give me a detailed summary of the contents of this
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BRUNIANA & CAMPANELLIANA
Ricerche filosofiche e materiali storico-testuali
supplementi, xxxiv · studi, 13
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LA SCELTA DI LORENZO
LA PRIMAVERA DI BOTTICELLI
TRA POESIA E FILOSOFIA
CHRISTOPHE PONCET
testo francese con traduzione italiana di germana ernst
PISA · ROMA
FABRIZIO SERRA EDITORE
MMXII
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Sono rigorosamente vietati la riproduzione, la traduzione, l’adattamento,
anche parziale o per estratti, per qualsiasi uso e con qualsiasi mezzo effettuati,
compresi la copia fotostatica, il microfilm, la memorizzazione elettronica,
ecc., senza la preventiva autorizzazione scritta della
Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.
Ogni abuso sarà perseguito a norma di legge.
Proprietà riservata · All rights reserved
© Copyright 2012 by Fabrizio Serra editore, Pisa · Roma.
Fabrizio Serra editore incorporates the Imprints Accademia editoriale,
Edizioni dell’Ateneo, Fabrizio Serra editore, Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa,
Gruppo editoriale internazionale and Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali.
Uffici di Pisa: Via Santa Bibbiana 28, i 56127 Pisa,
tel. +39 050 542332, fax +39 050 574888, fse@libraweb.net
Uffici di Roma: Via Carlo Emanuele I 48, i 00185 Roma,
tel. +39 06 70493456, fax +39 06 70476605, fse.roma@libraweb.net
www.libraweb.net
isbn 978-88-6227-454-8
isbn elettronico 978-88-6227-455-5
issn 1127-6045
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À mes parents,
Françoise et Jean-André
*
Socrate. Eh bien, dès à présent, Protarque, le premier venu pourrait convenablement nous servir de juge pour décider dans la compétition engagée entre
le plaisir et la sagesse.
Platon, Philèbe, 65ab
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Ringrazio le persone che mi hanno sostenuto nell’elaborazione di questo libro e hanno contribuito alla sua realizzazione. In particolare, esprimo la mia gratitudine a Valery Rees, Hiro Hirai, Philippe Truffault, Élisabeth Joliet,
Élie Huvelin, Françoise e Jean-André Poncet, Marie-Noëlle Jean, Paul Jean Zouaoui, Paolo Vian, Stéphane Roger,
Jean-Paul Bessières-Orsoni, Rita Gianfelice, Sergio Poletti, Fabrizio Serra, Eugenio Canone e Germana Ernst.
C. P.
Crediti fotografici:
Per concessione della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ogni diritto riservato: pp. 16, 18, 20, 24a; Agence Photographique de la Réunion des
Musées Nationaux: pp. 8, 12, 24a, 25b, 26, 27a, 37, 38a, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 51, 53, 54 , 55, 59, 60, 61, 63a, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71,
72, 73, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 106; Beinecke Rare Book and
Manuscript Library, Yale University: p. 12b; Pierpont Morgan Library, New York: p. 12a; Villa Stendhal: pp. 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 20, 21, 22b, 24b,
25a, 27b, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38b, 63, 78, 79, 85, 105.
Con il sostegno dell’Agence Photographique de la Réunion des Musées Nationaux.
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ce jour, le Printemps de Botticelli est demeuré
une énigme. Il faut pourtant rendre hommage aux
nombreux chercheurs qui ont tenté d’en percer le secret.
Leurs travaux ont permis de retrouver presque toutes les
sources de l’œuvre.1 Grâce à eux, nous en identifions
chaque élément, depuis les neuf personnages principaux jusqu’à la plus petite marguerite. De droite à
gauche, nous reconnaissons ainsi Zéphyr pourchassant
Chloris, nymphe de la terre, puis Flore, la déesse du
printemps, en train de disperser les fleurs qu’elle porte
dans un pli de sa robe; au centre Vénus survolée par
l’Amour, lequel pointe sa flèche sur le groupe des Trois
Grâces; enfin Mercure élevant son caducée. Mais à cette
procession mythologique personne n’avait jamais su apporter une explication convaincante.2 C’est qu’un autre
personnage, resté en dehors de la composition dont il
constituait la clef, n’avait pas été pris en considération:
l’observateur du tableau.
ino ad oggi, la Primavera di Botticelli è rimasta
un enigma. Si deve tuttavia rendere omaggio ai
numerosi studiosi che hanno tentato di svelarne il
segreto. I loro lavori hanno consentito di rintracciare pressoché tutte le fonti dell’opera.1 Grazie ad
essi, siamo in grado di identificare ogni elemento a
partire dai nove personaggi principali fino alla più
piccola margherita. Da destra a sinistra, riconosciamo così Zefiro che dà la caccia a Cloris, ninfa
della terra, quindi Flora, dea della primavera che
sta distribuendo i fiori che si trovano in una piega
della sua veste. Al centro Venere, sopra la quale si
vede Amore che punta la sua freccia sul gruppo
delle Tre Grazie. In fine Mercurio che innalza il suo
caduceo. Ma di questa sfilata mitologica, nessuno
aveva mai dato una spiegazione convincen te.2 Infatti, non era stato preso in considerazione un altro
personaggio, rimasto fuori dalla composizione di
cui forniva la chiave: l’osservatore del quadro.
1 Tra i numerosi lavori dedicati alla Primavera, alcuni saggi sono
di particolare rilievo: Warburg, Botticelli; Wind, Pagan Mysteries;
Dempsey, The Portrayal of Love.
2 Le più recenti pubblicazioni si accordano su questo punto:
Cecchi, Botticelli, pp. 152, 161; Marmor, From Purgatory to the Primavera, p. 199; Acidini Luchinat, Botticelli: Les Allégories, p. 9; Villa, Mercurio retrogrado, pp. 6-7.
1 Parmi les nombreux travaux consacrés au Printemps, quelques essais ont été particulièrement remarqués: Warburg, La naissance de
Vénus; Wind, Pagan Mysteries; Dempsey, The Portrayal of Love.
2 Les plus récentes publications s’accordent sur ce point: Cecchi,
Botticelli, pp. 152, 161; Marmor, From Purgatory to the Primavera,
p. 199; Acidini Luchinat, Botticelli: Les Allégories, p. 9; Villa,
Mercurio retrogrado, pp. 6-7.
F À
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Per capire il quadro, bisogna cominciare dal chiarire un’altra immagine, anche essa fiorentina e
concepita nel medesimo periodo: la carta dell’Innamorato dei tarocchi di Marsiglia.1 Al centro, si
vede un uomo in piedi di fronte all’osservatore.
Egli indossa la veste corta dei giovani alla moda
nel Quattrocento. La sua testa è volta verso una
donna alla sua destra. Essi si scambiano uno sguardo intenso, gli occhi negli occhi. La donna ha la
mano sinistra posata sulla spalla di lui e gli accarezza la coscia con la destra. Dall’altro lato, una giovane donna che indossa una lunga, semplice veste
tocca il petto dell’uomo proprio all’altezza del
cuore. Sembra triste, con lo sguardo volto verso il
basso. L’uomo la respinge con il dorso della mano.
Amore, che sta per lanciare la sua freccia, aleggia
sulla scena.
Pour comprendre le tableau, il nous faut commencer par
élucider une autre image, elle aussi florentine, et conçue
à la même époque: la carte de l’Amoureux du tarot de
Marseille.1 Au milieu, un homme se tient debout, face à
l’observateur. Il porte le vêtement court des jeunes gens
à la mode au Quattrocento. Sa tête est tournée vers
une femme à sa droite. Ils échangent un regard intense,
les yeux dans les yeux. Elle a la main gauche posée sur
son épaule et lui flatte la cuisse avec la droite. De l’autre
côté, une jeune femme vêtue d’un simple manteau
touche le torse de l’homme, juste au niveau du cœur. Elle
paraît triste, avec son regard tombant. Il la repousse du
revers de la main. L’Amour, sur le point de décocher sa
flèche, survole la scène.
10 christophe poncet
1 Sulle origini fiorentine dei tarocchi di Marsiglia, vedi Poncet,
Un gioco.
1 Sur les origines florentines du tarot de Marseille, voir Poncet, Un
gioco.
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la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 11
L’Innamorato. L’Amoureux, 1760
(Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France).
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Possiamo leggere l’immagine come si percorre la
striscia di un fumetto. Il giovane uomo e la donna
alla sua sinistra costituiscono una coppia. Lei sta
rispettosamente a fianco del suo sposo, leggermente arretrata. Ha ancora sulla testa la ghirlanda
di fiori. Nell’Italia del Rinascimento, secondo la
tradizione, la giovane sposa riceveva quest’ornamento alla fine della cerimonia nuziale.1 Il suo gesto in direzione del cuore dell’uomo esprime una
tenera intimità. Il movimento del braccio con il
quale lui la respinge senza neppure guardarla testimonia anch’esso una certa familiarità.
On peut lire l’image comme on parcourt une bande dessinée. Le jeune homme et la femme à sa gauche forment
un couple. Elle se tient respectueusement au côté de son
époux, légèrement en retrait. Elle porte encore la guirlande de fleurs sur la tête. Dans l’Italie de la Renaissance, la tradition voulait que la jeune épousée reçoive
cet ornement à la fin de la cérémonie nuptiale.1 Le geste
qu’elle fait en direction du cœur de l’homme exprime
une tendre intimité. Le mouvement de bras par lequel il
la rejette, sans même la regarder, témoigne également
d’une certaine familiarité.
12 christophe poncet
1 A proposito di questa tradizione, vedi Fournel, Furlan,
Famille et mariage, p. 1753; Herald, Renaissance Dress, p. 244.
1 À propos de cette tradition, voir Fournel, Furlan, Famille et
mariage, p. 1753; Herald, Renaissance Dress, p. 244.
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Ces échanges entre les jeunes gens sont très probablement causés par l’irruption de l’autre femme. Son assurance, son port altier, semblent indiquer qu’elle est plus
expérimentée qu’eux. L’habillement sophistiqué dont
elle se pare est celui d’une riche aristocrate, ou bien
d’une prostituée. C’est cette seconde hypothèse que nous
retiendrons, en considération de la façon qu’elle a de
porter les mains sur le jeune homme. Celui-ci, prudent,
refuse d’ouvrir son bras, et garde le coude fermé en position défensive. Qu’a-t-il donc à craindre?
L’image ne donne-t-elle pas la réponse, comme dans
une bulle de bande dessinée? L’Amour serait ainsi une
représentation du désir de l’homme suscité en lui par la
vision de la courtisane. Et la flèche que l’archer pointe
en direction du couple, précisément entre l’homme et la
femme, figurerait la menace que ce désir fait peser sur
les liens du mariage. S’il cède aux avances de la prostituée, l’homme risque de briser la relation qui l’unit à sa
légitime épouse. Elle-même a pris la mesure du danger
et tente, par un geste en direction de son cœur, de le retenir à elle. Cette lecture peut sembler imaginative.
L’étude iconographique de la carte montre pourtant
qu’elle est très proche de la signification voulue à l’origine.
Questi scambi fra i due giovani sono causati molto
probabilmente dall’irruzione dell’altra donna, la
cui sicurezza, il cui portamento altero sembrano
indicare che lei ha più esperienza degli altre due.
L’abbigliamento sofisticato che ostenta è quello di
una ricca aristocratica, o anche di una cortigiana.
Propenderei per questa seconda ipotesi, in considerazione del modo in cui le sue mani si posano
sul giovane uomo: il quale, prudentemente, rifiuta
di aprire il suo braccio e mantiene il gomito chiuso
in posizione difensiva. Ma che cosa ha da temere?
L’immagine non dà essa stessa la risposta? Amore sarebbe così una raffigurazione del desiderio
dell’uomo suscitato in lui dalla vista della cortigiana, e la freccia che l’arciere punta in direzione della
coppia, precisamente fra l’uomo e la donna, rappresenterebbe la minaccia per i vincoli coniugali
che trae origine da questo desiderio. Se l’uomo cede alle avances della cortigiana, rischia di porre fine
alla relazione che lo unisce alla legittima sposa. La
quale si è resa conto del pericolo e, con un gesto
diretto al cuore di lui, cerca di trattenerlo. Una lettura che può sembrare immaginosa; ma lo studio
iconografico della carta mostra che essa è molto
prossima al significato originario.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 13
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L’immagine eredita il suo schema generale dai tarocchi miniati creati a Milano all’inizio del xv secolo. Il modello canonico rappresenta una coppia
che si stringe la mano sotto un Amore dagli occhi
bendati. La stretta di mano non deve essere interpretata come un semplice saluto: si tratta della
dextrarum junctio, il rito, praticato fino dall’antichità romana, che suggellava l’unione coniugale.
