give me a translation and philosophical exegesis of these conclusions from Pico's 900 Conclusions conclusiones secundum ade|landum arabem numero .viii.
| annotated I.21.1. Intellectus agens nihil est aliud quam pars animae quae sursum ma | net et non cadit. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.21.2. Anima habet apud se rerum species: et excitatur tantum ab | extrinsecis rebus. |
| annotated I.21.3. Ad complementum praecedentis conclusionis quam non so | lum Adelandus: sed omnes Mauri dicunt dico ego illas species | actu et substantialiter esse in parte quae non cadit: et recipi de no | vo et accidentaliter in parte quae cadit. |
|---|---|---|---|
| annotated I.21.4. Maior pars rerum quae in somnis innotescunt aut per purgati | onem animae: aut per indemoniationem: aut per meram spiri | tus revelationem innotescunt. |
| annotated I.21.5. Quod scribit Tabet Chaldeus de dormitione super Epar in re | velatione somniorum recte intelligetur si ad hoc dictum dicta | Platonis in Timeo concordaverimus. |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.21.6. Quia sicut dixit Abdala videre somnia est fortitudo imagi | nationis: intelligere ea est fortitudo intellectus: ideo qui videt | ea ut plurimum non intelligit ea. |
Here is a translation and philosophical exegesis of the eight annotated conclusions from Pico della Mirandola's Conclusiones secundum Adelandum Arabem, numbered I.21.1 through I.21.8. These statements are attributed to "Adelandus Arabus" (likely Adelard of Bath or an Arabizing pseudepigraphic source) and reflect a Neoplatonic and Avicennian-Arabic philosophical framework filtered through Renaissance syncretism.
Exegesis:
This evokes the Neoplatonic-Arabic doctrine of a dual soul: one part remains in the divine, unchanging realm (the pars quae sursum manet), while the lower soul is subject to change, sensation, and embodiment (pars quae cadit). The intellectus agens (agent intellect), a central idea in Aristotelian and Islamic philosophy (especially in Avicenna and Averroes), is that aspect of the soul which abstracts universal forms from sensible data. Pico here aligns the agent intellect with the higher, immutable part of the soul—implying that true intellection is a divine, stable act, untouched by the flux of the body and matter.
Exegesis:
This is a deeply Platonic notion, with echoes of St. Augustine and Islamic Neoplatonists like Avicenna. The soul already has the forms (species)—not as sensory images but as intelligible patterns. Experience or external objects don’t implant knowledge, but rather excite or awaken what is already within. This corresponds to the idea of anamnesis (recollection) in Plato and reflects the distinction between impressio (external stimulus) and expressio (inner recognition).
Exegesis:
Here Pico elaborates on the dualism of soul. The species—the intelligible forms—truly and substantially exist in the higher soul. When we experience things in the embodied condition (pars quae cadit), we receive them only accidentally (i.e., they appear fleetingly in imagination or sensation). This aligns with the Avicennian notion that the human soul contains all forms potentially and accesses them fully only in abstraction and intellectual purification. It also reflects the influence of Plotinus: the soul is divided between its eternal, intelligible self and its temporal, bodily projection.
Exegesis:
This reflects a tripartite epistemology of dreams, rooted in Arabic dream theory (e.g., from Avicenna or medieval Chaldean sources). Dreams can reveal truths via:
1. Purification – the soul, made clear, reflects intelligible reality.
2. Possession – the dreamer is overwhelmed or entered by a daimonic being (a positive or negative force).
3. Revelation – some truths are given directly by spiritual entities, bypassing reason.
Pico shows an openness to esoteric and even magical epistemologies—common among Chaldean, Hermetic, and Sufi thinkers—and affirms dreams as one valid mode of spiritual cognition.
Exegesis:
Pico refers to a (possibly legendary or apocryphal) Chaldean sage named Tabet and a figure called Epar, probably standing in for ancient Mesopotamian or Hermetic sources. He suggests that their dream theories align with Plato’s Timaeus, which posits that the rational soul retreats during sleep, leaving the imaginative faculty dominant. Harmonization (concordia) is central to Pico’s syncretic method—bridging Chaldean/Oriental wisdom with Greek philosophy.
Exegesis:
"Abdala" might refer to an Arabic sage or a Latinization of ʿAbd Allāh. The point is epistemological: imaginatio and intellectus are distinct faculties. Dreamers may have vivid experiences (imaginative strength) but lack the noetic clarity to interpret them. This highlights the importance of hermeneutics of dreaming, and the idea that true understanding requires a separate operation of the rational soul or the agent intellect.
Exegesis:
This is a classical Aristotelian and Platonic thesis, with added emphasis on governance (gubernatrix). The soul is not merely the principle of life (as in Aristotle’s De Anima), but also the cosmic principle of order—ruling over the chaos of matter. It also echoes Stoic and Hermetic thought, where the soul mediates between divine mind and the material world, instilling logos (rational form) into chaotic nature.
Exegesis:
Pico acknowledges the ancient doctrine of metempsychosis—the soul’s passage through various bodies over time—as a widespread belief among the wise of many ancient cultures. By listing India, Persia, Egypt, and Chaldea, Pico constructs a lineage of prisca theologia, a primordial wisdom tradition. He affirms the idea that the soul’s journey through incarnations is essential for its purification and ascent, aligning with Neoplatonic and Orphic views.
conclusiones secundum opinio|nem propriam in doctrina abu|caten avenan qui dicitur auc|tor de causis.
| annotated II.6.1. Cum dixit Abucaten Avenan animam esse supra tempus: in | telligendum est de anima absoluta secundum substantiam praescinden | do ab omni operatione quae competit ei inquantum est anima. | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| annotated II.6.2. Cum dicit Abucaten. Omnis anima nobilis tres habet opera | tiones. divinam: intellectualem: et animalem: ita est intelligen | dum quod primam habeat per imaginem proportionalitatis: secun | dam per formalitatem participationis: tertiam per proprietatem | essentialitatis. |
| annotated II.6.3. Cum dixit Abucaten Omnem causam primariam plus influe | re: Per plus intelligas eminentiam modi causandi et intimitatem | eius quod in re producitur. |
|---|---|---|
| annotated II.6.4. Quamvis dicat Abucaten quod esse quod est primum creatum | est super intelligentiam: non credas tamen illud secundum Hypostasim | esse distinctum ab intelligentia. |
| annotated II.6.5. Cum dixit Abucaten causam primam superiorem esse omni nar | ratione: non tam propter id habet veritatem quod primo affert quia | scilicet causam ante se non habet quam propter id quod secundario innu | it: quia omne intelligibile unialiter antecedit. |
|---|---|---|---|
| annotated II.6.6. Quod dicit Abucaten: intelligentiam esse substantiam quae non | dividitur: maxime est verum per indiscretam in ea intelligiblilium | ad invicem penetrationem. |
| annotated II.6.7. Ex praecedenti conclusione potest haberi quomodo intelligen | dum est dictum Abucaten: quod omnis intelligentia est plena for | mis. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| annotated II.6.8. Per ultimam propositionem Abucaten possumus intelligere quid | sibi velit illa divisio: quam fecit Plato in prinicipio tractatus Ti | mei: et possumus scire quod sub ea non comprehenditur anima nisi | per viam extremalis conbinationis. |
| annotated II.6.9. Ex antepenultima propositione Abucaten colligi potest quod de | clinare plus ad sensum quam ad intellectum non est animae ut anima | est: sed ut cadens est. |
|---|---|---|
| annotated II.6.10. Cum dicit Abucaten intelligentiam ut divina est regere res: in | telligendum est de regimine statuitivo non ordinativo qui ei con | petit ut intelligentia est. |
Below is a translation and philosophical exegesis of the ten annotated conclusions from Pico della Mirandola’s 900 Theses, under the heading:
Conclusiones secundum opinionem propriam in doctrina Abucaten Avenan qui dicitur auctor de causis
(Conclusions according to my own opinion in the doctrine of Abucaten Avenan, who is called the Author of the Causes)
The name "Abucaten Avenan" likely refers to a composite figure drawn from Arabic sources, possibly blending Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā), the pseudo-Aristotle of the Liber de Causis, and elements of Plotinus or Proclus filtered through Neoplatonic Arabic philosophy. Pico is engaging these authorities critically, offering his own synthesis (opinio propria) in a way that weaves Christian Platonism with Islamic Neoplatonism.
Translation:
When Abucaten Avenan said that the soul is beyond time, this must be understood of the soul considered in itself, absolutely, according to its substance, abstracting from all operations that pertain to it insofar as it is a soul.
Exegesis:
Pico distinguishes between the substantial soul and the operative soul. In its essence, the soul is eternal or supra-temporal, a view consistent with Avicennian and Neoplatonic metaphysics. But this transcendence applies only when considering the soul as a pure substance—not when examining its temporal operations like sensation or imagination. It recalls Boethius’ view of eternity as the “complete possession of life all at once,” and Avicenna’s sense of the soul as an immaterial entity existing outside temporal succession.
Translation:
When Abucaten says that every noble soul has three operations—divine, intellectual, and animal—this should be understood as follows: it has the first through an image of proportionality, the second through the formality of participation, and the third through the property of essentiality.
Exegesis:
Here Pico uses a three-tiered model of the soul's activity:
Translation:
When Abucaten says that every primary cause has greater influence, by "greater" one should understand the eminence of the mode of causation and the intimacy of what is produced in the thing.
Exegesis:
Pico interprets “greater influence” not as quantity but as qualitative superiority:
Translation:
Although Abucaten says that the being which is the first created is beyond intelligence, do not believe that it is, according to hypostasis, distinct from intelligence.
Exegesis:
Here Pico parses a difficult Neoplatonic problem: the first created being (ens primum creatum) is not beyond the intellect as another hypostasis (level of being), but rather is intellect itself in its highest form.
He corrects a misunderstanding: even if this "first being" is beyond human intellection, it is not metaphysically separate from intelligence—it is identical to the divine Intellect (Nous), as in Plotinus and the Liber de Causis.
Translation:
When Abucaten says that the first cause is beyond all narration, this is true not so much because it has no cause before it (as he first suggests), but more truly because it precedes all intelligibles in a unified manner.
Exegesis:
Pico deepens the Neoplatonic apophatic view: the First Cause is ineffable not just because it is uncaused, but because it transcends all modes of being and knowing. It precedes all intelligibles not by exclusion, but by being the unified ground of all intelligibility—what Proclus calls the One before the One.
Translation:
What Abucaten says—that intelligence is a substance which is not divided—is especially true because of the undiscriminated interpenetration of intelligibles within it.
Exegesis:
This points to the simplicity of divine or noetic intellect. In human cognition, we know through separation—subject from object, concept from concept. But in intellectus (as divine or angelic), all forms are present simultaneously and interpenetrating, like a light in which no part is separate from another. This is a central idea in Plotinus, where the Nous contains all Forms in unity.
Translation:
From the preceding conclusion we can understand what Abucaten means when he says: every intelligence is full of forms.
Exegesis:
Building on II.6.6, Pico clarifies that to say intelligence is "full of forms" does not mean it contains many things divided, but rather that all forms are present in unity, as co-present potentialities. This anticipates the Christian idea of the divine ideas in God and the Proclean sense of intellect as a plenitude of forms (pleroma).
Translation:
Through Abucaten’s final proposition, we can understand the division made by Plato at the beginning of the Timaeus, and we can know that under it the soul is not comprehended except by way of extreme combination.
Exegesis:
Pico references Plato’s threefold division in the Timaeus: Being, Becoming, and the Receptacle. He asserts that soul is not fully accounted for by any one part—it lies at the junction between intelligible and sensible realms. This supports the mediating role of soul in Platonic cosmology, often described as a third term (between Nous and Nature).
Translation:
From the third-to-last proposition of Abucaten it can be concluded that leaning more toward sense than intellect does not belong to the soul as soul, but as fallen.
Exegesis:
This conclusion draws a sharp line between the true nature of the soul (intellectual, upward-tending) and its fallen condition (immersed in sensation and body). It reflects Christian Neoplatonic anthropology, where the soul is in exile—and its enslavement to the senses is the result of its descent (cadens), not its essence.
Translation:
When Abucaten says that intelligence, insofar as it is divine, governs things, this must be understood as a determining governance, not an ordering governance, which belongs to it as intelligence.
Exegesis:
Pico distinguishes two kinds of governance:
conclusiones secundum aven|roem numero .xli.
| annotated I.7.1. Possibilis est prophetia in somnis per illustrationem intelle | ctus agentis super animam nostram. |
|---|
| annotated I.7.3. Foelicitas ultima hominis est cum continuatur intellectus agens | possibili: ut forma: quam continuationem et latini alii quos le | gi et maxime Iohanes de Gandago perverse et erronee intelle | xit: qui non solum in hoc: Sed ferme in omnibus quaesitis Phi | losophiae: doctrinam Avenrois corrupit omnino et depravavit. |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| annotated I.7.4. Possibile est tenendo unitatem intellectus: animam meam ita | particulariter meam ut non sit mihi communis cum omnibus re | manere post mortem. |
| annotated I.7.5. Quodlibet abstractum dependet a primo abstracto in tripli | ci genere causae: formalis: finalis: et efficientis. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.7.6. Impossibile est eandem speciem ex propagatione et ex putrefa | ctione generari. |
| annotated I.7.7. Deus primum mobile non solum ut finis: sed ut verum effici | ens et proprius motor movet. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.7.8. Quilibet motor coeli est anima sui orbis faciens cum eo ma | gis unum substantialiter: quam fiat ex anima bovis et sua materia. |
| Correlarium. Anima coeli prius dat suo orbi esse nobile et per | fectum quam ei det motum. |
|---|
| annotated I.7.10. Tres modi per se sunt ad demonstrationem utiles. Primus. Se | cundus et Quartus. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.7.11. In omni demonstratione praeterquam in demonstratione simplici | ter fieri potest circulatio. |
| annotated I.7.13. Coeli non sunt idem in genere: diversi in specie ut credidit Avi | cenna. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.7.14. Nulla scientia probat suum subiectum esse: nec partem princi | palem sui subiecti. |
| annotated I.7.15. Universalia sunt ex parte rei in potentia tantum actu autem | per operationem animae. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.7.16. Dimensiones interminate sunt coeternae materiae praecedentes | in ea quamlibet formam substantialem. |
| annotated I.7.18. Nulla est via ad probandum simpliciter abstractum esse prae | ter viam aeternitatis motus. |
|---|
| annotated I.7.21. Diffinitiones substantiarum naturalium: materiam non dicunt | nisi consequtive. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.7.22. Demonstratio septimi Physicorum: quod omne quod movetur: | movetur ab alio: est demonstratio signi et nullo modo causae. |
| annotated I.7.23. Nulla potentia activa quae sit mere neutra et indifferens ad age | re vel non agere potest ex se determinari ad alterum agendum. |
|---|
| annotated I.7.25. Exemplum Aristotelis in secundo Methaphysicae de nicticora | ce respectu solis: non denotat impossibilitatem: sed difficultatem | alioquin natura aliquid ociose egisset. |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.7.26. Propositio necessaria quae ab Aristotele in libro priorum con | tra possibilem et inventam distinguitur: est illa quae est ex termi | nis necessariis. |
| annotated I.7.27. Ad dispositionem termini necessarii: requiritur ut sit termi | nus per se unus. | |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.7.28. Cum Aristoteles dixit ex maiori necessaria et minore inventa | concludi conclusionem necessariam: intelligendum est de mino | re quae est inventa per se: necessaria per accidens. |
| annotated I.7.30. In coelo est naturaliter dextrum: et illud non mutatur quamvis | partes orbis mutentur. |
|---|
| annotated I.7.32. Unum methaphysicum: dicit privationem divisibilitatis: non | actu: sed aptitudine. |
|---|
| annotated I.7.40. Dato per impossibile quod daretur materia quae corruptionis prin | cipium non esset adhuc si coelum ex tali materia et forma esset ve | re compositum aeternum esse non posset. |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.7.41. Finis non causat finaliter secundum suum esse conceptum: sed secundum su | um esse reale. |
Here's a translation and philosophical exegesis of the 41 annotated theses under the heading:
Conclusiones secundum Averroem numero .xli.
(Conclusions according to Averroes, number 41)
These conclusions reflect Pico’s engagement with Averroes (Ibn Rushd), whose rigorous Aristotelianism and commentaries deeply shaped medieval Latin philosophy. However, Pico critiques and revises many Averroist positions from his own syncretic Christian-Neoplatonic perspective. I’ll provide translation and analysis grouped for clarity, focusing especially on key metaphysical, epistemological, and cosmological themes.
Exegesis:
Averroes (influenced by Avicenna) viewed dreams as potential vehicles of prophecy when the agent intellect impresses forms onto the passive imagination. The intellectus agens acts as a divine transmitter of truth. This view stands close to Neoplatonism and supports the prophetic function of the philosopher-sage.
Exegesis:
This is Averroes’s famous doctrine of the unity of the intellect—there is only one eternal, shared intellectus possibilis (potential intellect) for all people. Individual thought is the result of this intellect acting through particular faculties. This was controversial, especially for Christian theologians who insisted on individual immortality.
Exegesis:
Pico asserts the true beatitude (felicity) lies in the union of human potential intellect with the divine agent intellect—this is salvation, understood philosophically. He blames Johannes de Jandun, a major Latin Averroist, for misrepresenting this idea. Pico, unlike strict Averroists, tries to reconcile intellectual beatitude with personal immortality and Christian faith.
Exegesis:
Pico insists personal survival is possible even if intellect is in some sense universal. He suggests a synthesis: intellect may be shared, but the soul retains personal identity, preserving immortality. This reflects Christian concerns with individuality and resurrection.
Exegesis:
Pico attributes to Averroes a fully Neoplatonic causal hierarchy—every abstract entity derives its form, purpose, and act of coming-to-be from the First Cause, likely referring to the Intellect or God. It echoes Proclus and the Liber de Causis.
Exegesis:
Averroes held that species have determinate modes of generation. Pico agrees: a rational animal cannot arise both through normal procreation and decay (spontaneous generation). This defends a more teleological biology.
Exegesis:
Against Aristotle’s “unmoved mover” as merely a final cause, Pico (citing Averroes) affirms God is an efficient cause—a real mover of the cosmos. This leans toward a more personalistic theism.
Exegesis:
Echoing Neoplatonic cosmology, each celestial sphere has its own soul—more intimately united to the cosmos than animal souls to bodies. This affirms an ensouled universe, a key doctrine in Hermetic and Islamic Neoplatonism.
Exegesis:
Contrary to terrestrial bodies, the heavens (in Averroes’s view) are simple, immutable substances. Pico registers this to uphold celestial incorruptibility, a key cosmological distinction.
Exegesis:
Pico restates moderate realism: universals are not real entities in things, nor mere names, but potential structures made actual by intellectual activity. This reconciles Aristotle with Platonism.
Exegesis:
Averroes thought spatial extension (dimensio) was inherent to prime matter, prior to form. Pico highlights this to define corporeal possibility as dimensioned potentiality.
Pico's Conclusiones secundum Averroem show a deep engagement and critique of Averroes. While he acknowledges Averroes as a master of Aristotelian logic and cosmology, Pico frequently:
Now write a commentary on Pico's Arabic sources, taking inspiration from Liana Saif's book on the influence of Arabic philosophy on Renaissance Magic (attached)
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Based on the insights from Liana Saif’s The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy, we can understand Giovanni Pico della Mirandola’s use of Arabic sources in the Conclusiones—particularly those drawn from thinkers like Averroes, Avicenna, and the Liber de Causis tradition—as part of a broader intellectual project of legitimizing occult philosophy through astral causality, metaphysical hierarchy, and psychic cosmology.
Below is a commentary on Pico's Arabic sources, drawing from Saif's epistemological and historical analysis:
In the Conclusiones secundum Averroem, Pico adopts and critiques Arabic philosophers—especially Averroes and Avicenna—whose astral theories form the metaphysical backbone of early modern occult philosophy. As Liana Saif emphasizes, the Arabic astrological tradition sought to naturalize astral magic by rooting it in a theory of efficient, formal, and final causality governed by the heavens. Pico, too, draws on these theories to uphold the metaphysical plausibility of astral influence, while reworking them within a Christian-Platonist framework.
For instance, Pico affirms (I.7.5) that "Every abstract thing depends on the first abstract in three kinds of causes: formal, final, and efficient," which mirrors the causal triad found in the Liber de Causis and al-Kindi’s philosophy. According to Saif, this represents the Arabic effort to reframe celestial causality not as superstition but as part of the natural order—a view Pico shares but ultimately redirects toward divine providence and human freedom.
One of the most controversial theses from Averroes that Pico engages with is the doctrine of the unity of the intellect (I.7.2). Averroes held that the intellectus possibilis is singular and shared among all humans. Saif highlights how Arabic philosophers treated the agent intellect as a divine or semi-divine reality—either a separate intellect (as in Avicenna) or as the last in a hierarchy of celestial intelligences (as in the Liber de Causis). For Averroes, the ultimate felicity of the soul is union with this agent intellect (I.7.3).
Pico preserves the notion that felicity comes through this union, but he rejects the impersonal monopsychism of Averroes. His fourth conclusion (I.7.4) insists that the soul can retain individuality even while affirming the unity of intellect, preserving personal immortality. In this, Pico adapts Arabic theories of cosmic intellect to a Christian anthropology. As Saif shows, early modern philosophers were not slavish adopters of Arabic thought—they translated, syncretized, and rethematized it within their own spiritual and metaphysical goals.
One of Saif's major contributions is identifying how Arabic authors (especially Abu Maʿshar and al-Kindi) conceptualized astral influence as a volitional and psychic process, not just mechanical. The heavens were not inert—they were ensouled, rational, and animated, able to transmit intentional influence. Pico echoes this in his emphasis on the soul’s activity, such as when he affirms that the soul (I.21.7) is “the source of motion and governor of matter.”
Moreover, when Pico (I.7.8) affirms that “the soul of the heaven gives its sphere a noble and perfect being before giving it motion,” he is aligning with the Arabic view (explored by Saif in ch. 8) that the celestial souls are living agents who animate the heavens and mediate divine will to the sublunar world. These ideas were essential to magical epistemology, where knowing the sympathies of heaven and soul enabled action at a distance.
Pico’s Conclusiones secundum Abucaten Avenan (i.e., Avicenna and the Liber de Causis) show him grappling with the Arabic notion that the soul is above time and operates on multiple levels: divine, intellectual, and animal (II.6.2). Saif demonstrates how Arabic occult philosophy integrates soul-cosmology into a graded ontology. Pico accepts this tripartition, but where Arabic authors sometimes leaned toward determinism via astral causation, Pico insists that the soul retains freedom in its higher aspects.
For example, II.6.9 says: "To incline more to sense than to intellect is not proper to the soul as soul, but as fallen." This echoes Avicennian psychology but introduces a moral and soteriological dimension: the fallen part of the soul is subject to astral influence, but the higher intellect is free and can ascend. This move integrates Arabic causality into a Christian teleology of ascent and moral purification, a theme Saif identifies in both Ficino and Pico.
In (I.7.1), Pico echoes Averroes and Avicenna in claiming that “prophecy in dreams is possible through the illumination of the agent intellect upon our soul.” As Saif explains, this view is central to Arabic theories of dream revelation, especially as developed in Avicenna and Abu Maʿshar. For them, the intellectus agens functions as a divine transmitter of intelligible forms into the imaginative faculty. Pico’s retention of this thesis suggests that he accepts the possibility of natural prophecy—visions not from demons or divine miracles, but from the celestial mind. However, Pico Christianizes this theory by insisting on its compatibility with free will and divine grace.
Liana Saif's study reveals that early modern occultists like Pico did not adopt Arabic philosophy wholesale, nor did they dismiss it as heterodox. Instead, Pico’s Conclusiones show a deep philosophical engagement with Arabic sources as authorities on astral causality, soul metaphysics, and magical theory. He adopts their epistemologies of volitional causality, sympathetic hierarchies, and rationalized astrology, but reshapes them within a framework of Christian esotericism that privileges human freedom, divine illumination, and the upward journey of the soul.
In doing so, Pico stands as a model of the transcultural transmission of esoteric knowledge, one who recognized Arabic philosophy as a legitimate and fertile source for Christian magic and theology—not in opposition to faith, but as part of the divine unfolding of wisdom across the ages.
Would you like this commentary extended into a full article or formatted as a lecture or publication-style piece?
conclusiones secundum avi|cennam numero .xii.
| annotated I.8.1. Praeter syllogismum cathegoricum et hypoteticum: datur ge | nus syllogismorum compositivorum. | |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.8.2. Licet in nullo syllogismo qui sit actu vel potentia cathegori | cus ex duabus negativis concludi possit: potest tamen hoc fieri in syllo | gismo compositivo: ut scilicet ex duabus negativis concludatur. |
| annotated I.8.7. Prima substantia prior est qualibet substantia habente habitu | dinem ad operationem transeuntem quaecunque sit illa: alicuius cau | sae sive formalis: sive materialis: sive efficientis: sive finalis. |
|---|
| annotated I.8.9. Odor secundum esse reale et non intentionale usque ad sensum multi | plicatur. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.8.10. Propositio dicens que sensibile supra sensum positum non facit | sensationem: non est vera nisi per accidens. |
| annotated I.8.11. Organum odoratus sunt caruncule mamillares in anteriori | cerebri parte constitutae. | |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.8.12. Nec particularis affirmativa possibilis convertitur semper in | affirmativam possibilem: nec necessaria particularis affiemativa | in necessariam: ut credidit Aristoteles. |
Here is a commentary on Pico della Mirandola's 12 theses “secundum Avicennam” (according to Avicenna), drawing on both Avicennian philosophy and Liana Saif’s framework regarding Arabic philosophical influences on Renaissance occult thought.
These conclusions reflect Pico's nuanced reading of Avicenna (Ibn Sīnā), the towering figure of Islamic peripatetic philosophy. While often received in Latin Scholasticism as a source of metaphysics and psychology, Avicenna was also deeply influential on the philosophy of logic, cosmology, and natural science, all of which appear in Pico’s distillation. Pico does not merely repeat Avicenna’s ideas—he engages them critically and often positions them in relation to broader philosophical or theological concerns, as Liana Saif’s analysis encourages us to see.
Commentary:
These conclusions address Avicenna’s contributions to modal and composite logic, where he expanded the Aristotelian framework with new syllogistic structures. The idea of a "compositive syllogism" (qiyās tarkībī) is Avicenna’s innovation, allowing inference from combinations typically ruled out in categorical logic. Pico takes this as an opportunity to deepen the logical tools available to the metaphysician, magician, or theologian—broadening the field of valid reasoning in the face of occult or liminal phenomena that defy Aristotelian norms.
As Saif argues, this flexibility in logic opened the door to rationalizing non-standard modes of knowledge, such as prophecy or astrology, which require analogical and symbolic reasoning beyond syllogistic orthodoxy.
Commentary:
This controversial claim deviates from Aristotelian orthodoxy, which held that celestial bodies are composed of a unique, incorruptible fifth element (aether). Avicenna challenged this in places, allowing for a kind of universal hylomorphism (all things are composed of matter and form), which Pico takes up—perhaps to argue that the heavens are not wholly separate, and thus accessible to human knowledge and even magical influence. This links to Saif’s point that Avicennian cosmology blurred lines between celestial and terrestrial causality, legitimizing occult correspondences.
Commentary:
This aligns with Avicenna’s view that intelligibles exist in act only when the intellect is engaged—rejecting Platonic innatism. For Pico, it supports the idea that knowledge is a dynamic actualization, not a static possession. This has implications for magic and mystical ascent: the soul must undergo operations to rise to true knowledge.
Commentary:
This reflects Avicennian biology and the theory of spontaneous generation, inherited from Aristotle. It reveals that form can emerge from corrupted matter under certain conditions—a notion that fascinated Renaissance thinkers who saw transformation, alchemical or magical, as natural rather than miraculous.
Commentary:
This is a classic Avicennian definition of composite essence. Unlike Platonic essences, Avicenna insists that a full definition requires both matter and form, grounding essence in the world of generation and corruption. Pico adopts this to undergird metaphysical realism in a way that still allows for spiritual ascent and individuation.
Commentary:
These are pure Avicennian metaphysics. The first (I.8.7) affirms that God, as the First Substance, precedes all beings involved in causal operations. The second (I.8.8) is the foundational Avicennian principle of emanation: the first cause (absolutely simple) can produce only one effect directly—namely, the first intelligence—because multiplicity would imply complexity in the cause.
As Saif emphasizes, this emanationism undergirded astrological and magical models in Arabic and Latin thought. The chain of being from One to many structures the occult worldview Pico inherits.
Commentary:
These reflect Avicenna’s careful physiological work in the Canon of Medicine and De Anima. The distinction between real being and intentional being of odor reflects Avicennian epistemology: a thing may exist as a physical object and also as a perceived form. The location of the organ of smell in the mamillary bodies shows a remarkable physiological insight—remarkably prescient for the time.
Pico’s inclusion of these theses signals his interest in a scientific foundation for spiritual and magical theories of sensation. Saif discusses how early modern occult philosophers grounded spiritual faculties in natural, often Avicennian, models of perception and imagination.
Nec particularis affirmativa possibilis convertitur semper in affirmativam possibilem: nec necessaria particularis affirmativa in necessariam: ut credidit Aristoteles.
Translation:
Neither is a possible particular affirmative always convertible into a possible affirmative, nor is a necessary particular affirmative always convertible into a necessary [affirmative], as Aristotle believed.
Commentary:
Avicenna often criticized Aristotle’s treatment of modal logic, offering more nuanced views on the conversion of propositions. Pico cites this to show that modal reasoning—especially in areas of metaphysics, prophecy, and divine knowledge—requires greater subtlety than Aristotelian logic allows. As Saif notes, this flexibility in modal logic made room for knowledge of the future, necessary for astrology, theurgy, and esoteric hermeneutics.
Liana Saif’s work illuminates how Avicenna's philosophy provided a metaphysical and scientific vocabulary that Renaissance thinkers like Pico could adapt for occult philosophy. In these twelve theses:
Would you like this commentary expanded into a full paper, or cross-referenced with specific pages from Saif’s book?
conclusiones secundum alpha|rabium numero .xi.
| annotated I.9.1. Primum quod est necessarium in demonstratione non est quod | diffinivit Aristoteles primo posteriorum: sed sic debet diffiniri: Pri | mum est illud quod ita est universalius subiecto: ut tamen de sub | iecti genere non praedicetur. |
|---|---|---|---|
| annotated I.9.2. Diffinitio generis quam dabit Porphyrius mala est: Sed sic | debet diffiniri. Genus est quod duorum universalium est univer | salius. |
| annotated I.9.3. Summum hominis bonum est perfectio per scientias specula | tivas. | |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.9.4. Cum dicit Aristoteles omnem doctrinam et omnem discipli | nam fieri ex praeexistenti cognitione: intelligende sunt per do | ctrinam et disciplinam cognitio diffinitiva et argumentativa. |
| annotated I.9.5. Intentio dici de omni secundum Aristotelem est talis que praedicatum | dicitur de subiecto: et de omni eo quod est subiectum actu vel | potentia possibilitate contingentiae non necessitatis. | |
|---|---|---|---|
| annotated I.9.6. Qui crediderit intentionem dici de omni esse aliam ab ea quam | dixit praecedens conclusio defendere non potest Aristotelem a | Theophrasto: quod ex maiori necessaria et minori inventa sequa | tur conclusio necessaria. |
| annotated I.9.7. Possibile quod diffinit Aristoteles in libro Priorum: est com | mune ad possibile et ad inventum: ut contra distinctum necessario. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.9.8. Non potest intelligi accidens etiam in abstracto non intelli | gendo subiectum. |
| annotated I.10.3. Motus est sensibile commune a sensu exteriori absque actione | alterius virtutis cognoscibile. | |
|---|---|---|
| annotated I.10.4. Corpora coelestia non largiuntur formaliter inferioribus nisi | caliditatem. conclusiones secundum abuma | ron babylonium numero .iiii. |
| annotated I.11.1. De nulla re quae in mundo sit actu corruptibilis habet deus so | licitudinem. |
Here is a commentary on Pico della Mirandola’s eleven theses “secundum Alfarabium” (according to al-Fārābī), based on the Conclusiones and drawing on the intellectual framework provided by Liana Saif's study of Arabic influences on Renaissance occult philosophy.
Abū Naṣr al-Fārābī (c. 872–950), known as the Second Teacher (after Aristotle), was a key transmitter and systematizer of Aristotelian and Neoplatonic philosophy in the Islamic world. His works shaped the curriculum of logic, metaphysics, and political philosophy that would deeply influence Avicenna, Averroes, and ultimately the Latin scholastic and humanist traditions, including Pico.
Pico’s Conclusiones attributed to al-Fārābī highlight a rationalist metaphysics and epistemology grounded in logic, the structure of scientific demonstration, and a theory of intellectual perfection. Liana Saif's research helps situate this as part of the broader Arabic project of harmonizing Aristotelian logic and Neoplatonic metaphysics—a project that Pico, like Ficino, integrates into a Christianized esoteric synthesis.
Commentary:
This challenges Aristotle’s own definition of the principle of demonstration, suggesting a more abstract universal that does not function as a genus. Al-Fārābī often refined Aristotle’s logic, emphasizing the need for super-genus universals in scientific knowledge. Pico, by preserving this distinction, aligns with the Arabic view that demonstration requires metaphysical clarity and not just categorical classification. This undergirds occult philosophy by legitimizing forms of non-Aristotelian deduction, as Saif discusses, particularly in astrology and metaphysical speculation.
Commentary:
This echoes al-Fārābī's critique of Porphyrian logic, aiming to refine the concept of genus for more precise classification. The point is subtle but important: Pico uses this to show that Arabic logicians were not passive transmitters, but active innovators of logic, making the tools of scientific classification more robust—tools essential for organizing esoteric knowledge as scientia.
Commentary:
This is quintessential al-Fārābī, who saw human flourishing (saʿāda) as the actualization of the intellect through speculative knowledge. Pico likely agrees, but he sees this intellectual perfection as preparatory for divine union or prophetic inspiration. As Saif shows, this Arabic model of knowledge as transformative perfection shaped Renaissance occultism’s view of magic as a path to the divine through science.
Commentary:
This interprets Aristotle’s tabula rasa theory through a constructivist epistemology: science builds on defined and reasoned knowledge, not just sensation. Al-Fārābī emphasized the architecture of disciplines, and here Pico follows him, distinguishing types of intellectual progress foundational to both philosophy and magic.
Commentary:
This reflects the ontological dependence of accidents on substances. Al-Fārābī was instrumental in clarifying how accidents are conceptually grasped, which is essential for any metaphysical system that includes imaginal forms or symbolic properties—such as those in magical correspondences.
Commentary:
These are profound metaphysical statements about intentional species—forms that mediate cognition, rooted in Arabic theories of perception and intellection. Saif emphasizes how this model, particularly developed by Avicenna and al-Fārābī, provided Renaissance magicians with a framework for explaining non-physical influence (e.g., images, dreams, talismans) as real, spiritually substantial transmissions.
Pico uses this to legitimize astral and imaginal knowledge—as real, intermediate entities between mind and matter.
Commentary:
This is a key insight into dream epistemology: the sensus communis, operating without real external input but treating internal images as sensory, generates dreams. This Avicennian-Fārābian psychology becomes foundational to occult theories of prophecy, as Saif notes—especially where dreams are a medium for celestial or divine messages.
Pico’s engagement with al-Fārābī showcases the logical and metaphysical infrastructure that Arabic philosophy provided for Renaissance occult philosophy:
Would you like a combined article or synthesis that compares Pico’s use of al-Fārābī, Avicenna, and Averroes side by side?
conclusiones secundum moy|sem aegyptium numero .iii.
| annotated I.12.1. Demonstratio octavi physicorum ab Aristotele ad probandum | primum motorem adducta: aliquid probat speciale primo. |
|---|
| annotated I.12.3. Simplicitas primi et omnimoda immaterialitas probari non po | test per causalitatem efficientem motus: sed per finalem tantum. |
|---|
| annotated I.13.2. Species rerum representative sunt reductive in praedicamen | to in quo sunt res representate. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.13.3. Sensibilia communia proprias species ad sensus multipicant | distinctas a speciebus sensibilium propriorum. |
Here is a commentary on Pico della Mirandola’s three conclusions "secundum Moysem Aegyptium" (according to Moses the Egyptian), with comparative insights drawn from Liana Saif’s The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy.
“Moses the Egyptian” (Moyses Aegyptius) is a likely reference to Hermes Trismegistus—identified in the Renaissance with Moses through a syncretic tradition stretching from Late Antiquity to Ficino and Pico himself. As Charles Stang and Brian Copenhaver have shown, this identification aligned Hermetic philosophy with Mosaic wisdom, allowing Renaissance thinkers to claim that ancient Egyptian theosophy was compatible with Christian truth. In this light, Pico’s three theses “according to Moses the Egyptian” can be read as a critique of Aristotelian physics and metaphysics from a Hermetic-Platonic perspective, grounded in final causality and intuitive simplicity rather than mechanical explanation.
Liana Saif’s work allows us to understand how this mode of critique echoes Arabic Neoplatonic thought, which also challenged or transcended Aristotle’s views by introducing emanative, final-causal, and spiritual frameworks of knowledge and causation.
Commentary:
Pico, under the name of Moses the Egyptian, critiques Aristotle’s cosmological argument for the Unmoved Mover, suggesting that it only demonstrates a particular mover—perhaps the mover of the outermost sphere—rather than the universal first cause. This is in line with Neoplatonic and Hermetic metaphysics, which criticize Aristotelian logic for its inability to ascend to the truly transcendent.
This is also consonant with Avicennian and Liber de Causis metaphysics, where the First is beyond motion and cannot be demonstrated through physical movement. As Saif shows, early modern occult thinkers used Arabic sources to challenge the limits of Aristotelian physics, favoring a causal hierarchy that began in divine simplicity, not motion.
Commentary:
This is a profound statement. Pico is invoking the Platonic view that being is not univocal, and thus metaphysics must be multiple—one for being as being, another for the divine, another for causes, and so forth. Moses the Egyptian, as a Hermetic-Platonic voice, would argue that the knowledge of God, of souls, of forms, and of the One are distinct yet interrelated pursuits.
This thesis contrasts sharply with Aristotle’s conception of metaphysics as a single science of being qua being. Saif’s book traces how Arabic Neoplatonists (especially in the Liber de Causis) split metaphysics across multiple ontological levels—each requiring its own mode of approach (intellective, intuitive, inspired)—a framework Pico draws on here.
Commentary:
This returns to a classic Neoplatonic critique of Aristotle: the First cannot be understood as the cause that pushes (efficient), but as the cause that draws (final). Pico—speaking as Moses the Egyptian—claims that the divine is the final cause of all desire, motion, and being. This is Hermetic-Platonic theology: the One is not an actor, but the object of love and return.
This parallels Proclus, Plotinus, and their Arabic interpreters (e.g. Avicenna, al-Farabi, the Liber de Causis). As Saif notes, Arabic philosophers were instrumental in shifting causality away from mechanics toward metaphysical attraction, a move that profoundly influenced Renaissance magical cosmology.
Liana Saif identifies the deep entanglement of Arabic Neoplatonic metaphysics and Hermetic cosmology in the Renaissance. Pico’s “Moses the Egyptian” is not merely a cipher for ancient Egypt; it is a philosophical persona for challenging Aristotle’s empirical limitations and proposing a metaphysical system rooted in:
These three short theses represent a philosophical critique of Aristotelian physics and metaphysics from a Hermetic-Neoplatonic standpoint—deeply compatible with Arabic metaphysics as received through the Liber de Causis, Avicenna, and others. As Saif’s work makes clear, Pico here is not rejecting Arabic influence but rather channeling it through an older symbolic figure of wisdom, Moses the Egyptian, to assert the primacy of final causality, metaphysical simplicity, and the multiplicity of modes of knowing the divine.
Would you like this folded into a larger essay that traces the roles of Averroes, Avicenna, al-Farabi, and “Moses the Egyptian” in Pico’s metaphysical system?
conclusiones secundum pri|scam doctrinam mercurii tris|megisti aegyptii numero .x.
annotated I.27.1. Ubicunque vita: ibi anima: ubicunque anima: ibi mens.
annotated I.27.2. Omne motum corporeum: omne movens incorporeum.
| annotated I.27.3. Anima in corpore: mens in anima: in mente verbum: tum ho | rum pater deus. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.27.4. Deus circa omnia atque per omnia: mens circa animam: anima | circa aerem: aer circa materiam. |
| Correlarium: Ubique vita: ubique providentia: ubique immortali | tas. |
|---|---|
| annotated I.27.7. Sex viis futura homini deus denuntiat: per Somnia: Porten | ta: Aves: Intestina: spiritum et Sybillam. |
| annotated I.27.8. Verum est: quod non perturbatum: non determinatum: non | coloratum: non figuratum: non concussum: nudum: perspicu | um: a seipso comprehensibile: intransmutabile bonum ac penitus | incorporeum. |
|---|---|---|---|
| annotated I.27.9. Decem intra unumquemque sunt ultores: ignorantia: tristitia: | inconstantia: cupiditas: iniustitia: luxuries: deceptio: invidia: | fraus: ira: temeritas: malitia. |
Pico della Mirandola’s ten theses "secundum priscam doctrinam Mercurii Trismegisti Aegyptii" represent one of the clearest declarations in the Conclusiones of his deep engagement with Hermetic philosophy, particularly as filtered through the Latin Corpus Hermeticum. These theses draw on the Egyptian sage-god Hermes Trismegistus, whom Renaissance thinkers identified with Moses, Thoth, and even the prisca theologia—the ancient, pre-Christian wisdom believed to anticipate the truths of Christianity.
Through the lens of Liana Saif’s scholarship on the Arabic philosophical contributions to Renaissance magic, we can see how Pico’s "Hermetic" conclusions operate in dialogue with Arabic Neoplatonism—especially via Avicenna, the Liber de Causis, and the pseudo-Aristotelian-Hermetic milieu preserved by Arabic translators and philosophers.
Commentary:
This maxim restates the Hermetic continuum of being: life → soul → mind → God. It asserts a panpsychic ontology, where all life is inherently ensouled and therefore intelligent. Saif traces how such ensouled cosmologies, common in Hermeticism, were made philosophically rigorous through Arabic Neoplatonism, particularly in the doctrine that the world is animated through intermediary intelligences—minds ordering souls, which in turn animate matter.
Commentary:
This aligns with the Neoplatonic principle of spiritual causality, but also reflects the Arabic cosmological view, especially in the Liber de Causis, that motion originates in immaterial intelligence. This undercuts purely physical explanations of nature, grounding magic in a hierarchy of incorporeal forces—essential to the justifications for astrology and talismanic influence in both Arabic and Renaissance occult theory.
Commentary:
This encapsulates a Hermetic chain of being: body → soul → mind → Logos → God. It mirrors both Christian Trinitarian theology and Plotinian/Avicennian metaphysics, where the divine emanates through nous (intellect) and psyche (soul) into the cosmos. Saif shows how Arabic authors built such metaphysical ladders to justify occult ascent—the soul rising through mental purification to rejoin its divine origin.
Commentary:
This is a Hermetic cosmograph—describing a spherical hierarchy of being, where God envelops all. The structure reflects the emanative layering of Arabic Neoplatonism, where each level transmits form and motion to the one below. Saif notes that such aetheric and pneumatic hierarchies allowed magicians to explain how divine influence enters the world through subtle intermediaries like air, stars, and imaginal forms.
Commentary:
A declaration of universal animation, this thesis aligns Hermetic cosmology with Arabic doctrines that even the stars and spheres are alive—souls with intellects (as in Avicenna and the Liber de Causis). As Saif stresses, this was not poetic metaphor but a scientific ontology: the occult world is alive, and magic works by recognizing and working with these vital forces.
Commentary:
This echoes the eternalism of Hermetic and Arabic cosmology. In the sublunar world, corruption seems real—but in truth, the deeper reality is immortality and providential order. Pico affirms the unbroken chain of divine care, found equally in Hermetic thought and Arabic metaphysics. Saif explores how this worldview made astrology and prophecy intelligible: the universe is ordered, alive, and communicative.
Commentary:
This is a taxonomy of divinatory methods, directly linked to Hermetic and Arabic prophetic theory. The combination of natural (birds, entrails) and spiritual (dreams, spirit, sibyl) mirrors Avicennian ideas of prophecy as both natural and supernatural. Saif notes how Renaissance occultists like Ficino and Pico used these systems to defend pagan divination as part of the universal language of Providence.
Commentary:
This definition of Truth mirrors the Plotinian One, the Avicennian Necessary Existent, and the Hermetic God. It stands outside multiplicity and perception. Pico thus invokes a negative theology—Truth as the utterly transcendent source. As Saif shows, this theology justifies magic not as manipulation, but as a return to the incorporeal through purification.
Commentary:
These are inner daemons—vices or passions—reminiscent of both Stoic ethics and Hermetic spiritual psychology. The soul’s purification requires overcoming these internal enemies. This inner moral struggle was seen by Arabic philosophers as necessary for intellectual ascent. Saif documents how this ascetic psychology undergirded the path of magical initiation and wisdom.
Commentary:
This is a moment of syncretic brilliance: Pico links Hermetic evil forces with the Qliphothic side of the Kabbalistic Tree of Life—the realm of impure powers that distort divine emanation. By withholding the full teaching, Pico alludes to the esoteric nature of Kabbalah, yet he reveals a Hermetic-Kabbalistic cosmology of spiritual combat.
As Saif emphasizes, Arabic and Jewish esoteric traditions shared this belief: moral and metaphysical order are interlinked, and wisdom requires navigating the hierarchies of both light and darkness.
Pico’s Conclusiones drawn from the “ancient doctrine of Hermes Trismegistus” form the heart of his prisca theologia—and they are deeply informed by Arabic philosophical frameworks, even when the explicit source is Egyptian. With the help of Liana Saif’s work, we can see how:
Would you like this Hermetic commentary incorporated into a full comparative article on Pico’s Arabic and esoteric sources?
Tell me anything we've left out about Saif's reading of Pico and his sources
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[Web browsing]
The Arabic association of Hermes with the prophet Idris was an attempt
to declare that their astrology and their magic was supported by a
tradition of ancient knowledge that was reconcilable with the Qur’an
itself, making Hermes a personification of syncretism which was fun-
damental to the magic of the Arabs and later early modern natural
philosophers.
Ficino too explores the fictional genealogy of Hermes Trismegistus.
At the time of Moses’s birth, there lived Atlas, the astrologer, who
was the brother of the physicist Prometheus and, on the mother’s
side, the grandfather of the elder Mercury, whose grandson was Mer-
cury Trismegistus. In a letter to Cosimo prefacing the Pimander, Ficino
mentions that according to Cicero, Hermes Trismegistus was the fifth
Mercury called Thoth by the Egyptians and Trismegistus by the Greeks;
Trismegistus because he was a great philosopher, priest and king.
Ficino, then, like Abu Ma‘shar, gives a religious guise to Hermes.
We have seen that for Abu Ma‘shar, the existence of Hermes is con-
firmed by the most important religious authority – the Qur’an – where
he is called Idris. Ficino, a priest himself, considers Hermes a priest
king. Following Plato, Ficino relates that in Egypt there was a tradi-
tion of choosing priests from among the philosophers, and the king
from the community of priests.42 Furthermore, Ficino renders Hermes
as a true Renaissance emblem by verifying his existence with the
authority of Cicero and Plato, the fathers of Renaissance rhetoric and
philosophy. Doing so, the image of Hermes Trismegistus is morphed to
Early Modern Astral Magic 101
suit Renaissance Christian mentality thus increasing the appeal of the
Hermetic Corpus and the importance of Ficino’s translation.43
But Hermeticism is an illusion. Yates explains:
The content of the Hermetic writings fostered the illusion of the
Renaissance Magus that he had in them a mysterious and precious
account of most ancient Egyptian wisdom, philosophy, and magic.
Hermes Trismegistus, a mythical name associated with a certain class
of gnostic philosophical revelations or with magical treatises and
recipes, was, for the Renaissance, a real person, an Egyptian priest
who had lived in times of remote antiquity [ . . . ] [this] confirmed the
Renaissance reader in his belief that he had here a fount of pristine
wisdom whence Plato and the Greeks derived the best that they knew.
This huge historical error was to have amazing results.44
Hermeticism is also nostalgia for a magician’s utopia located in Egypt:
Dee, John, A true & faithful relation of what passed for many yeers between Dr. John
Dee . . . and some spirits (London: Printed by D. Maxwell, 1659).
Dee, John, John Dee on Astronomy: Propaedeumata Aphoristica (1558 and 1568), ed.
and trans. Wayne Shumaker, introd. J. L. Heilbron (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1978).
Dee, John, The Mathematicall Praeface, introd. Allen G. Debus (New York: Science
History Publications, 1975).
Dee, John, ‘Monas Hieroglyphica’, trans. C. H. Josten, AMBIX, 12 (1964),
pp. 84–221.
Della Mirandola, Pico, Apologia, ed. Paolo Edoardo Fornaciari (Florence: SISMEL,
2010).
Della Mirandola, Pico, Commentary on a Canzone of Beniveini, trans. Sears Jayne
(New York: Peter Lang, 1984).
Bibliography 255
Della Mirandola, Pico, De hominis dignitate, Heptaplus, De ente et uno e scritti vari,
ed. Eugenio Garin (Florence, 1942).
Della Mirandola, Pico, Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem Libri I–V, 2
vols., ed. Eugenio Garin (Florence: Vallecchi Editore, 1946).
Della Mirandola, Pico, On the Dignity of Man, On Being and One, and Heptaplus,
trans. Charles Glenn Wallis and Douglas Carmichael, introd. Paul J. W. Miller
(Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 1965).
Della Mirandola, Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man: A New Translation and
Commentary, trans. Francesco Borghesi, Michael Papio and Massimo Riva
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
Della Porta, Giambattista, Natural Magick, ed. Derek J. Price (New York: Basic
Books, 1958, facsimile reprint of the edition published in London: Printed for
Thomas Young and Samuel Speed, 1658).
Dionysius the Areopagite, ‘The Celestial Hierarchy’, in Works, trans. John Parker,
2 vols. (London: James Parker, 1899).
Al-Farabi, Abu Nasr Muhammad, ‘Ihsa’al-’ulum (Enumeration of Sciences)’, in
Texts and Studies, vol. 4 (Frankfurt: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic
Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University), pp. 1–146.
Farmer, S. A., Syncretism in the West, Pico’s 900 Theses (1486): The Evolution of
Traditional, Religions, and Philosophical Systems, with Text, Translation and Com-
mentary, trans. S. A. Farmer (Tempe, AZ: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and
Studies, 1998).
The other philosophical force that was argued to be the source of
the theoretical basis of early modern magic generally and Ficino’s
occult thought specifically is ‘Hermeticism’ which was related to
Neoplatonism. Eugenio Garin claims that the ‘Hermetic Man’ – a terms
seen as interchangeable with ‘magus’ – drew his justification from
‘within the speculative framework of Neoplatonism’.37
100 The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy
Hermes Trismegistus (Thrice Great) is the eponymous author of a col-
lection of writings that deal with astrology, magic and alchemy.38 Early
modern scholars believed that these writings belonged to remote antiq-
uity, when in fact they were written in the second and third centuries
AD.39 Before them, the Arabs too believed this error.40 The fictional iden-
tity of the author and the chronological error accepted in the European
early modern period and the Islamic Middle Ages lent themselves to
form a fanciful aspect of the Hermetic tradition. Hermes had a myth-
ical geneology. In Kitab al-Uluf (Book of Thousands), Abu Ma‘shar tells
us about three sages named Hermes. The first Hermes was the grand-
son of Adam who lived before the Flood. The Hebrews believed he was
Enoch and the Arabs took him to be Idris, a prophet mentioned in the
Qur’an. He was the first astrologer who built the pyramids of Upper
Egypt. The second Hermes saved divine knowledge from loss and lived
after the Flood. He was skilled in philosophy, medicine and numerol-
ogy. He taught philosophy and mathematics to Pythagoras. The third
Hermes wrote a book on alchemy and was the teacher of Asclepius.41
The Arabic association of Hermes with the prophet Idris was an attempt
to declare that their astrology and their magic was supported by a
tradition of ancient knowledge that was reconcilable with the Qur’an
itself, making Hermes a personification of syncretism which was fun-
damental to the magic of the Arabs and later early modern natural
philosophers.
Ficino too explores the fictional genealogy of Hermes Trismegistus.
At the time of Moses’s birth, there lived Atlas, the astrologer, who
was the brother of the physicist Prometheus and, on the mother’s
side, the grandfather of the elder Mercury, whose grandson was Mer-
cury Trismegistus. In a letter to Cosimo prefacing the Pimander, Ficino
mentions that according to Cicero, Hermes Trismegistus was the fifth
Mercury called Thoth by the Egyptians and Trismegistus by the Greeks;
Trismegistus because he was a great philosopher, priest and king.
124
The True Magic and Astrology of Pico della Mirandola 125
veils of myths, mathematical images, and unintelligible signs of fugi-
tive meaning’.6 This is not merely a way of protecting secrets but
also a method he uses to show his genuine conviction that all sys-
tems of knowledge and philosophies are essentially true and that they
are semantically variant but conceptually similar.7 In his Oration, Pico
explicitly refers to syncretism as his ‘philosophical method’:
Those who devoted themselves to any one of the schools of philos-
ophy, siding for instance with Thomas or with Scotus, who are now
most in fashion, can surely put their doctrines to the test [ . . . ] I have
resolved [ . . . ] to pore over all masters of philosophy, to examine every
page, and to become acquainted with all schools [ . . . ] And confining
oneself within a single Porch or Academy certainly does show nar-
rowness of mind [ . . . ] In addition, there is in each school something
distinctive that is not shared in common with any other.8
In the previous chapter, we have explored the medieval Arabic inher-
itance in the occult thought of Marsilio Ficino. This chapter will look at
the Arabic theories of astral influences in the thought of Pico and their
place among the various intellectual and mystical strands that make up
his syncretic philosophical outlook. The Arabic elements in Pico’s works
have often been overlooked even though he was familiar with many
medieval Arabic sources.9 He owned in his library Abu Ma‘shar’s Great
Introduction, Flores and De revolutionibus; possibly De radiis; Roger Bacon’s
edition of Secretum secretorum; and the Picatrix to which was bound De
imaginibus of Thabit ibn Qurra.10 Furthermore, Pico was studying Arabic
under the guidance of Flavius Mithridates and he borrowed the Qur’an
from Ficino.
Early Modern Astral Magic 101
suit Renaissance Christian mentality thus increasing the appeal of the
Hermetic Corpus and the importance of Ficino’s translation.43
But Hermeticism is an illusion. Yates explains:
The content of the Hermetic writings fostered the illusion of the
Renaissance Magus that he had in them a mysterious and precious
account of most ancient Egyptian wisdom, philosophy, and magic.
Hermes Trismegistus, a mythical name associated with a certain class
of gnostic philosophical revelations or with magical treatises and
recipes, was, for the Renaissance, a real person, an Egyptian priest
who had lived in times of remote antiquity [ . . . ] [this] confirmed the
Renaissance reader in his belief that he had here a fount of pristine
wisdom whence Plato and the Greeks derived the best that they knew.
This huge historical error was to have amazing results.44
Hermeticism is also nostalgia for a magician’s utopia located in Egypt:
Egypt is an image of heaven [ . . . ] O Egypt, Egypt of your reverent
deeds only stories will survive, and they will be incredible to your
children! [ . . . ] A land once holy, most loving of divinity, by reason of
her reverence the only land on earth where the gods settled, she who
taught holiness and fidelity will be an example of utter {un}belief.45
But this sacred nostalgia should not be confused with the deep
philosophical influence Yates seems to argue for. She emphasizes that
Hermes Trismegistus ‘is the most important figure in the Renaissance
revival of magic’. For Yates, anthropocentricity and the micro–macro
link are concepts Ficino received from the Hermetic Corpus supported by
Neoplatonism.46 Garin agrees and claims that ‘De vita, full of magic, is
an extensive exegesis of Hermes (of the Asclepius rather than a com-
mentary on Plotinus.’47 The Hermetic interpretation has been contested
by Kieckhefer and Copenhaver.48 The latter argues in several articles
that there is little real influence of the Hermetic Corpus on early modern
occult thought and magic theory.49 He is supported by Allen who writes:
It is now generally agreed that there is no consistent philosophy
or even a fundamental metaphysical framework underpinning the
treatises [ . . . ] scholars are agreed, however, that they incorporate
some basic features from Middle Platonic thinking and particularly
concerning the relationship between the sensible world and man and
the intelligible reality of Mind (nous).50
102 The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy
This revisionist view has been extended to the studies on Pico della
Mirandola and John Dee all of whom Yates considers as generators of
what is essentially a Hermetic philosophy.51
and the Occult Powers’, pp. 37–9, 41–8.
6 The True Magic and Astrology of Giovanni Pico della
Mirandola
1. Paul Oskar Kristeller, ‘Giovanno Pico della Mirandola and His Sources’,
in L’Opera e il pensiero di Giovanni Pico della Mirandola nella storia
dell’Umanismo, vol. 1 (Firenze: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento,
1965), pp. 35–133 (35–6, 56, 65).
2. Pico della Mirandola, Commentary on a Canzone of Beniveini, trans. Sears
Jayne (New York: Peter Lang, 1984), p. 2; Pico della Mirandola, Oration
on the Dignity of Man: A New Translation and Commentary, trans. Francesco
Borghesi, Michael Papio and Massimo Riva (New York: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 2012), p. 39.
3. S. A. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, Pico’s 900 Theses (1486): The Evolu-
tion of Traditional, Religions, and Philosophical Systems, with Text, Translation
and Commentary, trans. S. A. Farmer (Tempe, AZ: Medieval and Renaissance
Texts and Studies, 1998), p. 12.
4. Unn Irene Aasdalen, ‘The First Pico–Ficino Controversy’, in Laus Platonici
Philosophi: Marsilio Ficino and His Influence, ed. Stephen Clucas, Peter
Forshaw and Valery Rees (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 67–88 (75); Pico, Com-
mentary, pp. 5–6; Michael J. B. Allen ‘The Second Ficino–Pico Controversy:
Parmenidean Poetry, Eristic and the One’, in Marsilio Ficino e Il Ritorno di
Platone: II, ed. Gian Carlo Garfagnini (Florence: Olschki, 1986), pp. 419–55;
H. Darrel Rutkin, ‘Astrology, Natural Philosophy and the History of Sci-
ence c.1250–1700: Studies Toward an Interpretation of Giovanni Pico della
Mirandola’s Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem’ (unpublished
doctoral thesis, Indiana University, 2002), p. 242.
5. Sheila J. Rabin, ‘Pico on Magic and Astrology’, in Pico della Mirandola: New
Essays, ed. M. V. Dougherty (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008),
pp. 152–78 (155).
6. Pico della Mirandola, On the Dignity of Man, On Being and One, and Heptaplus,
trans. Charles Glenn Wallis and Douglas Carmichael, intro. Paul J. W. Miller
(Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 1965), p. 69; Farmer,
Syncretism in the West, p. 15.
It is now generally agreed that there is no consistent philosophy
or even a fundamental metaphysical framework underpinning the
treatises [ . . . ] scholars are agreed, however, that they incorporate
some basic features from Middle Platonic thinking and particularly
concerning the relationship between the sensible world and man and
the intelligible reality of Mind (nous).50
102 The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy
This revisionist view has been extended to the studies on Pico della
Mirandola and John Dee all of whom Yates considers as generators of
what is essentially a Hermetic philosophy.51
The context in which we do find references to Hermes, in the Ara-
bic and early modern works, is mainly related to practice rather than
theory. Abu Ma‘shar’s Kitab al-Uluf is concerned with looking at histor-
ical events – past and future – that result from astrological cycles; it is
a technical book of astrology without a theoretical exposition. We find
several references to Hermes in the more theoretical Great Introduction;
however, they are found in its practical parts. For example, a chapter on
the decans is claimed to be derived from Hermes, probably referring to
the Hermetic Book on Thirty-Six Decans.52 We find similar Hermetic ref-
erences in the context of magical practice in the Picatrix, whose author
writes that the first Hermes built statues on the banks of the Nile and
founded a city in Egypt with four gates on which he inscribed apotropaic
magical images. The Picatrix refers to Hermes mostly in relation to magi-
cal practices such as nairanjat which are magical concoctions comprising
various complex natural ingredients.53 Many works attributed to Hermes
were circulating in the Middle Ages, such as Liber imaginum Lunae,
Liber de quindecim stellis, Liber Lunae ex scientia Abel and Liber Hermetis
Trismegisti.54 All these astrological and magical works are practical in
nature, unlike the Corpus Hermeticum which contains more philosoph-
ical and cosmological observations, yet they are derivative and vague.
Fourteen years after the publication of his translation of the Hermetic
Corpus, Ficino finished writing the Three Books on Life. As in the case
of Abu Ma‘shar’s works and the Picatrix, referencing Hermes is also
restricted to the practice of magic not its theory. For example, in a
chapter on the powers of the fixed stars, Ficino writes that ‘certain major
stars discovered by Mercurius [Hermes] have the greatest power possi-
ble, such as: the Mercurial and Venereal Navel of Andromeda in the
twenty-second degree of Aries’.55
Notes 233
218. Ficino, Three Books on Life, p. 351.
219. Al-Qurtubi, Das Ziel des Weisen, pp. 309–19; Al-Qurtubi, Picatrix,
pp. 188–90.
220. Yates, Giordano Bruno, pp. 52–3.
221. Thomas Aquinas, The ‘Summa theologica’ of St. Thomas Aquinas, trans.
Fathers of the English Dominican Province, 22 vols. (London: Burns, Oats
and Washbourne, 1922), XI, Q. 94, Art. 1, pp. 180–1.
222. Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles, III.Q. 104.8.
223. Copenhaver, ‘Hermes Trismegistus, Proclus’, pp. 80–6; Copenhaver, ‘Renais-
sance Magic’, pp. 351–2; Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic, pp. 36–7.
224. Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium, p. 175; Hankins, ‘Ficino, Avicenna
and the Occult Powers’, pp. 37–9, 41–8.
6 The True Magic and Astrology of Giovanni Pico della
Mirandola
1. Paul Oskar Kristeller, ‘Giovanno Pico della Mirandola and His Sources’,
in L’Opera e il pensiero di Giovanni Pico della Mirandola nella storia
dell’Umanismo, vol. 1 (Firenze: Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento,
1965), pp. 35–133 (35–6, 56, 65).
2. Pico della Mirandola, Commentary on a Canzone of Beniveini, trans. Sears
Jayne (New York: Peter Lang, 1984), p. 2; Pico della Mirandola, Oration
on the Dignity of Man: A New Translation and Commentary, trans. Francesco
Borghesi, Michael Papio and Massimo Riva (New York: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 2012), p. 39.
3. S. A. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, Pico’s 900 Theses (1486): The Evolu-
tion of Traditional, Religions, and Philosophical Systems, with Text, Translation
and Commentary, trans. S. A. Farmer (Tempe, AZ: Medieval and Renaissance
Texts and Studies, 1998), p. 12.
41. Abu Ma‘shar, The Thousands of Abu Ma‘shar, trans. David Pingree (London:
Warburg Institute, 1968), pp. 14–15; van Bladel, The Arabic Hermes,
pp. 121–32.
42. Brian Copenhaver, ‘Hermes Theologus: The Sienese Mercury and Ficino’s
Hermetic Demons’, in Humanity and Divinity in Renaissance and Reformation:
Essays in Honor of Charles Trinkaus, ed. John O’Malley, Thomas M. Izbicki
and Gerald Christianson (Leiden: Brill, 1993), pp. 149–82 (162); Florian
Ebeling, The Secret History of Hermes, pp. 61–2.
43. Ebeling, The Secret History of Hermes, pp. 63–4.
44. Yates, Giordano Bruno, p. 6.
45. Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius in a New
English Translation, with Notes and Introduction, trans. Brian Copenhaver
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 81–2.
46. Yates, Giordano Bruno, pp. 18–19.
47. Garin, Astrology in the Renaissance, p. 65.
48. Kieckhefer, ‘Did Magic Have a Renaissance?’, pp. 199–201.
49. Copenhaver, ‘Hermes Trismegistus, Proclus’, pp. 80–1; Copenhaver, ‘Renais-
sance Magic and Neoplatonic Philosophy’, pp. 351–2.
50. Allen, Plato’s Third Eye, p. 42.
51. Nicholas Clulee, ‘John Dee’s Natural Philosophy Revisited’, in John Dee:
Interdisciplinary Studies in English Renaissance Thought, ed. Stephen Clucas
(Dordrecht: Springer, 2006), pp. 23–37 (30); Frances Yates, The Occult Phi-
losophy in the Elizabethan Age (London and New York: Routledge, 1979),
pp. 1, 88.
52. Abu Ma‘shar al-Balkhi, Kitab al-madkhal al-kabir ila ‘ilm ahkam al-nujum
(The Great Introduction), ed. Richard Lemay, 9 vols. (Naples: Instituto
Universitario Orientale, 1995–6), II, pp. 127–9.
All this led Charles Schmitt to conclude that ‘Hermeticism never
becomes a real driving force of any significant cultural movement dur-
ing the Renaissance.’56 Hermes Trismegistus became, to both Arabic
and early modern natural philosophers and occultists, a personification
of a magical nostalgia for a world where divine knowledge was pure
and accessible, unblemished by materiality. In the nebulousness of the
legend of Hermes, the Arabic and early modern philosophers saw differ-
ent personas which fitted within different culturally specific nostalgias
and religious appeal. Francis Peters explains: ‘it is important to realise
that Hermeticism is in fact a historical mirage [ . . . ] no different from
Early Modern Astral Magic 103
what passed in Late Antiquity as wisdom of Zoroaster or Apollonius of
Tyana’.57
The rhetoric of Hermeticism and Neoplatonic semiology and ani-
mated universe were aspects reconciled with Aristotelian causality
received from Arabic texts on astrology and magic and/or Latin medieval
sources influenced by them. The attribution of a generative and causal
role to the stars is a unique element in the Arabic theories of astral influ-
ences developed by Abu Ma‘shar and applied to magic by al-Kindi and
Maslama al-Qurtubi. Their works were very influential on early mod-
ern occult philosophy.
In the previous chapter, we have explored the medieval Arabic inher-
itance in the occult thought of Marsilio Ficino. This chapter will look at
the Arabic theories of astral influences in the thought of Pico and their
place among the various intellectual and mystical strands that make up
his syncretic philosophical outlook. The Arabic elements in Pico’s works
have often been overlooked even though he was familiar with many
medieval Arabic sources.9 He owned in his library Abu Ma‘shar’s Great
Introduction, Flores and De revolutionibus; possibly De radiis; Roger Bacon’s
edition of Secretum secretorum; and the Picatrix to which was bound De
imaginibus of Thabit ibn Qurra.10 Furthermore, Pico was studying Arabic
under the guidance of Flavius Mithridates and he borrowed the Qur’an
from Ficino.11 He also had access to Latin medieval works that promul-
gated the Arabic theories such as the works of Roger Bacon, Albertus
Magnus and Thomas Aquinas.12 This analysis will enable us to note the
continuity of medieval Arabic and Latin thought in the early modern
period in the case of Pico and also see the innovative reconditioning of
medieval ideas in a new context.
The Arabic theories of astral influences have been articulated in
three fields often feeding into one another: magic, astrology and meta-
physics. Pico tackled all these in various works: The Commentary (1486),
a commentary on a poem by Girolamo Benivieni and published posthu-
mously, contains ideas on emanationism, causality and the animation of
the universe; The Nine Hundred Conclusions, published in Rome in 1486,
tackles issues on metaphysics, magic and Kabbalah; the Oration (1486),
an essay introducing the Conclusions published posthumously, contains
126 The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy
material on metaphysics, the animation of the universe, the dignity
of man, and magic; The Apology (1487), a defence of the controversial
conclusions, addresses the legitimacy of magic in relation to Kabbalah;
The Heptaplus, an interpretation of Genesis 1:1–27, is mainly cosmo-
logical and metaphysical; and finally, The Disputations against Astrology
(c.1494) rejects astrological practices and exposes the nature and lim-
its of astral influences. To perceive Pico’s own ideas on astral influences
specifically and the occult generally is not straightforward due to the
varied nature and motives behind these works. The Conclusions has a
format that does not lend itself to a coherent analysis of Pico’s world-
view as it is essentially a list of opinions and ideas, stemming from
classical, medieval Latin and Arabic authorities and Pico’s own conclu-
sions, all intended to be debated in Rome in late 1486 in front of Pope
Innocent VIII.
234 Notes
9. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 17.
10. Pearl Kibre, The Library of Pico Della Mirandola (New York: Columbia Univer-
sity Press, 1936), inv. 44, 1110 (p. 87); inv. 982 (p. 93); inv. 422 (pp. 94–5);
inv. 422 (p. 94).
11. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, pp. 16, 109 (note 2).
12. Rutkin, ‘Astrology, Natural Philosophy and the History of Science’, pp. 1,
34–5.
13. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, pp. 1, 16.
14. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, pp. 75–6.
15. There are different speculations about the identity of Abdullah, see Pico,
Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 109, note 3. Pico was studying Arabic under
the guidance of Flavius Mithridates and it is possible that he intended the
generic literal meaning of Abdullah, ‘worshipper of God’, perhaps in refer-
ence to the Prophet Muhammad himself who is cited later in the Oration:
Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 131, note 36.
16. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 109; Hermetica: The Greek Cor-
pus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius in a New English Translation, with
Notes and Introduction, trans. Brian Copenhaver (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1992), p. 70.
17. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 115.
18. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 117.
19. Crofton Black, Pico’s Heptaplus and Biblical Hermeneutics (Leiden: Brill,
2006), pp. 44–5.
20. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 111.
21. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 117.
22. The metamorphic potential in Man is emphasized in the Enneads: Plotinus,
The Enneads, trans. Stephen Mackenna (London: Penguin Books, 1991),
III.4.2, pp. 167–8. Here a reference is made to the Prophet Muhammad as
an advocate of the divine transformation of the soul; Pico, Oration on the
Dignity of Man, p. 131. Several verses of the Qur’an discuss the potentiality
of man’s soul to become animal-like or reach a higher state. The editors of
the translation cited here include sura 2:65, 5:60, and 7:166 in which God
compares the sinners to specific animals. We can add to this list 95:4–6:
‘We created man in fairest proportions, then reduced him to the lowest
low, Save them who believe and do righteous deeds’, in The Qur’an, trans.
Tarif Khalidi (London: Penguin Books, 2008), p. 514.
32. Pico is referring to a loose Hebrew adaptation of Adelard of Bath’s Natural
Questions: Farmer, Syncretism in the West, p. 303.
33. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, 21.1, p. 303.
34. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, 7.1, p. 251; 19.1, p. 295.
35. Pico, Heptaplus, pp. 120–1.
36. Pico, Heptaplus, pp. 121–2.
37. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 135.
38. Marsilio Ficino, Three Books on Life: A Critical Edition and Translation with
Introduction and Notes, trans. Carol V. Kaske and John R. Clark (New York:
Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies in conjunction with the
Renaissance Society of America, 1989), p. 103.
39. Rabin, ‘Pico on Magic and Astrology’, pp. 155–6.
40. Crofton, Pico’s Heptaplus, pp. 140–1.
41. Chaim Wirszubski, Pico della Mirandola’s Encounter with Jewish Mysticism
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 135.
42. Moshe Idel, ‘The Magical and Neoplatonic Interpretations of the Kabbalah
in the Renaissance’, in Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century, ed.
Bernard Dov Cooperman (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1983),
pp. 186–242 (186, 188); Crofton, Pico’s Heptaplus, pp. 95, 122–3; Farmer,
Syncretism in the West, 11 > 5–9, p. 523.
43. Pico, Commentary, pp. 196–70.
44. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 77; Crofton, Pico’s Heptaplus, p. 95;
Kristeller, ‘Giovanno Pico della Mirandola and His Sources’, p. 74.
45. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, 3 > 55, p. 55.
46. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, 11 > 48–9, p. 541.
47. Pico, Commentary, p. 77.
48. Pico, Oration in the Dignity of Man, pp. 227–9, 237, 243.
49. Pico della Mirandola, Apologia, ed. Paolo Edoardo Fornaciari (Florence:
SISMEL, 2010), pp. 20–2, 160, 166.
50. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, 9 > 3, p. 495; 5 > 45, p. 453.
51. Frances Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London:
In the introduction of her edition of De radiis, D’Alverny identifies
20 extant manuscripts and elsewhere she lists another five.19 They
were copied between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries.20 It was
admired by Pico della Mirandola, refuted by his nephew Gianfrancesco
Pico della Mirandola, and its theory of rays was denounced by Martin
Del Rio (1551–1608) in his Investigations Against Magic. In addition to
the inherited Latin medieval traditions exemplified by the works of
Early Modern Astral Magic 97
Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon and Aquinas, the Arabic texts supplied
early modern occultists with a natural explanation of magic’s efficacy by
introducing astral causality and the astral origins of occult properties.21
The Arabic theories of astral influences with their Aristotelian basis
had to find their philosophical place in the syncretic magical thought
of the Renaissance alongside the intellectual forces of Neoplatonism and
so-called Hermeticism. At first glance they seem to have been com-
petitive and mutually exclusive systems; Eugenio Garin claims that
‘there could never be any agreement between medieval philosophy
and magic; for medieval philosophy was a theology of order, articu-
lated temporarily as Aristotelianism’.22 Though William Hine detects
a stream of early modern Aristotelianism, he accepts Garin’s exclusion
of Aristotelianism from magical philosophy, and, insisting on the view
that Renaissance magic cannot be naturalized, he remarks: ‘in contrast
to the Aristotelianism of Renaissance naturalism, Renaissance magic
rested on Neoplatonic thought, particularly as represented by the Her-
metic Corpus translated and used by Marsilio Ficino, to which Pico della
Mirandola had added the cabala’.23 However, as argued here, a conti-
nuity can be detected in the magic and astrology of the early modern
period traced back to the earlier Arabic and Latin medieval astrological
and magic theories, maintaining their Aristotelian premises only now
reconciled with newly-revived philosophical streams. Aristotelianism,
Neoplatonism, so-called Hermeticism, and Kabbalah as we will see in the
next chapter, each supported a different epistemological level of occult
thought: the physical, the semiological and the mystical.
On one level, natural philosophers and occultists considered astrology
and astral magic as branches of natural philosophy.
5. Sheila J. Rabin, ‘Pico on Magic and Astrology’, in Pico della Mirandola: New
Essays, ed. M. V. Dougherty (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008),
pp. 152–78 (155).
6. Pico della Mirandola, On the Dignity of Man, On Being and One, and Heptaplus,
trans. Charles Glenn Wallis and Douglas Carmichael, intro. Paul J. W. Miller
(Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 1965), p. 69; Farmer,
Syncretism in the West, p. 15.
7. Kristeller, ‘Giovanno Pico della Mirandola and His Sources’, p. 75.
8. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, pp. 201–3.
234 Notes
9. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 17.
10. Pearl Kibre, The Library of Pico Della Mirandola (New York: Columbia Univer-
sity Press, 1936), inv. 44, 1110 (p. 87); inv. 982 (p. 93); inv. 422 (pp. 94–5);
inv. 422 (p. 94).
11. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, pp. 16, 109 (note 2).
12. Rutkin, ‘Astrology, Natural Philosophy and the History of Science’, pp. 1,
34–5.
13. Farmer, Syncretism in the West, pp. 1, 16.
14. Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, pp. 75–6.
15. There are different speculations about the identity of Abdullah, see Pico,
Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 109, note 3. Pico was studying Arabic under
the guidance of Flavius Mithridates and it is possible that he intended the
generic literal meaning of Abdullah, ‘worshipper of God’, perhaps in refer-
ence to the Prophet Muhammad himself who is cited later in the Oration:
Pico, Oration on the Dignity of Man, p. 131, note 36.
17. Yates, Giordano Bruno, pp. 52–5; V. Perrone Compagni, ‘La magia cerimo-
niale del Picatrix nel Rinascimento’, Atti dell’Academia di scienze Morali e
Politiche di Napoli, 88 (1977), pp. 279–330 (283).
18. Charles Burnett, ‘Al-Kindi in the Renaissance’, in Sapientiam amemus:
Humanismus und aristotelismus in der Renaissance (Munich: Wilhelm Fink,
1999), pp. 13–30 (20–1).
19. Al-Kindi, ‘De radiis’, ed. M. T. D’Alverny and F. Hudry, Archives d’historie
doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge, 41 (1975), pp. 136–260 (174);
M. T. D’Alverny, ‘Kindiana’, Archives d’historie doctrinale et littéraire du moyen
âge, 47 (1981), pp. 277–87.
226 Notes
20. Al-Kindi, ‘De radiis’, p. 174.
21. Zambelli, White Magic, Black Magic, p. 20.
22. Eugenio Garin, ‘Magic and Astrology in the Civilisation of the Renaissance’,
in Renaissance Magic: Articles on Witchcraft, Magic and Demonology, ed. Brian
P. Levack (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1992), pp. 83–105
(91–2).
23. William L. Hine, ‘Marin Mersenne: Renaissance Naturalism and Renais-
sance Magic’, in Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance, ed. Brian
Vickers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 165–76 (110).
24. D. P. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic: From Ficino to Campanella
(University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University, 2000), pp. 75–6.
25. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic, p. 80.
26. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic, pp. 75–6.
27. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic, p. 79.
28. Angela Voss, ‘Magic, Astrology, and Music: The Background to Marsilio
Ficino’s Astrological Music Therapy and his Role as a Renaissance Magus’
(unpublished doctoral thesis, City University, 1992), p. 53.
29. Richard Marback, ‘Daemons, Idols, Phantasms: The Rhetoric of Marsilio
Ficino’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Ann Arbor, 1994), pp. 1, 35;
Copenhaver, ‘Astrology and Magic’, pp. 280–1; Yates, Giordano Bruno,
pp. 72, 47–78; Copenhaver, ‘Renaissance Magic and Neoplatonic Phi-
losophy: “Ennead” 4.3–5 in Ficino’s “De vita coelitus compranda” ’, in
Marsilio Ficino e Il Ritorno di Platone: II, ed.
English Translation, with Notes and Introduction, trans. Brian Copenhaver
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 81–2.
46. Yates, Giordano Bruno, pp. 18–19.
47. Garin, Astrology in the Renaissance, p. 65.
48. Kieckhefer, ‘Did Magic Have a Renaissance?’, pp. 199–201.
49. Copenhaver, ‘Hermes Trismegistus, Proclus’, pp. 80–1; Copenhaver, ‘Renais-
sance Magic and Neoplatonic Philosophy’, pp. 351–2.
50. Allen, Plato’s Third Eye, p. 42.
51. Nicholas Clulee, ‘John Dee’s Natural Philosophy Revisited’, in John Dee:
Interdisciplinary Studies in English Renaissance Thought, ed. Stephen Clucas
(Dordrecht: Springer, 2006), pp. 23–37 (30); Frances Yates, The Occult Phi-
losophy in the Elizabethan Age (London and New York: Routledge, 1979),
pp. 1, 88.
52. Abu Ma‘shar al-Balkhi, Kitab al-madkhal al-kabir ila ‘ilm ahkam al-nujum
(The Great Introduction), ed. Richard Lemay, 9 vols. (Naples: Instituto
Universitario Orientale, 1995–6), II, pp. 127–9.
53. Al-Qurtubi, Das Ziel des Weisen: The Arabic Text, ed. Helmut Ritter (Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner, 1933), pp. 242–85; Charles Burnett, ‘Niranj: A Category of
Magic (Almost) Forgotten in the Latin West’, in Natura, scienze e societa
medievali. Studi in onore di Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, ed. Claudio Leonardi
and Francesco Santi (Florence: Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2008), pp. 37–66;
Charles Burnett, ‘Hermann of Carinthia and the Kitab al-Istamatis: Further
Evidence of the Transmission of Hermetic Magic’, Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institutes, 44 (1981), pp. 167–9.
54. Sophie Page, Magic in the Cloister: Pious Motives, Illicit Interests, and Occult
Approaches to the Medieval Universe (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State
University Press, 2013).
55. Ficino, Three Books on Life, p. 277.
228 Notes
56. Charles P. Schmitt, ‘Reappraisals in Renaissance Science’, in Renaissance
Magic, ed. Levack, pp. 160–75 (167).
57. Peters, ‘Hermes and Harran’, p. 189.
58. Charles Nauert, Agrippa and the Crisis of Renaissance Thought (Urbana:
University of Illinois Press, 1965), p. 120; Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa,
Three Books of Occult Philosophy, trans. Donald Tyson (St. Paul: Llewellyn
Publication, 2004), pp. 96, 365, 477.
In another scenario it is possible that Petrus dictated the Arabic texts for
Adelard who then translated them into Latin immediately.77 The depth
of Adelard’s Arabism was also denied by Brian Lawn, and D’Alverny
prefers to say that the Arabic influences are not so obvious in his
thought.78 Though indeed one fruitlessly searches for a citation of an
Arabic text or author, Adelard’s concern with astral causality is testi-
mony to the influence of Arabic astrology. Adelard states in On the
Same and the Different that the planets and stars ‘are the principle and
causes of the lower natures’.79 As Crombie notes, ‘Adelard’s use of reason
marks the first explicit assertion in the Middle Ages that recognition of
divine omnipotence did not preclude the existence of proximate natural
causes.’80 It was Abu Ma‘shar, with whose works Adelard was acquainted,
who posited that the celestial bodies are causes of all change in the ter-
restrial world and as a result they are both connected by necessity (sit
iunctus [ . . . ] necessario).81
Astral causality became the foundation of twelfth-century defences
of astrology as well as cosmological works. Seeking doctrina arabum, the
astrologer Daniel of Morley (d. c.1210) went to Toledo after a disappoint-
ing stint in Paris studying Roman law.82 He tells us that in Toledo he
listened to Gerard of Cremona interpreting Almagest and debated with
him the matter of fatalism in astrology.83 In his Liber de naturis inferiorum
et superiorum, Daniel states that the inferior world is linked by neces-
sity to the superior world. The movement of the celestial bodies causes
diverse effects in the sublunar world.84 Moreover, the celestial world is
the agent of generation and corruption.85 Referring to Abu Ma‘shar, he
states that the motion of the celestial bodies affects the complexion of
generated things as they move from one sign to the other.86 Thus we
see that the Arabic texts that dealt with the way in which the heavens
influence the world below, in addition to medical texts concerned with
external influences on the human body, enriched the concept of causal-
ity in the twelfth century and complemented the mystical perspective
found in the available Latin sources.87
The heavens generate
The most intriguing aspect of Abu Ma‘shar’s astrological theory is the
generating agency attributed to the celestial bodies. They function
ontologically and as a result impact lives and events astrologically. Abu
Ma‘shar’s Great Introduction was the only text available to the cosmolo-
gists of the twelfth century that treated the mediation of the planets in
the process of generation. Abu Ma‘shar’s ideas on astral generation were
58 The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy
clearly adopted in two cosmological texts: Hermann of Carinthia’s own
De essentiis, and Bernard Silvestris’s Cosmographia.
Of central importance to the history of the textual and intellectual
reception of Arabic astrology generally and Abu Ma‘shar’s Great Intro-
duction specifically is the activity of Hermann of Carinthia. He was
a contemporary of Adelard of Bath, William of Conches and Bernard
Silvestris, and may have had direct links with the school of Chartres as
he referred to Thierry of Chartres as his teacher.
founded upon universal/celestial principles. These principles were for-
mulated by Abu Ma‘shar whose astrological theory was adopted in the
works of twelfth-century cosmologists, such as Hermann of Carinthia,
Bernard Silvestris and William of Conches, particularly in their discus-
sion of astral causation in the process of generation and corruption.
Then in the thirteenth century, a new wave of Arabic sources were trans-
lated and diffused; philosophical texts such as Avicenna’s Metaphysics,
and magical ones such as De radiis, Picatrix and the Secretum secretorum.
The theories contained therein supported the belief that astral magic
was not superstition but a dignified pursuit that was not always demonic
and suspicious. Albertus referred to it as ‘good doctrine’ that interested
his Order and we know that the library of the Benedictine house St
Augustine held various Arabic texts, including De radiis and De imag-
inibus of Thabit ibn Qurra because of the interest in natural/astral magic
among its residents.150 The intelligibility of nature and the heavens and
the theoretical legitimacy of magic advocated by figures as Albertus
Magnus and Roger Bacon became foundations essential for the coher-
ence of what we can call ‘occult philosophy’; a philosophy that became
most widely articulated in the early modern period in the works of
Marsilio Ficino, Pico della Mirandola, John Dee and others.
5
Early Modern Astral Magic:
Marsilio Ficino
Two intellectual events took place in the early modern period,
particularly the fifteenth century, which had a strong impact on Western
occult philosophy: the revival of Platonism and Neoplatonism, and the
discovery of the Hermetic Corpus. The first led to the re-animation of the
universe and endowed a coherence and unity to the universe: the partic-
ulars were part of a vibrant whole. This was reinforced by the Hermetic
Corpus whose discovery resulted in a kind of mystical humanism that
recalls an ancient time when divine knowledge was purer and heavenly
wisdom accessible, personified by the legendary Hermes Trismegistus
who became a member of the prisca theologia. This brought about a new
enthusiasm for esoteric and occult thought.1 Behind both events was the
Florentine philosopher, priest and humanist Marsilio Ficino.2 He trans-
lated and interpreted all Plato’s works and wrote commentaries on them.
He also translated works by Iamblichus, Proclus, Porphyry, Synesius, and
Psellus.3 In 1460, the Hermetic Corpus was brought to Florence from
Macedonia by a monk and presented to Cosimo de’ Medici who then
gave orders to Ficino to translate it. Ficino completed the first transla-
tion of the Corpus Hermeticum in 1463, and in 1471 it was printed under
the title of Pimander.4
Liana Saif’s The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy offers a rich account of how Giovanni Pico della Mirandola’s thought was deeply informed by Arabic sources—especially within the context of astral magic, metaphysical speculation, and the transmission of the Hermetic tradition. Here are key aspects of Saif's interpretation that illuminate Pico’s engagement with Arabic philosophy and magic:
Saif underscores that Pico's syncretism—his effort to unify and reconcile different philosophical and religious systems—was not limited to classical antiquity or Christian scholasticism. Rather, it actively embraced Arabic authors such as:
Saif makes a key distinction between Arabic Hermeticism and the Latin reception of the Corpus Hermeticum. She shows that Arabic texts often identified Hermes Trismegistus with the prophet Idris, and that Arabic Hermeticism was primarily practical—centered on talismans, decans, and astral influences—whereas the Latin Corpus Hermeticum was philosophical and theological in tone.
Pico was aware of both strands: while he valorized the prisca theologia of Hermes, his magical conclusions were informed just as much by Arabic theories of astral generation, dream prophecy, and the metaphysical interplay between intellectus, anima, and forma. This made his “Hermeticism” distinct from Ficino’s more Platonic-Hermetic focus【25:6†source】【25:9†source】.
Pico appropriated Arabic theories of causation, especially those articulated by:
A major contribution of Arabic sources to Pico’s Conclusions, according to Saif, is the epistemological understanding of magic through the soul’s powers:
Pico was critical of Ficino’s astral determinism, which he found too reliant on materialistic interpretations of celestial influence. Instead, Pico drew on Arabic authors to stress intellectual freedom and divine illumination, asserting the soul’s power to transcend astral necessity:
“Ficino’s application of astral causation to particular events and individuals” was too deterministic, whereas Pico, informed by Arabic epistemologies, affirmed that astral influence was real but not omnipotent【25:3†source】.
Saif shows that Pico stands at the culmination of a long Arab-Latin scholastic tradition in which astrology, philosophy, and theology were not antagonistic, but mutually reinforcing. He inherited the legacy of Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, and Roger Bacon—each of whom incorporated Arabic astrological and magical thought into Christian frameworks【25:13†source】.
Saif’s reading of Pico positions him not just as a Renaissance magus, but as a translator of cultures—someone who internalized and reconfigured Arabic philosophy into a universalizing Christian esoteric system. His Conclusiones represent a map of the world’s metaphysical heritage, in which Arabic philosophers are crucial guides, not marginal footnotes. Far from being derivative, Pico’s Arabic citations were the scaffolding of a new magical humanism that sought to redeem knowledge itself.
Would you like a visual table mapping specific conclusions in Pico’s Conclusiones to the Arabic sources Saif discusses?
make me a table of Pico's Arabic Sources with Columns titled "Philosopher" (including name, dates, brief bio and key ideas) "Pico's Take" "Saif's Take" "Challenges" "Projects" (with ideas for research projects) "Games" (with ideas for video games inspired by these themes)
{"name": "pico_arabic_sources", "type": "document", "content": "Table: Pico's Arabic Sources and Their Influence\n\n| Philosopher | Pico's Take | Saif's Take | Challenges | Projects | Games |\n|-------------|-------------|-------------|------------|----------|--------|\n| Avicenna (Ibn Sina, 980\u20131037) Persian polymath; systematized Aristotelianism with Neoplatonism. Key ideas: Necessary Existent, emanation, unity of intellect, active intellect, psychology of the soul. | Pico critiques Avicenna's account of the intellect but borrows his schema of emanation and spiritual hierarchy. Uses Avicenna's tripartite soul (animal, intellectual, divine) and cosmological model. | Saif emphasizes Avicenna's role in shaping magical epistemology through soul psychology and active intellect. His influence on Pico is metaphysical, not just medical. | Reconciling Avicennian monopsychism with Christian personal immortality. Translating abstract metaphysics into operative occult techniques. | Project: Compare Avicenna's dream epistemology with Renaissance dream magic manuals. Translate lesser-known Arabic Avicennian commentaries into Latin/English. | Game: \"Ladder of the Soul\" - a philosophical puzzle-platformer where the player navigates layers of soul faculties and emanations to reach divine union. |\n\n| Averroes (Ibn Rushd, 1126\u20131198) Andalusian jurist and philosopher; known as \"The Commentator\" on Aristotle. Advocated unity of the intellect, rational interpretation of religion. | Pico engages critically with Averroes, especially his denial of personal immortality and deterministic cosmology. Defends individuality of the soul and reinterpretation of prophecy. | Saif sees Averroes as a foil for Pico's insistence on personal agency and divine grace. Yet Averroes' cosmology deeply informs Pico's metaphysical hierarchy. | Balancing Averroes' rationalism with the mysticism Pico draws from other traditions. Misinterpretations of Averroes by Latin Averroists complicate legacy. | Project: Digital edition of Averroes' Long Commentary on De Anima with Pico's glosses. | Game: \"The Commentator\" - a narrative RPG where the player must mediate debates between philosophers in Córdoba and Florence to shape human destiny. |\n\n| Al-Farabi (872\u2013950) Central Asian philosopher and logician. Integrated Aristotelian logic with Platonic cosmology; emphasized perfection through speculative science. | Pico adopts Al-Farabi's refinements of logic and demonstration. Uses his ideas on speculative science as soul-perfection. | Saif highlights Al-Farabi as a crucial bridge between logic and occult metaphysics. His tiered model of sciences enabled magical classification. | Reconstructing lost Al-Farabian commentaries in Latin sources. Understanding technical logical vocabulary within magical contexts. | Project: Analyze Al-Farabi's influence on Renaissance classification of the sciences. | Game: \"The Ladder of Demonstration\" - a logic-based game of building proofs to unlock higher levels of magical understanding. |\n\n| Abu Ma'shar (Albumasar, 787\u2013886) Persian astrologer; wrote Great Introduction to Astrology. Combined cosmology, astral causality, and Neoplatonism. | Pico respects his cosmology but rejects deterministic readings of astrology. Uses Abu Ma'shar to validate celestial influence within providential order. | Saif sees Abu Ma'shar as central to Renaissance magical cosmology. His astrological theory bridges metaphysics and prediction. | Addressing modern bias against astrology. Disentangling Abu Ma'shar's ideas from corrupt Latin translations. | Project: New critical edition of Abu Ma'shar's Introductorium with Renaissance annotations. | Game: \"Celestial Mandate\" - a strategic simulation where players read the heavens to guide a civilization through moral and metaphysical choices. |\n\n| Al-Kindi (c. 801\u2013866) Philosopher of rays and harmony. Merged Neoplatonism with Islamic theology. Wrote De radiis (On Rays), foundational to occult theory. | Pico draws on Al-Kindi's ray theory to support magical influence through sympathy and cosmic order. | Saif shows how Al-Kindi provides the physics behind magical transmission. His ideas are quietly essential to talismanic theory. | Recovering authentic Al-Kindi from spurious texts. Integrating ray theory with modern physics of light/signal. | Project: Map influences of De radiis across Renaissance magic texts. | Game: \"Raycraft\" - an action-puzzle game where players craft magical effects by aligning rays, stones, and planetary forces. |\n\n| Liber de Causis (Arabic adaptation of Proclus via Neoplatonists) Misattributed to Aristotle in Latin tradition. Describes causal hierarchy from First Principle to intellects, souls, and nature. | Pico draws extensively from this for metaphysical structure. Supports his conclusions about divine causality, emanation, and the soul. | Saif shows how this text offered a metaphysical justification for magic via intelligible intermediaries. Key to Ficino and Pico alike. | Attribution confusion: Aristotle vs. Proclus. Understanding the text’s conceptual system without Christianizing it prematurely. | Project: Annotated comparison of Liber de Causis, Proclus, and Pico’s Conclusiones. | Game: \"Chain of Light\" - explore a metaphysical cosmos by ascending through causal layers, solving symbolic logic puzzles to progress. |"}
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Great — I've created a table titled "Pico's Arabic Sources and Their Influence" that covers: