See further Fowden, Egyptian Hermes, .  See in particular TH  from Cyril of Alexandria.  Florian Ebeling notes that, “From the second millennium  on, Thoth was revered as the ‘twice
[L539] great,’ which was then escalated into ‘thrice great,’ that is, ‘greatest of all’” (The Secret History of
[L540] Hermes Trisme
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【0†M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf†file_000000007130722f951fbc02ea4e80d2】


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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] Each of these elements serve as a covering for these bodies. Every
[L2] soul in the body is weighed down and oppressed by these four elements.
[L3] Accordingly, it is natural that the soul likes some elements and dislikes
[L4] others. For this reason, the soul does not enjoy the height of its happiness.
[L5] Rather, because the soul is divine by nature, it struggles amidst these
[L6] elements. The soul has understanding, to be sure, but does not understand
[L7] the things it would if untethered from bodies. Whenever bodies experience
[L8] restlessness and turmoil, whether from disease or fear, then the soul itself is
[L9] heaved by waves – like a person in the open sea – and produces nothing
[L10] stable.”
[L11] 
[L12]  For the wave image, compare Plato: “The [embodied] souls, then, being thus bound within a
[L13] mighty river neither mastered it nor were mastered, but with violence they rolled along” (Timaeus
[L14] b); Philo: “The other souls descending into the body as though into a stream have sometimes
[L15] been caught in the swirl of its rushing torrent and swallowed up in it” (Giants ).
[L16] SH  
[L17] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L18]
[L19]
[L20] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L21] 1#) 3D,
[L22] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 154 / 272>SH 
[L23] Stobaeus transmits the following excerpt toward the end of his long
[L24] chapter “On the Soul” (the same chapter as SH , , , , –,
[L25] and ). It is immediately preceded by selections from Iamblichus’s
[L26] treatise On the Soul. It is directly followed by what appears below as SH .
[L27] SH  seems to assume, and perhaps originally followed, SH  (the
[L28] Korē Kosmou). The heart of the Korē Kosmou tells the story of the souls’
[L29] creation and embodiment. Accordingly, Horus first thanks Isis for telling
[L30] him about the souls’ embodiment (SH .). He wants to know what
[L31] happens immediately after souls depart from their bodies.
[L32] Strongly rejected here is the Epicurean idea that souls are dispersed like
[L33] smoke. Dispersal is impossible, given that the soul is simple (made up of a
[L34] single substance), immortal, and divine. In addition, although the soul was
[L35] made from divine breath, it exists as something qualitatively different than
[L36] air.

【1†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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Title: [Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf
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[L1] 23
[L2] In his Timaeus commentary Iamblichus says the Demiurge creates the soul
[L3] with a vehicle “produced from the entire Aether (pantos tou aitheros) …
[L4] [and] possessing a creative power.”24 But, unlike the heavenly gods, in the
[L5] exercise of this power, we become self-alienated (allotriôthen).25 When we
[L6] 20 DM 124.1–2.
[L7] 21 DM 238.11–12: ἔργον τε οὐδὲν ἱερατικὸν ἄνευ τῶν ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἱκετειῶν γίγνεται.
[L8] 22 DM 238.13–239.10. (modified).
[L9] 23 DM 202.10–203.1 (modified).
[L10] 24 Frag. 84.4–5; J. Dillon tr. and ed. (1978) 196.
[L11] 25 Simplicius ed. M. Hayduck (1882) 223.26; he also says that according to Iamblichus the
[L12] embodied soul is also “made other to itself” (heteroiousthai pros heautên), 223.31.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 109 / 212>98 gregory shaw
[L13] animate bodies we lose our spherical form and become trapped in the
[L14] oppositions of material life: the divisions, collisions, impacts, reactions, and
[L15] changes that Iamblichus says are the unavoidable experiences of embod￾ied life.26 In theurgic prayer we balance these oppositions in the pneumatic
[L16] body; we receive the noêsis of the gods. As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L17] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L18] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L19] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L20] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L21] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L22] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L23] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L24] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L25] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L26] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L27] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L28] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L29] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L30] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L31] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L32] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.

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[L1] Of existing things, some are in bodies, some in ideal forms, and
[L2] some in energies. A body is in an ideal form; both ideal forms
[L3] and energies are in bodies.
[L4] . What is immortal does not share what is mortal, but the mortal
[L5] shares the immortal.
[L6] . A mortal body does not come into an immortal one, but an
[L7] immortal body can arrive in a mortal one.
[L8] . The energies are not borne upwards, but downwards.
[L9] . Nothing in earth benefits what is in heaven; everything in
[L10] heaven benefits things on earth.
[L11] . Heaven receives eternal bodies, the earth receives decaying
[L12] bodies.
[L13] . The earth is non-rational, while heaven is rational.
[L14] . Heavenly things are subject <to Providence>; earthly things
[L15] [in earth] are subject <to Necessity>.
[L16] 
[L17]  Contrast sayings §§,  (eternal bodies need not die or go out of existence). For §§–,
[L18] compare DH ., : “Evil is a deficiency of good, good (is) fullness of itself ... Providence and
[L19] Necessity (are), in the mortal, birth and death, and in God, unbegotten (essence). The immortal
[L20] (beings) agree with one another and the mortal envy one another with jealousy because evil envy
[L21] arises due to knowing death in advance. The immortal does what he always does, but the mortal
[L22] does what he has never done. Death, if understood, is immortality; if not, understood death. They
[L23] assume that the mortal (beings) of this (world) have fallen under (the dominion) of the immortal,
[L24] but (in reality) the immortal are servants of the mortal of this (world).”  One expects here that the body is not in an ideal form. Holzhausen daggers this clause as corrupt
[L25] (CH Deutsch, .–).  For energies in bodies, see SH ..  Compare sayings §§, ; DH .: “The immortal nature (is) the movement of the mortal
[L26] nature ... The immortal came into being because of the mortal, but the mortal comes into being by
[L27] means of the immortal.”  Compare Philo, Embassy to Gaius : “Sooner could God transform into a human than a human
[L28] into God”: John :: “The Logos became flesh.” In the present Hermetic maxim, the immortal in
[L29] the mortal may refer to divine consciousness in the body. Compare SH . (a divine part enters the
[L30] mortal body).  The energies may be astral energies (from the decans or their offspring).

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[L1] Compare Iamblichus: “concerning the
[L2] intellect, many Peripatetics posit one intellect from seed and from the natural world, which arises
[L3] immediately at the first generation. They add that a second intellect, which they call separate and
[L4] external, comes into being along with it but arises late, when the potential intellect is actualized and
[L5] participates appropriately in actual intellection” (On the Soul , trans. Dillon and Finamore,
[L6] modified).  For fixed measurements, compare the Pythagorean Notes in Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Philosophers
[L7] .: “First taking solid shape in about forty days, the infant is completed and born according to
[L8] harmonic ratios in seven, nine or at most ten months.” See also Diocles of Carystus, frags. –
[L9] (van der Eijk).  Here reading οἰκειότητα (“kinship”) with V, not ἰδιότητα with P. Contrast SH ., where the soul
[L10] chooses a body depending on Providence.  For the soul unwillingly entering the body, compare SH .–; DH .: “The soul goes into
[L11] the body by necessity (κατ’ ἀνάγκην).” The soul rather has a “natural urge” (ἔρως) for intelligent
[L12] reality (SH .).  Compare CH .: “mind cannot seat itself alone and naked in an earthy body ... Mind,
[L13] therefore, has taken the soul as a shroud, and the soul, which is itself something divine, uses the
[L14] breath as a sort of armoring-servant.” For “stealing in” (παρεισέρπει), compare Aristotle, Generation
[L15] of Animals ., b– (divine mind enters [ἐπεισιέναι] the soul from outside). According to
[L16] Iamblichus, Hermetic lore teaches two souls, one from the highest God and the other from the
[L17] circuit of the heavenly bodies “into which slinks (ἐπεισέρπει) the God-seeing soul” (On the Mysteries
[L18] . = FH ). According to Macrobius, the soul “does not suddenly assume a defiled body out of a
[L19] state of complete incorporeality, but, gradually sustaining imperceptible losses and departing farther
[L20] from its simple and absolutely pure state, it swells out with certain increases of a planetary body: in
[L21] each of the spheres that lie below the sky it puts on another ethereal envelope, so that by these steps
[L22] it is gradually prepared for assuming this earthly dress” (Commentary on the Dream of Scipio,
[L23] ..).

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[L1] (Familiarity with Heraclitus is
[L2] presumed in CH . = :: “Agathos Daimon has said that gods are immortal <humans>
[L3] and humans are mortal gods”). Compare § below.  Star gods are born, but by God’s will do not die.  The mortal combinations of matter break down into the immortal elements that can be exchanged
[L4] but not further broken down.
[L5] SH  
[L6] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L7]
[L8]
[L9] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L10] 1#) 3D,
[L11] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 86 / 272>. What goes out of existence <comes into existence; what comes
[L12] into existence also> goes out of it.
[L13] . Of existing things, some are in bodies, some in ideal forms, and
[L14] some in energies. A body is in an ideal form; both ideal forms
[L15] and energies are in bodies.
[L16] . What is immortal does not share what is mortal, but the mortal
[L17] shares the immortal.
[L18] . A mortal body does not come into an immortal one, but an
[L19] immortal body can arrive in a mortal one.
[L20] . The energies are not borne upwards, but downwards.
[L21] . Nothing in earth benefits what is in heaven; everything in
[L22] heaven benefits things on earth.
[L23] . Heaven receives eternal bodies, the earth receives decaying
[L24] bodies.
[L25] . The earth is non-rational, while heaven is rational.
[L26] . Heavenly things are subject <to Providence>; earthly things
[L27] [in earth] are subject <to Necessity>.
[L28] 
[L29]  Contrast sayings §§,  (eternal bodies need not die or go out of existence). For §§–,
[L30] compare DH ., : “Evil is a deficiency of good, good (is) fullness of itself ... Providence and
[L31] Necessity (are), in the mortal, birth and death, and in God, unbegotten (essence).

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[L1] The thought stems from Plato: “Since a soul is ever coordinated with
[L2] different bodies at different times and undergoes all sorts of transformations for its own sake or that
[L3] of another soul, no task remained to the divine Chess-player except to transfer the better character to
[L4] a better place, and the worse character to a worse place, as was fit for each of the souls so that they
[L5] receive their appropriate fate” (Laws d).  The role of the Soul Steward and the Soul Escort recall the roles of Osiris and Anubis, respectively, in
[L6] Egyptian mythology. They also resemble Plato’s daimones, as in Phaedo e: “when each person
[L7] dies their daimon whom they acquired in life leads them by the hand to a certain place where those
[L8] gathered must be judged and proceed to Hades with their leader whose task is to lead them there.
[L9] When they have ... stayed the necessary time, another guide conveys them back here (to earth) again
[L10] after much time and long revolutions.” In Greek mythology, Hermes was widely known as the “Soul
[L11] Escort” (ψυχοπομπός) (Homer, Odyssey .–; Vergil, Aeneid .; Ref. ..–). Discussing
[L12] Pythagorean lore, Diogenes Laertius explains: “Hermes is the steward of souls (ταμίαν τῶν ψυχῶν),
[L13] and for that reason is called ‘Hermes the Escort’ (πομπαῖον) ... since it is he who brings in the souls
[L14] from their bodies from both land and sea” (Lives of Philosophers .).  Here reading ἀγγείων with FP. For the body as tent, compare Excerpt A. with note  there.  The composition (φύραμα) may refer to the original composition of the souls mixed by God as in
[L15] SH .– or their composition before their embodiment (assuming that past embodiments have
[L16] already occurred).  Compare Galen: “Nature prepares the body to suit the soul’s traits of character and powers” (On
[L17] Semen .., trans. De Lacy).  Stoics credited humans (rational animals) with keener senses, as in Cicero, Nature of the Gods ..

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[L1] In his view, awareness is
[L2] removed from our physical bodies only by entering another body, invisibly
[L3] present in the physical and activated in moments of ecstatic release. This
[L4] subtle body was described by Iamblichus as the vehicle of the soul (ochêma
[L5] tês psuchês), and it is through this vehicle that the soul animates the physical
[L6] body and through which it receives the presence of the gods. It is through
[L7] the ochêma that the soul enters embodied life, and it is through this same
[L8] ochêma that the soul receives the gods and becomes divine. If the Platonic
[L9] philosopher was to become an embodied god, as Plotinus encouraged, it
[L10] was by means of the ochêma.
[L11] 8 Αἵ τε ἐνέργειαι αὐτῶν οὐδαµῶς εἰσιν ἀνθρώπιναι· τά τε γὰρ ἄβατα βατὰ γίγνεται θεοφορού￾µενα …
[L12] 9 F. Smith (2006) provides a wealth of examples as well as a perceptive analysis of these
[L13] phenomena and our attempt to study them.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 105 / 212>94 gregory shaw
[L14] The doctrine of the subtle body in Iamblichus has been carefully exam￾ined by John Finamore and, while I will focus specifically on its physical
[L15] sensations in theurgy, his summary will help us proceed. Finamore says:
[L16] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L17] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L18] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L19] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L20] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L21] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L22] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L23] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L24] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L25] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L26] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L27] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L28] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L29] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L30] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L31] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L32] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L33] plays a critical role in theurgic divination.

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[L1] For
[L2] Iamblichus aesthesis is an essential function of the soul.
[L3] Priscian says that according to Iamblichus imagination translates noetic
[L4] impressions into sensate and divided images. He explains:
[L5] Although imagination receives impressions from all the superior activities
[L6] [noetic wholes], it represents them in images divisibly and in sensible forms
[L7] (αἰσθητικὰ) that refer back to sensible objects (αἰσθητὰ); therefore, while
[L8] imagination receives impressions from superior activities, at the same time,
[L9] it is moved by sensible forms.48
[L10] For Iamblichus, to animate a body is to clothe noetic forms in matter, to
[L11] bring them forth in sensate imagery. The human soul identifies with its
[L12] animal life; it lives entirely in sensation: embodiment is literally “breathed
[L13] in.” In this process, the ochêma becomes dense and the imagination filled
[L14] with habits of animal life. Because our impulses trap us in the oppositions
[L15] of the sublunary world, theurgists must cleanse the pneumatic body of those
[L16] habits that Damascius calls the “stain of generative acts.” But how? The
[L17] discursively obvious answer is to reject the life of sensation, and this is
[L18] how we have interpreted theurgic anagôgê, making it a literal ascent and
[L19] escape from material life. But for Iamblichus, the answer is that the soul’s
[L20] apotheosis is realized as the descent of a god into flesh and was achieved
[L21] by careful attention to the physical body. Reflecting this theurgic practice
[L22] in 5th century Alexandria, Hierocles says:
[L23] 46 DM 81.10–82.1 (modified).
[L24] 47 R.B. Onians (1989) 74–75.
[L25] 48 Priscian tr. P. Huby (1997) 24.4–9; see also, Iamblichus, De anima J. Finamore and
[L26] J. Dillon (2002) 240–241. My translation draws from both with modifications.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 113 / 212>102 gregory shaw
[L27] We must take care of the purity relating to our luminous body (augoeides),
[L28] which the Oracles call “the light vehicle of the soul” (psuchês lepton ochêma).
[L29] Such purity extends to our food, our drink, and to the entire regimen of our mor￾tal body in which the luminous body resides, breathing life into the inanimate
[L30] body and maintaining its harmony. For the immaterial body is a kind of life,
[L31] which also engenders life within matter; it is thanks to this last life that that
[L32] part of myself that is the living mortal being is made complete …49
[L33] The life of the theurgist aimed at nothing short of the transformation of his
[L34] or her body into the body of a god, in eating, drinking, and in prayer. Prayer
[L35] perfects the pneumatic body, making it porous and rarified, which gives us
[L36] the capacity to receive the gods. Our bodies become their organs: the gods
[L37] reveal themselves (ekphainesthai) through us.50
[L38] It is important to remember that Platonists and Pythagoreans are not
[L39] dualists; there is no opposition between noetic and sensible worlds. Their
[L40] universe is asymmetrical, not symmetrical. Noetic wholes remain present in
[L41] sensible particulars just as primary numbers are present in their multiples:
[L42] for Pythagoreans the immaterial is always present in matter.51 Iamblichus’
[L43] contribution to his tradition was in making this metaphysical law explicit.

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[L1] As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L2] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L3] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L4] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L5] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L6] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L7] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L8] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L9] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L10] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L11] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L12] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L13] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L14] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L15] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L16] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L17] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.
[L18] Iamblichus says: “There is no opposition between the descents of souls and
[L19] their ascents … Freedom from generation is in harmony with our concern
[L20] for generated life.”32 Iamblichus approves the view of 2nd century Platonists
[L21] who taught that the “purpose of the soul’s descent is to manifest the divine
[L22] life, that the will of the gods is to reveal themselves (ekphainesthai) in
[L23] human souls.”33 This theophanic view of human existence was not novel
[L24] 26 These are experiences in the material realm according to Iamblichus; DM 217.
[L25] 27 Frag. 49.13–15 Dillon (1978) 152.
[L26] 28 DM 115.4–5.
[L27] 29 Damascius ed. C.A. Ruelle (1889), II.255.7–10. µανούµενη = made porous / rarefied;
[L28] πυκνουµένη = closed / compacted.
[L29] 30 DM 238.8.
[L30] 31 As Jean Trouillard put it, to purify the ochêma of its “corporealité” is not to reject the
[L31] body; J. Trouillard (1957) 103.
[L32] 32 DM 272.7–11.
[L33] 33 See Iamblichus, De anima tr. and commentaryJ. Finamore and J. Dillon (2002) 54.20–26.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 110 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 99
[L34] with Iamblichus. It was the recognized tradition of pre-Socratic, Platonic,
[L35] Aristotelian, and Stoic philosophers: while remaining mortal they became
[L36] gods.34 But in Iamblichus’ era the hieratic purpose of this tradition—rooted
[L37] in non–discursive experience—was being lost due to the intellectualism
[L38] and metaphysical dualism that disparaged embodied life.
[L39] In theurgy the opposition between divine and human was transformed
[L40] in the unity of theurgic ritual. Iamblichus explains:
[L41] All of theurgy has a two-fold character.

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[L1] H. Corbin (1980) 115–116.
[L2] 45 S. Coleridge (1817): “[[ON THE IMAGINATION OR THE ESEMPLASTIC POWER] fancy
[L3] is indeed no other than a mode of memory emancipated from the order of time and space
[L4] …. The primary IMAGINATION I hold to be the living power and prime agent of all human
[L5] perception, and as a repetition in the finite mind of the eternal act of creation in the infinite I
[L6] AM (my italics).”<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 112 / 212>the role of aesthesis in theurgy 101
[L7] The presence of the gods gives us health of body, virtue of soul, purity of mind
[L8] and, in a word, elevates all things in us to their proper principles …. It brings
[L9] all things in the soul into proportion with the Nous, makes light shine with
[L10] noetic harmony, and reveals the incorporeal as corporeal to the eyes of the soul
[L11] by means ofthe eyes ofthe body (τὸ µὴ ὂν σῶµα ὡς σῶµα τοῖς τῆς ψυχῆς ὀφθαλµοῖς
[L12] διὰ τῶν τοῦ σώµατος ἐπιδείκνυσιν).46
[L13] The gods appear in forms that correspond to our aesthetic perceptions;
[L14] aesthesis gives them a body. This suggests that our sensate experience, far
[L15] from being an obstacle to contacting the gods, was a necessary medium.
[L16] While αἴσθησις is correctly translated as sense perception, according to
[L17] Onians it is rooted in the Homeric ἀΐω which means “I breathe,” and derives
[L18] from its middle form, ἀΐσθω, meaning“I gasp, breathe in.”47 Sense experience
[L19] is as intrinsic to the animation of our bodies as breathing; aesthesisis a kind
[L20] of breathing and is thus intimately connected with our pneumatic body. For
[L21] Iamblichus aesthesis is an essential function of the soul.
[L22] Priscian says that according to Iamblichus imagination translates noetic
[L23] impressions into sensate and divided images. He explains:
[L24] Although imagination receives impressions from all the superior activities
[L25] [noetic wholes], it represents them in images divisibly and in sensible forms
[L26] (αἰσθητικὰ) that refer back to sensible objects (αἰσθητὰ); therefore, while
[L27] imagination receives impressions from superior activities, at the same time,
[L28] it is moved by sensible forms.48
[L29] For Iamblichus, to animate a body is to clothe noetic forms in matter, to
[L30] bring them forth in sensate imagery. The human soul identifies with its
[L31] animal life; it lives entirely in sensation: embodiment is literally “breathed
[L32] in.” In this process, the ochêma becomes dense and the imagination filled
[L33] with habits of animal life. Because our impulses trap us in the oppositions
[L34] of the sublunary world, theurgists must cleanse the pneumatic body of those
[L35] habits that Damascius calls the “stain of generative acts.” But how? The
[L36] discursively obvious answer is to reject the life of sensation, and this is
[L37] how we have interpreted theurgic anagôgê, making it a literal ascent and
[L38] escape from material life.
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[L1] It is immediately preceded by selections from Iamblichus’s
[L2] treatise On the Soul. It is directly followed by what appears below as SH .
[L3] SH  seems to assume, and perhaps originally followed, SH  (the
[L4] Korē Kosmou). The heart of the Korē Kosmou tells the story of the souls’
[L5] creation and embodiment. Accordingly, Horus first thanks Isis for telling
[L6] him about the souls’ embodiment (SH .). He wants to know what
[L7] happens immediately after souls depart from their bodies.
[L8] Strongly rejected here is the Epicurean idea that souls are dispersed like
[L9] smoke. Dispersal is impossible, given that the soul is simple (made up of a
[L10] single substance), immortal, and divine. In addition, although the soul was
[L11] made from divine breath, it exists as something qualitatively different than
[L12] air. Thus it retains its integrity as it soars through the air, just like water
[L13] runs over oil.
[L14] The more precise question, then, is what realm or realms souls occupy
[L15] after death. As it turns out, the soul occupies one of the levels of air that
[L16] exist between the moon and earth. It naturally ascends to its own level, just
[L17] as creatures of sky, water, and land seek their own natural element. There
[L18] are sixty distinct levels of air, just as there are sixty grades of souls in the
[L19] Korē Kosmou (.). The air strata have four main divisions in which
[L20] there are four, eight, sixteen, and thirty-two subdivisions as one ascends
[L21] higher (§§–). The height to which the soul ascends depends on the
[L22] soul’s nobility. This nobility hinges, at least in part, on the soul’s choices
[L23] during bodily life.
[L24] An Excerpt of Hermes: A Discourse of Isis with Horus
[L25] . Horus: “Wonderfully have you told me in detail, Isis my supremely
[L26] powerful mother, about God’s wondrous creation of souls – and I persist
[L27] 
[L28] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L29]
[L30]
[L31] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L32] 1#) 3D,
[L33] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 155 / 272>in wonder. Still, you have not yet declared to me where the souls go when
[L34] freed from their bodies. Thus I desire, after having become an initiate in
[L35] this vision as well, to bestow thanks on you alone, immortal mother.”
[L36] 
[L37] . Isis replied: “Pay close attention, my son, for this inquiry is utterly
[L38] indispensable. .

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[L1] Nature, serving as midwife, brings to birth
[L2] what is in the womb, (and brings it) into the outside air according to fixed
[L3] measurements (of time).
[L4] . Moreover, the most proximate soul is acclimated (to the body), not
[L5] because these (two) share a natural kinship, but because this is what is
[L6] fated. The soul has no natural urge to be with a body. . For this
[L7] reason, by Fate Nature provides what is born with intelligent motion and
[L8] intelligent reality in which its life consists. For intelligent motion steals
[L9] within the seed by means of life-breath and moves with the vigor of life.
[L10]  Compare OH .– below.  Compare SH .: “what is moved by intelligible reality according to reasoning immediately changes
[L11] into another (rational) form of motion.” The Hermetic writer distinguishes between the spermatic
[L12] breath, principle of vegetative life, and the intellective soul, principal of intelligent (“true”) life.
[L13] Apparently, the latter does not enter the body until birth. Compare Iamblichus: “concerning the
[L14] intellect, many Peripatetics posit one intellect from seed and from the natural world, which arises
[L15] immediately at the first generation. They add that a second intellect, which they call separate and
[L16] external, comes into being along with it but arises late, when the potential intellect is actualized and
[L17] participates appropriately in actual intellection” (On the Soul , trans. Dillon and Finamore,
[L18] modified).  For fixed measurements, compare the Pythagorean Notes in Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Philosophers
[L19] .: “First taking solid shape in about forty days, the infant is completed and born according to
[L20] harmonic ratios in seven, nine or at most ten months.” See also Diocles of Carystus, frags. –
[L21] (van der Eijk).  Here reading οἰκειότητα (“kinship”) with V, not ἰδιότητα with P. Contrast SH ., where the soul
[L22] chooses a body depending on Providence.  For the soul unwillingly entering the body, compare SH .–; DH .: “The soul goes into
[L23] the body by necessity (κατ’ ἀνάγκην).” The soul rather has a “natural urge” (ἔρως) for intelligent
[L24] reality (SH .).

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[L1] Each of these elements serve as a covering for these bodies. Every
[L2] soul in the body is weighed down and oppressed by these four elements.
[L3] Accordingly, it is natural that the soul likes some elements and dislikes
[L4] others. For this reason, the soul does not enjoy the height of its happiness.
[L5] Rather, because the soul is divine by nature, it struggles amidst these
[L6] elements. The soul has understanding, to be sure, but does not understand
[L7] the things it would if untethered from bodies. Whenever bodies experience
[L8] restlessness and turmoil, whether from disease or fear, then the soul itself is
[L9] heaved by waves – like a person in the open sea – and produces nothing
[L10] stable.”
[L11] 
[L12]  For the wave image, compare Plato: “The [embodied] souls, then, being thus bound within a
[L13] mighty river neither mastered it nor were mastered, but with violence they rolled along” (Timaeus
[L14] b); Philo: “The other souls descending into the body as though into a stream have sometimes
[L15] been caught in the swirl of its rushing torrent and swallowed up in it” (Giants ).
[L16] SH  
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[L19]
[L20] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L21] 1#) 3D,
[L22] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 154 / 272>SH 
[L23] Stobaeus transmits the following excerpt toward the end of his long
[L24] chapter “On the Soul” (the same chapter as SH , , , , –,
[L25] and ). It is immediately preceded by selections from Iamblichus’s
[L26] treatise On the Soul. It is directly followed by what appears below as SH .
[L27] SH  seems to assume, and perhaps originally followed, SH  (the
[L28] Korē Kosmou). The heart of the Korē Kosmou tells the story of the souls’
[L29] creation and embodiment. Accordingly, Horus first thanks Isis for telling
[L30] him about the souls’ embodiment (SH .). He wants to know what
[L31] happens immediately after souls depart from their bodies.
[L32] Strongly rejected here is the Epicurean idea that souls are dispersed like
[L33] smoke. Dispersal is impossible, given that the soul is simple (made up of a
[L34] single substance), immortal, and divine. In addition, although the soul was
[L35] made from divine breath, it exists as something qualitatively different than
[L36] air.

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[L1] Stobaeus indicated that
[L2] SH  comes from the same book or collection of treatises as the Korē
[L3] Kosmou. The title Korē Kosmou may have applied to a single book in the
[L4] collection or to the collection as a whole.
[L5] SH  and  are both conceptually and stylistically akin. In the latter
[L6] excerpt, however, Horus more actively sets the agenda by posing additional
[L7] questions. There are, moreover, some points of tension. The Korē Kosmou,
[L8] for instance, narrates how all souls transgressed and were bound to bodies
[L9] as a punishment. In SH , some souls, namely royal ones, transgressed
[L10] only slightly and, though they fall into bodies, do not suffer embodiment
[L11] as a punishment (§).
[L12] As background to the incarnation of royal souls, Isis unveils the order of
[L13] the cosmos (§§–). It has four regions, each ruled by an appropriate king.
[L14] The divine Craftsman rules the gods in heaven; the Sun rules the stars in
[L15] the aether, the Moon rules the souls in the air, while the human king rules
[L16] people on earth. All kings are emanations of the highest king (the Crafts￾man). The theory represents the principle of correspondence: “as above,
[L17] so below.”
[L18] The human king on earth is a virtual god – an idea with a long pedigree
[L19] in Egyptian royal theology. There are two types of kings, distinguished
[L20] according to the dignity of their soul. One kind of royal soul leads a
[L21] blameless life and is destined to be deified. The other kind is already fully
[L22] divine and is incarnated specifically to rule on earth (§). In both cases,
[L23] embodiment is not a punishment but a service.
[L24] Surprisingly, the character of royal souls is determined less by their
[L25] innate qualities than by their retinue. Practically speaking, ancient peoples
[L26] 
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[L28]
[L29]
[L30] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L31] 1#) 3D,
[L32] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 145 / 272>would have normally dealt with a king’s subordinates (who could be
[L33] blamed in case of maladministration). The retinue of royal souls are angels
[L34] (divine messengers) and daimones (lesser divinities), though these two
[L35] types of being are not strongly differentiated. The incarnated king,
[L36] according to the character of his escort, makes war or peace, legislates,
[L37] makes music, or practices philosophy (§§–).
[L38] Horus then asks why certain souls are nobler than others.

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[L1] Compare Iamblichus: “concerning the
[L2] intellect, many Peripatetics posit one intellect from seed and from the natural world, which arises
[L3] immediately at the first generation. They add that a second intellect, which they call separate and
[L4] external, comes into being along with it but arises late, when the potential intellect is actualized and
[L5] participates appropriately in actual intellection” (On the Soul , trans. Dillon and Finamore,
[L6] modified).  For fixed measurements, compare the Pythagorean Notes in Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Philosophers
[L7] .: “First taking solid shape in about forty days, the infant is completed and born according to
[L8] harmonic ratios in seven, nine or at most ten months.” See also Diocles of Carystus, frags. –
[L9] (van der Eijk).  Here reading οἰκειότητα (“kinship”) with V, not ἰδιότητα with P. Contrast SH ., where the soul
[L10] chooses a body depending on Providence.  For the soul unwillingly entering the body, compare SH .–; DH .: “The soul goes into
[L11] the body by necessity (κατ’ ἀνάγκην).” The soul rather has a “natural urge” (ἔρως) for intelligent
[L12] reality (SH .).  Compare CH .: “mind cannot seat itself alone and naked in an earthy body ... Mind,
[L13] therefore, has taken the soul as a shroud, and the soul, which is itself something divine, uses the
[L14] breath as a sort of armoring-servant.” For “stealing in” (παρεισέρπει), compare Aristotle, Generation
[L15] of Animals ., b– (divine mind enters [ἐπεισιέναι] the soul from outside). According to
[L16] Iamblichus, Hermetic lore teaches two souls, one from the highest God and the other from the
[L17] circuit of the heavenly bodies “into which slinks (ἐπεισέρπει) the God-seeing soul” (On the Mysteries
[L18] . = FH ). According to Macrobius, the soul “does not suddenly assume a defiled body out of a
[L19] state of complete incorporeality, but, gradually sustaining imperceptible losses and departing farther
[L20] from its simple and absolutely pure state, it swells out with certain increases of a planetary body: in
[L21] each of the spheres that lie below the sky it puts on another ethereal envelope, so that by these steps
[L22] it is gradually prepared for assuming this earthly dress” (Commentary on the Dream of Scipio,
[L23] ..).

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[L1] Seeluminous vehicle
[L2] Augustine, 141, 147, 148, 149, 150
[L3] autonomous, 153, 154, 155, 166, 168
[L4] balance, 15, 57
[L5] barbarian, 19, 28
[L6] beauty, 57, 116, 160, 162
[L7] Being, 6, 58, 78, 79, 103, 109, 130, 151,
[L8] 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161,
[L9] 162, 163, 164, 172, 173, 195, 196
[L10] beings, 43, 44, 45, 79, 102, 105, 147, 152,
[L11] 156, 157, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166,
[L12] 168, 171, 190, 192, 197
[L13] higher beings, 7, 105, 106, 136, 143,
[L14] 156, 157, 168, 178, 190, 197
[L15] birth, 26, 161, 184, 186
[L16] Bistala, 28
[L17] body, 17, 26, 27, 47, 48, 57, 61, 63, 65,
[L18] 69, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101,
[L19] 102, 103, 107, 108, 109, 113, 115, 116, 120,
[L20] 121, 144, 161, 169, 179, 191
[L21] spherical body, 95, 97, 98, 106, 107,
[L22] 109
[L23] subtle body, 6, 92, 93, 94
[L24] breath, 94, 101, 102
[L25] Brontinus, 16, 22
[L26] burial mound, 17
[L27] Carneades, 53
[L28] causal action, 81, 82, 86
[L29] cause, 7, 44, 45, 58, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 71,
[L30] 75, 77, 103, 136, 139, 146, 147, 148, 151,
[L31] 152, 153, 154, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164,
[L32] 165, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 177, 178,
[L33] 181, 193, 194, 195, 196, 200
[L34] Cercops, 16, 22
[L35] Christian, 13, 14, 21, 22, 23, 25, 29, 53,
[L36] 141, 147, 148, 183
[L37] circle, 97, 106, 170
[L38] circumcision, 15
[L39] Clement, 4, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
[L40] 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32
[L41] continuous, 154, 158, 162
[L42] corporeal, 101, 102, 115, 116, 159, 161, 162
[L43] cosmic, 5, 128, 162, 187
[L44] cosmos, 58, 61, 94, 95, 96, 107, 119, 128,
[L45] 129, 136,

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[L1] 23
[L2] In his Timaeus commentary Iamblichus says the Demiurge creates the soul
[L3] with a vehicle “produced from the entire Aether (pantos tou aitheros) …
[L4] [and] possessing a creative power.”24 But, unlike the heavenly gods, in the
[L5] exercise of this power, we become self-alienated (allotriôthen).25 When we
[L6] 20 DM 124.1–2.
[L7] 21 DM 238.11–12: ἔργον τε οὐδὲν ἱερατικὸν ἄνευ τῶν ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἱκετειῶν γίγνεται.
[L8] 22 DM 238.13–239.10. (modified).
[L9] 23 DM 202.10–203.1 (modified).
[L10] 24 Frag. 84.4–5; J. Dillon tr. and ed. (1978) 196.
[L11] 25 Simplicius ed. M. Hayduck (1882) 223.26; he also says that according to Iamblichus the
[L12] embodied soul is also “made other to itself” (heteroiousthai pros heautên), 223.31.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 109 / 212>98 gregory shaw
[L13] animate bodies we lose our spherical form and become trapped in the
[L14] oppositions of material life: the divisions, collisions, impacts, reactions, and
[L15] changes that Iamblichus says are the unavoidable experiences of embod￾ied life.26 In theurgic prayer we balance these oppositions in the pneumatic
[L16] body; we receive the noêsis of the gods. As Iamblichus puts it: “our ochêma
[L17] is made spherical and is moved circularly whenever the soul is especially
[L18] assimilated to the Nous.”27 The ochêma has a critical function in this assim￾ilation. It is the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods
[L19] take possession of our bodies. AsIamblichus puts it:“the god uses our bodies
[L20] as its organs.”28 But to become an organ of the god the ochêma must be puri￾fied and filled with light, a process that the 6th century Platonist Damascius
[L21] compares to photonic saturation. He says:
[L22] Like a sponge, the soul loses nothing of its being but becomes porous and
[L23] rarified or densely compacted. Just so does the immortal body of the soul …
[L24] sometimes it is made more spherical and sometimes less; sometimes it isfilled
[L25] with divine light and sometimes filled with the stains of generative acts …29
[L26] Damascius contrasts divine light with the “stains of generative acts,” the
[L27] same distinction Iamblichus makes when he says that prayer cleanses the
[L28] ochêma of “everything that tends to generation.”30 It might seem they are
[L29] suggesting that the ochêma must escape from generation, but this is not
[L30] the case.31 For Iamblichus, the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent
[L31] of the god: in the alchemical vessel of the ochêma the god becomes flesh.
[L32] The soul’s descent and ascent are not opposed but mysteriously linked.

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[L1] 1986. Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History. Roma.
[L2] Edwards, M.J. 1993. “Two images of Pythagoras: Iamblichus and Porphyry”, Blumen￾thal H.J., Clark E.G., eds. The Divine Iamblichus, Philosopher and Man of Gods.
[L3] London, 159–172.
[L4] Edwards, M.J., ed. 2000b.Neoplatonic Saints. The Lives of Plotinus and Proclus bytheir
[L5] Students. Liverpool.
[L6] Festugière, A.-J. 1937. “Sur le «De vita Pythagorica» de Jamblique”, Revue des Études
[L7] Grecques 50, 470–494.
[L8] ———. 1945. “Les «Mémoires pythagoriques» cités par Alexandre Polyhistor”, Revue
[L9] des Études Grecques 58, 1–65.
[L10] Flinterman, J.-J. 1995. Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism. Amsterdam.
[L11] Flower, M.A. 1994. Theopompus of Chios: History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Cen￾tury bc. Oxford.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 45 / 212>34 eugene afonasin
[L12] Fritz, K. von. 1957. “Estris hekaterothi in Pindar’s second Olympian and Pythagoras’
[L13] Theory of Metempsychosis”, Phronesis 2, 85–89.
[L14] Goodenough E.R. 1932. “A Neo-Pythagorean Source in Philo Judaeus”, Yale Classical
[L15] Studies 3, 117–164.
[L16] Gorman, P. 1985. “The ‘Apollonios’ of the Neoplatonic Biographies of Pythagoras”,
[L17] Mnemosyne 38, 130–144.
[L18] Grant, R.M.1980.“Dietary Laws among Pythagoreans,Jews and Christians”,Harvard
[L19] Theological Review 73, 299–310.
[L20] Hadas, M., Smith, M. 1965. Heroes and Gods. Spiritual Biographies in Antiquity. New
[L21] York.
[L22] Hoek, A. van den. 1988. Clement of Alexandria and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis:
[L23] an Early Christian Reshaping of a Jewish Model. Leiden: Brill.
[L24] ———. 1996. “Technique of quotations in Clement of Alexandria”, Vigiliae Chris￾tianae 50, 223–243.
[L25] ———.1997.“The ‘Catechetical’ School of Early Christian Alexandria andIts Philonic
[L26] Heritage”, Harvard Theological Review 90, 59–87.
[L27] Huffman, C. 1993. Philolaus of Croton. Cambridge.
[L28] Jones, Ch.P., ed. 2005–2006. Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius of Tyana, Letters of
[L29] Apollonius, Ancient Testimonia, Reply of Eusebius’s to Hierocles, in 3 vols. Cam￾bridge, MA.
[L30] Jordan, P. 1961. “Pythagoras and Monachism”, Traditio 17, 432–441.
[L31] Kahn, Ch. 2001. Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans. Indianapolis / Cambridge.
[L32] Kirk, G.S., Raven J.E., Schofield M. 19832
[L33] . The Presocratic Philosophers. Cambridge.

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[L1] As preliminary instructions they help the student “to lift a burden up”
[L2] but the labour remains everybody’s personal endeavour. However differ￾ent in details from Iamblichus, Clement vindicates the fame of the old sage,
[L3] although the highest knowledge (gnosis) revealed to the initiate has noth￾ing to do with the irrationality in mathematics and the original “mysteries
[L4] of the Eleusinian goddesses” are replaced with “the mysteries of Logos”.
[L5] References
[L6] Anderson, G. 1986. Philostratus. Biography and Belles Letters in the Third Century
[L7] A. D. London.
[L8] Afonasin, E.V., trans. 2003. Kliment Aleksandrijski, Stromaty, in 3 vols. St. Petersburg.
[L9] Athanassiadi, P. 2006. La lutte pour l’orthodoxie dans le platonisme tardif de Numé￾nius à Damascius. Paris.
[L10] Athanassiadi, P., ed. 1999. Damascius, The Philosophical History. Athens.
[L11] Baltes, M. 1972. Timaios Lokros: Über die Natur des Kosmos und der Seele. Leiden.
[L12] 76 Pythagoras’ eloquence is mentioned already by Isocrates (Busiris, 28) while his speech￾es at Croton, attracted young people, women etc. and ‘reproduced’ byIamblichus, are alluded
[L13] to by the Peripatetic Dicaearchus (fr. 33 Wehrli = Porphyry, VP 18).<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 44 / 212>the pythagorean way of life 33
[L14] Blanch, D.L. 1972. “Neopythagorean Moralists and the New Testament Household
[L15] Codes”, ANRW II 26.1, 382–392.
[L16] Bollansée, J. 1999. Hermippos of Smyrna and his Biographical Writings. A Reap￾praisal. Leuven.
[L17] Le Boulluec, A. 1981, ed. Clément d’Alexandrie, Les Stromates: Stromate V, in 2 vols.
[L18] Paris, Cerf.
[L19] Bowie, E.L. 1978. “Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality”, ANRW II.16.2, 1652–
[L20] 1699.
[L21] Burkert, W. 1961. “Hellenistische Pseudopythagorica”, Philologus 105, 16–43, 226–
[L22] 246.
[L23] ———. 1972. Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, trans. by E. Minar. Cam￾bridge, MA.
[L24] Centrone, B. 1992. L’ottavo libro delle Vite di Diogene Laerzio, ANRW II 36, 4183–
[L25] 4217.
[L26] ———. 1990. Pseudopythagorica ethica: i trattati morali di Archita, Metopo, Teage,
[L27] Eurifamo. Napoli.
[L28] Clark, G. 2000. “Philosophic Lives and the Philosophic Life. Porphyry and Iambli￾chus”, Hägg T., Rousseau P., eds. Greek Biography and Panegyric in Late Antiquity.
[L29] Berkeley, 29–51.
[L30] Conybeare, F.C., ed. 19504
[L31] .

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[L1] In his view, awareness is
[L2] removed from our physical bodies only by entering another body, invisibly
[L3] present in the physical and activated in moments of ecstatic release. This
[L4] subtle body was described by Iamblichus as the vehicle of the soul (ochêma
[L5] tês psuchês), and it is through this vehicle that the soul animates the physical
[L6] body and through which it receives the presence of the gods. It is through
[L7] the ochêma that the soul enters embodied life, and it is through this same
[L8] ochêma that the soul receives the gods and becomes divine. If the Platonic
[L9] philosopher was to become an embodied god, as Plotinus encouraged, it
[L10] was by means of the ochêma.
[L11] 8 Αἵ τε ἐνέργειαι αὐτῶν οὐδαµῶς εἰσιν ἀνθρώπιναι· τά τε γὰρ ἄβατα βατὰ γίγνεται θεοφορού￾µενα …
[L12] 9 F. Smith (2006) provides a wealth of examples as well as a perceptive analysis of these
[L13] phenomena and our attempt to study them.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 105 / 212>94 gregory shaw
[L14] The doctrine of the subtle body in Iamblichus has been carefully exam￾ined by John Finamore and, while I will focus specifically on its physical
[L15] sensations in theurgy, his summary will help us proceed. Finamore says:
[L16] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L17] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L18] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L19] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L20] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L21] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L22] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L23] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L24] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L25] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L26] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L27] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L28] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L29] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L30] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L31] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L32] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L33] plays a critical role in theurgic divination.
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[L1] Human bodies can travel only so far as their
[L2] nature and the astral powers allow (§–).
[L3] In preparation for human embodiment, a second creation story is told
[L4] (§§–). According to this account, God calls a (second) council of star
[L5] gods. As they once provided their gifts to humankind, so now they offer
[L6] their products to the world. The mist and dark chaos that is lower earth is
[L7] immediately ordered and made visible to the heavens above. God himself
[L8] directly provides all the products of nature to the world system. The earth
[L9] is ready to receive the host of souls.
[L10] Locked up in mortal bodies, the souls prove utterly rebellious and
[L11] barbarous. Remembering their noble birth, humans impiously assault the
[L12] star gods. On earth, the strong ruthlessly oppress the weak. Temples are
[L13] polluted with the bodies of the butchered. There are no laws and no fear of
[L14] punishment (§§–).
[L15] Four figures rise to call a halt to human savagery. They are the elements:
[L16] Fire, Air, Water, and Earth. Lamenting their defilement, the elements
[L17] petition the supreme God to send a subordinate god to civilize the world
[L18] (§§–). The high God responds by sending his own emanation in the
[L19] form of Isis and Osiris. When they arrive on earth, they fill it with
[L20] the blessings of law, art, and religious rites. They discover and ensure the
[L21] preservation of Hermes’s ancient wisdom. After prayer, Isis and Osiris
[L22] re-ascend – like Hermes of old – to their heavenly home.
[L23] With their return journey complete, the tractate comes to a close. Isis
[L24] herself guarantees that true knowledge of creation will persist on earth by
[L25] passing it on to her son Horus – and hence to all future readers of
[L26] Hermetic lore.
[L27] What the Hermetic reader must remember is that despite their savagery
[L28] and capacity to degrade, humans are essentially divine. They come from
[L29] the realm of the stars. Their souls are of varying quality, but none of them
[L30] lacks divinity. All they need is a guide to bring them the culture and
[L31] education that will allow them to remember who they are.
[L32] Earlier interpreters who championed the influence of Jewish myth (in
[L33] particular, the fallen angel myth of  Enoch) emphasized the theme of
[L34] forbidden knowledge. Yet knowledge is never actually forbidden in the
[L35] Korē Kosmou. It is God who invites the lower world to search for and find
[L36] him. God wills to bring order out of disorder, and the creation of souls is
[L37]  See the summary of Ferguson, Hermetica, .xxxiv–xlii, who discusses Wilhelm Bousset and other
[L38] earlier interpreters.

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Title: M David Litwa - Hermetica II_ The Excerpts of Stobaeus, Papyrus Fragments, and Ancient Testimonies in an English Translation with Notes and Introduction-Cambridge University Press (2018).pdf
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[L1] Lamenting their defilement, the elements
[L2] petition the supreme God to send a subordinate god to civilize the world
[L3] (§§–). The high God responds by sending his own emanation in the
[L4] form of Isis and Osiris. When they arrive on earth, they fill it with
[L5] the blessings of law, art, and religious rites. They discover and ensure the
[L6] preservation of Hermes’s ancient wisdom. After prayer, Isis and Osiris
[L7] re-ascend – like Hermes of old – to their heavenly home.
[L8] With their return journey complete, the tractate comes to a close. Isis
[L9] herself guarantees that true knowledge of creation will persist on earth by
[L10] passing it on to her son Horus – and hence to all future readers of
[L11] Hermetic lore.
[L12] What the Hermetic reader must remember is that despite their savagery
[L13] and capacity to degrade, humans are essentially divine. They come from
[L14] the realm of the stars. Their souls are of varying quality, but none of them
[L15] lacks divinity. All they need is a guide to bring them the culture and
[L16] education that will allow them to remember who they are.
[L17] Earlier interpreters who championed the influence of Jewish myth (in
[L18] particular, the fallen angel myth of  Enoch) emphasized the theme of
[L19] forbidden knowledge. Yet knowledge is never actually forbidden in the
[L20] Korē Kosmou. It is God who invites the lower world to search for and find
[L21] him. God wills to bring order out of disorder, and the creation of souls is
[L22]  See the summary of Ferguson, Hermetica, .xxxiv–xlii, who discusses Wilhelm Bousset and other
[L23] earlier interpreters.
[L24] SH  
[L25] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L26]
[L27]
[L28] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L29] 1#) 3D,
[L30] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 120 / 272>part of that plan. Human souls are born curious, but curiosity is not in
[L31] itself a sin. Souls are not punished with bodies by a jealous God in a world
[L32] that is a tragic mistake. Rather, souls are chastened so that they are ready
[L33] for the knowledge that God is ready to give through his chosen intermedi￾aries. The Korē Kosmou is itself a gift of divine knowledge given through
[L34] the cosmic queen.
[L35] An Excerpt of Hermes Trismegistus from the Holy Book Entitled
[L36] The Pupil of the Cosmos
[L37] . When she said these things, Isis poured for Horus the first sweet
[L38] draught of ambrosia which the souls of gods are accustomed to receive.
[L39] So doing, Isis began her most sacred discourse.
[L40] .

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[L1] Human souls are born curious, but curiosity is not in
[L2] itself a sin. Souls are not punished with bodies by a jealous God in a world
[L3] that is a tragic mistake. Rather, souls are chastened so that they are ready
[L4] for the knowledge that God is ready to give through his chosen intermedi￾aries. The Korē Kosmou is itself a gift of divine knowledge given through
[L5] the cosmic queen.
[L6] An Excerpt of Hermes Trismegistus from the Holy Book Entitled
[L7] The Pupil of the Cosmos
[L8] . When she said these things, Isis poured for Horus the first sweet
[L9] draught of ambrosia which the souls of gods are accustomed to receive.
[L10] So doing, Isis began her most sacred discourse.
[L11] . Isis: “Since, Horus my child, the many-wreathed heaven lies over
[L12] every being below and is in no region deprived of the things which the
[L13] whole world now contains, there was every need that all underlying nature
[L14] be ordered and brought to fulfillment by the beings above.
[L15] Naturally, beings below cannot order those of the higher array. Thus it
[L16] was necessary that the lesser mysteries give way to the greater. The order
[L17] of the higher beings is indeed superior to that of those below; it is stable in
[L18] every way and not subject to mortal thought.
[L19]  The word ἀπό (“from [the gods]”) is omitted here. Ambrosia was the food (or in this case drink) of
[L20] the gods. According to legend, Isis resurrected and immortalized Horus by granting him the “drug
[L21] of immortality” (τὸ τῆς ἀθανασίας φάρμακον). In our passage, however, the deification of Horus by
[L22] imbibing ambrosia is not in view. Compare CH ., where ambrosial water is parallel to words of
[L23] wisdom. An epigram attributed to Ptolemy the astronomer reads: “when the revolving spirals of the
[L24] stars in mind I trace ... I am filled with ambrosia.” Ambrosia here may be a metaphor for
[L25] “intelligence and pure knowledge” (Plato, Phaedrus d). On souls receiving divine food, see
[L26] further Thomas McAllister Scott, “Egyptian Elements in Hermetic Literature” (Ph.D. diss.,
[L27] Harvard Divinity School, ), –.  The heaven is wreathed or crowned with the concentric circles of planets and stars. It is not said
[L28] how the “beings above” (star gods) are formed, but compare CH .: “While all was unlimited and
[L29] unformed, light elements were set apart to the heights and the heavy elements were grounded in the
[L30] moist sand, the whole of them delimited by fire and raised aloft, to be carried by spirit. The heavens
[L31] appeared in seven circles, the gods became visible in the shapes of the stars and all their
[L32] constellations.”  In the Eleusinian mysteries, a person had to be initiated into the Lesser Mysteries before initiation
[L33] into the Greater. Here the “greater mysteries” probably refer to the orderly courses of the stars
[L34] (compare §§,  below).

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[L1]  Compare Jesus in John :: “I am the light of the world.” In SH ., Isis, along with Osiris, is
[L2] called the effluence (ἀπóρροια in the singular) of the supreme creator God. They both come to the
[L3] world as an “unbribable judge” (again, singular), and the Sun – according to both Egyptians and
[L4] Greeks – was the eye of justice. If in the author’s source Osiris alone was depicted as the sun-like
[L5] effluence, he has modified the tradition to include Isis (§). As a Hellenistic goddess, Isis was
[L6] characterized by her universal power and loving care for individual worshipers. In this regard see
[L7] Apuleius, Metamorphoses .–. See further Giulia Sfameni Gasparro, “The Hellenistic face of Isis:
[L8] Cosmic and Saviour Goddess,” in Laurent Bricault, Miguel John Versluys, and Paul G. P.
[L9] Meyboom, eds., Nile into Tiber. Egypt in the Roman World: Proceedings of the IIIrd International
[L10] Conference of Isis Studies, Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, May –  (Leiden: Brill,
[L11] ), –.
[L12] SH  
[L13] D7%!C#8(C73)3 34 73D:DD$C,* 53!4%697 #%95#%7D7%!C :DD$C,6# #%9   
[L14]
[L15]
[L16] .#" #36768%#!:DD$C,** 53!4%697 #%95#%7 2")7%CD7D/767"/20#"
[L17] 1#) 3D,
[L18] , C(475DD#D:73!4%697#%7<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 116 / 272>The Korē Kosmou was likely constructed from several different sources.
[L19] The narrative is episodic and contains overlapping material that gener￾ates internal tensions (two stories of creation, two reasons why human
[L20] souls are embodied, and so on). Nevertheless, maximalist source criti￾cism – breaking up the document into stand-alone units representing
[L21] “sources” that derive from distinct intellectual milieus – is precarious
[L22] and often insensitive to a developing narrative logic. The author (or
[L23] editor) of this text used different sources to construct what becomes a
[L24] new narrative.
[L25] The story frame presents a dialogue between Isis and Horus. In the
[L26] dialogue, Isis speaks to Horus in fifteen distinct passages with Horus
[L27] interrupting only once (§). A genuine exchange between the interlocu￾tors only occurs at the end of the treatise (§§–).

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[L1] The tractate
[L2] preceding SH  speaks of sixty different soul grades (SH .–). The
[L3] tractate following it (SH .) tells of sixty different soul regions.
[L4] SH  states that royal souls descend from a higher level (§) and that there
[L5] are more glorious regions from which nobler souls descend as well (§).
[L6] The author seems to assume that nobler souls are born as males. He
[L7] admits that the distinction between male and female only makes sense
[L8] when souls are embodied (§). Nevertheless, the nobility of a soul seems to
[L9] be expressed by its being born in a male body. In section , the author
[L10] appeals to physiological distinctions among male and female bodies to
[L11] naturalize their putative differences in character.
[L12] Horus then asks how intelligent souls arise. Isis responds by comparing
[L13] the soul to the eye. The eye has the innate power of sight, just as the soul
[L14] has the power of intelligence. Nevertheless, the aerial membranes of the
[L15] soul – just as the membranes of the eye – can cloud the power of intellect
[L16] (§). The soul requires these aerial membranes, apparently, in order to
[L17] inhabit a body.
[L18] Intelligence is also affected by climate. Egypt, as it turns out, has the
[L19] best climate for producing intelligent souls. Egypt’s temperate climate
[L20] depends on its central location on the earth’s surface. A vivid image
[L21] illustrates this centrality (§§–). Earth is imagined as a woman lying
[L22] on her back. Her head is Ethiopia, her buttocks and thighs constitute
[L23] Greece, and her calves and feet are spread out as northern Europe. This
[L24] leaves the region of her chest or heart aligned directly over Egypt. The
[L25] Egyptians and Stoics agreed that the heart was the location of human
[L26] intelligence and the command center for the entire body. Thus all the
[L27] bodily virtues in which other ethnicities excel Egyptians excel in too – with
[L28] the addition of a keener intelligence.
[L29] It remains to discuss chronic illnesses that lead to dumbness and
[L30] dementia (considered to be diseases of the soul). Isis explains these illnesses
[L31] by her theory of elements. Creatures are naturally adapted toward some
[L32] elements and repelled by others. So also with the divine soul. It prefers and
[L33] rejects some elements, but is at home in none. Thus it must struggle
[L34] continually against bodily ailments.

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[L1] This principle of acting that depends on providence
[L2] but not on fate would transcend the latter. In the extract from Iamblichus’
[L3] epistle, as line 23 reveals, this principle is said to reside in the soul: in its
[L4] inferior part, which is subject to fate, as well as in its superior part, which is
[L5] independent of fate.
[L6] The overall structure of the argument presented in eclogue 45a would
[L7] now appear to be largely consistent.
[L8] At lines 9–11 we find a principle of human acting describing the condition
[L9] of the embodied soul. This principle by necessity obeys the laws of provi￾dence and fate.
[L10] At lines 11–13 this principle is said to imply a principle of individual
[L11] actions that escapes the laws of fate. It is further specified (lines 13–16) that
[L12] this principle of individual actions precedes and is more noble than the
[L13] order of fate.
[L14] Then (at lines 16–21) the theme of lines 9–11 is taken up again and it is
[L15] stated that by the process of generation souls are allotted certain regions of
[L16] the universe, through an act presupposing the totality of the universe.
[L17] It may thus be argued that the first section of the text and the last (lines 9–
[L18] 11 and 16–21) refer to the condition of souls within the realm of generation
[L19] and describe the ontological condition of embodied souls, whereas the
[L20] remaining sections (lines 11–16) point to a specific possibility within this
[L21] condition: the persistence in the soul of the ‘input’ of a principle superior
[L22] to the natural order.
[L23] In the light of the above considerations, it is clear that the text preserved
[L24] in the manuscript tradition is perfectly acceptable and that it would be
[L25] a mistake to emend it, both from a philological and a philosophical per￾spective. In the passage in question, Iamblichus does not merely identify
[L26] two principles of human action (as Wachsmuth’s text would suggest), but
[L27] also defines the relation of subordination between the two, which in turn
[L28] explains the presence within us of an immanent principle ontologically
[L29] dependent upon a superior and transcendent principle.
[L30] The Network of Principles—Ethics
[L31] The theory presented in the fragment of Iamblichus’ epistle possesses gen￾eral value and is centered around the source or cause of action. Starting
[L32] from the “human principle of acting” (ἡ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀρχὴ τοῦ πράττειν),
[L33] a network of four principles is established, all of which lack any designa￾tion but are scrupulously defined with respect to one another. The “human<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 80 / 212>iamblichus: the two-fold nature of the soul 69
[L34] principle of acting” is consonant with the principles of the whole (αἱ τοῦ
[L35] παντὸς ἀρχαί), meaning it does not stand in opposition to these principles,
[L36] but is rather closely connected to them and contributes to the order they
[L37] establish.
[L38] To this first connection a second one is juxtaposed: for the “human prin￾ciple of acting” implies the existence “within us” of a “principle of actions”
[L39] (ἐν ἡµῖν τῶν πράξεων ἀρχή) which does not depend on nature and is superior
[L40] to it—in other words, a principle free from fate.

【6†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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[L1] So, when souls are
[L2] called back to the gods (anakaloumenoi)
[L3] 77 they are not being called out
[L4] of their bodies; rather, they are called to their innate awareness (sum￾phutos katanoêsis)
[L5] 78 of the gods given to each soul eternally. This awareness,
[L6] 73 The Pythagorean term used by Iamblichus to describe the intimate continuity through￾out the cosmos is allêlouchia. Translated as “indivisible mutuality,” E. Clarke, J. Dillon, and
[L7] J. Hershbell (2003) 25, Iamblichus maintains that it is what seamlessly holds together both
[L8] numbers (esp. as “magnitude”) and the orders of the cosmos (cf. Protrepticus 116.15, Pistelli
[L9] (1887); In Nicomachi Arithmeticam Introductionem 7.10–18, Pistelli, (1894); Theologoumena
[L10] Arithmeticae 3.8, De Falco (1922)). Yetfor human souls allêlouchia is experienced in a passion￾ate way (meta pathous; DM 196.8–10), reflecting the condition of the embodied soul under
[L11] the sway of the sublunary realm. The Iamblichean approach, as opposed to the Porphyrian
[L12] or Plotinian, is not to escape these pathê but to ritually coordinate them into a receptacle
[L13] that would give a body to the god. The theurgic approach is comparable to that of tantra in
[L14] both Hindu and Buddhist traditions in that theurgy stresses the continuity, integration, and
[L15] transformation of “lower” impulses through ritual.
[L16] 74 DM 65.7–8: ta de aneidea krateitai in eidesi, (modified translation).
[L17] 75 DM 40.14–41.8 (modified).
[L18] 76 Tim. 29e.
[L19] 77 I translate anakaloumenoi (DM 40.4) as “calling back” rather than as “summoning up”.
[L20] 78 DM 9.8–9.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 119 / 212>108 gregory shaw
[L21] Iamblichus says, is not a kind of “conjecture or opinion or form of syllogis￾tic reasoning.”79 It is received as divine imagination, shaped and revealed by
[L22] our aesthetic life and in a pneumatic body that has balanced the attractions
[L23] and repulsions of embodied experience.80 Proclus describes this reception
[L24] of the gods as follows:
[L25] The gods themselves are incorporeal, but since those who see them possess
[L26] bodies, the visions which issue from the gods to worthy recipients possess
[L27] a certain quality from the gods who send them but also have something
[L28] connatural with those who see them. This is why the gods are seen yet not
[L29] seen at all. In fact, those who see the gods witness them in the luminous
[L30] garments of their souls ….
[L31] 81
[L32] Human souls are like the gods.We too are incorporeal, but due to our rank in
[L33] the hierarchy of divinities we must become mortal and material to exercise
[L34] our demiurgic power. The photagogic reception of the gods described by
[L35] Proclus was thus, simultaneously both an encounter with a god and the
[L36] recovery of our own divinity in the illuminated ochêma, the Augoeides.
[L37] 82 The
[L38] theurgic reception of the gods in luminous imagination was the recovery of
[L39] our own divinity.
[L40] Conclusion
[L41] In their introduction to On the Mysteries, the translators warn the reader of
[L42] the difficulty of trying to understand something that cannot be conceptually
[L43] expressed.

【7†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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[L1] In his view, awareness is
[L2] removed from our physical bodies only by entering another body, invisibly
[L3] present in the physical and activated in moments of ecstatic release. This
[L4] subtle body was described by Iamblichus as the vehicle of the soul (ochêma
[L5] tês psuchês), and it is through this vehicle that the soul animates the physical
[L6] body and through which it receives the presence of the gods. It is through
[L7] the ochêma that the soul enters embodied life, and it is through this same
[L8] ochêma that the soul receives the gods and becomes divine. If the Platonic
[L9] philosopher was to become an embodied god, as Plotinus encouraged, it
[L10] was by means of the ochêma.
[L11] 8 Αἵ τε ἐνέργειαι αὐτῶν οὐδαµῶς εἰσιν ἀνθρώπιναι· τά τε γὰρ ἄβατα βατὰ γίγνεται θεοφορού￾µενα …
[L12] 9 F. Smith (2006) provides a wealth of examples as well as a perceptive analysis of these
[L13] phenomena and our attempt to study them.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 105 / 212>94 gregory shaw
[L14] The doctrine of the subtle body in Iamblichus has been carefully exam￾ined by John Finamore and, while I will focus specifically on its physical
[L15] sensations in theurgy, his summary will help us proceed. Finamore says:
[L16] For Neoplatonists, the vehicle fulfills three functions: it houses the rational
[L17] soul in its descent from the noetic realm to the realm of generation; it acts as
[L18] the organ of sense-perception and imagination; and, through theurgic rites,
[L19] it can be purified and lifted above, a vehicle for the rational soul’s return
[L20] through the cosmos to the gods.10
[L21] Finamore outlines the Platonic sources of this doctrine: the Timaeus (41e)
[L22] where the Demiurge places souls in starry vehicles (ochêmata) and the Phae￾drus (247b) where the chariots of souls are, again, described as ochêmata.
[L23] Perhaps more significantly, as regards physical sensation, is Aristotle’s the￾ory (De Gen. An. 736b)—also noted by Finamore—that each soul has a
[L24] pneumatic body made like the heavenly aether to serve as intermediary
[L25] between the immaterial soul and the physical senses. As Finamore puts it:
[L26] “… it is a small step for later philosophers to combine Aristotle’s pneuma
[L27] with ether, the element of the stars, and with the ‘Platonic’ ochêma onto
[L28] which the Demiurge placed the soul.”11 Thus, for Iamblichus, souls have an
[L29] eternal aetheric vehicle that animates the body with breath (pneuma) and
[L30] coordinates sense impressions. The soul’s vehicle is also associated with
[L31] phantasia, and this follows Aristotle’s belief that mental images are neces￾sary for engaging the world. The imagination, like the ochêma itself, func￾tions as a kind of intermediary between material and immaterial realms.
[L32] If it is through the ochêma that the soul becomes a god, it necessarily
[L33] plays a critical role in theurgic divination.

【8†[Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition 13] Eugene Afonasin, John Dillon, John F. Finamore - Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism (2012, Brill Academic Pub) - libgen.li.pdf†file_000000007f24722fa777c2c709313d4a】


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[L1] The highest grade that he discusses is the
[L2] Paradigmatic, and like Damascius’ ranking, these virtues are unifying (and
[L3] so “theurgic” in that sense) whereas the Contemplative maintained the dis￾tinction between thinker and thought (soul and Intelligible entities), and
[L4] so they are “philosophical” rather than “theurgic.” If there is a difference
[L5] between Olympiodorus and Damascius, it would seem to be that Olympi￾odorus thinks that the Paradigmatic virtues imply a greater degree of unity
[L6] than Damascius would allot them. Olympiodorus’ analogy of sunlight sug￾gests that the soul unifies with Intellect. However, it is important to notice
[L7] two points. First, Olympiodorus qualifies the sort of unity involved by use of
[L8] the wordsοἷον ὅπερ (line18). The soul“as it were” becomesIntellect. Thus the
[L9] kind of unity involved may be more akin to Damascius’. Second, in the final
[L10] sentence (lines 19–20) Olympiodorus contrasts philosophy (which makes
[L11] us intellect) with theurgy (which fully unifies us with the Intelligibles). The
[L12] distinction may at first seem to imply that we are fully unified under the
[L13] Paradigmatic virtues, but since our unity is qualified by οἷον ὅπερ Olympi￾odorus may be suggesting that there is another step taken with theurgy that
[L14] finally unifies our souls to a greater degree. If so, there may be Theurgical /
[L15] Hieratic virtues in Olympiodorus’ system, about which he chooses to remain
[L16] silent, possibly because of their ineffability.
[L17] Let us turn to the passage in Marinus, where he lays out the grades of
[L18] virtue (3.1–7).19 There are seven grades: Natural, Ethical, Political, Purifica￾tory, Contemplative, Theurgical, and the highest virtues that are given no
[L19] name but about which Marinus will remain silent because they are above
[L20] 18 On the soul participating in Intellect, see Finamore (2009) 129–134, where Priscianus’
[L21] Metaphrasis is combined with Iamblichus’ In Tim. Frr. 55–56 to show that the human soul is
[L22] incapable of intelligizing without the aid of the fully actualized Intellect. Thus, the human
[L23] soul must participate in the transcendent Intellect. The Intellect is therefore “paradigmatic”
[L24] in the sense that it provides the paradigms of intellectual activity to the soul.
[L25] 19 Marinus discusses the differences between Purificatory and Contemplative virtues in
[L26] chapters 21 and 22.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 138 / 212>iamblichus on the grades of virtue 127
[L27] the human level (τὰς δὲ ἔτι ἀνωτέρω τούτων σιωπήσαντες ὡς καὶ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρω￾πον ἤδη τεταγµένας, 3.4–6).

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[L1] And many who are burned do not react, because at this time
[L2] they are not living the life of a [mortal] creature. And some who are pierced
[L3] with spits have no awareness of it, nor do others who are struck on the
[L4] back with axes; still others whose arms are cut with knives do not feel it at
[L5] all. Their actions are in no way human, because what is inaccessible becomes
[L6] accessible under divine possession:
[L7] 8
[L8] they cast themselves into fire and they
[L9] walk through fire, and they walk over rivers like the priestess at Kastabala.
[L10] From these examples it is clear that those who are inspired are not conscious
[L11] of themselves, and they lead neither the life of a human being nor or a living
[L12] animal so far as concerns sensation or appetite; they exchange their life for
[L13] another more divine life, by which they are inspired, and by which they are
[L14] completely possessed. (DM 110.4–111.2)
[L15] Obviously, being pierced with knives, hacked with axes, and exposed to fire
[L16] are not on the itinerary of Platonic philosophers. But the example of those
[L17] possessed in this fashion dramatically makes the point, both for Porphyry
[L18] and for us, that human beings are capable of profound shifts in awareness
[L19] and orientation. There is abundant evidence that ecstatic phenomena simi￾lar to those described by Iamblichus are taking place even today in cultures
[L20] that encourage them.9 Ecstasy, moving out of one’s habitual orientation,
[L21] was an essential element in all of theurgy, and Iamblichus reveals the sub￾tle mechanics involved in these ecstatic states. In his view, awareness is
[L22] removed from our physical bodies only by entering another body, invisibly
[L23] present in the physical and activated in moments of ecstatic release. This
[L24] subtle body was described by Iamblichus as the vehicle of the soul (ochêma
[L25] tês psuchês), and it is through this vehicle that the soul animates the physical
[L26] body and through which it receives the presence of the gods. It is through
[L27] the ochêma that the soul enters embodied life, and it is through this same
[L28] ochêma that the soul receives the gods and becomes divine. If the Platonic
[L29] philosopher was to become an embodied god, as Plotinus encouraged, it
[L30] was by means of the ochêma.
[L31] 8 Αἵ τε ἐνέργειαι αὐτῶν οὐδαµῶς εἰσιν ἀνθρώπιναι· τά τε γὰρ ἄβατα βατὰ γίγνεται θεοφορού￾µενα …
[L32] 9 F. Smith (2006) provides a wealth of examples as well as a perceptive analysis of these
[L33] phenomena and our attempt to study them.<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 105 / 212>94 gregory shaw
[L34] The doctrine of the subtle body in Iamblichus has been carefully exam￾ined by John Finamore and, while I will focus specifically on its physical
[L35] sensations in theurgy, his summary will help us proceed.
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What “falling into bodies” looks like in the Stobaean Hermetica (Litwa’s Hermetica II)

Across the Stobaean excerpts—especially the long Isis/Horus material—embodiment is not treated as a single, uniform metaphysical “event.” It is a cluster of related explanations that sometimes sit in tension with each other, and that tension is itself part of what the material contributes: you can watch Hermetic authors (or redactors) trying to hold together (1) a myth of chastening/punishment, (2) a providential cosmology in which embodiment can be a mission, and (3) a quasi-physiological account of how soul is impeded by elemental mixture.

1) The punitive / chastening “fall”: transgression → binding to bodies


Litwa’s framing of the Korē Kosmou (SH 23) is explicit that one major strand in this dossier narrates embodiment as the consequence of a transgression: “all souls transgressed and were bound to bodies as a punishment.” fileciteturn10file3L7-L11 At the same time, he cautions against reading this as a simple “tragic mistake” cosmology: the same tractate can present embodiment as chastening meant to prepare souls for divinely mediated knowledge, not as the result of a jealous creator or an inherently botched world. fileciteturn11file2L1-L5

So the Hermetic “fall” here is moral-educational in texture: the body is a disciplining condition that both humbles and trains, and that makes the soul ready for what revelation is going to give later.

2) “Fall” without punishment: royal souls and embodiment-as-service


SH 24 is invaluable precisely because it qualifies the punitive story. Litwa highlights the correction: although the Korē Kosmou narrates a universal transgression-punishment pattern, SH 24 introduces “royal” souls who “fall into bodies” but do not experience embodiment as punitive; embodiment can be “a service.” fileciteturn10file3L7-L11

This is not a small tweak. It forces you to treat “descent” as a category with internal differentiation: the same metaphysical motion—entry into a body—can be read as penal for some, vocational/administrative for others, and it is situated within a cosmic hierarchy of rulers that operates by correspondence (“as above, so below”)—Craftsman → Sun → Moon → human king. fileciteturn10file3L12-L18

If you’re building a “Hermetic anthropology,” this matters: the tradition is not simply otherworldly escapism. It can also imagine embodied governance as a divinely anchored office.

3) The soul’s reluctance and Fate/necessity: embodiment is not the soul’s natural desire


Another recurrent feature: embodiment is repeatedly framed as something the soul does not want by nature. In SH 24’s material, “the soul has no natural urge to be with a body,” and the proximate accommodation of soul to body is attributed to Fate rather than natural kinship. fileciteturn10file1L4-L7

That line is crucial because it gives the “fall” a distinctive Hermetic accent: it is not merely metaphysical descent (as in a neutral emanationist picture), but a kind of forced lodging—fated rather than naturally appetitive. Litwa even flags the broader Hermetic topos of the soul entering unwillingly/“by necessity.” fileciteturn10file1L21-L24

4) The body as elemental oppression: embodiment as cognitive/affective impairment


The dossier also gives you a non-mythic, almost clinical phenomenology of embodiment: the soul, once in body, is “weighed down and oppressed” by the four elements; it struggles amid them, and bodily turbulence (disease, fear) throws the soul into instability “like a person in the open sea.” fileciteturn10file2L1-L10

This is where the “fall into body” becomes less a one-time cosmogonic drama and more an ongoing condition: embodied life is epistemically and affectively compromising. The fall is re-described as loss of steadiness, not only loss of location.

5) What follows the “fall”: stratified post-mortem ascent (not annihilation)


Finally, the Isis/Horus material that follows the embodiment narrative refuses Epicurean dispersal (“smoke”); it insists on the soul’s simplicity/immortality and then maps the afterlife as ascent through levels of air between earth and moon, with gradations that correspond to degrees of soul-quality. fileciteturn10file0L8-L19

That adds an important structural point: the Hermetic “fall” is not the last word; the tradition is obsessed with cosmic placement and re-placement, and the body is one station in a larger logistics of souls.


How this differs from (and sometimes converges with) Iamblichus

The simplest contrast is that Iamblichus refuses to let descent mean “mere punishment” or “mere mistake.” But the deeper difference is how descent is integrated into the metaphysics of salvation, ritual, and divine manifestation.

1) The mediating “vehicle” (ochêma): descent is structurally buffered


A distinctive Iamblichean move is to treat embodiment as mediated by a subtle/aetheric/pneumatic vehicle. In the material summarized in the Brill volume, the vehicle “houses the rational soul in its descent” and also becomes the organ of perception and imagination; through theurgic rites it can be purified and “lifted above,” enabling return to the gods. fileciteturn9file6L16-L20

Even when Iamblichus describes embodied life as alienation—loss of the soul’s “spherical form,” entrapment in material oppositions—this is not narrated as a penal imprisonment imposed externally so much as a predictable consequence of how noetic life is expressed in generation. fileciteturn10file6L13-L15

Hermetic texts can speak as if the soul is simply “in the body” and thereby oppressed by elemental mixture; Iamblichus insists on an intermediate body that both makes embodiment possible and makes ritual transformation technically intelligible.

2) Descent is not opposed to ascent: salvation is not basically “exit”


The sharpest divergence is Iamblichus’ refusal of a clean opposition between the soul’s descent and its return. In the Gregory Shaw discussion, the key formula is that “the ascent of the soul is realized as the descent of the god,” and there is “no opposition between the descents of souls and their ascents.” fileciteturn9file8L15-L20

That is a different spiritual geometry than the Hermetic materials where the soul’s lack of natural urge for body and its being “weighed down and oppressed” can make liberation feel like a shedding of burdens. fileciteturn10file1L4-L7 fileciteturn10file2L1-L6

Iamblichus is still intensely aware of embodiment’s constraints—but he builds a soteriology in which the goal is not simply to flee generation, but to coordinate, purify, and illuminate the mediating vehicle so that the divine can appear in embodied life.

3) The embodied telos: the body can become an “organ” of god


Iamblichus’ theurgic anthropology makes the body positively instrumental: the purified vehicle is “the vessel in which we become gods and the vessel where gods take possession of our bodies,” to the point that “the god uses our bodies as its organs.” fileciteturn10file6L16-L20

The Hermetic dossier can gesture toward embodiment-as-service (royal souls) fileciteturn10file3L20-L23, but Iamblichus generalizes the logic: embodiment is not just the site of rule or punishment; it is the site where the divine life is made manifest through ritual transformation.

4) “Calling back” is not “calling out”: return is a recovery of innate divine awareness


Another difference in accent: in the Shaw material, when souls are “called back to the gods,” this is “not being called out of their bodies,” but being called to an “innate awareness” of the gods always present in the soul. fileciteturn11file6L1-L5

That sits oddly beside the Hermetic insistence that the soul has no natural urge for body and is cognitively hampered by embodiment. fileciteturn10file1L4-L7 fileciteturn10file2L6-L10 The Hermetic texts certainly know “remembering” (and Litwa explicitly frames the Korē Kosmou as a divine pedagogical gift meant to guide humans back to knowledge of who they are). fileciteturn11file0L27-L31 But Iamblichus’ point is more radical: embodied life can be the very medium through which that remembrance is enacted as divine presence.


A compact way to state the difference

The Stobaean Hermetica give you a plural account of descent: sometimes punitive/chastening, sometimes vocational (royal souls), often fated and experienced as oppression by elemental embodiment. fileciteturn10file3L7-L11 fileciteturn10file1L4-L7 fileciteturn10file2L1-L6 Iamblichus, by contrast, systematizes descent through the doctrine of a mediating vehicle and builds a theurgic soteriology in which the “solution” is not simply release from body but the illumination and reconfiguration of embodied life such that ascent and descent interlock—the soul’s return coinciding with a god’s descent into perceptible/ritual form. fileciteturn9file6L16-L20 fileciteturn9file8L15-L20

If you want, I can take one specific Hermetic strand (punitive transgression, royal mission, or elemental oppression) and do a tighter, line-by-line comparison with the closest Iamblichean analogue (vehicle, fate vs providence, or theurgy as “descent of the god”).