L’image hérite son schéma général des tarots enluminés
créés à Milan au début du quinzième siècle. Le modèle
canonique représente un couple qui se serre la main audessous d’un Amour aux yeux bandés. La poignée de
mains ne doit pas être interprétée comme un simple salut: c’est la dextrarum junctio, le rite, pratiqué depuis
l’Antiquité romaine, par lequel était scellée l’union matrimoniale.
14 christophe poncet
Bonifacio Bembo (?), Gli amanti. Les amoureux, 1450 (?)
(New York, Pierpont Morgan Library).
Bonifacio Bembo (?), Gli amanti. Les amoureux, 1445 (?)
(New York, Yale University Library).
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De cette composition, la carte de l’Amoureux garde la
structure triangulaire dominée par un Amour. L’idée de
mariage est également conservée, mais plus discrètement, la guirlande de fleurs jouant un rôle analogue à
la dextrarum junctio.
Di questa composizione, la carta dell’Innamorato
mantiene la struttura triangolare dominata da
Amore. È conservata anche l’idea di matrimonio,
ma in modo più discreto, in quanto la ghirlanda di
fiori gioca un ruolo analogo alla dextrarum junctio.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 15
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Ma l’ideatore dei tarocchi di Marsiglia aggiunge
una seconda donna alla scena: e per farlo modifica
la composizione, ispirandosi a un’altra fonte. Si
tratta di una miniatura che raffigura la ‘scelta di
Ercole’, eseguita nel 1463 da Felice Feliciano, un artista e letterato veronese.1 Le corrispondenze fra
le due immagini sono troppe per essere semplicemente frutto del caso: 1) stessa struttura con un
uomo affiancato da due donne; 2) stesso orientamento dei corpi nello spazio: l’uomo di fronte
all’osservatore con la testa girata di tre quarti verso una donna di profilo; dall’altro lato una seconda
donna con il corpo di fronte e il viso di profilo; 3)
Mais le créateur du Tarot de Marseille ajoute une
deuxième femme à la scène. Pour ce faire, il modifie sa
composition en prenant modèle sur une autre source. Il
s’agit d’une miniature, représentant le ‘Choix d’Hercule’, peinte en 1463 par Felice Feliciano, un artiste et
homme de lettres originaire de Vérone.1 Les correspondances entre les deux images sont trop nombreuses pour
être le simple fruit du hasard: 1) même structure avec un
homme flanqué de deux femmes; 2) même orientation
des corps dans l’espace: l’homme face à l’observateur
avec la tête tournée de trois quarts vers une femme de
profil; derrière l’homme une autre femme avec le corps
de face et le visage de profil; 3) même échange de regards;
16 christophe poncet
1 Su Felice Feliciano, vedi Contò, Quaquarelli, L’antiquario
Felice Feliciano; Mitchell, Felice Feliciano Antiquarius; Mantovani, La maestà della lettera antica.
1 Sur Felice Feliciano, voir Contò, Quaquarelli, L’antiquario
Felice Feliciano; Mitchell, Felice Feliciano Antiquarius; Mantovani, La maestà della lettera antica.
Felice Feliciano, La scelta di Ercole. Le choix d’Hercule, 1463
(Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. Lat. 1388, f. 14r).
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4) même coiffure à pointes; 5) même interaction physique entre l’homme et la femme au chapeau: la femme
touchant l’homme, l’homme en position défensive; Hercule lui fait barrage avec sa massue plantée dans le sol,
le jeune homme oppose plus simplement son coude.
Deux détails laissent penser que la carte est directement adaptée de la miniature. Le sol, dans les deux
images, est de couleur jaune et arrive au même niveau
par rapport aux jambes du personnage masculin, en
haut du mollet. D’autre part, la main gauche d’Hercule
fait le même geste que la main droite de la courtisane
dans la carte. Ces deux mains sont posées sur la cuisse
droite du jeune homme, à la même hauteur.
stesso scambio di sguardi; 4) stesso copricapo a
punte; 5) stessa interazione fisica fra l’uomo e la
donna con il copricapo: la donna che tocca l’uomo, l’uomo in posizione difensiva; Ercole la blocca
con la sua clava piantata al suolo, il giovane uomo
più semplicemente oppone il suo gomito.
Due particolari fanno pensare che la carta è
adattata direttamente dalla miniatura. Il terreno in
entrambe le immagini è di colore giallo e giunge
al medesimo livello rispetto alle gambe del personaggio maschile, all’altezza dei polpacci. In secondo luogo, la mano sinistra di Ercole fa lo stesso gesto della mano destra della cortigiana nella carta.
Entrambe queste mani si appoggiano sulla coscia
destra dell’uomo appena sotto l’anca.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 17
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L’immagine di Felice Feliciano illustra un manoscritto che contiene la storia della ‘scelta di Ercole’
narrata da Senofonte. Ercole all’incrocio della via
del vizio con quella della virtù è avvicinato da due
donne.1 L’una, nobile e decorosa, che si presenta
come la Virtù, gli offre una vita difficile ma ricca di
vere soddisfazioni. L’altra, chiamata Piacere dai
suoi amici e Vizio dagli altri, ben vestita e truccata,
gli promette una vita facile e piacevole:
[…] Eracle, al momento
del passaggio dalla fanciullezza alla giovinezza,
quando i giovani, ormai
padroni di sé, mostrano se
nella vita si indirizzeranno
sulla via della virtù o su
quella del vizio, si recò in
un luogo solitario e seduto
si domandava quale strada
prendere; ed ecco gli apparvero due donne che venivano verso di lui: erano
alte entrambe, ma l’una di
bell’aspetto e di natura nobile, la purezza abbelliva il
suo volto, il pudore il suo
sguardo, aveva andatura
composta, e indossava una
veste bianca; l’altra, cresciuta per essere ben tornita e morbida, aveva il viso
imbellettato, in modo da
sembrare più bianca e rossa di quello che era, e un
portamento tale da sembrare più eretta del naturale, lo sguardo era sfacciato e la veste lasciava
intrav vedere generosamente le sue belle forme.
Spesso si guardava con compiacimento, ma guardava
anche se qualcun altro la osservava, e più volte si voltava a guardare la sua ombra. Quando arrivarono più
vicino a Eracle, quella che si è descritta per prima, procedette alla solita andatura, ma l’altra, per precederla,
corse incontro a Eracle e gli disse: «Vedo che tu, o Eracle, sei in dubbio su quale indirizzo dare alla tua vita.
Allora, se mi farai tua amica, io ti porterò per la strada
più dolce e facile, e non ci sarà piacere che tu non gusterai e passerai la vita senza fare esperienza del dolore. Per prima cosa, infatti, non ti preoccuperai di guerre o di affari, ma passerai il tempo cercando quale cibo
o bevanda possa trovare che siano graditi o che cosa
vedendo o ascoltando ti diletti, o che cosa odorando o
toccando ti dia piacere, o stando con quali amanti soddisfi di più la tua passione e come possa dormire nel
modo più dolce e come possa raggiungere tutte queste cose senza sforzo. E se mai ti venisse il sospetto di
trovarti in scarsezza dei mezzi da cui si ottengono queste cose, non avere paura che io ti conduca a procurartele con fatica e sofferenza del corpo e dell’anima; anzi, ti servirai delle cose che gli altri producono col loro
lavoro, senza privarti di
niente da cui sia possibile
guadagnare qualcosa. Da
ogni parte, infatti, possono trarre guadagni coloro
a cui offro la mia compagnia». Ed Eracle, dopo
averla ascoltata, chiese:
«Donna, come ti chiami?»
E quella «Felicità mi chiamano gli amici, ma quelli
che mi odiano mi chiamano con disprezzo Vizio». E
intanto l’altra donna, avvicinatasi, disse: «Anch’io
giungo a te, o Eracle, conoscendo i tuoi genitori e
avendo osservato il tuo carattere durante l’educazione, cose dalle quali spero,
se ti metterai per la mia
strada, potrai realizzare
con abilità opere belle ed
elevate, ed io apparirò
ancor più nobile e magnifica per le belle imprese
che tu avrai compiuto sotto la mia guida. Non ti ingannerò con promesse allettanti, ma ti spiegherò
senza menzogne come gli
dèi hanno ordinato la realtà. Delle cose buone e belle che ci sono, infatti, nessuna essi concedono agli uomini senza fatica e impegno,
ma se vuoi che siano benevoli verso di te, devi aver cura di loro e, se vuoi l’affetto degli amici, devi procurare
loro dei benefici e, se vuoi onori da una città, devi aiutarla, e se vuoi che la Grecia intera ti ammiri per la tua
virtù, devi cercare di fare qualcosa di buono per la
Grecia, se vuoi che la terra ti dia in abbondanza dei
frutti, devi coltivarla, se pensi di dover diventare ricco
col bestiame, devi curarlo, se miri ad accrescere il tuo
potere con la guerra e vuoi poter ottenere la libertà
degli amici e la sottomissione dei nemici, devi imparare le arti marziali da coloro che le conoscono ed allenarti a usarle come bisogna. Se poi anche col corpo
vuoi essere abile, devi prendere l’abitudine di sotto18 christophe poncet
1 Sulla ricezione del tema della ‘scelta di Ercole’ nel Rinascimento, vedi Panofsky, Ercole al bivio.
Felice Feliciano, Hercules Xenophontius, 1463
(Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
Reg. Lat. 1388, f. 18r).
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mettere il corpo alla mente e devi fare ginnastica con
fatica e sudore». Il Vizio, secondo il racconto di Prodico, replicando disse: «Vedi, o Eracle, come aspra e lunga è la strada al piacere che quella donna ti mostra? Io
invece ti guiderò alla felicità per una strada facile e breve». E la virtù: «Sciagurata, e che beni possiedi tu?
Quale piacere conosci tu, che non vuoi fare niente per
ottenere queste cose? Tu non aspetti neanche di desiderare le cose piacevoli, ma prima ancora di provarne
la voglia, ti riempi di tutto, mangi prima di provare fame, bevi prima di avere sete e ti procuri dei cuochi per
mangiare con piacere, e per bere con piacere acquisti
vini pregiati e d’estate t’affanni a cercare la neve, e per
provare piacere nel sonno ti prepari non solo materassi e coperte morbidi, ma anche sostegni elastici sotto i
letti; perché tu vuoi dormire, non per riposarti dalla
fatica, ma perché non hai niente da fare. E i piaceri
d’amore tu li susciti forzatamente prima del bisogno,
escogitando di tutto e usando gli uomini come donne;
così infatti ammaestri i tuoi amici, corrompendoli di
notte e facendoli dormire durante il tempo più prezioso della giornata. Anche se sei immortale gli dèi ti
hanno respinto e gli uomini onesti ti disprezzano. La
cosa che è più dolce di tutte a sentirsi, una lode di sé
stessi, tu non la senti mai, e ciò che è più bello a vedere
tu non lo vedi mai, perché mai hai visto qualcosa di
bello che sia opera tua. Chi crederebbe a quello che dici? Chi ti darebbe aiuto quando avessi bisogno di qualcosa? O chi, avendo giudizio, oserebbe far parte del
tuo gruppo? I giovani sono indeboliti nei corpi, i vecchi nella mente, allevati negli agi, senza fatiche durante la giovinezza, squallidi e con stento attraversano la
vecchiaia, vergognosi delle azioni passate, oppressi
dalle presenti, bruciati in gioventù tutti i piaceri, han
messo da parte per la vecchiaia i dolori. Io mi accompagno con gli dèi e con gli uomini onesti: nessuna bella impresa né divina né umana si fa senza di me. Sono
la più onorata di tutti presso gli dèi e presso gli uomini
cui si addice onorarmi; sono collaboratrice amata degli artigiani, guardiana fidata della casa per i proprietari, soccorritrice del lavoro in tempo di pace, alleata stabile nelle imprese di guerra, ottima compartecipe
dell’amicizia. I miei amici godono dolcemente e senza
doversi affaccendare del cibo e del bere; infatti evitano
queste cose fin quando non ne provano desiderio. Il
sonno è più dolce per loro che per la gente oziosa, né
si crucciano dovendo abbandonarlo, né tralasciano per
esso di fare quello che devono. E i giovani si rallegrano
delle lodi dei vecchi, e i più vecchi gioiscono del rispetto dei più giovani; e con piacere ricordano le imprese
del tempo passato, e si compiacciono di ben agire al
presente, essendo per causa mia cari agli dèi, amati dagli amici, onorati dalle patrie. Quando poi viene il termine stabilito dal destino, non giacciono dimenticati e
senza gloria, ma fioriscono perennemente ricordati
nei canti. Se ti prenderai cura di affrontare questi sacrifici, tu potrai, o Eracle, figlio di nobili genitori, acquistare la più beata felicità».1
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 19
1 Senofonte, Memorabili, ii, 21-33, pp. 161-169.
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L’image de Felice Feliciano illustre un manuscrit contenant l’histoire, racontée par Xénophon, du ‘Choix
d’Hercule’: Hercule, au carrefour entre la voie du vice et
celle de la vertu, est abordé par deux femmes.1 L’une, noble et décente, qui se présente comme la Vertu, lui offre
une vie difficile mais pleine de récompenses véritables.
L’autre, appelée Volupté par ses amis et Mollesse par les
autres, bien vêtue, et maquillée, lui promet une vie facile
et plaisante:
Héraclès venait de sortir de
l’enfance pour entrer dans la
jeunesse; il était à cet âge où
les jeunes gens devenus déjà
maîtres d’eux-mêmes, laissent voir s’ils entreront dans
la vie par le chemin de la
vertu ou par celui du vice.
Étant sorti de chez lui, il
s’était assis dans un lieu solitaire et se demandait laquelle
de ces deux routes il allait
prendre, quand il vit venir à
lui deux femmes de haute
taille. L’une avait un aspect
décent et noble, un regard pudique, un maintien modeste;
elle était vêtue de blanc. L’autre, qu’un régime particulier
avait rendue potelée et délicate, avait fardé son visage
pour paraître plus blanche et
plus vermeille qu’elle n’était
réellement; elle se tenait de
manière à exhausser sa taille
naturelle; elle avait les yeux
grands ouverts; elle portait la
toilette la plus propre à laisser
transparaître sa beauté; elle
se regardait souvent et observait si on la lorgnait, et souvent elle jetait sur son ombre un regard de côté.
Quand elles se furent rapprochées d’Héraclès, la première
s’avança sans changer d’allure; mais l’autre, voulant la prévenir, courut vers lui et lui dit: «Je vois, Héraclès, que tu es
embarrassé de savoir par quelle route tu vas entrer dans la
vie. Prends-moi pour amie, et je te conduirai par la route la
plus agréable et la plus facile; il n’y aura pas de plaisirs que
tu ne goûtes, et tu passeras ta vie sans connaître la peine.
D’abord tu ne t’inquiéteras ni des guerres ni des affaires. Tu
ne t’occuperas qu’à chercher des mets et des boissons qui te
plaisent, des objets qui réjouissent tes yeux et tes oreilles ou
flattent ton odorat ou ton toucher, quels jeunes garçons tu auras le plus de plaisir à fréquenter, comment tu dormiras avec
le plus de mollesse et comment tu obtiendras toutes ces jouissances avec le moins de peine. Si jamais tu as quelque crainte
de manquer de ressources pour te les procurer, tu n’as pas à
redouter que je te réduise à travailler et à peiner du corps et
de l’esprit pour te les payer; tu jouiras du travail des autres,
sans t’abstenir de rien de ce qui pourra t’apporter quelque
profit; car je donne à ceux qui me suivent la faculté de prendre
leurs avantages partout.»
Héraclès, ayant entendu ce discours: «Femme, dit-il, quel
est ton nom?» Elle répondit:
«Mes amis m’appellent la Félicité, et mes ennemis me
donnent par dénigrement le
nom de Mollesse.» À ce moment, l’autre femme s’approcha et dit: «Moi aussi, je suis
venue vers toi, Héraclès. Je
connais tes parents et j’ai
pris note de ton caractère au
cours de ton éducation. Aussi
j’espère, si tu prends la route
qui conduit vers moi, que tu
seras un jour un vaillant
homme qui accomplira de
beaux et nobles travaux, et
que moi-même je serai beaucoup plus honorée et plus
illustre, grâce à tes bonnes
actions. Je ne préluderai
point en te promettant du
plaisir, car je ne veux pas te
tromper, mais je t’exposerai
en toute vérité les choses telles
qu’elles ont été établies par
les dieux. De ce qui est bon et
beau, les dieux effectivement
ne donnent rien aux hommes
sans exiger d’eux du travail
et de l’application; mais si tu
veux que les dieux te soient
propices, il faut que tu adores
les dieux; si tu veux que tes amis te chérissent, il faut faire
du bien à tes amis; si tu veux qu’un pays t’honore, tu dois
être utile à ce pays; si tu prétends que toute la Grèce admire
ta vertu, tu dois essayer de faire du bien à toute la Grèce; si
tu veux que la terre te donne des fruits en abondance, tu dois
cultiver la terre; si tu crois devoir t’enrichir par des troupeaux, il faut que tu prennes soin des troupeaux; si tu aspires à te grandir par la guerre et si tu veux être à même de
rendre libres tes amis et de soumettre tes ennemis, tu dois apprendre l’art de la guerre de ceux qui le connaissent et t’exercer à le pratiquer; si tu veux acquérir la force du corps, tu
dois habituer ton corps à se soumettre à l’intelligence et
l’exercer par les travaux et les sueurs». Ici la Mollesse reprit
la parole, au dire de Prodicos et dit: «Comprends-tu, Héraclès, combien pénible et longue est la route que cette femme
20 christophe poncet
1 Sur la réception de l’histoire du ‘choix d’Hercule’ à la Renaissance,
lire Panofsky, Hercule à la croisée des chemins.
Felice Feliciano, Hercules Xenophontius, 1463
(Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
Reg. Lat. 1388, f. 19r).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 20 / 113>
te trace pour arriver aux plaisirs; moi, c’est par une route aisée et courte que je te conduirai au bonheur.»
Alors la Vertu dit: «Misérable, quel bien possèdes-tu? Quel
agrément connais-tu, toi qui ne veux rien faire pour le gagner, qui n’attends même pas le désir du plaisir; qui te remplis de tout avant de le désirer; qui manges avant d’avoir
faim, qui bois avant d’avoir soif; qui, pour manger avec plaisir, cherches des cuisiniers; qui, pour boire avec plaisir te procures des vins coûteux et qui, en été, cours partout chercher
de la neige; qui, pour dormir agréablement, te procures non
seulement des couvertures moelleuses, mais encore des sangles sous tes lits; car ce n’est pas la fatigue, c’est l’oisiveté qui
te fait désirer le sommeil. En amour, tu provoques le besoin,
avant de l’éprouver, tu imagines mille artifices et tu te sers des
hommes comme de femmes; car c’est ainsi que tu formes tes
amis: la nuit tu les dégrades et tu leur fais perdre à dormir la
partie la plus utile du jour. Tu es immortelle et tu as été rejetée par les dieux, et tu es méprisée par les honnêtes gens. Ce
qu’il y a au monde de plus agréable à entendre, ton éloge, tu
ne l’entends jamais, et ce qu’il y a de plus agréable à voir tu
ne le vois pas; car jamais tu n’as contemplé une belle action
faite par toi. Qui voudrait ajouter foi à tes paroles? Qui voudrait te venir en aide dans le besoin? Quel homme sensé voudrait se mêler à ton bruyant cortège? Quand ils sont jeunes,
tes sectateurs ont un corps débile; quand ils sont devenus
vieux, une âme abêtie. Nourris dans l’oisiveté, ils sont florissants d’embonpoint dans leur jeunesse; puis le corps amaigri, ils passent une laborieuse vieillesse, rougissant de ce
qu’ils ont fait, accablés de ce qu’ils ont à faire; ayant couru
de plaisir en plaisir durant leur jeunesse, ils ont mis en réserve les peines pour la vieillesse. Moi, au contraire, je vis
avec les dieux, je vis avec les gens de bien; aucune belle action
ne se fait sans moi, ni dans le ciel, ni sur la terre; personne
n’est aussi honorée que moi, ni chez les dieux, ni chez les
hommes à qui il appartient de m’honorer. Pour les artisans,
je suis une auxiliaire aimée; pour les maîtres, une fidèle gardienne de la maison; pour les serviteurs une protectrice bienveillante; pour les travaux de la paix, une bonne auxiliaire;
dans les fatigues de la guerre, une alliée solide, et dans l’amitié, une excellente associée. Mes amis jouissent du manger et
du boire avec plaisir et sans se donner de peine; car ils attendent d’en sentir le désir. Ils ont un sommeil plus agréable que
les oisifs; ils l’interrompent sans chagrin, et ne négligent
point pour lui leurs devoirs. Jeunes, ils ont le plaisir d’être
loués par les vieillards; vieux, ils sont fiers des respects de la
jeunesse. C’est une joie pour eux de se rappeler leurs actions
passées et ils n’ont pas moins de plaisir à faire celles que le
présent exige. Par moi, ils sont amis des dieux, chéris de leurs
amis, honorés de leur patrie, et, quand vient le terme fatal,
ils ne gisent point oubliés et sans honneurs, mais leur souvenir fleurit d’âge en âge dans les hymnes qui les célèbrent.
Quant à toi, Héraclès, fils de parents vertueux, si tu veux déployer tes efforts comme j’ai dit, tu peux atteindre à la suprême félicité.»1
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 21
1 Xénophon, Mémorables, ii, 21-33, pp. 359-362.
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La descrizione delle due donne di Senofonte sembra riprodotta fedelmente nella carta dell’Innamorato. La donna che si presenta come la Voluttà è
descritta come
cresciuta per essere ben tornita e morbida, aveva il viso
imbellettato, in modo da sembrare più bianca e rossa
di quello che era, e un portamento tale da sembrare più
eretta del naturale, lo sguardo era sfacciato e la veste lasciava intravvedere generosamente le sue belle forme.
Spesso si guardava con compiacimento, ma guardava
anche se qualcun altro la osservava, e più volte si voltava a guardare la sua ombra.
La maggior parte di questi tratti si ritrova senz’altro nella carta: si noti in particolare le pieghe del
collo che tradiscono un corpo ben nutrito. Il copricapo la rende più alta e il taglio del suo vestito,
stretto alla vita da una cintura, sottolinea le sue
forme.
La description des deux femmes par Xénophon semble
fidèlement transposée dans la carte de l’Amoureux.
Ainsi celle qui se présente comme la Volupté,
qu’un régime particulier avait rendue potelée et délicate,
avait fardé son visage pour paraître plus blanche et plus vermeille qu’elle n’était réellement; elle se tenait de manière à
exhausser sa taille naturelle; elle avait les yeux grands ouverts; elle portait la toilette la plus propre à laisser transparaître sa beauté; elle se regardait souvent et observait si on la
lorgnait, et souvent elle jetait sur son ombre un regard de
côté.
On retrouve sans peine la plupart de ces traits dans la
carte: noter en particulier les plis du cou, qui trahissent
une chair potelée. Son chapeau la grandit et la coupe de
sa robe, ajustée à la taille par une ceinture, souligne ses
formes.
22 christophe poncet
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[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 22 / 113>
De même, le sage portrait de la Vertu semble se refléter
dans l’autre figure féminine de la carte qui
avait un aspect décent et noble, un regard pudique, un maintien modeste.
Les yeux baissés de la jeune épousée, comme la légère inclinaison de sa tête, contrastent en effet avec l’allure altière et le regard effronté de sa rivale. Son sobre habillement, une simple tunique recouverte d’un long et droit
manteau, s’oppose par sa discrétion à l’accoutrement
tapageur de la dame au chapeau.
In modo analogo, il ritratto dignitoso della Virtù
sembra riflettersi nell’altra figura femminile della
carta:
di bell’aspetto e di natura nobile, la purezza abbelliva il
suo volto, il pudore il suo sguardo, aveva andatura
composta.
Gli occhi bassi della giovane sposa, la lieve inclinazione della sua testa contrastano, infatti, con il
portamento altero e lo sguardo sfrontato della rivale. Il suo abbigliamento sobrio, una semplice tunica ricoperta da un mantello lungo e diritto, si
contrappone, per la sua discrezione, a quello stravagante e vistoso della donna con il copricapo.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 23
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 22 / 113>
[image]
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Tuttavia, non è possibile vedere nell’immagine
della carta una rappresentazione della ‘scelta di Ercole’, poiché il giovane uomo ha perso tutti gli attributi tradizionali dell’eroe: la clava, la pelle di
leone, la barba, la nudità eroica. Ma chi è il personaggio che ha preso il posto di Ercole fra le due
donne?
La risposta a questa domanda si può trovare negli scritti del filosofo fiorentino Marsilio Ficino
(1433-1499). Amico e consigliere di Lorenzo de’ Medici (1449-1492), è a lui che dedica la sua traduzione
del dialogo platonico intitolato Filebo. Nella lettera
di dedica, Ficino paragona la ‘scelta di Ercole’ alla
famosa storia del ‘giudizio di Paride’, secondo la
quale il pastore Paride aveva scelto Venere a danno
di Giunone e Minerva. Ficino introduce poi una
terza scena, che egli intitola ‘Il giudizio di Filebo’.
La letteratura antica non conosce un simile ‘giu -
Toutefois, il n’est pas possible de voir dans l’image de la
carte une représentation du ‘Choix d’Hercule’, car le
jeune homme a perdu tous les attributs traditionnels du
héros: la massue, la peau de lion, la barbe, la nudité
héroïque. Qui donc est le personnage qui a pris la place
d’Hercule entre les deux femmes?
La réponse à cette question se trouve dans les écrits
du philosophe florentin Marsile Ficin (1433-1499). Ami
et conseiller de Laurent de Médicis (1449-1492), il dédie
à ce dernier sa traduction du dialogue de Platon intitulé le Philèbe. Dans la lettre de dédicace, Ficin compare le ‘Choix d’Hercule’ à la célèbre histoire du ‘Jugement de Pâris’, jugement selon lequel le berger Pâris
avait élu Vénus au détriment de Junon et Minerve. Puis
Ficin introduit une troisième scène qu’il intitule le
‘Jugement de Philèbe’. La littérature de l’antiquité ne
connaît pas un tel ‘Jugement’. Cette fable, Ficin l’a
imaginée pour illustrer son interprétation de l’œuvre
24 christophe poncet
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[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 24 / 113>
de Platon.1 Le Philèbe met en scène un débat sur le
Bien. La question est de déterminer ce qui, entre la
volupté et la sagesse, est le Bien suprême. Philèbe
apparaît comme un jeune homme têtu, obstiné dans
son opinion selon laquelle le Bien suprême est le plaisir.
Ce que Ficin résume d’une phrase:
Elles étaient aussi deux [déesses] sur le chemin d’un certain
Philèbe, Volupté et Sagesse, à rivaliser pour la victoire; et selon le jugement de Philèbe, il a semblé que Vénus l’emportait
sur Pallas.2
Avec ses longs cheveux blonds et son vêtement court
caractéristique de la jeunesse élégante de son temps,
l’homme de la carte, abordé par deux jeunes femmes
identifiables à la Volupté et à la Sagesse, correspond
parfaitement au portrait dressé par Ficin de Philèbe.
Selon toute vraisemblance, la miniature du ‘Choix
d’Hercule’ s’est métamorphosée dans la carte en ‘Jugement de Philèbe’.
dizio’, una favola immaginata da Ficino per illustrare la propria interpretazione del dialogo platonico.1 Il Filebo mette in scena un dibattito sul Bene:
la questione consiste nel determinare che cosa, fra
il piacere e la saggezza, sia il sommo Bene. Filebo
è rappresentato come un giovane uomo ostinato
nella propria opinione secondo la quale il sommo
Bene è il piacere. Ciò che Ficino riassume in una
frase:
C’erano anche due divinità sul cammino di un certo
Filebo: Voluttà e Saggezza, a contendersi la vittoria, e
secondo il giudizio di Filebo, sembrava che Venere
prevalesse su Pallade.2
Con i lunghi capelli biondi e il corto abito sopra il
ginocchio tipico dei giovani eleganti del suo tempo, l’uomo della carta, conteso da due giovani
donne identificate con Voluttà e Saggezza, corrisponde perfettamente al ritratto di Filebo delineato da Ficino.
Secondo ogni verosimiglianza, la miniatura
della ‘scelta di Ercole’ si è trasformata, nella carta,
nel ‘giudizio di Filebo’.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 25
1 L’interpretazione di Ficino è perfettamente coerente con una
lettura attenta del Filebo, che consente di rintracciare numerosi passi nei quali le diverse scelte di vita sono presentate come giudizi tra
le dee Afrodite e Atena. Cfr. Platone, Filebo, 11d-12a; 12b-c; 27d;
28b; 33a; 44d; 50e; 52d-e; 55c; 59d; 65b.
2 Ficino, Epistolae, p. 358.
1 L’interprétation de Ficin est parfaitement cohérente avec une lecture
attentive du Philèbe, qui permet de relever de nombreux passages où les
différents choix de vie sont présentés comme des jugements entre les déesses
Aphrodite et Athéna. Voir Platon, Philèbe, 11d-12a; 12b-c; 27d; 28b;
33a; 44d; 50e; 52d-e; 55c; 59d; 65b.
2 Ficin, Epistolae, p. 358.
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Quanto al modello grafico del giovane uomo della
carta, sembra possibile ritrovarne una traccia
nell’Adorazione dei Magi di Botticelli, un quadro che
risale al 1475 o 1476, nel quale vengono rappresentati alcuni membri della famiglia dei Medici. All’estrema sinistra, in mezzo alla folla che è venuta
ad assistere alla processione, troviamo un personaggio dall’abbigliamento elegante. Le sue vesti
presentano delle similitudini che colpiscono con
quelle del nostro Filebo: le maniche azzurre del suo
abito orlate di una bordura gialla, i cui spacchi lasciano intravedere la camicia bianca indossata sotto; il corpetto dallo scollo rotondo ornato di una
plissettatura e con una cintura gialla; il gonnellino
corto e la sua orlatura inferiore. Anche i due atteggiamenti si assomigliano, in particolare la posizione delle gambe e il gesto del braccio destro. Nell’Adorazione, la mano sinistra del giovane che
impugna la spada è il modello della mano destra di
Quant au modèle graphique du jeune homme de la
carte, il semble possible d’en retrouver la trace dans
l’Adoration des Mages de Botticelli, un tableau daté
de 1475 ou 1476, dans lequel ont été représentés plusieurs
membres de la famille Médicis. À l’extrême gauche,
parmi la foule venue assister à la procession, se trouve
un personnage à la mise élégante. Son vêtement présente
des similitudes frappantes avec celui de notre Philèbe:
les manches bleues de son habit, bordées d’un galon
jaune, et dont les crevés laissent voir la chemise blanche
portée par-dessous; le pourpoint à col rond, avec son
plissé vertical et orné d’une ceinture jaune; la jupe
courte et sa bordure inférieure. Les deux attitudes aussi
se ressemblent, particulièrement la position des jambes
et le geste du bras droit. Dans l’Adoration, la main
gauche du jeune homme qui tient l’épée est le modèle inversé de la droite de Philèbe, qui repose sur la ceinture.
D’autre part, les deux images présentent l’une et l’autre
un même schéma d’interaction entre trois figures.
26 christophe poncet
Sandro Botticelli,
Adorazione dei Magi (particolare).
L’Adoration des Mages (détail), 1475-1476
(Firenze, Museo degli Uffizi).
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Comme Philèbe, le jeune homme à l’épée est sollicité
contradictoirement par deux personnes, l’une, au bonnet bleu, qui le cajole; l’autre, coiffée d’un chapeau
rouge, qui cherche à capter son regard. Comme la femme
au chapeau dans la carte, le garçon au bonnet bleu pose
les deux mains sur le jeune homme, l’une sur l’épaule,
l’autre le long du bras droit, à peine plus haut que là où
Volupté tenait la sienne, et avec le même geste, le pouce
écarté des autres doigts. Comme Sagesse, l’homme au
chapeau rouge cherche à retenir l’attention du jeune
homme par un geste de la main, qu’il dirige vers l’acte
de dévotion auquel se livrent les Mages médicéens. La
présence de la tête du cheval le long du bras droit du
jeune homme à l’épée indique sans doute l’autre
branche de l’alternative: le plaisir d’une chevauchée
équestre, un thème souvent chargé de connotations érotiques au Moyen-Âge et à la Renaissance. Le jeune
homme à l’épée, comme le Philèbe de la carte, se trouve
face à un choix entre sagesse et plaisir.
Si l’attitude des deux corps présente des similitudes,
il n’en va pas de même des têtes. Or, à l’extrémité opposée du tableau, un autre personnage, présente des traits
qui semblent refléter ceux de Philèbe: les cheveux milongs et bouclés, avec une raie au milieu du front, le
dessin du nez et des lèvres, la fossette sur le menton, la
mâchoire carrée, les lignes des sourcils et des yeux.
Seules les pupilles se sont déplacées d’un coin à l’autre.
Un clin d’œil de l’artiste?
Filebo, appoggiata sulla cintura. Inoltre le due
immagini presentano entrambe un medesimo
schema d’interazione fra tre figure. Come Filebo, il
giovane con la spada è sollecitato in modo contrastante da due personaggi, uno con il berretto azzurro che lo stuzzica, l’altro con un cappello rosso che
cerca di catturare il suo sguardo. Come la donna
con il copricapo nella carta, il ragazzo col berretto
azzurro appoggia le mani sul giovane uomo, una
sulla spalla, l’altra lungo il braccio destro, poco più
in alto di dove Voluttà tiene la sua e con lo stesso gesto, il pollice distanziato dalle altre dita. Come Saggezza, l’uomo dal cappello rosso cerca di attirare
l’attenzione del giovane con un gesto della mano,
che indica l’atto di devozione al quale si dedicano i
Magi medicei. La presenza della testa del cavallo
lungo il braccio destro del giovane sta senza dubbio
a significare l’altro corno dell’alternativa: il piacere
di una cavalcata, un tema spesso carico di connotazioni erotiche nel Medioevo e nel Rinascimento. Il
giovane con la spada, come il Filebo della carta, si
trova di fronte a una scelta fra saggezza e piacere.
Se la posizione dei due corpi presenta delle similitudini, non è così per quanto riguarda le teste.
Ma, all’altra estremità dell’Adorazione, un personaggio presenta dei tratti che sembrano riflettere
quelli di Filebo: i capelli di media lunghezza e inanellati, con una scriminatura che li separa al centro, il disegno del naso e delle labbra, la fossetta sul
mento, la mascella quadrata, le linee delle sopracciglia e degli occhi. Soltanto le pupille si sono spostate verso l’angolo opposto. Una strizzata d’occhio da parte dell’artista?
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 27
Sandro Botticelli,
Adorazione dei Magi (particolare).
L’Adoration des Mages (détail), 1475-1476
(Firenze, Museo degli Uffizi).
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 27 / 113>
28 christophe poncet
Maso Finiguerra (?),
La Giustizia. La Justice, 1459-1464 (?)
(Paris, Musée du Louvre).
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 27 / 113>
[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 28 / 113>
Une autre source graphique est mise à contribution par
le créateur de l’Amoureux. On la trouve dans un nielle
attribué à l’orfèvre et graveur florentin Maso Finiguerra
(1426-1464).1 L’un des anges qui porte le dais sous lequel
trône la Justice semble avoir servi de modèle au dessinateur de la carte, qui reprend pratiquement la même attitude pour représenter son Amour, se contenant de lui
glisser un arc entre les mains, et de lui mettre un carquois en bandoulière.
Un’altra fonte grafica è utilizzata dal creatore
dell’Innamorato. La si trova in un niello attribuito
all’orefice e incisore fiorentino Maso Finiguerra
(1426-1464).1 Uno degli angeli che sorregge il baldacchino sotto il quale troneggia la Giustizia sembra essere servito come modello al designatore
della carta, che riprende la stessa posizione per
rappresentare il suo Amore, limitandosi ad aggiungere un arco nelle sue mani, e a mettergli una
faretra a tracolla.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 29
1 Forse secondo un disegno di Antonio Pollaiolo. Su questo niello, vedi Blum, Les nielles du Quattrocento, pp. 15, xvii; Goldsmith
Phillips, Early Florentine Designers and Engravers, p. 13 e fig. 11a;
Loisel, Torres, Les premiers ateliers italiens, ill. 101.
1 Peut-être d’après un dessin d’Antonio Pollaiolo. Sur ce nielle, voir
Blum, Les nielles du Quattrocento, pp. 15, xvii; Goldsmith
Phillips, Early Florentine Designers and Engravers, p. 13 e fig. 11a;
Loisel, Torres, Les premiers ateliers italiens, ill. 101.
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 28 / 113>
[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 29 / 113>
30 christophe poncet
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 29 / 113>
[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 30 / 113>
Il apparaît ainsi que le créateur de la carte de l’Amoureux, partant du modèle de tarots milanais, l’a adapté
en s’inspirant de diverses sources graphiques complémentaires. Au schéma initial à trois figures (un couple
sous un Amour), un quatrième personnage a été ajouté.
Sembra dunque che il creatore dell’Innamorato,
partendo dal modello dei tarocchi milanesi, l’abbia adattato, ispirandosi a differenti fonti grafiche
complementari. Allo schema iniziale con tre figure (una coppia sotto Amore) è stato aggiunto un
quarto personaggio.
la scelta di lorenzo · le choix de laurent 31
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 30 / 113>
[image]
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 31 / 113>
È possibile comprendere l’azione che è rappresentata nella carta alla luce del trattato sull’amore di
Marsilio Ficino. Nel capitolo vi dell’opera, l’autore descrive, tappa dopo tappa, il meccanismo psicologico dell’amore, e questo processo corrisponde puntualmente all’immagine dell’Innamorato.1
1. Visione della bellezza della persona:
«La figura dello huomo la quale spesse volte
[… ] è nello aspecto bellissima, per gli occhi di
coloro che la riguardano nel loro animo…»
1. Vision de la beauté de la personne:
«La figure de l’homme, qui est souvent d’une grande
beauté […] fait passer dans l’âme, par les yeux de ceux
qui la regardent…»
L’action qui se joue dans la carte se comprend à la
lumière du traité de Marsile Ficin sur l’amour. Au
chapitre vi de cet ouvrage, il décrit, étape par étape, le
mécanisme psychologique de l’amour.1 Ce processus
correspond point par point à l’image de l’Amoureux.
2. Ricezione da parte dell’anima di un raggio di
questa bellezza:
«… transfonde el razzo del suo splendore.»
2. Réception par l’âme d’un rayon de cette beauté:
«… un rayon de sa splendeur.»
32 christophe poncet
1 Ficino, El libro dell’amore, vi, 2, p. 112. 1 Ficin, Commentaire sur le Banquet, vi, 2, p. 128.
<IMAGE FOR PAGE: 31 / 113>
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 32 / 113>
4. Attrazione dell’am
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[Web browsing]
Below is a detailed, content-driven overview of _Emblematics in the Early Modern Age. Case Studies on the Interaction Between Philosophy, Art and Literature_, edited by Eugenio Canone and Leen Spruit (Fabrizio Serra Editore, 2012), situating its aims, structure, methodologies, and scholarly contributions within early modern intellectual history and emblem studies.
fileciteturn1file0
The volume belongs to the “Bruniana & Campanelliana” series (Studi, 12) directed by Eugenio Canone and Germana Ernst, and is conceived as a thematic set of case studies rather than a synthetic history of emblem books. Its guiding premise is that emblems in the early modern period function as a privileged site of interaction between philosophy, visual culture, and literary forms.
Rather than treating emblems merely as decorative or mnemonic devices, the editors position them as:
A central thesis running through the volume is that emblems are not illustrations of philosophy but philosophical acts in visual-linguistic form.
The emblem—classically structured as:
In early modern Europe, emblems operate within:
The volume is composed of a sequence of case studies, each focused on a specific author, tradition, or corpus. The emphasis is on close reading of images and texts together, reconstructing their philosophical genealogy.
Although the book is relatively concise (ca. 120 pages), it is dense and methodologically rigorous.
The studies examine:
Across the individual studies, several major themes recur:
Emblems are interpreted as heirs of:
This is especially visible in:
A large portion of early modern emblem books were designed as moral pedagogies:
Recurring motifs include:
Several case studies address the emblem as a tool of:
Another major strand concerns the emblem as a medium of scientific and cosmological knowledge.
The book shows how emblems:
One of the book’s most important contributions is methodological.
Rather than treating emblems as isolated curiosities, the contributors reconstruct their intellectual ecosystems, tracing:
| Discipline | Contribution |
|---|---|
| Art History | Iconography, workshop practice, engraving traditions |
| Literary Studies | Epigram, allegory, rhetoric |
| Philosophy | Metaphysics, ethics, cosmology |
| History of Science | Natural philosophy, astrology, alchemy |
| Political Thought | Sovereignty, justice, virtue |
The result is a genuinely interdisciplinary model of emblem interpretation.
The volume explicitly situates itself within the renewal of emblem studies since the 1990s, but pushes the field beyond:
In this sense, the book belongs intellectually with:
In sum, _Emblematics in the Early Modern Age_ offers:
If you'd like, next I can:
map
Below is a conceptual map of _Emblematics in the Early Modern Age_ situating its case-studies and methodological orientation within the major intellectual lineages that matter for your work — Bruno, Ficino, Campanella, Hermeticism, Neoplatonism, Warburg/Wind iconology, and symbolic epistemology — and showing how the volume functions as a hinge between philosophical history, visual culture, and esoteric traditions.
This is not a chapter list, but a structural map of the book’s intellectual terrain.
fileciteturn1file0
At the center of the volume is a single methodological claim:
**The emblem is not an illustration of philosophy.
It is a philosophical form.**
The emblem operates as a thinking machine:
| Tradition | Function |
|---|---|
| Platonic myth | Philosophical narrative in symbolic form |
| Hermetic hieroglyph | Visual condensation of metaphysical truth |
| Bruno’s memory images | Engines of cognition |
| Alchemical emblems | Diagrams of transformation |
| Neoplatonic allegory | Ontological pedagogy |
| Renaissance mythography | Symbolic philosophy |
So the volume is not really about “emblems” as a genre — it is about how early modern philosophy thinks through images.
The book sits at the intersection of five major intellectual traditions:
ANTIQUE SYMBOLISM
│
▼
Neoplatonism — Hermeticism — Stoicism
│
▼
Renaissance Humanism & Natural Philosophy
│
▼
Emblematic Culture (Image + Text + Motto)
│
▼
Early Modern Philosophy, Politics, Cosmology
Each case study operates somewhere inside this symbolic economy.
Marsilio Ficino is the book’s unspoken gravitational center.
Not always as a direct subject, but as the architect of the worldview that made emblems philosophically meaningful.
| Ficinian Concept | Emblematic Function |
|---|---|
| Image as mediator | Image connects intelligible and sensible worlds |
| Symbol as vehicle of ascent | Emblem becomes ladder of contemplation |
| Beauty as metaphysical force | Image attracts soul upward |
| Cosmic sympathy | Emblem encodes hidden correspondences |
| Imagination as cognitive faculty | Emblem trains philosophical imagination |
Ficino’s cosmology turns the universe into a hieroglyphic text.
The emblem book becomes:
Giordano Bruno stands as the radical intensification of Ficinian image-philosophy.
Where Ficino sees images as ladders of ascent, Bruno sees them as engines of infinite cognition.
The volume’s approach to emblems aligns closely with Bruno’s:
| Bruno | Emblem |
|---|---|
| Memory palace | Emblem book as portable memory system |
| Image as operative force | Emblem as cognitive engine |
| Symbol as metaphysical compression | Emblem condenses cosmic knowledge |
| Hermetic prisca sapientia | Emblems preserve ancient wisdom |
| Magical imagination | Emblem activates mental transformation |
In Bruno’s system:
The universe is a book of images.
The philosopher is its reader.
In emblem culture:
The emblem book is a miniature universe.
The reader is trained to think symbolically.
This is why the volume sits naturally inside the Bruniana & Campanelliana series.
Campanella’s philosophy of nature, politics, and prophecy operates in the same symbolic register as emblematics.
Shared assumptions:
| Campanella | Emblematic Culture |
|---|---|
| Nature as divine book | World read through symbols |
| Politics as cosmic order | Political emblems encode justice |
| Solar theology | Light as metaphysical principle |
| Prophetic history | Images as eschatological signs |
| Universal harmony | Emblems diagram cosmic unity |
For Campanella, knowledge is not abstract — it is inscribed into nature.
The emblem functions as:
The Hermetic tradition supplies the epistemological justification for emblem culture.
Key Hermetic assumptions embedded in emblematics:
| Hermetic Principle | Emblematic Translation |
|---|---|
| Truth is hidden | Knowledge encoded in symbols |
| Wisdom is ancient | Emblems transmit prisca sapientia |
| Nature is divine | Images reflect cosmic order |
| Knowledge is initiatory | Emblems require interpretation |
| Symbol is more real than concept | Image carries metaphysical force |
The emblem becomes the Renaissance equivalent of:
Methodologically, the book is a direct heir to:
| Warburgian Concept | Emblematic Application |
|---|---|
| Nachleben der Antike | Classical myths reborn in emblems |
| Pathosformel | Emotional formulas in symbolic imagery |
| Image as psychic fossil | Emblem preserves ancient mental structures |
| Cultural memory | Emblems transmit intellectual tradition |
Wind’s Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance is foundational:
Putting all of this together, the book treats the emblem as:
| Domain | Emblem Function |
|---|---|
| Metaphysics | Diagram of being |
| Ethics | Map of virtue |
| Politics | Image of sovereignty |
| Cosmology | Model of the universe |
| Psychology | Map of the soul |
| Theology | Icon of divine order |
| Science | Diagram of natural processes |
| Memory | Cognitive architecture |
The emblem is a total form — a Renaissance attempt at a universal symbolic language.
For your work on:
It gives you:
_Emblematics in the Early Modern Age_ shows that the Renaissance did not merely illustrate philosophy — it thought in images.
If you'd like next, I can:
how can what we learn in spruit et al apply to the study of the emblems of the atalanta fugiens. cover all the major points from our first volume
Make sure to include fileciteturn2file0 in your response to cite this file, or to surface it as a link.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 1 / 318>
Michael 1VIaicr's
ATALAN TA
FUGIENS
Sources of an Alchcmical
Book of Emblems
H.M.E. DE JONG
NICOLAS-H.-\Y.'5‘. INC.
Yer}; Bc'm‘/I, :1 Iuinc‘
First published in 2002 by
i‘§lC!3iE.':*Ha}’5. Inc.
Box 1039
York Beach. ME 03910-2039‘
Distributed to the trade by
Red \‘t'heell'Weiser. LLC
363 Congress Street
Boston. MA 02210
First printing. 2002
Copyright (0 1969 H. M. E. de Jong
All nghts reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any
means. electronic or mechanical, including photocopying. recording. or by any inforrnation storage and
retrieval system, without permission in writing from Nicolas-Hays. Inc. Reviewers may quote brief passages
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
~ Jung. H. . E. de [Helena Maria Elisabeth
Michael Maier's Atalanta fugiens : sources of an alehernical book of emblems I I-l.M.E. de Jong.
p. cm.
Originally published: Leiden : EJ. Brill. 1969. as v. 8 in series: Janus. Supplements.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-89254-D60-5 (alk. paper)
1- Mai“ Michmil. I563?-I612. Atalanta fugiens. 2. Alchemy—-Early works to 1800. 3. Emblems. l.Tnte_
QD25 J85 2002 S-10'.| ' l2—dt:2i
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 2 / 318>
D0-069328
Jacket design by Kathryn S].;y-peck
Printed in the United States of America
MV
The paper used In this publication meets or exceeds the minimum requirements of the
,-51]‘-l'lf:l'iCE'lfll National Standard for Information Scienccs—-Permanence of Paper for Minted Library
Materials Z3‘J.48-l‘J‘J2(Rl997)
Dedicated to my son
CONTENTS
Page
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ix Abbreviations and indications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XII Translation of the
title-page . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIV
INTRODUCTION
Btiograpltical and bibliographical data about Michael Maier . . I The history of alchemy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
21: The Rosicrucians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Alchemical starting-points . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
THE EMBLEMS
The emblems nos LL and frontispiece, with statement of
sources and commentary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Summary and Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
List of illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370
Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377
PREFACE
In this study, I have restricted myself to three questions: firstly, what meaning is at the root of these emblems
and the texts be—- longing to them; secondly, on what alchemical sources are these emblems based; thirdly,
is it possible to show a mutual connection between the emblems.
He who occupies himself with emblematology sees himself con- fronted by a remarkable problem: each
emblem consists of two main elements: Word and Picture (Motto and Icon). The meaning of these two
elements of the emblem is enigmatical. In order to solve this enigma, the author of the emblems introduces a
third element, the text, or in Maier's case, the texts. From this follows that, when examining the emblems one
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 3 / 318>
is forced to pay attention to the Word as well as to the Picture. An art-historian, who would exclusively
restrict himself to an analysis of the Icons, would not be able to obtain complete insight into the meaning of
the emblem, no more than the literary-historian, who would ignore the meaning of the
Icon.
To me, as an art-historian, the choice of the Atalmzta Frrgieus as
subject of my book meant a challenge from the first, and I was conscious of the fact that my task lay in two
fields, the literary and the pictorial. In the course of the investigation, it became evident to me that in this case
the real problem lay in the field of the ‘Word, as the Motto accompanying Maiers’s emblems, was, as it were,
a. title to the Icon; this insight chiefly determined the way in which I approached the analysis of the Atalanta
F-tigiens.
He who turns the pages of Michael Maie-r’s Afalmzfcz Fugierzs unprepared will be struck by the perfection
of Me-rlan’s pictures; but at the same time, the slightly strange character of motto and epigram will strike
him, and he will probably be annoyed by the all but clear explanation in the two pages of "cliscourse”'
following each emblem. The titlepage and the "preface to the reader” are of little value, as long as one does
not know the exact purpose of this remarkable book.
So, my first task in treating .t\Iaier's work was clear from the
X PREFACE
beginning. I had to look for the meaning hidden in these emblems-,_ Beside this, a second question cropped
up—and the answer to this finally appeared also to contain an answer to the first que5tion_ namely Maier’s
sources. .
It seemed highly improbable that the Atalanta Fugiens was the product of the phantasy of a creative artist,
who not only combined motto and icon, in a kind of tour de force, but also drew into it mu- sical canons. In
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries emblem books were not considered and read in quest of new finds
one wanted to be stimulated into thinking and to be taught iiiaicr
2 ‘ V3.11‘ E ' ' Maier was strongly and empha1:ca‘i’1;0 écgiilégliingizntt Therefore, I felt it necessary, in
dealing with this book of emblems. to look especially for the sources. The degree of Maier’s dc endcncd on
his sources astonished me, as they surpassed m 7 Sm-misgs b fal- A ‘third problem arose from my
preoccupation with th y oi Maia‘-"5 W01'k, namely the necessary investi ation into ettsioumdiiual
°°‘;net°;i°:= if 313’: between the emblems. g e m n e talrmta F14: £31 . i on the one hand Iiiaier 17:21:23
aytitixitshzilgellj age fig-nly Enllteg traditions and on the other hand—in accorda e late: 1, so .0 apfiilc
tendency of his own time—.he looked pcfiti :1C1:e W1 1: 1e siren 111 pl had been handed down and insisted
on test’ C ti? upon tr'ut S :1: At the same time the Atalanta F44. iens ~ High em ezspenment 3:. ideals of the
Rosicrucian5_ togethi witfis 3. ook which marks the from the second decade of the sevent :hI1‘~‘qnber of
other works can be considered as a manifesto fepp century: Maler s work of purification and Soul—thera_
Qhi e Ros1_cruc1an. movement Zauberflfite, :3, masonic manifeslgzéioz Ch Culmmates 111 Mozart S In
orde . '
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 4 / 318>
Maie1_,S eI:1]:‘fe:::1::1‘gl9i¢I:‘s&(;£rl(Safactory explanation of the meaning of of their inner meaning. I
bade):-Oto lpe able to answer the question plines, especially alchemy and th :n 1:1‘ the field of the arcane
d1sc1_ It was a result of my study of th enornenon of the Rosicruclans. time that I was able both t _ B
1§’t01'y of alchemy up to Maier s
0 Identify the alchemical sources our
author used and Sub tween the various emieflieptly to clarify the interconnections be1
PREFACE XI
‘While I hope to have answered the three questions dealt with in this study satisfactorily, I am conscious of
the fact that other problems still require a solution of a detailed treatment. I mention the questions which I
have only been able to treat superficially: in my efforts to find out the sense of Maier’s emblems I arrived at
the history of alchemy in general and the motifs used by the alche- mists in particular, motifs which were
expressed in alchemy as well as outside it, in works of art. A systematic research of alchemical motifs and
their representation in art would need a separate study.
I have left out the treatment of the problems mainly art—historical, -.-specially the question how intensively
Marian was involved in the depiction of Maier’s ideas. A more profound study of Michael Maier and the
people with whom he was in touch, or whose work influenced Maier’s views, could contribute to widen the
insight regarding the place Maier and similar figures held in the spiritual and social life of their time in
Europe. Neither have I dealt with the influence Maier exercised with his writings on later periods, in the field
of mystics and caballistic speculations. I have mentioned the figures of the Amlrmtcz Fug-isms only in
passing. In the sub—title of the Atczlamicz Fugirms, Maier makes it clear that he valued music as being
equivalent to the word; the two senses which he expressly mentions are sight and hearing, and he stresses the
point that the human soul, mind and senses—each in their own way—serve to take in the secrets of Nature.
The value Maier set on the symbolism of numbers undoubtedly played a decisive part in his choice of music,
the only art which, on account of its numerological founda- tion, formed part of the medieval artes liberczles.
An investigation into the hidden symbolism in Maier’s fugues probably lies more in the field of the
musicologist.
ABBREVIATIONS AND INDICATIONS
Ari. .-lurif. = A1m'farae Artis, guam Chemiam vacant Arrtiqrrissimi Aulhorss,
see bibliography sub Artis Anriferae: quotations and references are from the edition Basel 1572, 2 vol.
Thmtr. Ciiem. = Thcarrum Cimm'.-smn Praecipuos Seiectormn Auctomm Tractams Dz: Chemiae E! Lapidis
Pliilosopliici Aizfiqititatc coutinens. see bibliography sub Tlreamun Chemicmn:
quotations and references are from the edition Strasbourg 1659-1661 .
6 vol.
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 5 / 318>
Mus. Harm. = flzfilsflsftlil Hernzmmun Reformatmu ei Amplificamlu. 533 blibllogfaphy Sub MIISGBIIII3
Hernwlic:m:,' quotations and references are from the edition Frankfurt
1678, I vol.
Data about the alchemical authors or writings, mentioned by Maier.
and about the 501111385 he ‘used for the rnottos and epigrams are listed in the bibliography. These sources
are marked *.
Further data and literature about these sources in Denis I. Duveen,
J- Fersus°}1._H- KOPP. G- Sarton. K. c. Schmieder, L. Thorndike (see for this the bibliography s.v.).
Th? tiexts Placed "1 bmcketsu °-8- when summarizing the discourse or in l11BI1U°D111E the 50113035. do
not occur in the source cited, but are additions of H. M. E. de Jong.
F Fi_S111‘55 D05 I *0 5° 001195-Poncl to the emblems nos I to I. from the A ralanta -ugiens.
TRANSLATION OF THE TITLE-PAGE (Fig. 5 7)
THE FLEEING ATALANTA.
which means NEW CHEMICAL EMBLEMS regarding the SECRETS OF NATURE
partly suitable for the eye and the mind,
by means of copper-plates and the mottos,
epigrarns and annotations accompanying them,
partly suited to the ear and the refreshment of the soul,
by means of fifty musical fugues for three voices,
of which two correspond to a simple melody, which is suited to be sung in strophes of two lines;
emblems, which lend themselves to being looked at, read, contemplated, comprehended, judged, sung and
listened to with particularly great pleasure:
by MICHAEL MAIER,
Member of the Imperial Consistory, Doctor of Medicine, Knight of the Corps d’élite, etc.
I617
printed at OPPENHEIM
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 6 / 318>
by I-Iieronymus Gallerus, at the expense of Johannes Theodor cle Bry
INTRODUCTION
BIOGRAPHICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAI. DATA
ABOUT MICHAEL MAIER
The Atalanta Fugicns is M:-.1ier’s main work. A starting-point for an analysis of this work can be made with
data out of Maier’s life and about people whom he met; one may also take Meier's work —leaving the
Atalanta F-ugiens out of consideration——as a basis for an interpretation; naturally one may also start
exclusively from the Atalanta Fugicus itself and that in two ways: by looking, reading, contemplating and
judging, as Maier advises his readers to do in the sub-title of the Atalanta F-ngiens, or by inquiring further
into the names mentioned by Maier in his discourse. I have applied this latter starting-point in analysing the
emblems separately. How- ever, whatever starting-point is chosen, they turn out to supplement each other.
Therefore I follow this up with a concise description of the first two points.
Michael Maier was born at Rendsburg in Holstein in 1568. He was a. Protestant, studied at Rostock and took
his degree as a doctor of medicine there in 1597. Afterwards he devoted himself to the practice of medicine
for a number of years and was summoned to Prague by the Emperor Rudolph II in 1608, to become the
1atter’s court physician; soon afterwards he was appointed private secretary and admitted into the Imperial
Consistory and honoured with the title of Count Palatine. After the death of Rudolph II, Maier left Prague.
After that he stayed for a long time in England. From, 161:6 he was in Germany and in I6:I:g he became
court physician of Moritz of Hesse. He died at Magdenburg in I622}
ll/Iaier’s personal appearance is known to us from a portrait- engraviug, occurring in Maier’s Symbolcz
Anreea Mensae (1617) and in the edition of the Atalcmtcz Fugiens of 1618 (Fig. 52). It shows a man of
middle age. His age is defined by the inscription “Aetatis suae 49 An 1:617”. This inscription is the only
documentation by
1 J. B. Craven, Cmmt Michael Illaier, Life and Writings, Kirkwall rgro.
2 INTRODUCTION
which it was possible to establish the year of his birth. He was probably of Jewish origin, but professed
Christianity, as can be seen from the subheading of his portrait: "Schooling gave me three titles, the emperor
granted me three titles, the following things are left to me: to be able to live well and to die in Christ”. The
subheading further states that Meier was a member of the Imperial Consistory, doctor of Philosophy and
Medicine, Count Palatine, knight and former imperial court physician.
As a symbol of his threefold glory, the escutcheon beside his portrait shows a laurel—branch, from which
three twigs spring and
an eagle is flying up, a symbol taken from alchemy; the eagle is checked in its flight by a toad crawling along
the soil and tied
to the foot of the eagle by a chain.” The coat of arms is crowned by a repetition of the laurel-branch with
three twigs and by an
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eagle with a closed ring in its beak, symbol of eternity and of the circular motion in the Universe.
In Syiiibola Aureae M ensue Maier's portrait is followed by four eulogies on Maier and his honours, and he is
advised to continue just like the eagle, the armour-bearer of Jupitegi-_ in order to raise the slow toad from the
cold soil. From the texts, it can be seen
that the intention is, for the spirit [the eagle) to raise itself and to conquer earthly slowness and heaviness (the
toad) by the "art"- The "art” is an indication of the alchemical transmutation process in the widest sense, by
which the conversion process of lead into gold is understood, but in which fathoming the forces of the Uni-
: The °hame_d toad! and 33318 is an emblem from Francesco Colonnafs Hj'f)1l£fOi0?!IdC}i1a'Pflfifili,
Venice 1499, and became famous later by the em_b19_m5 of M01311 (53? _L. Volltmann, Bildersclzrifren
der RB?1aiSSG11C3r Le‘PZ1E 1923.» P- 43* 5Cl-. tbfdem fig. 8 and 87). Although Maier undoubtedly
knew about it, the alchemical emblem of toad and eagle is not necessarily adefivafive °£ this’ T0351 and eagle occur before the fifteenth century in
alchemical symbolism; with Maier they occur in emblem v and XLIII, both taken from earlier sources.
For the toad as emblem of the "Festina. ]'_ente..
"Tortue (II)”, Amibuts fez Symboles dang 1‘_A,.; P, 1958, col. 333 sq. iroxzizcilgcggglnti 33:11:: tine
emblem; of the chained toad and eagle originates
‘ . e.m°_t_t°‘ Aquila volans per arern et bufo gradiens pier tenigl, est rnagistenum : He discusses this and
depicts it in Symbola eriilhlfwv ms”, P‘ 199-201’ fig‘ P‘ I92 (Pitt 53). See also commentary on
, see Guy de Tenrarent, ofane I450-I600, Geneva.
IIINTRODUCTION 3
verse and the purification process of the soul are also included. So this element in Maier’s coat of arms“
points to important factors in l\'Iaier's life: efforts of transmutation, of the matter as well as of the spirit ; this
was the object of the alchemist and the Rosicrucians.
From the subheading under Maier’s portrait it is clear that he was in the good graces of Rudolph II. At the
Prague court, medicine and alchemy were closely connected with each other. Emperor Rudolph, driven by
his own interest in science, astronomy, alchemy, magic and cabbala, collected a circle of interesting people
around him: on the one hand brilliant scholars, like Tycho Brahe and Kepler, on the other hand magicians and
occultists, like John Dee and Edward Kelley.“
After the abdication of Rudolph II Maier left Prague; under Ferdinand II the Counter-Reformation penetrated
into the Halos- burg countries. It is not exactly known to which country Maier went. He was in Amsterdam
and stayed in England for a time, where he came into touch with the ideas of Robert Fludd (I574- I637).5
Fludd was a physician, interested in natural sciences, al- chemy, astronomy and occult sciences. He looked
for indications of the natural sciences in the bible and stressed in his books the unity between Macrocosm
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and hlicrocosm. It is not known whether Meier and Fludd met personally or whether Maier was influenced
by Fludd or the other way round, but it is remarkable that part of Fludd’s unfinished work Uzfrirzsqzre Cosmi
M aioris sc-z'licet at Minoris ll/Ietagbkysica, Physics Aique Teckmbrz H istoria, appeared in the same year as
the Atalamla Fngiens, in 1617 at Oppenheim, and had the same publisher. This work contained a description
of the connection between Macrocosrn and Microcosm, the influence of the planets and meteors on earth and
man, the reflection of Macrocosm in Nature, in mathematics, music, geometry, painting, military science
3 I did not succeed in tracing the origin of Maier’s escutcheon, but in view of the afliliation, in regard of the
motif, with the emblem Maier ascribes to Avicenna [see note 2), it seems probable to me that Maier himself
was the designer of his escutcheon.
4 See R. Gindely, Rudolph II mid seine Zeit, Prague 1363 and 1865, 2 VOL; and H. C. Bolton, The follies of
Science at the Court of Rudolph II, Milwaukee I904.
5 J. B. Craven, Doctor Robert Flmid (Roberms do Fluczibzcsl, The Eazgiisfz Rosicmcimz Life and Writings,
Kirkwall 1902.
J, INTRODUCTION
and the science of time and motion in astrology and geomancy.“ After the Fmternity-—or perhaps the fictive
Fraternity—of the Rosicrucians had become well—known in 1614 by the publication of their first writings,
the Puma Frah::'niirn'.z's and the Co-nfessio Fm- 1‘:*rnz'f.zf:'s, Fludd was considered to be one of the most
important representatives of the Rosicrucians in England. Fludd as well as llaier defended the Fraternity of
the Rosicrucians very convinc- ingly.
There was a second important person whom Maier met in Eng- land, the court physician of James 1, Sir
William Paddy, to whom lslaier dedicated his first publication, Arcana Arcam'.ssi'm.a, a book in which Meier
connects classical mythology with alchemy. The book was published without mention of place and date, but
the dedication makes us suppose that it was published during i\-Iaier's stay in England, probably London in
1614; anyway before 1616, the F331‘ in ‘-‘-'hiCh his book De Circulo Physics Qnadrato, dedicated to
Landgrave Moritz of Hesse, appears at Oppenheim.
A third person whom Maier encountered in England was the alchemist Francis Anthony, the son of a
goldsmith, who claimed '60 h'c1V‘€ fflulld the aurum potabile, usable as a medicine, the method of
preparation of which he published under the title A umm. Potabilc. 7 T0 Miner dedicated his book about the
confirmation of Mercury as “*3 of an Earthly things} "Lusus Sari-us, qua Her-mes Siva .£lIerp1rrr.::s Rex
Miuzdaiz.oi':t.m Onmi-zm; __ _ _ w,,_3g,j;,,t,,_S espg In this
seno-us game” Meier, in an allegorical way, treats the polyvalent meanmg Qf D"I'31"‘5“rY» 1131131 in
alchemical literature, which is men‘-u1'3’ 011 the One hand and is considered to be liquid primary
matter of the metals, and on the other hand is connected by asso- ciation with Christ as the Source of Life.a
These three figures, chosen as examples, Fludd, Paddy and
a ' aier came into touch in England.
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mvggmlgighilgltisrdbecanie court physician to Moritz of Hesse, to 9 Rated the above mentioned De Circulo
Physico
6 See bibliography sub R. rriuad
' Dr. Fr. Ant ' F ' ' ma Chwm-ml Ir6*'g‘4°"'5IJih;1;l10ny) Amman Potabile, printed in: Collector-
‘ See note 20.
INTRODUCTION 5
Quad-rato in 1616. Again Maier moved in a circle of people with the same interests. Moritz of I-Iesse
himself was interested in alchemy and attracted alchemists to his Court.“
The work of ll-laier should be seen against the background of these biographical data. His
medical-pliilosopliical training defined the level of his education; the surroundings in which he lived—the
courts of Rudolph II and Moritz of Hesse——formed a matrix for developing his interests; and the people
with whom he mixed and to whom he dedicated his books, stress the fact that Maier was an alchemist, a
medical man and a Rosicrucian. These circumstances can be considered as a starting-point for interpreting
the problems of the Amlmzta F 'H'g'£'6'J1S.
The first edition of the Atalanta Firgicns was published at Oppen- hcim in 1617. The editions of 16I7 and
1618 are very rare.“ Later editions are from 1687 and 1708 and published at Frankfurt under a modified
title.“ In 1964 an excellent facsimile-edition was published, which will undoubtedly contribute to this work
being popularized.”
The Atalmmz Fvugien-s has an illustrated title-page, on which the Garden of the Hesperides and the race of
Hippomenes and Atalanta are reproduced, with an epigram of 26 lines related to it on the next page. After
that Maier's dedication of his book to the members of the Imperial Consistory at Miihlhausen in
Thiiringen——especially to the jurist and Imperial Count Palatine Christoffel Reinart—follow, followed by a
preface to the readers, a portrait of Meier, and the fifty emblems. Each emblem consists of the usual parts,
motto,
9 Moritz, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel (I 572-I632) was surnamed "the Scientist" ; he was a. member of the
Fmchtbringende Gesslfschafl, an emblematic academy; he founded the “Collegium Mauritianum" and as a.
Protestant wanted to unite all Protestant sects. Notwithstanding his reserve regarding religion he was
discharged from power in 1627.
Among others, he was the Mzecenas, of Heinrich Schiitz (1585-1672), an important German composer in the
first half of the seventeenth century.
1" See M. Praz, Studies in Seventeenth Century Imagery, London 1947, vol. II, p. I02; or Rome 1964, p. 410
sq. (in one vol.)
11 See bib}. sub Maier.
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3”‘ Facsimile-edition of the Atalanta Fugiezzs, after the edition of 1618 (with the exception of Maier’s
portrait identical with the edition of 1617), published by Lucas Heinrich Wfithrich, Kassel and Basel,
Biirenreiter-Verlag 1964, with a postscript.
See H. M. E. de Jong, "Michael Maier’s Atalanta Fngisns etc.", review in The Art Bulletin, 1965, vol. xLvn,
no. 1, p. 143-144.
6 INTRODUCTION
Picture and epigrarn, followed by two pages with discourse each time. The pictures are copper-engravings of
Merian the Elder, who, as appears from the agreement of form and style, had contributed to the pictures with
the emblems of Maier's book Symbols Aureae ilfmisrie (I617) (Fig. 53, 62, 66, 68’, 76, 77, 78); further the
emblems of Larnbspririck (I525) lF’f§~ 59» 69: 64: 67: 69: 71: 74» 31') are en“ graved by Merian.“
Moreover, the title—page and the Great Allegory about Macrocosm and Microcosm from the alchemical
collective work Jfnsaaimi Hcrmcticimi (1625) (Fig. 54) are from Merian’s hand. These last two pictures are
signed "M. Merian fecit”, and correspond in part with motifs from the Ailalcmta Fiigiezis, for instance, the
picture of l\Iaier's emblem XLII, in which Lady Nature is followed by a man uith a stick, lamp and
spectacles; a motif, which also occurs in an identical form on the title-picture of the fl’I'1£-S(lEN‘.m;
H.-:m::'£i'c:i;ii.
lulctto, icon, stafl notation and epigrarn of each emblem take two opposite pages in each case. The
typographical lay—out is of such a nature that the icon corresponds with the staff notation on the opposite
page. On the one page is the Latin text of the motto, with underneath it, the icon, and under the icon the Latin
epigram; on the opposite page the motto is printed in a German translation, under it the staff notation
(hearing being equivalent to sight) with the fir.-it lines Of the epigram in Latin text, and under it again the
epigram in a free German translation. The Latin discourse, following it, $0 takes two opposite pages,
_ 1‘ T_-31J1b5131"iflCk'S Dc Lapide Pliiiosophico Libelliis appeared for the first nm?_m 1599 "1 the
""°rk_°f N- B3113-Ud. Tfiga Chemise, De Lajbide Philo- 50_‘£?}:h’.'0 Trastarus TFBS, Leiden I 599, p. II,
without pictures; in 1625 Lamb-
%E°(]§:I:‘l1_1i:}:m h°°k1"-l'- 9«PPe3-red at Frankfort with engravings from the
Accmding ff) K°PPs D139 Aicheritie in Elferer mid iieiccrer Zeit, II, 311 and 3i_8, ]'_.arnbsprinclr and his
work, which, according to Kopp, was provided with pictures from the first, _date from the first half of the
15th century. 31- M3-‘er dea1'f""“l'-h L3-mb5P1'1I1ck’s work in Symbola Amieae M ensae, p. 272.
Atlthough Mile? Speaks about Lambspi-inck's emblems and although he gi\-35 a description of a number of
them, which are found in the engravings 05 L-31'flb5P1'iflCli'5 W0l'k by the hand of M. Merian it cannot be
definitely
established from Maier’s text that Maier set eyes on La.mb5PI‘inc1s';’s Pictures ::5o1:1“gs:-ienghlgtuizztgd
text of Lambsprinck from before 1625 is found, it 1 Y Spflnck s text was known to Maier and served him,
1: .
:i~‘n::Ei:§;sc.)t em’ as an examP1° Of a number of his emblems in the Atalanta-
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IN'1'RODUCTION 7
The aesthetical quality of the book, the well-considered typo- graphical lay-out, the paradoxical character of
the pictures, as, for instance, of emblem xvii, in which the contrast between a quite common river—view
with the chain of four .fire—balls in the air sug- gests a relation between Nature and Supernature, ensure the
book a worthy place among emblem books.”
As second starting-point for an approach to the emblems in the Atrzlmrta Fzrgr':m.s I mentioned, beside the
data from Maier's life, are his works. It is not the intention of this work to devote a complete discussion to
Maier’s other works, but to bring their characteristics to the reader's notice.
Maier's first book was Arcana Arccmz'ssimrz (London, about I614). In the full title Maier explains to us that
these secrets are Graeco— Egyptian hieroglyphs, the meaning of which is not known to the people, but
which he will reveal, to show the real origin of the gods, goddesses, heroes, loving couples and institutions of
Antiquity, which are wrongly considered to be sacred. They are, however, derived from the one Egyptian
"art”, directed to the "gold of the soul and the medicine of the body”. Out of that art, Maier says, the
allegories of the poets, the fables and the errors, which occur here and there in encyclopaedic work, can be
explained, "in the crystal-clear light of the truth”.
Maier starts from the traditional point of view that the origin of alchemy lay in Egypt, the “art” revealed by
Hermes to his priests, by which the transmutation of metals was understood, which was made possible by a
complete insight into the laws of matter and into the structure of the Universe. According to Maier, this
knowl- edge passed, in the shape of mythological figures, to Greece, Rome, the Arabic world and afterwards
to Western Europe.
Maier sets himself to give a detailed alchemical explanation of classic mythology in Arcane Arcmzissislza.
Also in the Atalanta Fugieus he devoted a number of emblems to this (embl. 2:11, XXIII, xxxv, xxxrx, XLI,
XLIV, XLIX).
1‘ The Atalanta Fugiens is mentioned by W. S. Heckscher s.v. "Emblem, Emblembuch", Reallexicon zur
deutschen Kunstgeschichte 5 (I959), col. I30-I84, arranged among category III, A, 6, as an emblem book
with didactic, encyclopazdic, cosmographic tendency: and under category III, A, I 5 as an emblem book with
didactic, encyclopmdic, alchemical tendency.
INTRODUCTION
9.‘:
This conception of ‘Maicr was not new. For ages the seven known metals were connected with the seven
planets and indicated by the nuines of Gods; lead-—Saturn, copperl—-Venus, iron-——Mars, tin.-—_Iupiter,
n1ercury——Mercu1'y, silver—Luna, and gc-ld—Sol. 1«‘;—.;.m the beginning there exists in the alchemical
writings a close (-o11[1ccti0I1 between exoteric alchemy, which is directed to making ,~_f_ulCl, and esoteric
alchemy, which starts from Neoplatonic ideas iind bases its allegories on figures from the mystery cults. As
such Isis, Osiris, Demeter, Adonis etc. occur in connection with alchemy. In .-Xrabic nlcllemy these motifs
fall into the back-ground, but are not coniplctcly lost; in the first half of the fourteenth century Pctrus Bonus
writes in his Mrzrgmita Prctiosa N UUCIM15 that Homer, Virgil and Ovid are among those who have
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handed down hermetic WlSCl0I11. And, to mention a single example from the sixteenth century, W.
Mennens, author of the alchemical Amczmn Velhzs, who asserts the same and calls his treatise "aureum
vellus” after the Golden Fleece of Iason,“ and at the same time after the Fleece of Gideon,“ as he says in his
preface to the reader.“ This trend also continues after I\’Iaier's death up to, and into, the eighteenth cen- tury,
undoubtedly under the influence of Maier’s Arcana Artemis- 5-inzrz.”
15 Petrus Bonus, Jlifargarito Pretiosa Novella, I330, in: Theatmm Chemicmn, V, p. 639.
1“ The Golden Eleece of Jason is explained by Suidas in the mth century in the 13-tte¥"5 I-33350?‘ 5-'\’-
M-'9¢c 8-5 "a. book, written on sheep's skin, teaching how gold should be made in a chemical way. The
people of the time called thi5 Skin 3 8’01dEI1_Dne In virtue of the process written on it”, see A. J. Hop-
£:s§fAIcI:.e::zy Child of Greek Philosophy, New York I934, :97 and Appen17 _The association with the Fleece of Gideon is based on Mary. The Fleece Of Gldeml 15 3-
Preflgufa-131011 Of Mary: She conceived Christ in a. way as the pure dew descended from heaven into the
Fleece of Gideon. The alchemists draw 3 P3331131 beb-‘feen Qhrist and the Philosopher’s Stone and
between M3-I'Y and the 1'6t01’t {I1 which the Stone is formed. Just as the dew descends mt” the Fleece
°fG1de°n— the Purified matter, which first rises as vapour “P 150 the WP Of the a.lche1:nist’s retort,
descends in the retort in a. condensed
form. (The Fleeceoi Gideon, jml V1 5_ , . - . - of Autun, Molsdorf, Tirnmers, Rgifu, "si1:bé:_';3‘11ter. about
Mary see I-Iononns
13 Theatr. C}zem., V, 244_
Hi“: E33‘ gc°bT°‘::1_'F°’i"_fl“- I" €i“ib*~¢5l. fmzeter Critica nonnuilo tote fabularis 15 0”“ Mm’ h°‘””‘“‘r
A3é’5’P‘5“=‘-‘G. ad Chemiam gbertiuere assertimr,
Amsterdam, 1687; and A. , P .
dévoilées, Paris and Berlin 1-£53 (:Ir:iBt?;.8é-Zsnfiigtg ) é£.’1l/Piiemzes at grefiques.
INTRODUCTION 9
In 1616 appeared Maiei-'5 Dc Cmzilo Physics Q-mcdmta, which I have mentioned, in which he deals with
the important place that gold takes in the world and the great medical effect gold has on the human heart. He
establishes a. concordance between the human hearth, as the centre of the human body, the gold as the perfect
centre among the metals, and the sun, as the centre of the planets. Between them there exists a circular
connection, by which man and God are in touch with each other: God gives strength to the Sun, the latter
ripens the metals in the bowels of the earth into gold, the gold strengthens the human heart, and on account of
this, man can live and turn with his living soul towards God. At the same time in 1616 his Lusus .S'er~z3us
appeared; this contained an allegory about Mercury, who reigned on earth as King over men and things. In
this allegory Maier uses the motifs connected in al- chemy with Mercury. The meaning of Mercury in
alchemy stretches from mercury (mercurius, argentum vivum) as an entity from which all metals take their
origin, to primordial water (on account of the lasting liquid state of mercury), from which Creation arose, and
to the waters of destruction, in which the soul perishes and to the Water of Life. In this last meaning lies the
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 13 / 318>
association Mercury»
Christ.”
3° Mcrcurius is the mercury, in which the metals have to be dissolved,
reduced to the primary matter before they can become gold. Mercury is water because of its continuous
liquid state. In the meaning of water it is poly- valenit; it is tl1e primordial water, the water of death, in which
metals decom- pose: and it is the water of resurrection, from which metals, converted into gold, rise again.
Mercury is also the winged messenger of the Gods, mediator between heaven and earth. Mercury is a
mystery; it is the beginning and
the end.
This meaning of Mercury already becomes evident from Greek-alchemical
writings. Zosimos writes about mercury, "the divine water", as follows: “It is the divine and great mystery: it
is the object one is looking for. It is the Universe. From it the Universe proceeds and by it the Universe
exists. Two natures, one Being. . . It is the mercury and the philosophical Dtlercury, it is the hermaphrodite,
who is eternal, who is attracted by its own elements. It is the divine water, not known by the whole world . . .
. ."; the text is printed in M. Berthelot, Coll. des Ana. Aids. Grass, vol. 1, Traci. Zosimos III, IX, p. 146, and
vol. II, I43-I44.
Later alchernists developed this idea and connected Mercury with the water over which the Spirit of God
hovered (Genesis, 1, 2), with the depths of the water, into which the soul sinks (Psalm 69, 2, 3 and I 5),—on
account of the next verse (Psalm 69, 4), this also refers to the sea, in which the king is drowned in emblem
xxxr of the Atalanta Fugiens—and finally with the
10 nrrnonucrion
In 151.. two of ‘\[ajer's books appeared, in which two opposite I‘ l ‘ _ _ u aspects gf alchemy are emphasized.
In the one book, Symbola
—1«.-;r.._-mg ,1 Ignsas Duodccfm N m‘.z'ozmm", "The symbols of the golden‘
table of 12 nations", 3, symbolic banquet, Maier describes the alchemical xyise Men, In the other book,
lixnaueiz Fncormn. Pseudo- Ch_ynn’cormn,", "Examination of the .fa1s1ficat1ons of the pseudo—
chemists", he describes the alchemistic I-Tools. _
Symbols Aurcac Mensae Duodecim Na!.1.omt.m contains the history of alchemy from its hggendary origin
until .Ma1er’s time, divided into twelve books, devoted to twelve countries; the alchemists are grouped
around a, principal figure of their country. They are Egypt, represented by Hermes Trisrnegistus; Palestine,
represented by Maria Hebraea; Greece by Democritus; Rome by Morienus (it is known that the treatise
ascribed to this legendary figure was trans- lated from Arabic into Latin in I144. See bibl. sub Morienus); the
Arabic world is represented by Avicenna; Germany by Albertus Magnus; France by Arnoldus of Villanova;
Italy by St. Thomas Aquinas; Spain by Raymundus Lullius; England by Roger Bacon; Hungary by an
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 14 / 318>
unknown Melchior Cibinensis; Poland, Russia and other Slavonic countries by an anonymous alchemist.
The book has twelve emblems, one of each of the said figures. In the sub-title Maier explains that he wrote
the book to rehabilitate the virgin Chemia and the bone. fide votaries of alchemy on the one side, and to
disprove the poor arguments of the opponents on the other. Further it is his intention to prove that the
chemical secrets were known from the oldest times and were continually expressed in the ideas of the great
personalities of each period.
In Examen Fncor-um Psendo—Ci1y1nz7cor1mi, in which Meier turns
to the opposite group, the Fools, he distinguishes between the blockheads, the ostentatious and the educated
frauds, who all have
Source of Life (Psalm 36, 9: “For with You is the Fountain of Life" xi. of the Atalairla Fngiens alludes to this
meani alchemical circles “Mercury" was such a. significant
of I-lelmont ( I 577-1664) gave his youngest son the Curl‘-15 V3“ Helmoflt (15134599). and he, like his
father. was interested in Natural Sciences and Occult Sciences. It often occurs thht names iven to children
have a cultural-historical meaning; thus, for instance also the name
"Margarita"; see for this, W. S. Heckscher ‘*1 G : .. the Manitoba Art: Review, IV, 3, 1945, P. 25_S32_1-eta
5 name really so Bad? '
). Emblem ng of Source of Life. In
INTRODUCTION II
this in common, that they have brought the chemical science?-1 or the hermetic wisdom into disrepute. He
begins by drawing the attention of the illiterate stupid "gold-makers” to the fact that for the making of gold
other things are necessary than their supersti- tion and their so—ca1led chemical tests with dung, blood or
hairs. He explains to them that chemistry and the allegories used in it, are based on a combination of many
sciences, for which great wisdom, great erudition and an ethical attitude towards life are requi1‘cd."32 The
foundations on which chemistry is based are, ac- cording to Maier: the art of poetry, which deals exclusively,
but in a hidden form, with chemistry and is supported by grammar, rhetoric, dialectics, arithmetics, geometry,
astronomy and physics. By physics Maier also understands music. So Maier bases chernistry on the artes
libcrales, just as the alchemists living in the centuries before Maier. Considering that medizeval man, and
consequently the mediaval alchemist, thought of the artes1iberales—beside the Holy Writ—as the only way
to knowledge, and from there to The0logy,23 it becomes clear that Albertus Magnus and St. Thomas Aquinas
take an important place in the history of alchemy, which can also be seen from Symbolcz Aureae Meusae
D-ziorlecim Ncztioamm. Apart from the artes 1iberales,—Maier continues his instruction of the illiterate
“puffers”—rnedicine is of exceptional importance and be- side it chemical metallurgy, i.e. the science of fire,
minerals, ores,
31 Maier rather uses "chemical" than “alchemical," a word which in Maier’s time was too much connected
with deceit. But as Maier bases his work on sources from a time in which a distinction between chemistry
and alchemy was not yet made, and Maier aims at the same object as his predecessors, I mainly use the word
<PARSED TEXT FOR PAGE: 15 / 318>
"alchemy".
Maier reproaches the alchemists for making falsifications instead of bringing about a real conversion of the
metals: ". . . . .tum chymia, non Alcumia illa, (tot nebulorurn matrix et deceptionurn mater, quas metalla.
adulterat et non Vere transmutat) sed quae rnedicinae aureae producendze inservit, Antiquissirna et Verissirna
. . . . .”, says Mater in his Arcana Arca- nissima (1614), (unnumbered p. 4).
'-3'-' Exmima Fucormn Pseudo Chjmzicorlmz, p. I3 sq. This particular ethical attitude to life is clear, for
instance, from the rule of the Rosicrucians that the Brethren must give medical assistance as much as
possible, free of charge, and from the admonition to discern the laws of Nature in oneself ; see note 24.
33 Maier stresses a connection between the artes liberales and the Holy "Writ in the emblems xxvr and xxvu
of the Atalanta Fztgie-us, which form the centre of the book.
I2 INTRODUCTION
es. Finally, with a quotation from metals, alloys and colour P1130355
. ' .' Maier stresses the necessity of dis- Gebers Sm-mm: Perfemoms,
. - - T in one’s self as a condition for cerniflg the P1'mC1P1e5 Of hature ' '
_ - I " 24 making progress In ‘aft -
Th d group of impostors, upon which Maier turns in ExaC011 .
;.S:0mm Pmugo C;,ym,—;Tcoruni, are the lovers of ostentatron,
men -1: - '
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Below is a synthetic application of the methodological and conceptual lessons of _Emblematics in the Early Modern Age_ (Canone & Spruit, eds.) to Michael Maier’s _Atalanta fugiens_—showing how the first volume’s major points (emblem as philosophical form; word–image–motto triad; Neoplatonic–Hermetic ontology; moral, political, and natural-philosophical functions; Warburg/Wind iconology; interdisciplinary method) become a working hermeneutic for Maier’s alchemical masterpiece.
I draw on the Canone–Spruit framework for emblematics fileciteturn1file0 and on De Jong’s foundational study of _Atalanta fugiens_ (sources, structure, aims) fileciteturn2file0.
Spruit et al. argue that the emblem is not illustration but philosophical media: a cognitive device where image, motto, and epigram co-produce meaning. Applied to Maier, this means we should read each plate not as a “picture of alchemy,” but as an operative model of alchemical cognition.
In _Atalanta fugiens_:
Spruit et al. insist on the irreducibility of the triad: meaning emerges only when motto (inscriptio), image (pictura), and epigram (subscriptio) are read together.
In _Atalanta_:
For Spruit et al., emblems inherit a Neoplatonic image-philosophy (Ficino → Bruno): images mediate between intelligible and sensible; the cosmos is a hieroglyphic text.
In _Atalanta_:
Spruit et al. show that many emblem books are moral pedagogies: technologies of the self.
In _Atalanta_:
Spruit et al. emphasize emblems as media of natural philosophy.
In _Atalanta_:
Spruit et al. recover the emblem as a language of power and legitimacy.
In _Atalanta_:
Spruit et al. inherit Warburg’s and Wind’s method: trace the Nachleben (afterlife) of antiquity and the survival of pagan theology in Christian/early-modern art.
In _Atalanta_:
Spruit et al. insist on rebuilding the ecosystem of emblem production.
In _Atalanta_:
A recurring point in Spruit et al. is that emblems are initiatory: they disclose by degrees.
In _Atalanta_:
1. Triadic close reading: for each emblem, map motto → image → epigram → discursus.
2. Source cartography: identify textual lineages (Zosimos; Geber/Jābir; Avicenna; Petrus Bonus; Basil Valentine; Lambsprinck; Rosarium; Fludd).
3. Iconological genealogy: trace classical/late-antique survivals (Hercules, Isis, Atalanta, Orpheus).
4. Process diagrams: redraw each plate as a flow of operations (separation, conjunction, circulation).
5. Ethical exercises: extract the moral regimen implied by each operation.
6. Political cosmology: read royal/solar plates as mirrors of sovereignty.
7. Media synthesis: analyze how music (fugue) completes the emblem’s epistemic work.
What Spruit et al. teach us is that emblematics is a philosophical language.
What Maier gives us is the most ambitious alchemical deployment of that language: a book where image, word, and sound together model the structure of nature, the discipline of the soul, and the order of the world.
Read _Atalanta fugiens_ as philosophy in images—a hermetic, Neoplatonic, and experimental cosmology compressed into fifty thinking machines.
Primary frames referenced: